20' 2014

NICOLAUS COPERNICUS UNIVERSITY DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY

20’ 2014 Toruń 2014

ADVISORY COUNCIL DavidBandler L. Brown (USA), Osamu Ieda (Japan), Drobinka Kostova (Bulgaria), Anna (Slovakia), David L. Brown (USA), Krzysztof Gorlach (Poland), ADVISORY COUNCIL Fouli Papageorgiou (Greece),Miguel Gerd Vonderach (Germany), Jerzy Irén Wilkin (Poland) Andrzej Kaleta (Poland), Angel Sobrado (Costa Rica), Szörényiné David L. Brown (USA), Osamu Ieda (Japan), Drobinka Kostova (Bulgaria), Kukorelli (Hungary), Michal Lošták (Czech Republic), Feng Xingyuan (China) Fouli Papageorgiou (Greece), Gerd Vonderach (Germany), Jerzy Wilkin (Poland) ADVISORY COUNCIL EDITORIALCOUNCIL BOARD ADVISORY David L. Brown (USA), Osamu Ieda (Japan), Drobinka Kostova (Bulgaria), Christian Giordano ––(Germany), Member Christian Giordano Member EDITORIAL BOARD Fouli Papageorgiou (Greece), GerdIeda Vonderach Jerzy Wilkin (Poland) David L. Brown (USA), Osamu (Japan), Drobinka Kostova (Bulgaria), Andrzej Kaleta – Managing Editor Jerzy Wilkin (Poland) László J.Vonderach Kulcsár – Member Fouli Papageorgiou (Greece), Gerd (Germany), Giordano – Member IrénChristian Szörényiné Kukorelli Member Editor Monika Kwiecińska-Zdrenka – –Managing Andrzej Kaleta – Managing Editor Iwona Lutz Leśniewicz – Editorial Assistant Laschewski – Member EDITORIAL BOARD Irén Szörényiné Kukorelli – Member Lošták -BOARD Member IwonaMichal Leśniewicz – Editorial Assistant EDITORIAL Iwona Leśniewicz – Editorial Assistant Christian Giordano – Member Nigel Swain Member Elwira Piszczek – Deputy Editor Michal Lošták - Member Andrzej Kaleta – Managing EditorEditor Christian Giordano –– Member Monika Kwiecińska-Zdrenka Deputy Nigel Swain – Member Nigel Swain – Member Irén Szörényiné Kukorelli – Member Andrzej Kaleta – Managing Editor Monika Kwiecińska-Zdrenka – Deputy Iwona Leśniewicz – Editorial Assistant Irén Szörényiné Kukorelli – Member 87–100 ToruńADDRESSEditor EDITORIAL OFFICE Michal Lošták - Member Iwona Leśniewicz – Editorial Assistant ul. Fosa Staromiejska 1a, Poland Nigel87–100 Swain – -Member Michal LoštákToruń Member www.soc.uni.torun.pl/eec Fosa Staromiejska 1a, Poland Editor Monikaul.Kwiecińska-Zdrenka – Deputy Nigel Swain – Member www.soc.uni.torun.pl/eec Monika Kwiecińska-Zdrenka – Deputy EEC digital version is available onEditor 87–100 Toruń www.kpbc.umk.pl/dlibra/indexsearch?startstr=E&attId=title EEC digital version available on: EEC digital version isisavailable on ul. Fosa Staromiejska 1a, Poland 87–100 Toruń www.versita.com/eec http://www.wydawnictwoumk.pl/prod_74458_Eastern_European_Countryside_192013.html www.kpbc.umk.pl/dlibra/indexsearch?startstr=E&attId=title www.soc.uni.torun.pl/eec ul. Fosa Staromiejska 1a, Poland http://www.degruyter.com/view/j/eec www.versita.com/eec www.soc.uni.torun.pl/eec Eastern European Countryside has been on Index®, Since May 2007, EEC digital version is available Social Scisearch® and Journal Citation Reports / Social on Sciences Edition (IF 0,08) Eastern EuropeanEEC Countryside has been on Index®, www.kpbc.umk.pl/dlibra/indexsearch?startstr=E&attId=title digital version is available on Since May 2007, Social Scisearch® and Journal Citation Reports / Social Sciences Edition (IF 0,08) www.versita.com/eec www.kpbc.umk.pl/dlibra/indexsearch?startstr=E&attId=title www.versita.com/eec Eastern EuropeanENGLISH Countryside has been on Index®, Since May 2007, LANGUAGE EDITOR Social Eastern Scisearch® and Journal Citationhas Reports Social Sciences (IF 0,08) European Countryside been /on Index®, Since Edition May 2007, Jadwiga Komornicka ENGLISH LANGUAGE Social Scisearch® and Journal Citation Reports / EDITOR Social Sciences Edition (IF 0,08) Jadwiga Komornicka © Copyright by Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Mikołaja Kopernika ISSN 1232–8855 ENGLISHNaukowe LANGUAGE EDITOR Mikołaja Kopernika © Copyright by Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu ENGLISH LANGUAGE EDITOR PRESS ISSN 1232–8855 Jadwiga Komornicka NICOLAUS COPERNICUS UNIVERSITY

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Contents

Articles and Studies Krzysztof Gorlach, Marta Klekotko, Piotr Nowak – Culture and Rural Development: Voices from Poland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 Ann-Mari Sätre – Women in Local Politics in Russia: Coping with Poverty and Strategies for Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 Róbert Tésits, Alpek B. Levente – Appearance of European Employment Policy in the Rural Areas of Hungarian-Croatian Border Region . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55

Research Reports and Materials Katarzyna Zajda – Problems of Functioning of Polish Local Action Groups from the Perspective of the Social Capital Concept . . . . 73 Tamara Lukić, Ivana Penjišević, Bojan Đerčan, Branislav Đurđev, Milka Bubalo-Živković, Tanja Armenski – Politics in the Balkan Countryside: A Case Study in Serbia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99 Maria N. Mukhanova – Rural Youth in Russia: Their Status and Prospects for Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125 Ivana Blešić, Tatjana Pivac, Snežana Besermenji, Andjelija Ivkov-Džigurski, Kristina Košić – Residents’ Attitudes and Perception towards Tourism Development: A Case Study of Rural Tourism in Dragacevo, Serbia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151

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Eastern European Countryside 20’ 2014

Michał Głuszkowski – Socio-cultural and Language Changes in a „Cultural Island”: Vershina – A Polish Village in Siberia . . . . 167 Viktor Artemov, Olga Novokhatskaya – Everyday Activity of Rural Employees in Siberia . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189

Reviews and information Nigel Swain – Contextualising Poland’s Bitter Harvest . . . . . . . . 211 Wojciech Knieć – Towards Postproductivist Rural Areas . . . . . . . 217 Krystyna Szafraniec – Common Agricultural Policy and the Polish Countryside . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 225 Jarosław Domalewski – Rural Areas and Agriculture in the Process of Globalization: Searching for Developmental Regularities . . . . 233 Anna Sitek – XXVth Congress of the European Society for Rural Sociology: Rural Resilience and Vulnerability: The Rural as Locus of Solidarity and Conflict in Time of Crisis . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 247 David L. Brown, Anna Bandlerova – Social & Economic Transformations Affecting Rural People and Communities in Central & Eastern Europe Since 1990 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 253

Classics of Central European Rural Sociology László Kulcsár – Village, Town, Region. A Distinguished Hungarian Representative of Regional Science: György Enyedi (1930–2012) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 257

In Memoriam Włodzimierz Wincławski – Ryszard Borowicz (1945-2014) Researcher of Social Issues Concerning the Polish Countryside, Editor of „Eastern European Countryside” . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 261

DOI: 10.2478/eec-2014-0001

20’ 2014

Krzysztof Gorlach, Gorlach, Marta Zbigniew Drąg, Piotr Krzysztof Klekotko, PiotrNowak Nowak

Women Harvesters? Cultureon… and Combine Rural Development: 1 Women as Farm Voices Operators inPoland Contemporary Poland1 from Abstract The authors discuss the main characteristics of women as farm operators using national Abstract sample studies conducted in 1994, 1999 and 2007. After an analysis of literature and various research results some were formulated, i.e.:connections the better education of The paper is focused on hypotheses the issue of culture and its to rural rural women than rural men, women as “unnatural” or “forced” farm operators due It was based on the that the culture has operated various todevelopments. various household circumstances, the assumption “weaker” economic status of farms impacts on rural communities` life, as well as, it has been present in various by women. Basic results of the studies carried out in 1994, 1999 and 2007 confirm the ways in functioning and changes that might of befemale observed in rural areas. In our hypothesis about the weaker economic position operated farms. Moreover, women farm operators were slightly and far in better educated than their male opinion, such a perspective should older be presented a more detailed way in order counterparts. On the contrary, the males were more active off the farms in the public to stress the multiple and various impact of cultural issues on economic and sphere. In addition, the circumstances of becoming farm operators did not differ social transformations in rural areas. Therefore, we divided our paper into three significantly between males and females. Finally, there were no significant differences consecutive parts. In the first one,ofwe discussed the multi-dimensional image of between “male” and “female” styles farming. culture, and its role in human development. In the second one, we discussed some Keywords: women, farm operators, education, market position, entrepreneur, changes in the mechanisms of rural development, perceived as moving from the style of farming. traditional to the contemporary one. We wanted to stress that culture seems to be an important part of the latter one. The last part of our considerations brought some empirical evidence from Poland focused on the role of culture in rural Introductory Remarks developments showing, at the same type, some examples of this new mechanism of us rural development. Let start with a statement formulated by one of the leading Polish female rural

sociologists, a specialist in analyzing the problems of rural families. She points 1 Thisroughly paper is an of an earlier production draft presented the international out: “[…] 60elaborated per cent copy of agricultural [inat Poland – K.G.;

conference on “Social and Economic Transformations Affecting People and Rural Communities in Central and Eastern Europe since 1990” held at the Slovak University of Agriculture in Nitra, Slovakia, September 2–3, 2013. The authors want to thank Professor 1 Joachim Texas, San Antonio, USA)European for his helpful and inspiring AnSingelmann earlier draft(University of this paperofwas presented at the XXIV Congress for Rural Sociology, Chania, 22–25ofAugust, 2011. comments on an Greece, earlier draft this paper.

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Krzysztof Gorlach, Marta Klekotko, Piotr Nowak

Keywords: rural development, multi-dimensional image of culture, traditional vs. contemporary rural development

Culture and Human Development: Some Analytical and Theoretical Remarks Considerations about the issue of culture in social sciences have been framed by two different approaches: global and selective ones (see; for example,: Kłoskowska, 1983). In the first, sometimes named as an anthropological, the culture has been compared with all the types of human activities, as well as, their results. In turn, in the second one, sometimes referred to as a pure sociological, the concept of culture has been limited to the area of symbols, connected to other spheres of social life, namely: economy and politics. These two approaches have been framed into the issues of social change or social/human development. According the first approach, social change and/or development has been understood simply as changes of totally perceived culture, i.e. observed in many aspects of social life. The second approach has to be perceived as a different one. In this particular case, some peculiar relations between culture and economy, as well as, politics might form various constellations. One might elaborate culture as a kind of “environment” in which economic and political processes seem to be embedded (see for example: Granovetter 1985). In the other case, the culture might be treated as a kind of a “braking mechanism” of some economic, as well as, political processes, resulting in retarded social reactions (see: for example, Ogburn, 1975). Such two approaches seem to be characteristic of rather traditional way of thinking about social change and/or development. In our opinion, both of them frame the culture as a so-called secondary issue of social changes. A social change has been resulting mainly in technical and economic changes where social and cultural developments seemed to be only the reflection of the former ones. However, in this paper, we wanted to treat culture in a definitely opposite way. We treated it as an important, as well as, primary issue in the processes of human development. We formed our approach on the assumption that; in contemporary times, the role and significance of culture in the dynamics of social life have been changed in an important way. This new perspective has been framed by the concept of the so-called “cultural turn”. This particular approach stressed a kind of

Culture and Rural Development: Voices from Poland

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a relative autonomy of culture in contemporary society and it has focused on various aspects of heavy impact of culture on various spheres of social life (see, for example: Ray and Sayer, 1999). Based on such an assumption, several significant relations between culture and a social change/development have to be focused on and analyzed. Starting from the very beginning, one might perceive culture as a kind of legacy. Moreover, culture might be conceptualized as a modernity, as an instrument of modernity, as developmental assets, as politics, as a mechanism of development, as an industry, as a power, as an instrument of liberation and empowerment, a part of human rights, a right to present its own identity, as well as, a discourse. Under the frame of modernization theories, culture has been treated as a set of values, attitudes, as well as, institutions that formed a kind of historical legacy and, at the same time, a point of departure for modernization processes. This initial stage, sometimes called as traditional and/or premodern society, in the history of social science and sociology, has been contradicted with modernity that means particular values, institutions, attitudes and patterns of behavior, that were characteristic of modern i.e. developed, Western societies (culture as modernity). Theories of modernization have been mostly based on the assumptions of universal, linear, periodical, and convergent character of developmental processes. Under such a perspective, Western societies have been perceived as a kind of the normative pattern, as the most advanced stage of human development, as a kind of the final goal that has to be approached by every other type of society all over the world. The basic assumption in such a line of argument has been based on the assumption that the so-called indigenous structures and patterns would have been replaced by the “modern” (Western) ones. Indigenous (traditional, pre-modern) values and institutions have been treated as a kind of obstacle on the way of development, mainly perceived as an economic growth (see: Rostow 1960). Therefore, the cultural change has been treated as a pre-condition for economic development (Mayo 2000: 89). Based on the assumption that the cultural changes have to be treated as a pre-condition for human development, some characteristics of traditional (pre-modern), as well as, modern societies have been multiplied. In such a case, the culture (Western, modern type) has been conceptualized as a strategy of modernization. In order to formulate and implement such sets

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of values, both traditional means of communication, as well as, the modern media have been mobilized. Educational institutions, other elements of culture and arts have been used. The best examples of such efforts might be the cases from various societies of the so-called the Third World where such modernizing messages have been present in the stories performed by local theatres. In such cases, modern farming tools or hygienic behaviors have been presented as educational goals, as some messages teaching “proper” types of behavior among indigenous populations. It is easy to say that cultural legacy might be supportive to the developmental processes, as well as, protestant religion might be supportive to the emergence of capitalism (Weber 1994). Therefore, in many ideas of human development, starting from the endogenous development perspective, treated as a modernization paradigm (Krzysztofek and Szczepański 2002), the culture has been perceived as a kind of developmental resource legacies. In such a perspective, culture has been presented in various types, namely as: communities` empowerment, neo-endogenous development, building of the local potential, as well as, a sustainable development. Social and cultural assets, usually framed in such a discourse as social and cultural capitals, have formed a starting point for local community development. One of the Polish sociologists defines cultural capital in local community as: “[…] an effect of cumulating of peculiar as well as representative types of symbolic culture, stressing its peculiarity as well as framing patterns of social behavior, their motivations and ways of symbolic communication among social groups” (Świątkiewicz 2000: 34). In this concept, eight types of cultural assets in local communities have been identified, namely: 1/ educational infrastructure, 2/ occupational structure; 3/ language component in a particular group; 4/ homogeneity vs. heterogeneity existing inside of a particular community; 5/ institutionalization of values as well as community infrastructure; 6/ social structure and mobility; 7/ folklore and its social scope; 8/ scopes of cultural changes and innovations (Świątkiewicz 2000: 35). A particular type of cultural resources results from cultural policies performed in local communities (see: Klekotko 2012). However, contemporary tasks of cultural policies seem to be located beyond the sphere of culture as such. Cultural policies form “[…] an important part of various local economic policies, that weaken negative results of transfer from industrial to post-industrial economy” (Bradley and Hall 2006: 79).


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In such a context, culture has become a tool to achieve some social goals. It might be also treated as a part of the so-called social engineering. Using some amusements, as well as, sport activities, local communities might achieve their developmental goals. Such strategies have contained some social and economic goals as well, namely: elimination of unemployment as well as marginalization and social exclusion. Community empowerment seems to be also another kind of such a strategy. Moreover, one might point out that culture and amusement have formed some kind of background in order to put closer various types of individuals and social groups, as well as, strengthen social inclusions (Evans and Foord 2006: 152). Another issue focused our interest on the next dimension of culture, namely: culture as power. As one of the leading Polish sociologists, Stefan Nowak, stressed in his concept of progress elaborated as a kind of a purposeful social change, an evaluation of change has depended on the value-system developed by a person and/or a group of whom formulated assessments (Nowak 1990). In such a case, an evaluation of modernization depends on Western-type value-systems. In other words, goals of development have been defined by social groups that dominated the reflexivity of society. In the case of modernization, such groups might be synonymous with dominating classes in Western societies. The best example of such a type of thinking has been the contradiction between “the West” and “the rest of the world”, where “the West” becomes a major tool of categorization as well as valorization of assessments (Hall 1992). In such a case, some dominating developmental programs as well as an expert knowledge; connected to them, might be treated globally as some important examples of Western culture domination. Therefore, some current theories of development have been pointing out the significance of “local knowledge”, both in the stages of formulating, as well as, implementing of developmental projects. The most important example, contradicting the perspective of social progress based on the Western values, might be found in the dependency theory (see for example: Frank 1969). According to this theory, developmental processes should be perceived as dependent in a structural but not cultural sense. That means that structural relations between more and less advanced societies have been more important than cultural issues of entrepreneurship and agency existing in them. Such a tendency might be observed both in relations between the so-called First and Third World countries, as well as, inside developed societies of Western

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Europe and North America. Poverty and exclusion, in the perspective of dependency theory, have been always resulted from development processes characterized for liberal, or currently neo-liberal, market economy. Such an opinion might be also observed in international developmental projects that have been focused on production and distribution of goods, as well as, services (Mayo 2000: 96). Culture seems to be perceived as a commodity in the neo-liberal perspective of development. However, for South American authors, forming the dependency theory, culture has seemed to be a kind of weapon in the struggle of economic, social and cultural imperialism of the West. In such a sense, culture might be treated as a tool of liberation (see: Pieterse 2010). At the same time, as Mayo stresses, the end of sixties and the beginning of the seventies (in the 20th century) might be treated as a period of emergence of social movements focused on the idea of the so-called “community art” (community arts movements) that has tried to connect “a radical libertarianism with social issues and innovative performances of art” (Mayo 2000: 100). Perceiving structural conditions of underdevelopment and marginalization, these particular movements have used arts as a tool of social contestation, as well as, an instrument of liberation. Thanks to equal right for expression (everybody might be the artist), arts have become forms of participation in public life in the name of various social groups. In other words, arts have been connected to the community empowerments giving their members “the feeling of their own validity, identity, proud and certainty, that might be transferred to other spheres of members` lives” (Orton 1996: 178; from: Mayo 2000: 115). Basing on such considerations, one might perceive the significance of culture for local developmental processes as revitalization of urban areas both in the First World and Third World countries. Arts-based community development has become a program against cultural, as well as, structural determinism and domination of the West. Culture might be treated not only as a tool of human empowerment but also as a kind of the autonomous goal of development focused on the fulfillment of post-materialist human needs as well as its self-development, that has been pointed out as a human flourishing (Radwin 1987). In this perspective, human spiritual development seems to be a kind of priority. Moreover, a rich cultural offer becomes a kind of high quality of human life. Culture seems to be a part of basic human rights containing free access


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to cultural values, as well as, participation in the processes of its creation and protection. Currently, culture has been treated as a factor of economic growth. Cultural capital seems to be treated as a model of production beside the physical, human and natural components. Throsby (Throsby 1999: 6) tries to define the cultural capital as a kind of “cultural value being a part of the resource”. Moreover, he stresses out that the cultural capital might be obtained in the form of tangible, as well as, intangible types of human resources. The tangible parts contain buildings, territories, as well as, arts and other parts of material culture (pictures, sculptures), etc. Such resources form the flow of goods and services that might be directly consumed and used as a tool of production of new cultural capital items (Throsby 1999: 7). In turn, the intangible resources: ideas, practices, beliefs, traditions and values form the tools of individual performance and tools of social integration. Moreover, they contain some pieces of arts becoming the “public goods”, as for example: literature and music. Such resources become the flows of services and, like tangible ones, have been part of an individual consumption, as well as the production of other cultural goods. In postmodern societies, the consumption of cultural goods, symbols and pieces of information has increased in a significant way, leading to the development of cultural industry. This process has been named as an emergence of creative industry or creative economy development. In such a perspective, the culture has been treated as a kind of non-sponsored zone. Moreover, culture perceived as a kind of industry, has formed some conditions for creative and innovative practices resulting in an economic growth. On the other hand, some beliefs, traditions, as well as, cultural values (intangible resources) seem to have a significant impact on the economic system. As Throsby (Throsby 2002: 169) puts it: cultural values seem to be supporting for human development because they frame human behavior in the socio-political, as well as, economic contexts. Therefore, the author concludes that neglecting of intangible cultural capital that equals the destruction of cultural legacy does not support cultural values that might be important for individual identity. Consequently, such a process leads to a total destruction of the cultural system resulting in a fall of economic profitability and a social welfare.

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Moreover, in sociology, culture has been perceived as an instrument of development, as well as, an instrument of production and consumption. On the one hand, inhabitants and tourists might be treated as consuming individuals generating; by their activities, some economic growth. On the other hand, such a process seems to be perceived as a forming of human capital i.e. gathering the creative class that; because of its innovative and creative thinking, leads to the economic development based on knowledge. Evans and Foord (2006) have identified three main groups of individuals who are attracted by such processes in urban communities. The first one has been formed by young and childless people that have discovered many advantages of town life and have focused on the luxury consumption (Zukin 1998). The other group has been formed by tourists interested in cultural, sport, as well as, recreational offers. Moreover, the last group has been formed by the members of the creative class seeking some specific town climate and possibilities for peculiar life styles (Florida 2002, 2005). Considering some relations between development and culture, it might be treated as a creation of particular type of discourse. In such a sense, the culture itself becomes a kind of discourse that might be analyzed on its own. Researchers, on the basis of their own socio-cultural contexts, prefer various evaluation criteria of social realities. Moreover, particular concepts and developmental projects forming peculiar understandings of culture have been rooted in specific historical conditions. That leads us to the idea of cultural relativism in the frame of developmental studies. Therefore, sociologists have not been convinced about the idea of modernity. Quite contrary, they are convinced about various types of modernities (Wagner 2008). Therefore, the right for “its own way” has been stressed as a kind of strategy consistent with the cultural system of any particular society. In such a case, the culture has been perceived as a kind of identity. All these remarks show us a long way of analysis from early ideas of modernity to various current concepts of modernization.

From a Traditional to a Contemporary Mechanism of Rural Development All approaches considering the role of culture in social life, that were pointed out above, might be also connected to the issue of rural development. In this context, we might observe some fundamental changes in developmental


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mechanisms. Our suggestion was to name them as a change from a traditional to a contemporary developmental mechanism. In other words, it might be the move from the idea of rural development based on important changes in agriculture to a more multi-factor type of developmental mechanisms. In the former, the change has been based on the dissemination, as well as, adaptation of new techniques and technologies of agricultural production resulting in major changes of the organization of production and structural changes in farming families and rural communities resulting, in turn, in changes of cultural values and patterns of social behavior (see: Gorlach 2004: 50–85 and 121–160). Quite contrary, the latter mechanism might be characterized by different facets. First of all, in such a multi-factor mechanism, many various issues might be important. Of course, various new techniques and technologies have been still important. However, we do not have in mind the replacing of human by animal forces, neither an introduction of new machines and chemicals, but instead we have to stress the role of bio-technological, as well as, informative (digital) revolution. All these changes lead to the emergence of the so-called industrial agriculture shaping the picture of rural areas in many parts of the contemporary world. The other type of factors of rural change seems to lie in the extensive regulatory processes resulting in the activity of many various social actors. In this context, one should mention that nation-states seem to be among the most important actors. States still form and introduce particular policies including agricultural and rural ones (see for example: Bonnano 2006: 317–329; Goodwin 2006: 304–316). Moreover, such an activity seems to be supported by a large community of various private and public, as well as, local agencies, and extra-local or even global actors forming essential networks in the process of governance (see for example: Murdoch 2006: 171–184; Ray 2006: 278–291). Additionally, one might stress the role of consumption that is becoming more and more important not only because of the existence of farming households but because of the growing number of non-farming individuals and households located in rural areas and consuming various rural resources (see: Salamon 2006: 330–343). Such actors do consume not only food but also other resources like: natural environment, cultural landscape, rural legacy, tradition, etc. resulting not only from the growing agro-tourism movement but also from the growing significance of residential functions of rural areas (see: Miele 2006: 344–354; Crouch 2006: 355–364; Sikora 2012).

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All the issues discussed above lead us to the idea of sustainable development. While in the mainstream discourse, the sustainable development seems to be connected primarily to the idea of natural environment, some other characteristics observed here seem to enlarge the discussion area. Following this line of argument, a particular example of the “sustainable Decalogue” seems to be important (see: Cavanagh and Mander, 2004: 77–102). Such a Decalogue contains important principles of participatory democracy, subsidiary, ecological balance, common legacy, diversity, human rights, protection of the labor market, as well as, the household well-being, food and personal security, and the protection of risk resulting from the global development. It is worth to stress that the above mentioned principles form the value-set contradicting the global tendencies leading to the emerging inequality, poverty and exclusion, as well as, the dictatorship of market forces and transnational corporations. Therefore, rural sustainable development seems to be heavily connected to the idea of the local context and preservation of traditional ways of running farms, both in cultivating crops and raising animals. Moreover, the agency of farmers in local communities, as well as, the rights of rural women and local institutions seem to be also important (see: Elliot 2013: 189–248). In such a context, cultural factors seem to be important characteristics, especially in the area of legacy, participatory democracy, as well as, diversity. In this particular context, the most important factor seems to be connected to the idea of rural cultural representations that form the area of the public discourse. Many authors offer the statement that social and cultural representations form the important point of reference to the rural developmental programs (see for example: duPuis 2006: 124–132; Short 2006: 133–148; Bell 2006: 149–160). In particular, culture plays the most important role as a frame pointing out developmental paths of rural communities (see for example: Lisocka-Jaegermann 2011). Moreover, culture might form the background and the label of rural production processes. For example, this is, in our opinion, the case of various regional products (see for example: Fonte and Papadopoulos 2010). In turn, culture might form particular cognitive schemes shaping some ways of thinking and acting among the rural population. Therefore, the “local knowledge” forms some important elements of various contemporary developmental projects (see for example: Bruckmeier and Tovey 2009).


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New Type of Rural Development: Some Empirical Evidence from Poland Growing cultural diversities in contemporary world result in more complex conceptualizations of universal developmental mechanisms and rules. Therefore, social researchers try to find such mechanisms in regional and/ or local communities, paying more attention to the performance of various social actors. Many contemporary researches have taken the perspective of endogenous or neo-endogenous development as their theoretical frames. One might see the good example of such an idea in the LEADER Programme as a part of Common Agricultural and Rural Policy in European Union since the beginning of the 1990`s. LEADER has become an important part of the Programme of Rural Development in Poland in the years 2007–2013. Its main goal has been focused on the building of social capital through the support for public activity of rural inhabitants, creating of new jobs in rural areas, as well as, improvement of local resource management and valorization of particular local amenities. An important set of actors called Local Action Groups (LGA) has been included in the system of governing such projects called as a system of governance. LGA has been formed by the members of three sectors, namely: public, economic and social ones acting on the basis of prepared Local Development Strategy according to the methods of the LEADER Programme. Such a method has been based on seven basic principles, namely: territoriality, bottom-up initiatives, partnership, making innovations, integrality, cooperation and self-management. Under the LEADER Programme, three main types of activities have been performed, namely: the implementation of local development strategies, implementations of cooperation projects, as well as, functioning of LGA. They have been divided into four operations, such as: a/ diversification of non-agricultural rural economy; b/ creation and development of small enterprises; c/ rural renewal and development; d/ the co-called: “small projects”. In particular, two last types of operations have used some cultural resources in the process of rural development. In the area of rural renewal and development, as a part of Local Development Strategy, various financial support initiatives for actors creating, remodeling, improving and providing with equipment of various socio-cultural centers, recreational

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and sport facilities have been conducted. Moreover, the local activities and financial support have been focused on the promotion of particular rural communities and landscapes, preservation of their historic, art and culture legacies, renovation and conservation of local historical monuments, “memory places”, traditional buildings, preservation of traditional occupations (craftsmanship), etc. Such a support has been channeled to local authorities, cultural centers, local parishes as well as some non-government organizations operating on the Local Action Group territory. The other type of activity called “small projects” has been even more popular. Majority of initiatives supported under this frame has been focused on the development of local communities, especially the promotion of local culture and tradition based on some local legacies, cultural and natural landscapes, preservation of local customs and habits, local dialects, traditional occupation and crafts. Such a support has been also focused on the development of local cultural centers, renovation of local museums, as well as, rural common rooms. “Small projects” have been addressed to particular individuals, citizens of Poland, living in the area of the LGA activity or doing business in this territory. The second category of “small projects” potential beneficiaries has been formed by informal collective bodies or associations that attained the formal legal status and operating in this territory. Rural Poland has gone through the deep and complex changes in last twenty years (see for example: Rosner 2012a; 2012b; Drygas and Zawalińska 2012; Bukraba-Rylska and Burszta 2011; Wilkin and Nurzyńska 2012). We have to stress here; especially, the considerations by Jerzy Wilkin, one of the most outstanding contemporary Polish agricultural economists trying to recapitulate significant changes in rural areas in last twenty years (Wilkin 2012: 23). He has identified eight basic tendencies characterizing the situation of rural Poland under the new democratic regime and market economy. Firstly, only 70 percent of rural inhabitants has some “rural roots” in the first, second or third generations. Moreover, this percentage decreased in the last twenty years. Secondly, 39.1 percent of the population of Poland lives now in rural areas, but; quite recently, we might observe the increase of this proportion. Thirdly, slightly less than 13 percent of the workforce has been employed in agriculture and the decrease tendency has been observed here. Fourthly, less than 50 percent of rural population has


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been involved in farming, and; again, we might observe decline tendency here. Fifthly, agricultural production has contributed as 3 percent of GDP in Poland and declines. Sixthly; however, agro-food export of Poland has formed roughly 10 percent of the total export and remains relatively stable. Seventhly, one might also observe that the incomes from farming have formed only 15 percent of total incomes among rural population and constantly decline. Finally, arable land covers almost 50 percent of total land area in Poland. But this percentage has been also declining in the last twenty years. All the tendencies mentioned above show the nature of rural change in Poland after 1989, focused; first of all, on multifunctional development. At the same time, more goods and services produced in agriculture and, more generally, in rural economy have not been pure of market character. Rural inhabitants have been gradually perceived not only as producers of agricultural commodities but also the “guards” of rural space and nature, and providers of tourist services (agro-tourism) (Wilkin, 2012: 36). Moreover, some other researchers show the role of EU regional policies in the processes of rural changes in Poland. Monika Stanny (Stanny 2012: 172–173) stresses rather relatively ambivalent effects of such policies in the process of overcoming of historically established socio-economic discrepancies among various regions in Poland. Based on the index constructed by her, she came to the conclusion that the most important factor of rural development has been connected to local and regional multifunctional economic centers. They form the so-called endogenous factors of change responsible for the rating of local communities (gminas). On the other hand, the most important exogenous factor responsible for this rating has been connected, according to Stanny, to historical processes of modernization taken place in the 19th century Poland during the period of partitions. Economic policies taken by the Russian, German and AustroHungarian empires in late 19th and early 20th centuries still matter. That means that culture perceived in this case as a kind of historical legacy still plays the role in the process of comparing advantages and disadvantages of particular regions and even localities in contemporary Poland (see also the same author: Stanny 2013). De-agrarisation processes might be observed not only in occupational structure of rural communities but also in other dimensions of social life. Many changes might be pointed out in rural economies, architecture,

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landscape, social relations and ways of life, including leisure time. New institutions and facilities such as: fitness clubs, swimming pools, beauty salons and exercise rooms have become visible. Leisure time, the idea almost unknown and; to some extent, even immoral among former and older rural inhabitants, has become quite common and familiar to contemporary rural dwellers who have mostly not been farmers. The way of spending of leisure time has become now also a kind of distinction among rural population much as among social elite members in previous times. Prestige among rural dwellers has been based currently also on the way of free time spending. Work (including farm work) has lost its privileged and exceptional role in defining social positions in rural communities. Free time spending in contemporary rural communities has been connected with the processes of cultural consumption among rural inhabitants. Recent research done by social anthropologists and ethnographers in Poland has shown that such cultural consumption has been mainly based on personal experience and a kind of a “total” participation in such events. As Bukraba-Rylska (Bukraba-Rylska 2012: 140) stresses, cultural consumption and cultural practices of rural inhabitants have been based mainly rather on unconscious behavioral scripts than consciously formed and persuasively articulated and communicated narratives. Contemporary rural culture and consumption in rural communities have been based on the idea of “festivities” (Bukraba-Rylska and Burszta 2011). Such a culture has been based on three important factors, namely: its “openness” (such events are performed in public space and all members of particular community are invited to participate); its multi-sensuality (that has been connected to the total type of participation mentioned above), and short-term, as well as, superficial character of emerging social relations (Bukraba-Rylska 2012: 135–137). In contemporary approaches to sustainable development, some local factors, resources and conditions have been especially stressed (see for example: Elliott 2013). In such a context, the role of various local actors including; especially, members of local elites, has to be also emphasized. The heads of local authorities, local representatives of particular village communities, local school masters and leading farmers should be included in this category. Moreover, local parish priests, doctors in local health centers, members of local councils, and even professional politicians might also be treated as members of the categories under consideration. However,

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their role seems to decline in recent years (see for example: Nowak 2012). Therefore, opinions of heads of local authorities, representatives of village communities, school masters and leading farmers concerning key issues of local development seem to be of primary importance. They have been key actors of local political, cultural and business milieu. Their opinions on local development might be treated as a part of the process of social construction of local change and; therefore, in such a context, they might be perceived as a kind of local cultural resources having an impact on social processes in investigated communities (see more: Nowak 2012). Their opinions on key factors of rural development are presented in the table below. Tab. 1. Opinions of members of rural elites concerning factors having an impact on local development (in %) Three the most important issues on rural development

Total

Hades Represtatives of Local of village Authorities communities

School Farmers Masters

Social capital

49,6

48,4

40,6

68,2

40,7

Geographical location

28,7

40,9

18,2

27,5

28,2

Economic conditions

27,9

23,9

26,3

27,5

33,9

Economic capital

25,7

35,2

27,5

23,8

16,3

Management and administration

25,2

20,8

32,6

35,0

31,3

Infrastructure

24,0

25,8

23,2

23,8

23,2

External Funds

15,7

15,7

18,2

15,7

13,1

Historical Amenities

13,3

15,1

15,1

10,6

12,5

Cultural and Educational Activities

9,1

5,7

13,2

12,5

5,0

4,4

9,4

3,2

3,8

1,3

Source: Nowak (2012)

According to their opinions, the social capital seems to be the most important factor of development. Moreover, all respondents stressed both endogenous and exogenous factors in this context. Ten percent among them stressed also purely cultural factors, such as various cultural and educational

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activities. They emphasized the role of material and non-material cultural elements, such as monuments, museums, open air museums and local customs and habits as important resources that might be exchanged to other types of capital that might improve the standard of living among local population. The heads of local authorities; during in-depth interviews, stressed the need for searching of important and valuable internal resources that later might be strengthened with particular external factors, like external financial support, technical infrastructure, and also cultural ones. Lastly, some external types of knowledge such as expert/scientific, as well as, managerial ones were pointed out as important factors shaping local development and improvements of local conditions of living. Moreover, it should be stressed that significant differences in opinions between various categories of respondents might be observed. School masters and representatives of village communities; more often than other categories, stressed the role of cultural resources. In turn, one might perceive some similarities between heads of local authorities and farmers. Both groups seemed to think in an economic way about changes in social life. For them, something has been important mainly if it can be presented exactly in an accountable way, just as it has been conceptualized as the formal rationality scheme presented in the classic study by Max Weber (Weber 2002). To some extent, both these groups behave like businessmen or even financial officers focused on the pure economic growth and profit. It also should be stressed that in the previous research conducted in the same local rural communities but only among heads of local authorities (45% of them kept their offices and were investigated in 2012) there were no answers about the importance of cultural resources and educational factors in the processes of local rural development. It seems that because of the European integration, stronger mobility of rural inhabitants, as well as, new public policies stimulated by EU programmes, cultural factors and resources have become more important factors of human development. LEADER programme, mentioned above, seems to be a good example of such a policy that has been based on the ideas of neo-endogenous development (see: Ray 2006). Investigated members of local rural elites were also asked about the most constraining factors that shape; in a negative way, human development of their communities. Some results are also presented in table 2 below. According to them, the shortage of financial resources and a bad economic


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situation in the region or in the whole country, as well as, the low level of technical infrastructure have played the most negative role in the development. Moreover, more than 20% of respondents have pointed out the low level of social capital and unfavorable geographical location in this context. Finally, only less than 5% of respondents stressed the negative role of cultural resources in the processes of local development. It should be also emphasized that the average level of local budget spending focused on protection of local historical legacies has reached roughly 5%. However, it has been diversified as well. Some communities have spent less than 1% (!), while others even more than 10%. Tab. 2. Members of local rural elites concerning the factors hindering the local development What are the three most important factors of braking of the local development

Total: (in %)

Low level of economic capital

54.0

Economic conditions

35.5

Lack of technical infrastructure

23.6

Low level of social capital

21.1

Unfavorable geographical location

19.6

Culture

4.5

Source: Nowak (2012).

Conclusions The main message of our consideration was focused on the role of culture factors in the context of sustainable development. Culture was perceived here as a relatively autonomous factor having various impacts on economic and political processes as it was stressed in the cultural turn perspective. The authors pointed out twelve various understandings of culture and its role in the processes of human and social development. These were namely: culture as legacy, culture as modernity, culture as an instrument of modernization, culture as a developmental type of resource; culture as politics, culture as a mechanism of economic growth, culture as industry,

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culture as power, culture as an instrument for human emancipation and agency, culture as a type of human rights, culture as identity, as well as, culture as discourse. Following discussion focused on some various understandings of culture in the context of development – the authors discussed selected issues concerning rural development. The “new” mechanism of rural development was stressed, containing three main characteristics. The multi-factor characteristic based on the assumption that many factors have an impact on changing society was indicated as a first one. Moreover, it was emphasized that rural development results from activities of various networks consisting of different actors representing global, national, as well as, local forces and interests. Finally, culture and consumption were considered as important parts of neo-endogenous development mechanism. More general considerations were supported by some selected analyses by various Polish authors on the role of cultural legacies and resources in contemporary rural development in Poland. Moreover, some selected results of empirical research focused on roles of local actors in local rural development, showing the role of cultural resources perceived by members of rural local elites as a new type of advantages in the processes of social change, were explored.

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DOI: 10.2478/eec-2014-0002

20’ 2014

Ann-Mari Sätre1 Krzysztof Gorlach, Zbigniew Drąg, Piotr Nowak

Women in Local Politics in Russia: Coping and Strategies Women with on…Poverty Combine Harvesters? for Development Women as Farm Operators in Contemporary Poland1 Abstract

Abstract

The authors discuss the main characteristics of women as farm operators using national sample studiescontinuation conducted in from 1994,the 1999 and 2007. After an policy analysisisof literature and In historical Soviet Union, social predominantly various research results some hypotheses were formulated, i.e.: the better education of a female responsibility. The present article focuses on women in local politics, who rural women than rural men, women as “unnatural” or “forced” farm operators due an important in local change, and who;economic among others, withoperated poverty tohave various householdrole circumstances, the “weaker” statuscope of farms and try to solve reasons and consequences of poverty. Based on interviews by women. Basic results of the studies carried out in 1994, 1999 and 2007 confirmand the observations, how position women’sofentrepreneurial ofMoreover, handling hypothesis aboutthe thearticle weakershows economic female operatedskills farms. women operators were older and better in educated than their male variousfarm shortcomings in theslightly Soviet system arefar reflected their present strategies counterparts. On the contrary, the males were more active off the farms in the public for social development in local contexts in Russia. While the state leadership sphere. In addition, the circumstances of becoming farm operators did not differ decides about reforms, setting new formal rules, local politicians develop their significantly between males and females. Finally, there were no significant differences own routines and“female” strategies. Being responsible for organising social welfare, between “male” and styles of farming. interviewed female politicians told about how they use different strategies. This Keywords: women, farm operators, education, market position, entrepreneur, means that adopted practices are likely to be more heterogeneous than before. style of farming. It seems important to both rely on useful norms inherited from the Soviet time, while also developing strategies based on new possibilities, arising as a result of reforms. The empirical dataIntroductory is based on interviews from three minor communities Remarks in one Russian region, conducted in 2002 to 2012.

Let us start with a statement formulated by one of the leading Polish female rural Keywords: Russia, women, agency, strategies, local of politics, poverty She points sociologists, a specialist in analyzing the problems rural families. out: “[…] roughly 60 per cent of agricultural production [in Poland – K.G.; 1

The author greatly appreciates the research grant from the Swedish Research Council. I wouldAn like to express special thanks to presented Leo Granberg and OlgaEuropean PospelovaCongress for theirfor valuable earlier draft of this paper was at the XXIV Rural Sociology, Chania, Greece, 22–25 August, comments. Any omissions or errors are2011. the sole responsibility of the author. 1

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Ann-Mari Sätre

Introduction Today, local authorities in Russia are subject to an increased responsibility for job creation and survival at the local level. This is one effect of Russian reforms and it has been supported by the new law on local government of 2006, as well as, various national programs for local development. In effect, this also means that it is now up to the local level to find their own ways to deal with problems of poverty. The local strategies are developed against the background of socio-economic change. It appears that local policies deal with poverty issues through measures intended for the development of welfare and improvement in life conditions not in a general sense, but perhaps in relation to certain groups: the young, the unemployed, families with many children, or the like. The research idea behind this paper was to study, if, under which circumstances, and how a social change is possible in Russia. The paper acknowledges the importance of the local level in social change, arguing that permanent economic, political and societal changes can only take place when they reach and are carried on by people from the local level, from “other” or “second” Russia (Shanin and Nikulin 2012). The present paper focuses on women in local politics, who have an important role in local change, and who; among others, cope with poverty and try to deal with its reasons and consequences. As specific historical continuation from the Soviet Union, social policy was predominantly a female responsibility, and this is still the case in contemporary Russia. The analytical frame of this paper was based on proposals of Douglass North (1990), who specifies four main kinds of institutions influencing the way a society develops: legal rules, organization forms, enforcement and behavioural norms.2 The agency dimension should be added to this list. The institutional approach is based on the assumption that informal institutions can prevent or delay the implementation of reforms. Survival of informal institutions is often perceived of as hindering development and change. Sometimes, however, they could facilitate change. One such feature is the ‘entrepreneurial’ skills of women, which they needed in the everyday life of Soviet Union, while trying to cope with poverty and; at the same time, lacking services. In many cases such skills have been preserved 2

Institutions are all the restrictions that humans have created to form interaction in society (North 1990).

Women in Local Politics in Russia: Coping with Poverty and Strategies…

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and transferred to new generations, but the environment has changed. The main aim here was to analyze how the survival of women’s entrepreneurial skills for the handling of shortcomings in the Soviet system is reflected in their strategies for social development in local contexts in Russia. Important starting points for understanding historical changes during transition are Kornai’s theory of the Soviet system as “economics of shortage” and the contributors to this theory (Kornai 1980; Davis 1988, 1989; see Sätre 1994). However, the aim of this paper was to study, not only these explanations for continuance of history, but; first and foremost, possibilities of changing it. Therefore, agency and its interaction with contextual structures is a crucial research topic, developed by Amartya Sen (1989) in his capability approach. Based on these assumptions, in the present paper, the focus was on women’s strategies at the local political level. By using “strategy” word, it was indicated that it is a matter of planning and not just solutions for a day.3 These strategies are directed to solve everyday problems of the local population who lives on the edge of poverty by providing the basic infrastructure that is needed at the very local level. In addition to the theoretical analysis, the arguments and findings of this paper were based on observations and interviews conducted between 2002 and 2012 in three minor communities in Russia. The interviews with politicians at the community level and their counterparts at the lowest political level on their experiences of and views on local social welfare issues in post-Soviet Russia were used. As many of those politicians requested anonymity, the location of the study was not specified. The paper starts by providing a brief background to women’s role in politics. There are two kinds of consequences from the Soviet system that are relevant to the present paper: women’s basic responsibility for social welfare and the continuation of the resource based economy, which in itself defines the circumstances within which local politics can operate. Given this background, the effect of some legal changes was discussed. Then the survival of norms, and how they might facilitate development, was analyzed. Finally, the paper identified dimensions of agency and strategies

3

The vice-mayor of a community with responsibility for social welfare expressed this ambition clearly: “I don’t want developments to be the result of a coincidence of happenings, I want them to be the result of careful planning” (Interview, May 28, 2011).

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for development. Local politicians’ strategies were analyzed by referring to their use of new and old resources, rights and relations, respectively.

Second Russia The present paper aimed at highlighting some development trends outside the metropolitan areas. By following the development through regular visits in some smaller places, the study attempted to identify some tendencies that could increase our understanding of what the situation might look like for a large part of Russians. In the present context, “Second Russia” refers to: society outside of political or business elites and high priority sectors of economy (compare Shanin and Nikulin 2012: 7–8). The ambition here was to acknowledge the importance of the local level in social change, arguing that permanent political and societal changes can only take place when they reach and are carried on by people from the “second” Russia. Economically, such societies are in different ways dependent on local resources. Culturally, people are outsiders in relation to the high politics and national decision-making on distribution or redistribution of the nation’s economic resources. A feeling of being an outsider and disinterest in politics characterise many of them. In this research, secondness was studied in the context of transition. Second Russia refers to local people in low-priority sectors, having to adapt themselves in the transition process. Therefore, although these are places with little access to profits from priority branches, they simultaneously of relatively high level of freedom in terms of interference from the central level: ‘you just have to be active and try, and try again, not to let bureaucracy let you down’. Sometimes, decentralization without allocation of resources from the central level is referred to as centralization; thus, in fact, arguing that local space has diminished. The present paper was focused on the opposite tendencies. There are now new possibilities for individuals and local firms thanks to an access to resources, along with central funds for local development and social programs, from which the local level can apply for resources. After eight years in the same profession, a local politician was able to see the difference: ‘With your own budget it is more interesting as we are more powerful to implement measures. More people get access to running water, some roads


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have been improved, and there are streetlights now in some villages. They are building a hospital, which is financed by the region and the state after the application has been submitted by the community. They built a beautiful walking bridge, and I am so happy that we are able to secure that any constructions that are made should be steady, stable and beautiful. This is something I have argued a lot about with men.’ (interview, October 2008)

One can argue that there is, from time to time, opening space for development. Specifically, the aim of the study was to analyze possible strategies at the local level to benefit from such openings and to lift quality of everyday life in second Russia.

Women’s roles in politics from Soviet to Putin: surviving norms versus changing attitudes to poverty In Soviet ideology, poverty was associated with a failure of a society. Consequently, poverty as a general problem did not exist officially in the country. Secondly, the Soviet ideology identified poverty as a social phenomenon associated with deviant groups. In the 1990s, in the aftermath of the perestroika process, the pressure on social welfare provision increased considerably. The state no longer guaranteed jobs. Furthermore, there was a reduction of free education, free health and other social services, while the work places no longer were obliged to provide housing, child care etc. Along with the occurrence of new groups of poor people, poverty thus became acknowledged as a kind of new phenomenon related to reforms. It is well-documented that female politicians commonly were responsible for social policies in the Soviet Union, and that women continue to take this responsibility at all political levels in post-Soviet Russia (Lapidus 1975; Clements 2002; Shevchenko 2002). Even the highest ranking women as vice-governors in 2006 oversaw policy areas traditionally reserved for women: education, culture, social policy and tourism (Moses 2008). On the other hand, a changing attitude towards poverty and poor people has been noted. In the 1990s when ‘almost everybody’ was poor it was considered legitimate to be poor. Different stories of how difficult life was in the early perestroika years can be heard today. Recalling her job of being responsible for social affairs during the 1990s as her ‘most difficult job ever’, a former vice-mayor remembered all the drinking, thefts and

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criminality in the 1990s (interview October 28, 2008).Women suffered and her job was very much about defending women and children. At that time, there were strikes as people did not get salaries on time. She told about how she had to handle desperate and hungry people. “Due to the lack of money, they were paid in the form of bread, butter, products, furniture, lamps or whatever was available.” After the chaotic perestroika years, the economy started to recover after the turn of the century, however, old patterns seem to reappear; it has become socially unacceptable to be poor (Chebankova 2010). One could talk about a revival of the norm from the Soviet time saying that poor people are unworthy of support as they do not want to work, or they are just lazy or incompetent (Khlinskaya Rockhill 2010). This change in attitude towards the poor was reflected in interviews. In 2011, the local head of social services described how some are so lazy that they do not even grow their own plot, stealing from the neighbor instead (interview May 30, 2011). Also the vice-mayor in 2012 expressed the view that people are poor because they drink or simply do not want to work. ‘There are jobs, but some people simply prefer to live on subsidies, nobody wants to perform heavy work like picking flax’(interview May 12, 2012).4 The tolerance towards difficulties to find solutions reflects a similar change in relation to attitudes towards poverty. A former vice-mayor described those lead-off people who have problems as ‘being incompetent’. The mentality of previous years ‘everything is impossible’ has changed to a general attitude that ‘everything depends on you’. She described how in the 1990s she was the one who ‘had to confront all the protests and despair from local people who did not get their wages…, of course the situation is completely different now’ (interview May 2012). On the local level, this changed view is reflected in the various local development programs that aim at improving everyday life of the local population, thus reducing poverty in an indirect way (Sätre 2007). In 2012, a vice-mayor emphasized that poverty is the responsibility of the state:

4

A state system of subsidies for single parents, families with many children, people with disabilities and pensioners was introduced in the Soviet Union in 1974 (see Yates 2004). In the 1990s this system was expanded to also include new groups of the poor (Iarskaia-Smirnova and Romanov 2002).


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‘Social services is part of the state, they decide who is entitled to support, who is classified as poor (maloimushchie), and; thus, how to distribute benefits; this money comes from the federal level. The community can pay for transport to the hospital for somebody from distant places or for a pregnant woman, given that the person is classified as entitled to support. We build houses for social living and pay for weak elderly. Then we have programs for preventing infant mortality, for rehabilitation of mentally sick children, for whom we can get support from rich individuals or firms.’ (interview May 2012)

Consequently, it appears that local policies deal with poverty issues through measures intended for the development of welfare and improvement in life conditions in a general sense, but perhaps in relation to certain groups; the young, families with many children, or the like (interviews 2011–2012). Local politicians try to find space for their actions, not only to cope with everyday problems of poverty but also to construct strategies, and to reach more satisfying economic and social circumstances in the future. The following section attempted to define how this space is affected by the structure of the Russian economy, and the continued high dependence on natural resources.

Reforms dependent on natural resources Reform in the Soviet context has been a rather difficult concept. Although the leadership passed legislation on far-reaching reforms, there were often no apparent changes in the functioning of the economic system.5 Perhaps the various attempts to reform – although they did not imply important changes in the functioning of the economic system – at least led to some changes in the informal institutions. What seems reasonable to assume is that the underlying informal restrictions were favourable for a change in the formal rules.6 If these are interpreted in terms of priorities and the 5

Two examples of this are Khruschev’s attempts at reform after Stalin’s death in the late 1950s, and the so-called Kosygin reform which was introduced in 1965. The Gorbachevian economic reforms met a similar fate. 6 The new laws on individual activities, cooperatives and state enterprises in 1987–88, in combination with glasnost which; among other things, implied a more open economic debate in Soviet journals, presumably contributed to this (see Svensson 2008, for a more thorough analysis of the Soviet economic debate under the perestroika period).

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functioning of the economic system, the effect of changes in formal rules would differ depending on past priorities. This line of thought combines Kornai’s theory of the shortage economy (Kornai 1980), Davis’ research applying the concept of priority to Kornai’s theories (Davis 1989) and North’s ideas on the role of institutions (North 1990). Kornai’s theory explains that the drive towards expansion (the next level is always higher than the present one) combined with soft budget constraint means that the firm’s demand for inputs, including labour, becomes insatiable, and resource utilization becomes inefficient.7 Davis modifies this approach by taking the impact of priorities into account. He explains how the priority sectors, such as the military and energy production, in order to ensure that they were not hit by shortages, were favoured in resource allocation.8 A high-priority sector was minimally afflicted by shortages and had a soft budget constraint. One should therefore not have expected to observe both pervasive shortages and a soft budget in the same sector (Davis 1989). The soft budget constraint allowed priority sectors to hoard inputs, including labour, thus contributing to increased shortages in the rest of the economy. In contrast, low-priority sectors were characterized by high shortage intensity and a relatively hard budget constraint.9 According to this analytical framework, the functioning of the Soviet system and the impact of Soviet priorities steered the economy into a pattern of development that is not easily changed (Sätre 1994). This is 7 Kornai’s concept of the “soft budget constraint” explains one basic difference between the functioning of capitalist and socialist economies. In a traditional socialist economy, an enterprise has a soft budget constraint. There is no effective financial restriction on its demand for inputs. That is, the budget constraint functions at a loss that does not lead to bankruptcy and the closing of plants. 8 This argument is supported empirically by official Soviet statistics, which show that the shares of industrial employment and investment until the end of the 1980s were relatively higher in heavy industry than in light industry as compared to their respective shares of industrial output. 9 In the beginning of the 21st century, the fact that more than 40 percent of enterprises in Russia were still experiencing losses without being driven out of business suggests that soft budget constraints still prevail. See Rossiyskiy Statisticheskiy Yezhegodnik (2004) for losses within the different branches in 2003. Rossiya v tsifrakh (2004:133) shows how losses within the different branches on an aggregated level have increased in the period 1992–2003. See Nikitin et al. (2002) for losses month by month in 2001.


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reflected in the continued dependence on natural resources which has created a vicious circle as their richness continues to enable the extensive resource-use strategy rather than an increase in productivity. It might even be argued that the strong continued dependence on natural resources has obstructed the creation of well-functioning institutions, which is needed for the development of sectors that are not protected by the state (Tompson 2005). A continued dependence on natural resources is reflected in the aim of the Putin regime to regain control over oil and gas revenues as a way to strengthen the state and maintain social stability after the chaotic 1990s (Gaddy 2007; Roland 2006; Ericson 2009).10 As the oil and gas resources were renationalized, and while political power was recentralized from the regional level, the Putin administration succeeded in redirecting profits from the oligarchs to the state budget (Treisman 2010). These profits were then used to build up a fund for stabilisation purposes (Appel 2008).11 In 2005, the Kremlin launched national projects aimed at developing cooperation between central and regional areas to be implemented by the governors (Chebankova 2010). The projects (also called the presidential programs) financed by the Russian Stabilization Fund, were focused on healthcare, housing, education and agriculture (Smyth et al. 2007). Thus, in broad terms, the purpose of the national strategy for development is, as it appears, to keep control over the oil resources and then use the oil money to encourage socio-economic development in regions.12 Low own-source revenues tend to make the local and regional levels highly dependent on the central level.13 As energy prices go down, the 10

In the 1990s, the state security organs and the military sector were radically pared down (Barany 2008). The growth of the state bureaucracy and the salary increases for security agencies under Putin’s rule (see Smyth et al. 2007: 126), however, it reflects the priority of regaining control and recentralizing power. 11 According to official figures, the accumulated assets of the Stabilization Fund was more than twenty times higher in 2007 as compared to 2004 (Rossiya v tsifrakh, 2008: 33). The fund, which was established in 2004, was divided into Reserve Fund and National Welfare Fund in 2008. 12 See Kuznetsov et al. (2011: 382). Wegren (2011: 221) argued that financial support from the government had a significant impact on the agrarian sector. 13 Income and profit tax amount to just about 1.5 percent of total revenues (Thiessen 2006: 203).

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Russian Stabilisation Fund, which was built up by profits from the energy sector, is drained of resources. Consequently, financial funds for local projects are likely to vary depending on fluctuations in energy prices. This shows how state funding available for the local communities is affected by the structure of the Russian economy, and the continued high dependence on natural resources. As Putin launched the national programs for development, there was suddenly a new possibility for regions to get some extra resources from the upper levels, and the situation at the lowest political level, which had been supposed to rely on an increasing extent of self-financing, suddenly appeared less impossible. Some concrete results of these programs could, for example, be observed in the autumn of 2008, in the region where the field work of this study was carried out. For the first time during the decade, the interviews reflected some belief in a better future. Finally, it was believed that the economic development had started to embrace also ordinary people outside metropolitan areas. However, dark clouds already gathered over them. Projects that had been started with the help of money from the presidential programs were stopped as funds allocated to their implementation had been frozen, directly as a result of the global financial crisis. Nobody seemed to know when and if ongoing projects could be completed.14 This provides an illustration as to how local communities are affected by the structure of the Russian economy and the continued high dependence on natural resources. Regions and the lowest political levels will have to deal with the problems. Someone will have to pay the bill for uncompleted projects and ordinary people have to cope with extreme variations in future prospects. On the other hand, the heavy dependence on world energy prices motivates the government to encourage the development of other branches. This explains the government’s goal to diversify the economy and why business-friendly taxes have been adopted in the manufacturing industry and service (Malle 2012).15 In effect, this means that the non-strategic 14

Three years later, some of the projects were completed by means of borrowed money, but the cottages that had been built at the construction of a ski tourism resort area three years earlier were still empty. 15 This is in line with repeated statements by Medvedev in which he put emphasis on the urgent need for development of small and medium-sized firms (for example in the


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sectors are given free reign to develop and that they are left to the local level to care about (Duvanova 2011). Policy options at the local political level also vary depending on connections to sectors and the access to the resources of these (Chebankova 2010; Vartapetov 2011). What actually is at stake here is access to not only formal structures, but also to the informal ones (Sakwa 2011). Then there is also the power relation between entrepreneurs and those in charge at different political levels (Duvanova 2011). This also shows how local funding; available through local firms for community development, and local welfare are affected by the structure of the overall Russian economy. Adhering to North’s approach, slow-changing institutions are the reasons why people working in non-priority sectors would be unable to support themselves, and their too low salaries would thus be seen as an integral part of the functioning of the economic system (Gaddy 2007; Kornai 1980; Sätre 1994).16 Soft budgets imply that over-employment has survived, while a large part of Russians live with wages that are barely enough to cover basic expenditures (Remington 2011; Rimashevskaya 2010; Soutworth 2006). In manufacturing, many workers had to face a cut in their wages as a consequence of the economic crisis in 2008–2009, due to the fact that management did not reduce the number of employees (Kuznetsov et al. 2011). This also means that local authorities have to deal with the fact that the level of welfare remains low for the vast majority of the local population (Wegren 2011).

Legal changes and the opening up space for agency There are a few important changes in legal rules that have contributed to both an increased responsibility and more options as regards possible ways to find solutions. The privatization reforms opened up the possibility news programme Vremiya on October 29 and 31, 2008). Statements concerning the need of limiting the number of controls and promoting other attempts to remove bureaucratic obstacles have also been noted. 16 The continued dependency on natural resources is thus reflected in employment patterns as well as in relative wages in the 1990s (Sätre 2001). In the first decade of the new century, average wages continued to be highest in the gas industry and oil extraction, and lowest in agriculture and the consumer industry (Remington 2011: 102–103). Rossiya v tsifrakh 2005, pp. 107–109 and 2008, pp. 122–124.

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for individuals to become owners of firms. This meant the possibility of getting access to capital in the form of bank loans, for those who were able to provide security. The privatization of property provided another opportunity of getting capital (Antyuganov and Ivashinenko 1994). One effect of reforms was that it became possible to start one’s own firm, something which was not possible for anyone in the Soviet system. In brief, there are various reform measures that each in itself presumably has implied possibilities of obtaining support for local authorities, as there are now private firms and individuals with resources (White 2000). The law on the monetization of social benefits converted in-kind benefits into cash allowances and transferred responsibility for welfare from central to local authorities.17 Changes in legal rules have also given rise to a responsibility for self-financing at the local level.18 The law on local government removed the previous inconsistency between effective subordination and selfaccountability (Moses 2003; Wilson and Young 2007). Reforms have opened up the space for local initiatives. The institutional approach, however, undermines the question of agency (as formulated among others by Amartya Sen), and leaves; therefore, the question of change unanswered.

Women’s strategies: relying on surviving norms versus using new possibilities In broad terms, the Soviet system might be characterized by a prioritization of industrial development over social infrastructure. Focusing on the 17

Federal’nyi Zakon No. 122-FZ (Federal Law No. 122-FZ) O vnesenii izmenenii v zakonodatel’nye akty Rossiiskoi Federatsii (On introducing amendments into legislative acts of the Russian Federation), August 22, 2004. A key task was to divide administrative and financial responsibility for providing benefits (l’goty) between the central level and the regions, which means that regions support two-thirds of the recipients. See Wengle and Rassell (2008: 743–744). 18 Federal’nyi Zakon No. 131-FZ (Federal Law No. 131-FZ) Ob obshchikh printsipakh organizatsii mestnogo samoupravlemiia v Rossiiskoi Federatsii (On the general principles of organization of local self-governance in the Russian Federation), October 6, 2003, with the latest amendments introduced on January 1, 2006. A key task involved increased responsibility for self-financing of costs along with the introduction of a fourth level of administration (poselenie) within each community. According to the vice-chairman of a regional duma, this law opened up space for the women’s councils (personal interview October 2006).


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formal aspect, while industry was completely integrated in the state system of planning, social services were only partially integrated, leaving social issues partly outside of the planned target system (Lapidus 1975). As a result, social issues were to be dealt with in the informal sphere, which meant that actors were left to look for entrepreneurial solutions outside the hierarchical structures for planning under the Soviet system.19 The capability approach to analyzing poverty highlights relational aspects rather than incomes or ownership as such (Sen 1984). This means that exchange entitlements are highlighted. Local politicians’ ability to promote welfare development thus depends on their ability to transform whatever income or assets they have into useful necessities. As a result of the low priority of female dominated sectors, women had to develop entrepreneurial skills, and these skills have survived from the Soviet system (Sätre 2001, 2010). Women use them in their positions as local politicians with responsibility for social welfare. According to North, this is about survival of responsibilities which take the form of norms connected to entrepreneurship, of having an ability of finding solutions to everyday problems. Reforms have implied that actors get opportunity to occupy ‘free social space’, to act as they need to have access to some assets, and also to be able to use these assets. Assets are, according to Sen (1984) classified into three categories: resources, including all kinds of capital (also social capital, human capital, cultural capital), rights, and relationships. Therefore, according to this approach, incomes or assets are not enough to overcome poverty; agency in one form or the other is also required. In the following section local politicians’ strategies are analyzed by referring to their use of new and old resources, rights and relations, respectively.

The use of new and old resources Interviews provided examples of how local politicians use their entrepreneurial skills to compensate for inadequate financial resources. One example was a mayor in a rural community and a director of the department for cultural affairs, both females, trying to encourage entrepreneurship by advising people how to apply for funds for projects (Interview 2003). There 19 One sign of this is the low priority that is attributed to social production and social services in the distribution of budgets (Voronin 2002: 53).

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were similar activities in another community, found about at later visits, consisting in officials promoting cultural activities, education and local development groups, to make people more self-content, thus imposing a change in mentality of people towards seeing possibilities and taking action (interviews 2011–2012). Politicians are actively taking part in starting cultural organizations, trade unions, and women’s councils. They promote the starting of social NGOs, which are used for applying for money from welfare funds at higher levels (Sätre 2013). The interviews showed how female politicians initiated social projects, cultural activities and small businesses in villages. One example is the “House of Culture” which is dedicated to children from distant villages. One of the lead-off people at the lowest local level initiated the building of a church and obtained sponsors for this purpose (interview, May 2012). A vice administrator said that she had been able to receive support from a charity fund for a youth project directed towards those from troubled families (interviews 2011–2012). This showed local politicians making use of their own human capital, as well as, improving skills of the local population through projects and educational programs. Interviews also supported the assumption that local authorities are able to mobilise resources of low priority sectors for welfare development in second Russia. It has been argued that the Russian institutional setting is such that businesses are over-regulated (Hitt et al. 2004). One problem would be a weak dialogue between the political bodies and their administrative systems (Cuddy and Lijun 2007). If local politicians are able to promote entrepreneurial development, this could; therefore, suggest that they have the skills to resist bureaucratic obstacles in second Russia. Changes in the institutional structure sometimes meant changing local policies frequently, creating “institutional chaos” and introducing significant uncertainty for Russian firms (Hitt et al. 2004). If, however, firms are shown to take a long-term perspective, this might imply that local politicians have the entrepreneurial skills to engage firms in local development thus promoting, what Lindner (2009) defines as “alliance for the locals”. A vice-administrator at the lowest political level; however, said that although the main local entrepreneur supported development in several ways, he also made her own work more difficult as he wanted to decide himself who and what to support:


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‘The main local entrepreneur only supports social activities in his own village, local people expect us to provide similar financial help, which we can’t: rather than engaging with parents who have drinking problems, we try to create activities for their children outside of their homes, but the main local entrepreneur here does not want to support our activities with youngsters. “Our teenagers have their own hands and feet”, he said, while giving support to pensioners’ celebrations. But sometimes we get funding for equipment...’ (interview May 9, 2012).

The relatively low levels of own-source revenues of local governments reflect the difficulty to extract taxes from local firms and local population (Thiessen 2006).20 Earlier research confirms that inadequate and insecure resource funding from the central level incites local politician to make use of whatever social capital there is in the local villages in the form of informal networks (Ledeneva 2008; Shubin 2007). One aspect is that of relying on the tradition of social networks and subsistence entrepreneurship for survival in villages (Granberg 2007; Svensson 2008).

The use of rights Earlier research confirms that inadequate allocation of central funds for assigned responsibilities puts limits on their implementation (Thiessen 2006). There is also an uncertainty whether money actually will be allocated from the upper levels according to the rules (Wilson and Young 2007). Nevertheless, reforms have implied that local politicians have rights to take decisions; they have the right to their own budget, to find funding from non-public resources, and make deals with local actors. Interviews gave the impression that local politicians at the municipal level try to use these rights, although hierarchical structures and arbitrary enforcement put a limit on their implementation. The hierarchical structure was reflected in the interviews with the persons in charge at the lowest political level: “I have had to solve each issue with the particular vice mayor, thus heating and water has to be dealt with 20

This is particularly evident at the regional and local levels, as while the more volatile and unpredictable revenues from profits go to the region, the more secure sources of income go to the state (see further Thiessen 2006).

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through the particular person in the community firm dealing with housing. To get the required money I have to go to the vice-mayor for housing. The old system of receiving salaries in the envelope means that you don’t get official incomes and thus no base for collecting taxes.” However, one person in charge also at the lowest political level, emphasized that she felt more powerful with new possibilities of implementing measures than previously. Therefore, although “women continue to solve the problems that fall between the chairs as they did in the Soviet times” there seem to be more options now, and she was proud over her achievements in the recent years. It seemed clear that her job was not really a matter of ideology or political strategies, but about finding practical solutions to ordinary problems of people in their everyday lives. The difficulties concerning the implementation of the new laws were reflected in interviews with a vice-mayor in 2008. According to her, there is a lack of mechanisms needed for them to work. As regards the law on self-governance, the distribution of responsibility is not clear. The community is presumed to propose budgets for the lowest level of local administration and also how much money these should receive from the regional level as well as from the state. She described how they face the same problem when it comes to the law on the monetisation of benefits, which used to be provided to different categories of the population according to some specific rules. Instead of the former services, people should be compensated in monetary terms. According to the vice-mayor, they have not received proper advice from higher levels on how to distribute such rights practically and how to distribute rights to deserving inhabitants, such as pensioners, war veterans or invalids. Therefore, they have to take decisions themselves at the local level, that is to say, if there are any rights to distribute. A vice-mayor described how unclear rules from the upper levels make any long-term planning difficult (interview May 13, 2012). She liked the idea behind the law on self-governance, but as funding was so poor, hopes were focused on putting some small money from the community budget and getting ten times as much back from the region. Although there were some possibilities to get such extra funding from the upper level for certain projects, she wanted to divert from what she defined as ‘a slumpwise development’, by getting less dependent on central funding. Contradictory rules also open up for an arbitrary enforcement. There were different stories heard concerning local administrators being fined; as


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they believed arbitrarily, and how they did not bother to go to court about it. One of the administrators at the lowest political administration told me how he was fined as he had allocated a flat to a young person with difficult life conditions without permission from above (interview May 12, 2012). Nevertheless, the same administrator emphasized how important was the fact that those in his position were active in many ways, also working actively with the state and regional levels. The conclusion to be made is that despite tendencies of surviving hierarchical structures and arbitrary enforcement of legal rules, there seems to be a view that local politicians do have space for different kinds of actions. They are able to use their rights, provided by reforms, in second Russia. Therefore, they may also contribute to the local development, which possibly has consequences in the wider context.

The use of relations A politician at the lowest political level described how she had to find ways to get hold of resources by asking for funds from higher political levels, by asking the local entrepreneurs for support, or by mobilizing local people to either contribute on a voluntary basis, or to engage in a process of bargaining. In effect, what she described was how the decentralization affected her own working situation and how difficult it can be at times.21 A vice-mayor emphasized how she ‘used the different bargaining strategies that she had learned from her grandmother; when to be a diplomat, and how to avoid problems’. Strategies towards firms Based on interviews, some strategies towards firms could be identified. One is to rely on voluntary contributions of firms, either as a result of the initiatives of firms themselves or as a result of “begging practices”. The fact that most taxes go to the federal budget combined with practical difficulties to collect taxes, encourages local authorities to tolerate tax evasion in exchange for investments that stay in the region (Polichuk

21

2008.

Interview with the head of the lowest level of political administration, 28 October

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2009).22 Rather than trying to enforce tax payments, local authorities count on the contribution of local businesses to local development. In 2003, a local mayor admitted that he can ‘look the other way’ if local entrepreneurs create new work places, but he also said he can ‘look the other way’ if small businesses violate rules as he is ‘satisfied if people find ways to support themselves and hopefully some others around them’ (interview, December 2003). There is a mutual interest as it is important for firms to have a working infrastructure, which can be linked to surviving norms of employers’ paternalism, although investments tend to be earmarked towards their own interest rather than to the priorities of local politicians (Granberg 2007). Secondly, local business developers might prefer to be seen as “good sons or daughters of their local communities” than as “greedy capitalists” (see Sätre 2013). There are also strategies based on donations to charity and sports by local businesses (Chebankova 2011: 137–38). One example is the building of churches. Another example is how one entrepreneur finances various local projects within his native village. While he provides part of the financing for a church and a new school; on the one hand, he finances various building projects such as a sport hall, the renovation of the house of culture and the construction of a fountain and the like. On the other hand, he provides social contributions, such as housing or transportation to work, child care and child benefits for his employees. An entrepreneur within the tourism business said that she had to choose what she wanted to support, as she could not contribute in all spheres. She has chosen ski related activities for children. The means that she would voluntarily contribute in a way that facilitates the good performance of her work in her public employment as a ski teacher/trainer. Another example is provided by the contribution of local firms to the celebration of the Victory Day, the Old People’s Day, and how they contribute with coffee and presents at concerts. The “begging practices” include asking the more prominent male entrepreneurs to provide work places and social services for their local villages.23 The strategy seems to serve the purpose of making a contract 22

The increased responsibility at the local level is reflected in an increase in the number of employees at local government bodies (Rossiya v tsifrakh 2008: 60). 23 Interviews 9 May; 11 May and 12 May, 2012.


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with solvent entrepreneurs to support particular villages with some specific social services, such as housing or support to funerals, or job creation.24 A vice-mayor described how they advocated extending the norm from Soviet times to the local community, to rely on paternalistic employees, reproducing the role of kolchozes in the time of Soviet rural society (see Melin ed. 2005).25 An entrepreneur within the tourism business provided information on how the local vice-mayor expected her to contribute to the community in different ways free of charge. Interviews showed that this strategy was used towards the larger firms (interviewed vice-mayors 2005; 2008). Some years later however, a vice-mayor admitted that she really wanted to stop ‘the habit of begging’, putting her efforts of catching their genuine interests in participation in developing local projects instead (interviews with vice-mayor 2011; 2012). A second strategy is to rely on informal taxes (Gaddy 2007; Lazareva 2009). Interviews indicated that this strategy was used towards the smaller firms. If local authorities are able to successfully implement informal taxation strategies, this shows that there are economically viable enterprises at the local level. And, if local authorities are able to tax local enterprises, this suggests that they have some power in their hands vis-à-vis these enterprises. Another form of informal taxation is when local authorities simply do not pay for services provided by local enterprises.26 A third strategy is to rely on collaboration with firms. Interviews indicated that this strategy was used towards the larger firms. In 2003, a mayor said that since it was easier to have to deal with just a few strong firms, he promoted a process in which larger firms took over the smaller ones. The existence of partnership agreements, in turn, indicates that 24

According to Wengle and Rassell (2008: 741), in 2002–3 the value of in-kind benefits represented 10–15 percent of the income of poor households receiving l’goty, while the figure is likely to have been much higher in the 1990s. See Lazareva (2009: 9–32) on the procedures for transferring assets from firms to municipalities, and also on the joint usage and financing of transferred assets. 25 The surviving habit of big firms to take social responsibility for their employees and finance social tasks that the community does not have the capacity or resources to handle is confirmed by the work of other scholars (Granberg 2007; Shubin 2007; Lazareva 2009). 26 One example is that local service providers of utilities and municipal transport systems often had to bear the costs of providing discounts to eligible benefit recipients, without being compensated by the authorities (Wengle and Rassell 2008: 742).

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local authorities should have something to offer local enterprises, thus potentially contributing to their economic development.27 In interviews from 2003 one could hear about how politicians traded forests for promises to create work places. In 2012, the vice-mayor described how they focused on developing common projects that would benefit the community as well as the individual entrepreneur.28 The most important initiative was the collaboration with one entrepreneur to build up a ski tourism centre financed largely by central funds. She said she believed in large projects, which can be taken as a fourth strategy. The idea was to achieve the status of national park for the area around the skiing centre and to attract small entrepreneurs to build up activities with cultural orientation around it. Combining politics, unpaid work and contributions from the rich Many regular visits during a period of ten years showed that many development trends were underway in some places. Still, there were also places which were not doing well at all. A female politician, who has been in charge at the lowest political level for twenty years, provided one illustration of what the situation might look like. In the morning she receives visitors from the local population. They come to see her when they have complaints about practical matters. If the budget is not enough, she uses her own salary. She writes documents confirming that ‘somebody should be entitled to social support or needs transport to the hospital’. In 2011, she said she spent time in meetings with the village council to work out ideas for applications or she was “begging for help” from the community level or from the only firm in this village, the vodka factory (interview May 2011). The following year the situation became even worse as the vodka factory was closing down. Similar stories were told in other remote villages…There was a local administrator who was crying over the miserable situation in her villages, and she had already spent her own salary on urgent matters. A local politician said in 2008 that the standard of living was considerably better than just a couple of years ago, although differences on the lowest 27

One example is how officers barter the labour of conscripts for goods or services with local politicians (Barany 2008: 597). 28 The same person is in control in most businesses, and there is another who is still in charge within the timber business, although there is a new name as well.


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political level were wide within the same community. “Some do not have any money of their own due to the lack of firms. This means that they have to live just on subsidies which are inadequate.” In such cases, strategies based on voluntary work are particularly relevant. Such strategies seem to largely rely on women’s double responsibilities (Kay 2011; Salmenniemi 2008). Being responsible for social welfare at all the different political levels, and; simultaneously, being active in the corresponding level of the women’s councils, these women take major responsibilities for making up for deficiencies of the state in this sphere.29 Efforts are required to prepare applications for grants from the different programs available from the federal and regional levels.30 This means time for lobbying, persuading and making serious preparations to get money from higher political levels.’ The same people are involved in all the NGOs; these are more directly targeting towards helping particular groups. Such common work has resulted in a sports hall, the repair of water sources, and local bridges…’ (interview May 2011). A vice-mayor, asked about collaboration between the local administration, social security and NGOs, mentioned five women, who represent NGOs with roots from the Soviet time. As one of the administrators at the lower level put it: ‘As the state cannot apply for funding from the national programs we have to mobilize the NGOs. This is facilitated by working in the villages, where everybody knows each other; the same people are involved in all the NGOs’ (interview, village, May 2011).

Conclusions This paper is focused on how the survival of women’s entrepreneurial skills from the handling of shortcomings in the Soviet system is reflected in their strategies for social development in local contexts in contemporary Russia. They have relied on surviving norms from the Soviet time, while 29

The same women are also the ones holding corresponding positions in the women’s council. Thus, for example, women with political positions on the regional level hold similar positions in the regional women’s council. The situation is similar at the local level and within villages. Then they all go to the region’s main town for the annual assembly (interviews with three female politicians at the lowest level of political administration, 24–25 October 2008) 30 Interview with a vice-mayor 27 October, 2008.

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also developing strategies based on new possibilities, arising as a result of reforms. Therefore, they have contributed to strengthen norms from the Soviet time which are still important for everyday survival. Thus, women in local politics base their strategies on paternalist behaviour and social responsibility of firms, social mothers, and on a strong influence of central government, which; in turn, is connected to the resource-based development. Their strategies also utilize some new trends, indicating a break with the past: writing applications, agency for changing mentalities of local actors as well as that of the poor, stimulating small-scale entrepreneurship and implementing youth projects. Many politicians work for their own ideas, rather than just implementing directives from above. They work on the basis of both formal and informal solutions. Women who were active during the soviet system were entrepreneurial in order to implement directives from the upper levels. This phenomenon has survived as responsibilities are still assigned to them not in parity with allocation of resources from above, while possibilities to collect local taxes are inadequate. The strategies involved collaboration with local firms and/or organizations, including NGOs and voluntary work. Other possibilities included informal taxation and begging. To return to North’s analytical framework, what is involved here is the survival of entrepreneurial behavior necessary to deal with shortcomings resulting from the low-priority status of social issues in the Soviet system. The study provided support for the view that there is a widening gap between communities as well as within communities, depending on resources and the ability to use them. Economic recovery in the 2010s means money into the state budget, some of which is earmarked for social issues. This is given to local authorities directly for certain earmarked tasks as well as in an indirect way, where they have to write project applications in order to get money. Although social policy; to some extent, continues to be financed by the state it is organized in a partly new way. While the leadership decides about reforms, setting new formal rules, local politicians develop their own routines and strategies. Being responsible for organising social welfare, female politicians described how they use different strategies. Therefore, solutions are likely to be more heterogeneous than before. It was indicated that female politicians who are responsible for social affairs have to negotiate with local firms and voluntary organizations,


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beg, or find solutions in other way. On the other hand, this study also showed that women in charge feel more powerful with new possibilities to implement measures than before. As it appears, one important explanation to variations within communities could be the existence of large local firms. This means, however, a risk that it is rich entrepreneurs, rather than the local politicians responsible for social affairs, who decide how to distribute social welfare at the local level. The study, on the other hand, indicated that an increased access to Russian funds through project applications when oil prices are high might decrease the dependency on local firms. Thus, as the access to such financing opportunities seems to be highly dependent on oil prices, the dependency of local politicians on local entrepreneurs is also likely to fluctuate with oil prices. The study provided information about how it happens, how female local politicians continue to take responsibility for social welfare, how they react, and how they find and use new possibilities. The empirical material supported the broad picture and the finding that Soviet culture taught people to find solutions which are needed in second Russia. “The agency aspect” needs to be added to institutional analysis frameworks as expressed by North (1990) in order to see how norms influence social development in second Russia.

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DOI: 10.2478/eec-2014-0003

20’ 2014

KrzysztofTésits Gorlach, Zbigniew Piotr Nowak Róbert, AlpekDrąg, B. Levente

Women of on… Combine Harvesters?policy Appearance European employment 1 Women as Farm Operators in Contemporary Poland in the rural areas of Hungarian-Croatian border region Abstract

The authors discuss the main characteristics of women as farm operators using national sample studies conducted in 1994, 1999Abstract and 2007. After an analysis of literature and various research results some hypotheses were formulated, i.e.: the better education of rural women than rural men, women as “unnatural” or “forced” farm operators due studyhousehold providescircumstances, an insight intothe Interreg and IPA programs so far, toThe various “weaker” economic status ofachieved farms operated having significant impact on the labour market of rural areas. Another objective by women. Basic results of the studies carried out in 1994, 1999 and 2007 confirm the is the evaluation the effects of labour market programs, withfarms. the help of the hypothesis about theofweaker economic position of female operated Moreover, women farm operators were slightly older and far better educated than their male interviews with experts coordinating these programs. However, the Croatiancounterparts. On the contrary, the males were more active off the farms in the public Hungarian cooperation was perfect, went smoothly, which is also due to the sphere. In addition, the circumstances of becoming farm operators did not differ similar labour market problems of the cooperative areas. They fight with similar significantly between males and females. Finally, there were no significant differences methods, evenand in the projectstyles reports, evaluations, and there are also similar results between “male” “female” of farming. found. It has become clear that financial resource-intensive elements cooperation Keywords: women, farm operators, education, market position, entrepreneur, programs operated until they were financed. In these cases, the closing of them style of farming. prevented sustainability. The non financing-intensive programs, especially if there is local demand that is not based on a faulty premise, and no fundamental changes have taken place, prove to be sustainable. The maintenance and expansion Introductory Remarks collaborations are important tasks after Croatia’s accession to the EU. Croatia, by taking its own but with the use ofby theone Hungarian experience, can stabilize Let us start with path, a statement formulated of the leading Polish female rural the labour market situation in the most underdeveloped areas. sociologists, a specialist in analyzing the problems of rural families. She points

out: “[…] roughly 60 per cent of agricultural production [in Poland – K.G.; Keywords: rural employment, EU, cross-border, Croatia, Hungary

1 An earlier draft of this paper was presented at the XXIV European Congress for Rural Sociology, Chania, Greece, 22–25 August, 2011.

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Róbert Tésits, Alpek B. Levente

Introduction Croatia’s accession treaty was signed in Brussels in December 2011. This took place after the Council had voted for EU admission of Croatia three days earlier. Therefore, it is more and more likely that the country – in July 2013 – will become the 28th member of the European Union, upon ratification of all current member states. By signing, however, the tasks facing the Croats have not been completed yet; there are still some issues for improvement. Nevertheless, in connection with the results obtained, the co-operation of the Croats seems to be satisfactory for everyone. In Europe, the cooperation between neighbouring border regions has a long tradition. Impulses after World War II, the initiatives of the Association of European Border Regions, the realization of the European internal market, the EU’s regional policy, as well as, the democratic progress in Central and Eastern Europe have resulted in more permeable national borders (Perkmann 2003; Dokic et al. 2006) Following the implementation of INTERREG programs – the overall aim of which was that national borders do not pose a barrier to the balanced development and integration of the European regions – the Hungary-Croatia IPA Cross-border Cooperation Programme has been implemented during the 2007–2013 period. The program was approved by the Commission in March 2008; € 35 542 216 was available for the first five years of EU funding. The program offers a wide range of opportunities for potential beneficiaries in the framework of two priorities (sustainable environment and tourism, and the co-operative economy and intercommunity human resources development). In order to ensure the immediate cross-border effect, partners should be involved from both sides of the border area of Hungary and Croatia. The projects should be designed and implemented according to the so called joint cooperation criteria: joint project development, joint human resources, joint funding and joint project implementation. The results of the projects should have an impact on both sides of the border (Jessop 1995; Sodupe 1999). The present study aims at providing an insight into Interreg and IPA programs achieved so far, that have a significant impact on labour market and call attention to those Hungarian border region EU programs, with the experience of which, the border area of Croatia can also be developed. Another objective is the evaluation of the effects of labour market

Appearance of European Employment Policy in the Rural Areas…

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programs with the help of the interviews with experts coordinating these programs.

Results Social and economic characteristics of the labour market in the affected area

The area along the river Drava is considered as a “rearguard” since there has not been job creation in the last few years that has a significant effect on employment. Agriculture plays a continually diminishing role in employment because of the discontinuance of agricultural cooperative farms. In consequence of low incomes, the local market provides limited opportunities in relation to the enlargement of local employment. The facts that the rate of the Gypsy population is above average, and nearly two-thirds of unqualified people take part in the registration of employment, attach importance to the problem. Although the large-scale job reductions took place in the 1990s; there have not been improvements and investments that could induce significant employment. Agriculture plays a minor role in employment; however, this sector has played a decisive role in the region for long decades. It is proved that the spreading of automation / motorization in production is increasingly reducing human labour in the sector. Manufacturing industry and constructing industry are represented by some private enterprises / small businesses. Due to the rearrangement of the market conditions, the profit interests of service providers came to the fore; therefore, in those small towns, where the turnover did not provide the profitable operation, the service became partial, the opening hours of shops were reduced / cut down. Multinational commercial firms have not got a foothold on the settlements on the periphery. And there is little chance for doing so in the near future; the closeness of cities, in most of the cases, does not serve as a motivating factor. Commercial firms require a slight demand for labour force, they make up for the loss of the number of the staff caused by fluctuation. The strengthening of rural tourism is impeded by the shortage of programmes, the lack of resources of local councils / governments. The majority of these settlements cannot develop their environment and reach a level which can be attractive and desirable for the guests.

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The job hunters concerned are in serious disadvantage in the field of information, connections / relationships and the ability to enforce their interests that are required to make a successful impression. To generate direct demand for the primarily low-skilled social class is seriously difficult without a radical intervention in the economic process. However, the majority of the labour market programmes ignore this social class/stratum, since the attendance requires pre-training or at least primary school education in every case. It is also true that at the end of the last decade not only the disadvantaged but also the ones with higher education did not find work. Therefore, in this respect, nearly all of the job hunters are underprivileged in this region, as people who continue their education are also willing to work. The already operating companies are struggling to stay alive / keep their heads above the water and fighting for job retention; because of the lack of development opportunities entrepreneurs / private enterprises are on the safe side. The regions on both sides of the examined border section are exactly those regions where unemployment, that exceeds many times the national average, spatially coincides with the lack of the ability of economic renewal. On the basis of the above mentioned facts, it can be stated that the majority of the population in the region – from the point of view of employment and self-care opportunities – is unambiguously the loser of the decades after the transition. The primary sector employs the majority of local employees, but, out of the agricultural farms, only a few remained which actually play a minor role. The factories (functioning as the local premises of cities) were closed down and the mainly undertrained rural labour force was dismissed on a large scale, in this way, emerging difficulties for the incapable small villages. The basic economic and human factors of the spreading of enterprises could not and cannot be found here. The most significant employers are in the private sector employing a few hundred people. The majority of the businesses are family owned micro-enterprises mainly in the service sector; usually there are no opportunities for modernization and development. This serves as an example of the situation that job creation projects offered by the labour market have not been supported by the economic organizations for ages. Foreign capital shows little interest in the region. In the meantime, the underdevelopment of the economy does not facilitate the widespread


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propagation of the service sector, in that way, not even taking the advantage of self-care. The majority of job hunters without qualification and independent decision-making abilities are characterized by intense lack of self-initiative and vulnerability. They cannot take care of themselves and their families and the decisive factors here are age, qualification, the ability to raise credit and the entrepreneurial skills. The absence of investors is strengthened by the numerous not only unqualified but also unmotivated job hunters, whose work socialization is an extremely difficult issue /case. The situation is exacerbated by the fact that the skilled labour force is struggling with deficiencies concerning training and inexperience. On top of that, they do not have the profession, which coincides with the lack of appropriate ones. Besides, these enterprises are not installed in these regions. From the point of view of the ability of renewal in a certain sense, the situation is similar in the small regions on both sides of the border. The total lack of capital and own financial resources for development result in the lack of viable operators of economic life. A large number of private enterprises cease; at the same time, atomization inhibits collaboration and changes. The underdeveloped cooperation skills result in a very weak network of contacts and eventuate in the lack of cooperation and passing on of expertise. Small enterprises keep closing down, while their isolation is hindering changes and cooperation, and the lack of cooperation skills result in a very weak inter-corporation network and a lack of experience transfer. What is more, the underdeveloped limited internal market, the lack of solvent demand, the underdeveloped infrastructure and; last but not least, the low educational level (nearly total lack of high education qualifications, on secondary level mainly skilled labourers) have not created the conditions for self-care yet. The already existing enterprises are not able to increase the number of their employees; due to the above mentioned facts, as well as, the underdeveloped infrastructure and the lack of industrial parks, only a few new and viable initiatives have come into existence. The region along the river Drava has similar depressions and abilities from several viewpoints; consequently, it has similar opportunities and threats. There is no doubt; however, that the two side of the river differ from certain viewpoints. One striking difference is the historical background

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of the Croatian wars, which can be felt in the region even today. One of its particular manifestation is – besides the fact that the consequences in the urban and inter-settlement infrastructure can be clearly seen – the degradation of the traditional economic structure and; occasionally, such scale of degradation which dramatically makes the fresh start difficult (for instance this phenomenon can be observed in the region in the timber industrynow becoming almost irrelevant). It is not a negligible fact, that the areas along the borders have markedly different size. On the one hand, in Hungary, the region is small, on the other hand the ‘županija’s of the Croatian side are similar to the Hungarian counties in terms of size. Consequently, both the size of the centres and the volume of the problem differ from each other. The centres in Croatia have a significant volume of employment, while in Hungary, the cities (for instance Pécs, Nagykanizs) outside the small region are determinant. The peripheral nature of the given region also has a different meaning in terms of a županija and a small region. The small regions of Csurgó, Barcs, Sellye and Siklós are part of the real and marked periphery in Hungary; it is one of the most disadvantaged regions, which is situated in a great distance from the capital city; consequently, it does not have an effect on the employment. By contrast, the Croatian territory is partly considered peripheral, or a semi-peripheral (especially Koprivničko-Križevačka županija). In this case, the question of the proximity of the capital has an effect on the problematic issue of employment characteristics of the region. Differences also emerge in the case of investments. Due to the crisis, the volume of investments has decreased noticeably in the Croatian areas, which had a clear impact on the lives of unemployed people. This could also be observed in Hungary; however, with regard to the fact that the examined region had not attracted investments earlier, instead of the fall of the volume, it was rather the downsizing of the employers outside the region which affected the area. A significant difference is that Croatia as a prospective EU member state receives somewhat different support than the Hungarian region, which also modifies and delimitates in some issues the scope of the regional cooperation. As a result of the size of the Croatian area, there are no homogenous depressions as on the Hungarian side of the border. For this reason, there is; for instance, a higher proportion of qualified labour force and this provides better opportunities for settling down of more advanced


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Figure 1. Regional distribution of the unemployment at the beginning of co-operation (2007) and three years later Source: NFSZ

industries. In a macroeconomic point of view, the 5c transit corridor of the European Union lies in the given area of Croatia, which has a strategic importance and an economic potential, while in terms of transport, the

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Hungarian side is considered as a periphery. With regard to the educational system, it should be highlighted that on the Croatian side – it is also due to the size – the structure of training is more differentiated, a university is also located in Osijek. In addition to the fact that the problematic issues and the opportunities of the area show a significant homogeneity, the existence of internal differences must be borne in mind, while targeted and adequate efficient development programmes are conceivable if one takes into account all the above mentioned factors. Interreg and IPA programs realized between 2005 and 2012

The main purpose of the Interreg III. (A) was to develop cross-border economic and social centres through joint strategies of sustainable regional development. The areas suitable for cross-border co-operation in this case were the NUTS III level units located along the Union’s internal and external borders. At the same time, the Instrument for Pre-Accession Assistance (IPA) offers assistance to countries engaged in the accession process to the European Union (EU) for the period 2007–2013. The aim of the IPA is; therefore, to enhance the efficiency and coherence of aid by means of a single framework in order to strengthen institutional capacity, cross-border cooperation, economic and social development and rural development. Pre-accession assistance supports the stabilisation and association process of candidate countries and potential candidate countries while respecting their specific features and the processes in which they are engaged. Cross border herb collecting-growing-processing sales network in order to improve the economy of the border region

The project was implemented as part of the Slovenian-Hungarian-Croatian Neighbourhood Programme with the financing of the European Union and the Republic of Hungary. The project was formulated in order to develop the economic region along the border. According to the previous research, the best opportunities of alternative income generation and job creation in the region are the agricultural integration programmes. Therefore, the aim was to build a self-sustaining herb collector, producer


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and purchaser cluster, which provides job opportunities and livelihood for the rural people living in the disadvantaged economic regions. It was also a purpose to develop a model which promotes agricultural integration and economic development which would be implemented in the future into other areas of economy. Due to the similar problems and potentials of the Croatian side of the border region, the participation in the project and its results provided useful experience to the implementation of a similar Croatian program, to the complete or partial adaptation of the model. The Herbal Network Project was achieved by Hungarian-Croatian cooperation. The professional partner of the project was the Osijek-Baranya County Employment Centre on the Croatian side, which aim was to achieve a similar project on the basis of the experience of the project carried out in Hungary. The long-term cooperation agreement between the Osijek and Baranya County Employment Centre was signed in 2004. Following the Herbal Network Project, the two Employment Centres submitted another collective application. The project, by bringing of an agricultural cluster along the border into existence, created a large number of jobs (for approximately 200 people) in the region. The Croatian side of the border is facing similar problems. Since their natural endowments are similar, the project can be an example for the Croatian side. The Croatian Employment Centre on the other side of the border can make good use of the experience acquired in this project. Currently, the limited production and collection of herbs can be found on both sides of the border, and there is a limited number of businesses specializing in processing and selling. In the future, an integrated Croatian-Hungarian supplying, purchasing and processing network can develop, which could occur together on the export market. With the help of the collective flow of structured information, the process of collection can be tailored to the demand, and the loss due to seasonality can be minimized. The range of species grown in the other country (e.g. Wild garlic, Acorus calamus) represents a wider range of options for the buyers to choose from. Henceforth, the exchange of expertise can be delivered on different levels and fields of activity of the network: the co-operation of the institutions of employment centres, the application management; because the Croatian organizations concerned have never implemented such a complex application project yet; and in the field of the different sales and market knowledge of the entrepreneurs in the two countries.

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The Western European market requires the certification of the harvested/ collected plants and products (e.g. chemical free, drug content), especially in the case of organic products. Within the framework of the project, the equipment, which was put into operation at the University of Pécs (PTE), is supplemented by the already operating equipment in the region and this provides the full range of testing possibilities. The instrument is easily accessible and available for the growers of the Croatian side, so with the help of the classification, the producers and processors of both countries can achieve a higher price on the common export markets. Training for the good-quality (Pannonian) rural tourism

The overall aim of the project was to develop the professional knowledge of workforce in the region along the border (hereinafter referred to as the “Pannonian region”) in the catering industry/ establishments of the country. The aim of the project for service providers was the development and management of a cross-border specific training program guided by the facilities of the Pannonian region. The project resulted in a newly developed joint Croatian-Hungarian curriculum, which follows the recommendations of the “European Curriculum for Training in Rural Tourism” and consists of 10 modules. The indirect focus group of the project was the owners of the rural catering establishments (rural tourism service providers) and the tourists. The direct focus groups were the rural tourism providers participating in their courses. With the help of the curriculum, the target group can improve the quality of the service and it makes easier to start new rural catering establishments. „Cooperation without frontiers” Hungarian-Croatian Academy of Professional Employment (2010–2011)

The South-Transdanubian Regional Employment Centre submitted their application in three different topics and they have won support, taking part as leading beneficiaries in two out of the three (Cooperation without frontiers – Hungarian –Croatian Academy of Professional Employment, as well as the “Learning and working” career counselling, career correction project), and also as a consortium partner (in the “Work and health” professions-health care project, with research, development and innovation).


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The support of applications was made possible through nearly one decadelong Croatian- Hungarian industrial relations. The first formal co-operation was established between the Baranya County and Osijek Employment Centre in 2001, which was followed by the agreement between the Somogy County and Virovitica Employment organizations two years later. The organization was raised to the level of regional cooperation immediately after the transformation of the region in 2007. The Baranya – Osijek-Baranya, the Somogy – Verőce and Zala – Muraköz – Varasd relations came into being along with different problems and different motivations in the past 10 years. On the one hand, the BaranyaSomogy relations indicated support of specific cross-border co-operations, on the other hand, they were carried out in several EU-funded projects. With the support of the Interreg program, two successful projects were implemented (see above), one in the framework of the Herbal Network, the other was the Pannonian Tourism; therefore, experience was gained from the joint program. The purpose of the Pannonian Tourism (completed in February 2008) was to develop and implement a training program, which suits the natural endowments of the Pannonian region in order to increase the quality of the rural tourism service. Apart from the SouthTransdanubian Regional Employment Centre, the West-Transdanubian Regional Employment Centre has experience in several cases in the field of cross-border cooperation. The Zala – Medimurje – Varazdin relation endeavoured to explore and solve the common employment problems together. In the spirit of exploring the general problem, there was the First Hungarian-Croatian Employment Conference held in Nagykanizsa in 2004; the second such conference was in Zalakaros in 2006, where the participants exchanged ideas about a specific theme, the opportunities and practices connected to employment. The second conference has left the question of institutional cooperation open; the Academy of Experts was appointed as competent in finding the solution. The level of cooperation makes it possible that there is significant potential in business and labour market cooperation which has not been exploited yet. What is more, all these factors and the collaborations are adhoc, and there are no institutionalized relations neither among the public organizations, the employers nor the social partners. The employment situation is expected to change along the border; the project gave the opportunity of preparing for this situation. The practical cooperation

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should be started with the cooperation of experts; for this purpose the Academy of Experts was established. The general aim of the project was supporting the Hungarian-Croatian integrated labour market along the country border. With the establishment of the Academy of Experts, the institutional cooperation can be created in the short run. There will be an opportunity of comparing the usage of the system of ways in employment policy in the long run, and as far as possible, of its coordination, joint project planning and project generating with an employment policy content. As a result of these, the economic performance will be given a new impetus by transferring organizational knowledge and learning from one another. The Academy of Experts examined the possible areas of co-operation in workshops; they carried out their work in eight workshops and 3 Employment Policy Conferences. The experts summarized and recorded the results of the workshops and the conference in the form of studies. The project created the Virtual Academy, where the experts had the opportunity not only to publish their studies but also to work online. The resulting joint information and communications technology basis was also the aim of the project. The employment policy experts of the labour unions identified the officers of the employers’ organizations, the representatives of the social partners and the managers of the civil and non-profit organizations engaged in labour market services as a direct target group. The above mentioned got to know the methods and good practices to be used in certain areas. They will be able to reach dissemination and they will have multiplier effects in the region. The indirect target group is made up of labour unions, the employees of civil and non-profit organizations dealing with labour market services, registered job hunters in the border regions, adult education institutions and non-profit organizations along the border, and the employers who have to face with the problematic issue of skills shortages. The operations of the project were realized on a twofold cooperation level in the same proportion on the Hungarian and the Croatian side of the border, on the axis of Pecs-Osijek and Zalaegerszeg-Csáktornya. The effects of the successful implementation of the program; in addition to the project partners, were expected to be as follows: communication and brainstorming among the civil and non-profit organizations dealing with


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employment policy, the local governments, chambers, social partners and employers; on an expert level first, and on feasible level later on. In practice, it means analysing joint labour demand, launching collective training and retraining programs and t implementing shared project planning. The IPA „Learning and working” Hungarian-Croatian cooperation along the border (2007–2011)

The aim of the project is to develop a more effective and balanced labour market along the border, both in the regions of Hungary and Croatia, with the establishment of cooperation between educational and other institutions. The project supports the target group with programs (career programs, student exchange programs, career counselling camp for the disadvantaged youth) that help to strengthen the position of the labour market in the future. During the cross-border collaboration, the training and guidance systems and methods for exchanging the best practices, and the development of cooperation between educational institutions and networking are also directly displayed. The direct target group of the project are the students learning in the Hungarian and Croatian school system, young people facing choice of career. The various elements of the program help these target groups to choose a profession with the establishment of cooperation between schools and labour organizations, events, taking over the best practices and with handing over the specific methods used in the two countries. The target group of disadvantaged young people benefits from the project in particular. Evaluation of co-operations

The Hungarian-Croatian labour market co-operation, even if its impact on the evolution of unemployment cannot be measured and quantified, with the help of career counselling, training, or concrete work constitutes an important step towards the extension of income-producing activity. Regarding the herb-collection, processing, production, sales network, a basic and logical assumption was that the system will work if there are people who inform collectors about the needs. Because of the need for market information, the integrator network was organized, which meant the wholesale level, and which entered between the processing plant and

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the producer. The program functioned as a mirror program, while in Hungary the target area was Ormánság, in Croatia, it was implemented separately, but similarly. On the Hungarian side, the Baksa herbal plant of Schmidt & Co. Healing Herbs Commercial Ltd has been dealing with medicinal and aromatic plants cultivation, collection, purchase, primary processing and trade since 1997 as a family business. The selection of the area, beyond the aspects of labour market, has several advantages. The hundreds of medicinal herbs and spices growing wild come from pollution-free good growing areas. There is a huge demand for the labour-intensive collection activities, since there are no other job opportunities. The processing is added to research and development activity of the University of Pécs using domestic folk medicine experience and the latest literature resources. The possibility of further development is given in the region with the installation of driers. If significant income generation is not available, saving and improvement in life quality can be reached. Co-operation in this part of the program embodied in the transfer of experience. During implementation, many differences were observed on both sides of the border. The differences can be traced back to historical and cultural reasons, which fundamentally influenced its success. In Croatia, during the socialist transformation of agriculture, co-operative conversions coupled with forced industrialization was not that strong, so the conditions for the development of family farms were also given. However, because of the greater appreciation of agriculture and a more flexible regulatory background, the program was more successful on the Croatian side. The intense self-organization is aimed even to create clusters, the aim of which is the installation of processing, drying and pressing machines. The regulation relating to the primary producers and changes coming from the regional reorganization of the Hungarian labour market network hindered the realization of the plans for the professional and advisory coordination of the integrator network. The success of the Hungarian program can also be questioned in terms of the original objectives. These goals aimed at providing a long-term, although relatively modest, income-producing activity for the masses of unemployed in Ormánság. Today, some deal with herb-production. For a more successful program, certainly a long-term, time slip-free project would have been needed, so the training would not be


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in winter. The income-producing ability of the activity is strongly influenced by the fact that the plants were bought at the same price a decade ago. At the same time, the programs aiming at technical cooperation, organizing career events, and joint curriculum development are said to be fully successful. Indirect labour market effects of these programs cannot be measured, but the 15,000 registered participants, visitors of the events speak for themselves. The Hungarian idea in Pannon Tourism program before consultation aimed at establishing a complex tourism product package broadening the host capacity and enhancing the tourist attraction of the Drava region. However, because many small family businesses deal with catering on the Croatian side, and they connect the backyard production to accommodation services, the common objective became the curriculum development of rural catering. The useful curriculum including illustrations and lectures available on internet can be used as a supplement to Hungarian NTR-training (on the official list of National Training Registry).

Conclusions In general, while the common programs of Interreg focused specifically on employment, on concrete labour market interventions, the IPA programs were more about the conceptualization and sharing experiences. It has become clear that financial resource-intensive elements of cooperation programs operated until they were financed. In these cases, the closing of them prevented sustainability. The non financing-intensive programs, especially if there is local demand – that is not based on a faulty premise, and no fundamental changes have taken place, prove to be sustainable. In addition, the implementation of the cross-border programs was hindered by legal and regulatory difficulties, attitudinal problems, lack of tradition related to specific activities and the time delay of projects as well. A further complicating factor in sustainability, because of the conflicting interests, is the conversion of business or for-profit relations into partnership. This; obviously, should not be assessed as a failure, but rather an attempt, which laid the foundations for future cooperation, and promoted the involvement of civil society. However, the Croatian-Hungarian cooperation in each case was perfect, went smoothly, which is also due to the similar labour market problems of the cooperative areas. They fight with similar methods, and even in the

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project reports and evaluations, similar results were found.. The Croatian partners in each case have testified flexibility; their creative attitude is due to the smaller number of administrative and legal hobbles, thus a more flexible labour market organizational background. The maintenance and expansion collaborations are important tasks after Croatia’s accession to the EU. Croatia, by taking its own path, but with the use of the Hungarian experience, can stabilize the labour market situation in the most underdeveloped areas. In the long run, there is a great potential in tourism programs that can help tourists arriving to the region to stay there for more than two days. Although the analyzed tourism program has micro-level results, which are limited to the villages of the immediate surroundings of the Drava River, the expansion of this circle would have more significant labour market effects. The expansion of the Academy of Experts to a pact would give the opportunity for the economic actors to seek the possibilities for cooperation and development. Such initiatives – although in a very different labour market environment – work well in the Austrian-Hungarian border area. In the involvement of investors, however, cooperation and not competition is the acceptable attitude; since investors could arrive to any side of the border, the positive effect would be visible on the other side as well. Mobility, because of the equally unfavourable labour market situation characteristic of both sides of the border, is not worth talking about. In July 2013, border will be abolished, but this will not mean more jobs. Without jobs, Croatian workers will certainly not stop at Pécs, the center of the South-Transdanubian region. If one side of the region could attract investors, together with the suppliers, a cluster could be built on both sides.

References Jessop, B., 1995. ‘Regional Economic Blocs, Cross-Border Cooperation, and Local Economic Strategies in Post-Socialism: Politics, Policies and Prospects’, American Behavioral Scientist. Vol. 38 (5): 674–715. Perkmann, M., 2003. ‘Cross-Border Regions in Europe: Significance and Drivers of Regional Cross-Border Co-Operation’, European Urban and Regional Studies, Vol. 10: 153–171.


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Dokic, I. et al., 2006. Croatian experiences in establishing new modes of governance through the EU Neighbourhood Programme Slovenia-Hungary-Croatia. Mexico City: World Planning Schools Congress. Sodupe, K., 1999. ‘The European Union and Interregional Cooperation’, Regional and Federal Studies. Vol. 9 (1). Rechnitzer J., 1999. Határ menti együttműködések Európában és Magyarországon [Cross-border co-operations in Europe and Hungary]. In: Nárai, M. and Rechnitzer, J. (ed.) Elválaszt és összeköt – a határ [Separates and connects – the border]. Pécs-Győr: MTA RKK. Rechnitzer J., 2001. A határ menti regionális együttműködés sajátosságai és a fejlesztés lehetséges irányai [Features and possible directions of development in crossborder regional cooperation]. Nyár: Pro Minoritate.

DOI: 10.2478/eec-2014-0004

20’ 2014

Krzysztof Gorlach, ZbigniewZajda Drąg, Piotr Nowak Katarzyna

Women on… Combine Harvesters? Problems of functioning Women as Farm Operators in Contemporary Poland1 of Polish local action groups from the perspective of the social capital concept Abstract The authors discuss the main characteristics of women as farm operators using national sample studies conducted in 1994, 1999 and 2007. After an analysis of literature and Abstract various research results some hypotheses were formulated, i.e.: the better education of rural women than rural men, women as “unnatural” or “forced” farm operators due LEADER approach was introduced in Poland as part LEADER+ toThe various household circumstances, the “weaker” economic statusofofthe farms operated Pilot Programme (implemented in the programming period 2004–2006) and,the at by women. Basic results of the studies carried out in 1994, 1999 and 2007 confirm present, itabout is being as Axis 4 of the Programme. hypothesis theimplemented weaker economic position of Rural femaleDevelopment operated farms. Moreover, women farm operators were slightly older and far educatedthey thanuse their male Many researchers are interested in its progress. Inbetter their analyses, various counterparts. On the contrary, the males were more active off the farms in the public concepts of social capital. It may be concluded on the basis of the studies published sphere. In addition, the circumstances of becoming farm operators did not differ so far that local action groups are dominated by the public sector, whereas the significantly between males and females. Finally, there were no significant differences economic sector rather marginalised. Having taken into account the available between “male” andis“female” styles of farming. publications, a team of sociologists from the University of Łódź conducted in Keywords: women, farm operators, education, market position, entrepreneur, 2011–2013 research devoted to the level and structure of social capital of local style of farming. action groups. The study focused on organisations from 6 voivodeships which implemented scheme 2 of the LEADER+ Pilot Programme. The article presents the analyses of the most important problems of these organisations related to Introductory Remarks the condition of the components of social capital possessed by their members (partners). The a statement researchers formulated used the material individual surveys completed Let us start with by onefrom of the leading Polish female rural by 573 respondents from 34 local action groups. It was proven that the surveyed sociologists, a specialist in analyzing the problems of rural families. She points organisations mainly cope with problem production of a low activity level of their out: “[…] roughly 60 per cent of the agricultural [in Poland – K.G.; members (partners), petrification of their boards and councils, marginalisation of representatives of the economic sector, high level of professionalization and low level 1 of generalised trust among the persons who belong to these groups. An earlier draft of this paper was presented at the XXIV European Congress for Rural

Sociology, Chania, Greece, 22–25 August, 2011.

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Katarzyna Zajda

Keywords: social capital, LEADER approach, territorial partnerships, problems of Polish local action groups

Introduction The LEADER approach was introduced in Poland as part of the LEADER+ Pilot Programme (implemented in the programming period 2004–2006). The first part of this programme (referred to as scheme 1) was devoted, among other things, to promotion of the principles of this approach and to forming local action groups. Group members include representatives of the public, social and economic sectors. By assumption, they form a partnership which is above the divisions set by particular interests or place of residence (representatives of these three sectors live in various villages and communes which are covered by the support of their local action group). They cooperate on their own accord, act for the benefit of rural communities, and use their endogenous resources while doing so. They have their voice in deciding about the future of their villages (see also Kamiński and Kwatera 2005; Futymski and Kamiński 2008; Knieć and Hałasiewicz 2008; Cutin and Varley 1997: 142). Local action groups are legally registered as associations, foundations and unions of associations. Their members have prepared strategic documents (referred to as an integrated strategy of rural development), which set their objectives and the priorities of development of the area covered by their support. The groups which wanted to obtain financial resources for implementation of the activities included in the strategies of rural development (within the framework of the second part of the programme, referred to as scheme 2), took part in a call for applications. The quality of the submitted studies was assessed, as well as the competences of board members, characteristics of the area covered by support (such as, i.e. the number of its inhabitants, percentage of village inhabitants, tax income per inhabitant). In total, 150 local action groups signed their contracts for implementation of scheme 2 of the LEADER+ Pilot Programme (Halamska, Michalska and Śpiewak 2010: 107–108; Zajda 2011: 66–78). In the programming period 2007–2013, the LEADER approach was implemented in Poland within the framework of the Rural Development Programme. Four priority axes have been set. The fourth one is the LEADER axis, which enables implementation of the remaining three axes

Problems of Functioning of Polish Local Action Groups…

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(i.e. 1. Improvement of competitiveness of the sector of agriculture and forestry, 2. Improvement of the natural environment and rural areas, 3. Quality of life in rural areas and diversification of rural economy), but it also has its own objectives, such as activating inhabitants of villages, gaining cooperation skills by local action groups and their effective operation. In this period, these organisations have had an opportunity to obtain funds for implementation of their objectives included in development strategies (also by taking part in a call for applications). It is worth emphasising that over a few years only, their number has increased considerably. Especially in 2007 and 2008, numerous new groups were formed, which then applied for the funds for implementation of the LEADER approach in the programming period 2007–2013. In total, 338 local action groups from 16 voivodeships signed contracts1(PSDB 2012: 17). Many researchers are interested in the issue of implementation of the LEADER approach in Poland. In their analyses, they particularly often use various concepts of social capital (or their elements2). There are at least two reasons for this. Firstly, they are eclectic3. As Laschewski stresses, many 1 At present, the LEADER approach is being implemented by 336 local action groups. Contracts with two groups have been terminated for the reasons on the part of these organisations. 2 In this study, the use of the notion of “social capital concepts” is not accidental. Like Castiglione (Castiglione 2008, p.13), we believe that the multitude of definitions of this term and possible ways of its operationalisation, different interpretations of the social capital function all show that it is not a coherent social theory. 3 It is worth mentioning that international studies not always analyse the LEADER approach from the perspective of social capital concepts. Probably the largest international project which focuses on implementation of this approach in Europe, entitled “Local action and territorial development in Central Europe” is targeted not on the various resources of social capital of local action groups, but on the way in which (in various member states) the transfer of its universal (by assumption) principles takes place. Attempts have been made to answer the question whether the in-state and regional policies modify them and if therefore it is possible at all to implement the LEADER approach in the EU states (see also Chevalier and Maurel 2010, Halamska and Maurel 2010). The project was developed by Centre Français de Recherche en Sciences Sociales (CEFRES) in cooperation with researchers from: Université Paul Valéry, Montpellier III, Université de Perpignan, Université de Lyon III, Vilnius University, Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Institute of Rural and Agricultural Development of the Polish Academy of Sciences. The research was conducted in Germany (eastern states), Hungary, Lithuania, the Czech Republic, and Poland [http://www.cefres.cz/aldetec/eng/indexeng.html, accessed on 26.04.2013].

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issues, to which the theoreticians of social capital refer, have been analysed by sociologists of rural areas who focus on endogenous development (in German-speaking countries – autonomic development) (Laschewski 2009: 94:, see also Van der Ploeg and Long 1994; van der Ploeg and van Dijk 1995; Lowe 1995, Pongratz and Kreil 1991). This type of development assumes involvement of local communities in rural development, and the use of resources which they have. According to Chevalier and Maurel: “It is characterised by a priori faith in the potential of rural communities and their ability to discover what best suits their environment, culture and tradition” (Chevalier and Maurel 2010: 30, see also Shortall and Shucksmith 1998; Dargan and Shucksmith 2008). Thus, using the concept of social capital in the analyses of the LEADER approach allows to take into account the wider context of change in rural areas. Moreover, analyses of the social capital which local action groups have at their disposal (and also its resources that are formed through their activity) take into account the concept of cogovernance (see also Wódz and Wódz 2007; Izdebski 2010). Furmankiewicz describes its role in the studies on local action groups in the following way: “Territorial partnerships in the form of LEADER local action groups are a practical element of state organisation that is created in accordance with the ideas of co-governance by the public, social (non-governmental) and economic sector. Decisions on spending a given amount of public money are to be taken by the members of their councils in which interests of representatives of various sectors are to balance each other and prompt negotiation and compromise” (Furmankiewicz 2013: 74). Secondly, the popularity of social capital concepts among the researchers interested in local action groups is a result of their particular usefulness in analysis of the complexity of relations between representatives of the three sectors, who form these organisations. Some social capital concepts (referred to in the next part of the study) underline that various social networks and links between individual and group social actors contribute not only to exchange of resources between them, but also to forming the potential of their cooperation (based on trust and norms and values they share). Moreover, social capital resources may be converted into other resources, i.e. those of economic and human capital, so creating (and strengthening) them is especially beneficial for socio-economic development (see also Putnam 1995, 2008; Mikiewicz and Szafraniec 2009: 116)


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Use of social capital concepts in the analysis of implementation of the LEADER approach in Poland – publications on the subject The notion of social capital was popularised by Bourdieu4 and Coleman5. Publications by Fukuyama6, and, above all, Putnam7 (developed in the 1990s) contributed to stronger awareness of this issue and popularisation of this term in social and economic sciences (see also Zajda 2011: 8). As Laschewski remarks, although there is no single definition of social capital (see also Woolcock 1998; Dasgupta and Serageldin 2000), there are four common elements of its various interpretations (see also Pretty and Ward 2001). The first is treating trust as either a component of social capital or its effect. The second is spreading the assumption about building up social capital through the exchange relation between various social actors. The third is the assumption that these relations are possible thanks to shared norms and values. Finally, these relations take place in more or less complex social networks (Laschewski 2009: 93). The classical definitions of social capital (by e.g. Bourdieu, Coleman, Fukuyama and Putnam) differ from one another. One of the differences lies in determining whether social capital is a uniform category in which no components are singled out or rather a whole which consists of many 4 Bourdieu defines social capital as: „[…] the sum of the resources, actual or virtual, that accrue to an individual or a group by virtue of possessing a durable network of more or less institutionalized relationships of mutual acquaintance and recognition” (Bourdieu 2001:104–105). 5 In „Foundation of Social Theory”, Coleman writes: “Social capital is defined by its function. It is not a single entity, but a variety of different entities having two characteristics in common: They all consist of some aspect of social structure, and they facilitate certain actions of individuals who are within the structure. Like other forms of capital, social capital is productive, and it makes it possible to reach certain goals which would be unreachable without it.” (Coleman 1990: 300). 6 According to Fukuyama, social capital is “[…] a certain set of informal values or norms shared among members of a group that permit cooperation among them.” (Fukuyama 2003: 169). 7 In his opinion, “Social capital refers to such characteristics of society organisation as trust, norms and links which may improve the society’s efficiency and thus facilitate coordinated action” (Putnam 1995: 258).

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components8. For Bourdieu, social capital is a network of relations which are a sum of resources of individual or group actors. As the multi-component concepts have the advantage of possibility of operationalisation of social capital by selecting a few or more variable components and studying relations between them (plus determining which component, and to what extent, influences the level of social capital), these are the interpretations that are most often used by researchers (who often do not even determine whether they were inspired by Putnam, Fukuyama or Coleman’s definition (Zajda 2011: 21). For instance, Trutkowski and Mandes consider the following to be the key components of social capital: trust, social networks, norms and liabilities (2005: 65). Frykowski and Starosta enumerate: the network component, values and norms, and the trust component (Frykowski and Starosta 2006: 247). Polish researchers interested in the LEADER approach most often analyse selected elements, components of the social capital of local action groups and country inhabitants who belong to them. For instance, Hanke and Psyk-Piotrowska analysed the chance to implement the LEADER+ Pilot Programme on the basis of existing data about the trust component (social trust of country inhabitants) and the network component (number of operating non-governmental organisations) (Hanke and Psyk-Piotrowska 2006). Śpiewak (also basing on the existing data) conducted research on the relation between the network component of social capital of country residents and their involvement in the process of creating these territorial partnerships. She analysed their social activity, measured on the basis of voter turnout during presidential elections, an average number of nongovernmental organisations and an average number of volunteer fire brigades (Śpiewak 2009: 74–78). A similar relation (in a selected region, i.e. Lower Silesia) was studied by Furmankiewicz and Janc (they used a variable: 8 Other differences are related to treating social capital as a private or public good. For Bourdieu, social capital is a private good which may be used by a social actor and also shaped by him in order to ensure him the best possible position in a given social field. Other authors show that social capital is first and foremost a public good. A social actor using its potential does not exclude the activity of others in this respect. Another difference is related to the functions of social capital. For Bordieu, these were mainly related to enabling social actors to retain their position in social fields or fight for change in this respect. For other authors, social capital is mainly meant to facilitate cooperation (Zajda 2011: 21–22).


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an average number of non-governemtnal organisations9) (Furmankiewicz and Janc 2011: 116). Halamska has also focused on this issue (in relation to the Łódzkie Voivodeship), and she based her research on such variables of the network component as: a number of non-governmental organisations and associations, voter turnout in parliamentary elections, voter turnout in local self-government elections, sum of donations for the charity campaign of Wielka Orkiestra Świątecznej Pomocy10 (Halamska 2009: 15, 21). The studies conducted so far have resulted in specifying of several problems with which local action groups cope (in the aspect of social capital). The mostly discussed one is that of the relations between representatives of the three sectors that form these organisations. It was named municipalisation or colonisation of local action groups, as these phenomena manifest themselves in an excessive influence of public sector representatives on functioning of these structures. Local authorities dominate in the field of establishing the priorities of strategic documents for local action groups (and they believe that their “proper” specification will help finance the investments necessary for individual communes which belong to their area of support). In some partnerships, researchers noted that the proposals of objectives and priorities of partnership development submitted by their inhabitants are replaced (or complemented) with those recommended by representatives of local selfgovernment units (Furmankiewicz and Królikowska 2010: 86). Informal relations between local authorities and selected board members often decide about the order in which funds are granted to beneficiaries. Moreover, such unofficial agreements between local authorities of communes are often a basis for establishing the maximum sums which can be granted in calls for applications (they determine how many projects from a given commune may receive financial support in a given call for applications) (LEADER – czy można lepiej 2011: 34). Furmankiewicz, basing on the studies conducted in three intentionally selected regions (Łódzkie, 9

In the studies by Śpiewak and Furmankiewicz and Janc, this relation was positively verified. 10 The author has shown that there is no relation in the Łódzkie Voivodeship between social activity of country inhabitants (understood in this way) and the number of local action groups. In this case, these organisations are formed upon the initiative of rather small groups of leaders than as a result of mobilisation of rural communities.

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Dolnośląskie and Małopolskie Voivodeships), observed that the public sector outnumbers other sectors in councils of local action groups. These organs are responsible for distribution of funds which these organisations have at their disposal. Their “proper” personal composition results in the fact that it is this sector’s representatives that constitute the majority during any voting, and they frequently take advantage of this situation in order to show preference for the projects that are important for infrastructure of individual communes (e.g. those which ensure financing of volunteer fire brigades, community centres, construction of pavements and playgrounds). In this way, local authorities control the distribution of funds available in the LEADER approach. Participation of representatives of the social and economic sectors is minimized in the process of taking decisions which are important for the partnership, whereas the appearances would suggest that the postulate of co-governance is applied (the author calls this ‘tokenism’) (Furmankiewicz 2013: 75, 81–82, 86, see also Munro and others 2008). Their actions result in centralisation of the flow of resources in local action groups. In other words, only one sector decides about their distribution, which leads to even deeper hierarchisation (see also Hanke 2009, Furmankiewicz and Królikowska 2010: 21). Yet, as Macken-Walsh remarks, “Encouraging collaboration between diverse local development stakeholders is promoted in the bureaucratic literature as a means towards addressing the complexity of locally-specific development problems, the need for diversity in the EU rural economy (involving a range of sectoral interests outside of agriculture); and the need to facilitate the participation of local representatives in the development process through adherence to principles of ‘good governance’” (Macken-Walsh 2010: 45–46). In the search for explanation for municipalisation and colonisation of local action groups, the significance of two kinds of factors is emphasised. First of all, objective ones – it is the public sector that has the most competent personnel, especially in the field of EU applications (which has always been important for local action groups as they apply for funds for their activity). Therefore, even though; formally, the ratio of participation of the three sectors in each local action group is maintained (otherwise it would not receive support from the Rural Development Programme 2007–2013), public sector representatives are in fact a majority. As Halamska, Michalska and Śpiewak notice, almost acrobatic steps are taken in Polish partnerships.


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For instance, a commune secretary may be delegated to the local action group council as a representative of a sports club, or a commune council member may become a representative of the economic sector, delegated by his wife’s farmstead (Halamska, Michalska and Śpiewak 2011: 112, see also Knieć 2010: 5). Moreover, the public sector is characterised by financial stability, which is often used to secure the loans taken by these organisations for their activity. Secondly, municipalisation and colonisation of local action groups result from subjective factors – in small communities, the public sector has a significant informal influence. Until recently, it was the commune office that was the most important institution responsible for local development. After forming local action groups, their members are often perceived (by representatives of the public sector) as competitors in the power race, which triggers their tendency to control things (PSDB 2012: 48–49). Local action groups also have to deal with marginalisation of the economic sector (by representatives of the two other sectors). The experience from scheme 1 and 2 of the LEADER+ Pilot Programme showed how difficult it was to build partnerships with participation of this sector (during implementation of scheme 2, representatives of the economic sector were a minority, as they constituted only 17% of all members of local action groups) (Knieć and Hałasiewicz 2008: 40). The difficulties resulted from, e.g. lack of entrepreneurs who would be interested in a non-profit activity. As all-Poland research (conducted in 2011) proved, this sector still has the weakest representation in these organisations (PSDB 2012: 49). Not only are this sector’s representatives outnumbered in local action groups, but they are also excluded from work in these organisations (entrepreneurs are heads of boards in only 9% of Polish local action groups) (PSDB 2012: 6, 45). They also have the weakest trust of other LAG members, and least frequently participate in works of these groups (even in general meetings which are organised only once or twice a year) (Zajda 2011: 127). Methodology of own research Taking into account the publications of 2011, a team of researchers from the Institute of Sociology of the University of Łódź decided do develop a project which objective was to assess the level and structure of social

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capital in Polish local action groups11. This article presents the most important conclusions concerning the problems of these organisations related to the condition of social capital of their members (partners12). The case study method was used in research, defined by Yin as “[...] an empirical inquiry that investigates a contemporary phenomenon within its real-life context, when the boundaries between the phenomenon and context are not clearly evident; and in which multiple sources of evidence are used, multiple techniques of data gathering and analysis” (Yin 1989: 80). As a theoretical basis, Putnam’s definition of social capital was accepted, according to which it is a system of three components which determine one another: trust and networks of relations between society members based on this trust, along with norms and values which determine their behaviour in mutual relations. Thus, the study focused on: the trust component of social capital of members (partners) of local action groups, i.e. vertical and horizontal behaviour which is characteristic of them13, the component of norms and values shared by these persons14 and the network 11

Project entitled „Struktura i uwarunkowania kapitału społecznego lokalnych grup działania” (Structure and determinants of social capital in local action groups) financed from the resources of the National Science Centre (agreement no. 6996/B/H03/2011/40), developed in 2011–2013. The research team: dr hab. E. Psyk-Piotrowska, prof. nadzw. UŁ, dr K. Zajda, mgr A. Kretek-Kamińska, prof. zw. dr hab. D. Walczak-Duraj. 12 In accordance with the Act of 7 April 1989 Law on Associations (consolidated text [Journal of Laws] Dz. U. of 2001, issue 79, item 855 as amended), work in an association is performed by its members, whereas in a foundation, work is performed by its partners, pursuant to the Act of 6 April 1984 Law on Foundations (consolidated text [Journal of Laws] Dz. U. of 1991, issue 46, item 203 as amended). 13 In the case of the trust component, the following variables have been stressed: 1. trust of LAG members to familiar persons (family, neighbours, colleagues from outside LAGs and colleagues from LAGs), 2. social trust of LAG members (belief that the majority of people can be trusted and trust to strange persons encountered in various life situations), 3. trust of LAG members to local institutions and organisations (local authorities, nongovernmental organisations, local entrepreneurs). 14 In the case of the component of norms and values, the following aspects have been analysed: 1. local patriotism of LAG members – their bond with their commune of residence, participation in the last local self-government election, readiness to bear expenses for promotion of local culture, 2. values and norms shared by LAG members – due to the character of LAGs, partnership is an important value, understood as an area which is coherent in the aspects of natural environment, economy and culture. Attempts have been made to determine the reasons for membership in an organisation, and whether LAG


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component (i.e. the cooperation network of members, partners of these organisations15). The research object were local action groups from the voivodeships with the largest and smallest numbers of these organisations. While selecting them, the statistical data from the period of implementation of the LEADER+ Pilot Programme were used. All the LAGs which were taken into account while forming the survey sample realised scheme 2 of the LEADER+ Pilot Programme. In Poland, there are also local action groups which were formed after the LEADER+ Pilot Programme implementation finished. In practice, most often they started operation only in 2009–2010 (see Zajda 2011: 77). According to the researchers, this period is too short to conclude about the potential of their social capital. The analysis covered the organisations from western voivodeships, i.e. Lubuskie, Opolskie and Zachodniopomorskie (included in the 1st set – voivodeships with the smallest network of LAGs16), and from central and members (partners) operate for its good or they are more focused on the interest of one specific social group or their personal interests. Moreover, the researchers have analysed the respondents’ attitude towards the norm of three-sectoral cooperation (to check if they are convinced that all members of this organisation should cooperate regardless of whether they represent the social, public or economic sector) and the level of their conviction that it is necessary for LAG members to know the LAG operational procedures, 3. socially-involved attitude of the surveyed – their readiness to provide support to other people, willingness to continue their membership in a LAG (work for the common good). The level of sense of subjectivity of the surveyed has also been analysed (understood as a conviction that they have control over their own lives). 15 In the case of the network component, the following variables have been listed: 1.involvement of LAG members in networks of cooperation for their partnership or commune, 2. participation of the surveyed in LAG works – assessment of their activity in LAG works during implementation of scheme 2 of the LEADER+ Pilot Programme (including assessment of the forms of their activity in a group, frequency of participation in LAG general meetings, flow of information about group meeting among LAG members), 3. sense of LAG members having influence on functioning of the partnership and conviction of the surveyed about the influence of LAG operations on development of the partnership. 16 In the Lubuskie Voivodeship, three territorial partnerships were analysed – Stowarzyszenie Lokalna Grupa Działania Regionu Kozła, Fundacja Porozumienie Wzgórz Dałkowskich and Fundacja Zielonej Doliny Odry i Warty. In the Opolskie Voivodeship, three local action groups were analysed: Partnerstwo Borów Niemodlińskich, Dolina Stobrawy and EURO Country. In the Zachodniopomorskie Voivodeship, also three

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southern voivodeships – Wielkopolskie, Małopolskie and Podkarpackie (belonging to the 2nd set – voivodeships with the highest “saturation” of this kind of organisations17). Thus, the research was conducted in 6 out of 16 voivodeships. So far, the publications resulted from the analyses conducted in three voivodeships at the most. Thus, it was interesting to determine whether problems of local action groups observed in these regions are shared by such organisations from other parts of the country. All the groups operating in the selected voivodeships were requested to participate in the survey (59 LAGs). Representatives of slightly more than a half of them agreed (34 LAGs), including 9 out of 14 local action groups of set 1 and 25 out of 45 local action groups from set 2. The research was conducted as an individual survey (addressed to members, partners of local action groups operating in the selected voivodeships). 1500 survey forms were distributed, 586 of them were returned, and 573 surveys from members of 34 out of 59 local action groups, to which the request for participation was sent, were qualified for further analysis (due to the content, especially numerous cases of lack of data). While assessing the level of individual components of social capital, indices representing the value of its individual components were constructed. As a result of statistical procedures, the index of each component was expressed as a three-point value, where 0 meant e.g. lack of trust (or lack of acceptance of norms and values, participation in LAG works), and 2 meant

ocal action groups were researched: Szanse Bezdroży Gmin Powiatu Goleniowskiego, Stowarzyszenie Lider Pojezierza and Fundacja Środkowopomorska Grupa Działania. local action groups were researched: Szanse Bezdroży Gmin Powiatu Goleniowskiego, Stowarzyszenie Lider Pojezierza and Fundacja Środkowopomorska Grupa Działania 17 In the Wielkopolskie Voivodeship, the following were analysed: Lokalna Grupa Działania Gościnna Wielkopolska, Ostrzeszowska Lokalna Grupa Działania, Lokalna Grupa Działania Stowarzyszenie KOLD, Stowarzyszenie Światowid, Stowarzyszenie CzarnkowskoTrzcianecka Lokalna Grupa Działania. In the Małopolskie Voivodeship, eleven local action groups were included in a survey: Dunajec-Biała, PROKOPARA, Dolina Karpia, Jaksa, Stowarzyszenie Rozwoju Spisza i Okolicy, Stowarzyszenie Rozwoju Orawy, Gorce Pieniny, Gościniec 4 Żywiołów, Korona Północnego Krakowa, LGD Olkusz, Podhalańska LGD. In the Podkarpackie Voivodeship, research was conducted in: Subregion Magurski, Partnerstwo dla Ziemi Niżańskiej, Lasovia, CK Podkarpacie, PROWENT, Kraina Sanu, Dolina Strugu, Dorzecze Wisłoka, Czarnorzecko-Strzyszowska LGD.


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a high level of trust (or acceptance of norms and values, participation in LAG works). The synthetic value of each component (as a whole) was obtained by summing up the values of individual components (as a result, seven-point indices of trust, norms and values, and networks have been obtained, with potential values of 0 to 6).

Research results. Problems of local action groups in the aspect of the network component of social capital The analyses conducted within the framework of the research showed that the main problem with which local action groups have to cope is the condition of the network component and (to a smaller extent) the condition of a trust component which characterise their members, partners. An average level (scale 0 to 6 points) of the network component was 3.53 points, trust component: 3.79 points, norms and values: 4.73 points (see graph 1). It is worth noticing that the level of the component of norms and values was determined by declarations of respondents related e.g. to their local patriotism, acceptance for the standard of three-sectoral cooperation, and the sense of subjectivity18. The level of the network component was assessed e.g. basing on their practical activities for the benefit of their local action group. The main problem of local action groups is a low level of activity of their members (partners) in these organisations. About 31% of the respondents admitted that their activity in the group is limited to speaking during 18

Majority of members, partners of local action groups are involved citizens who were ready to provide support to other people and; in fact, majority of them work in various associations and organisations and/or independently of them take part in projects for the benefit of their local communities. They are attached to the idea of partnership as a new and coherent value for which it is worth taking action in cooperation with representatives of various sectors (even if they are not highly trusted). At the same time, they are local patriots who are attached to their place of residence, ready to support local culture with their own funds, taking part in local self-government elections (often doing significantly more than just casting their votes), convinced about a significant influence of persons similar to them on their immediate surroundings (commune and partnership).

40 35 30 25 20 15 10 5 0

0

1

trust

2

norms

4

5

6

Source: compilation from the project „Struktura i uwarunkowania kapitału społecznego lokalnych grup działania” (Structure and determinants of social capital in local action groups)

networks

Component level

3

Graph 1. Level of social capital components in the surveyed LAGs

Percentage of respondents


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meetings. As many as 14% of the respondents admitted that they do not get involved in functioning of their local action group at all, and they are only formal members (partners). When the respondents who are active only to a small extent and the passive respondents were asked about the reasons for such a situation, they most often explained it with lack of time (39%), or they emphasised that they are convinced that other LAG members will prove better in action (39%). About 14% of these respondents remarked that they would like to get involved in functioning of their organisations, but they have no such possibility as there are some persons in their groups who are constantly delegated to various works. It is significant that as many as 11% of the respondents who are active only to a small extent and the passive respondents pointed out that they did not take part in implementation of various initiatives for the benefit of the inhabitants of communes in their partnership area because they were not informed about them. This means that various methods of communication between organs of local action groups, their offices and members (partners) are not always evaluated as positive. Each of these organisations decides whether information about its activities will be published on the website, given to their members (partners) in writing (via post or e-mail) or via telephone. Regardless of the method (and situation in which it is used), some respondents have objections to them. It was mainly LAG board and council members who had the opportunity to show their activity. However, these organs underwent petrification, which means that; for many years, work in these organs has been performed by the same persons, most often those who have belonged to the group since the time of implementation of the LEADER+ Pilot Programme (about ¾ of board members have gained experience related to implementation of the LEADER approach in that very period, the same refers to nearly 3 in 5 council members). The experience gained during implementation of the LEADER+ proved beneficial and it increased the chances of getting various functions in the period 2007–201319. However, these persons are not the only ones who have competences which are necessary to be 19

Advanced age of the respondents was most related to various functions in these organisations. Participation of the youngest persons (especially those aged 18–24) in works of LAG boards was least significant.

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active in these organisations. It is worth emphasising that the surveyed members (partners) of local action groups were mostly well-educated – about 28% of them completed secondary school20, and 59.4% of them graduated from high schools21. Nearly ¾ of the respondents (before joining these organisations) were active in various projects for the benefit of the inhabitants of their communes, either on behalf of public institutions (e.g. as civil servants, commune council members, commune administrators), in non-governmental organisations, individually, or in cooperation with other inhabitants (for 30% of the most active respondents, involvement in the issues of the commune/partnership meant participation in three or more types of projects initiated by various institutions or by themselves). Growing involvement of the respondents in the issues of local communities is also reflected in the fact that nearly 71% of them (before they joined local action groups) had participated in various events related to promotion of the cultural heritage of their area of residence. Thus, most of local action group members have knowledge and skills which would enable their activity in these organisations which would go further beyond just speaking during meetings. Even more so, if we consider the fact that both in boards and in councils of local action groups, there are some “accidental” people who are not active in any way (about 8% of members of each of these organs). Their participation in these bodies is a result of informal agreements between the actors involved in the process of forming local action groups. For instance, as there was no woman who would represent the social sector in the council, the commune administrator appointed an employee of the commune office who had recently become a member of the country housewives’ association. Local action groups lack organs (units) which would make it possible to include more members (partners) in works of these organisations22. These structures are often too large to offer their members any opportunity to be 20

The category of secondary education also included those persons who graduated from postsecondary community colleges (6.2%) and those who have not completed their academic studies (4.3%). 21 Nearly 13% of the surveyed had education lower than secondary. 22 In this context, it is problematic whether the so-called small partnerships (especially those operating in the areas with fewer than thousand inhabitants) should be encouraged to merge with each other. Supporters of this idea argue that such fusions have chance for more funds due to their size. It is assumed here that the effectiveness of their activity is


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pro-active (and shape in themselves the sense of actual influence on the change of the image of their villages). If there are 150–200 members in a local action group, the board consists of 5–7 members, and the number of councillors does not exceed 20, then the question arises about the space for (more or less) regular work of other members (partners) of such organisations. Involvement in the works of local action groups is also hindered by their professionalization and economisation. They use the advisory services of so-called experts and companies which specialise in organisation of various projects much more willingly than turn to the village inhabitants, as they are afraid that audit results would otherwise show some irregularities. Such course of action is also encouraged by the fact that the procedures of LEADER approach implementation are described as very complicated (even by board and council members) – about 54% of all the respondents answered that implementation of the LEADER+ Pilot Programme was particularly difficult, and about 46% of all the respondents had the same opinion about implementation of Axis 4 of the Rural Development Programme 2007–2013.

Problems of local action groups in the aspect of the trust component of social capital Problems of local action groups in the aspect of the trust component are mostly related to the trust of members (partners) of these organisations towards the representatives of the economic sector and the level of their generalised trust. Those members (partners) of local action groups who belong to the economic sector were trusted only by slightly more than half of their colleagues. Mistrust characterised mainly representatives of the public sector (over 16% of these respondents answered that they do not trust them at all). The largest level of trust towards them was declared by representatives of the economic sector (63% of these respondents answered in this way) (see table I).

measured by the number of implemented projects. However, larger partnership area may limit the possibility of contact between village inhabitants and LAG office workers.

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Table 1. Trust of LAG members towards their colleagues from this organisation In general, do you trust members of the local action group who represent:

yes

no

it is hard to say

public sector

65.1

12.9

21.9

social sector

70.8

7.6

21.6

economic sector

56.1

14.6

29.3

Respondents’ answers [%], N=573

Source: compilation from the project „Struktura i uwarunkowania kapitału społecznego lokalnych grup działania” (Structure and determinants of social capital in local action groups).

The attitude of respondents towards their colleagues from local action groups who represent the economic sector is related to the opinion about entrepreneurs in their local communities. When the level of respondents’ trust in the local authorities, non-governmental organisations and entrepreneurs from their commune of residence was analysed, it turned out that it was relatively lowest in the case of trust in local entrepreneurs. They were highly trusted by only every fourth respondent, and also every fourth respondent did not trust them at all. Half of local action group members declared only moderate trust in the representatives of business (see table II). It seems that most of the respondents are convinced about the “Machiavellian” attitude of entrepreneurs to the social reality, which is manifested in the fact that the only indication of their activity is their willingness to gain profit and satisfy their own interests. Thus, the problems (mentioned in publications) related to the deficit of trust of members (partners) of local action groups in the entrepreneurs and farmers who are also members of these organisations were reflected in research. Moreover, local action groups cope with the problem of relatively low level of generalised trust of their members (partners). Only less than 20% of the surveyed declared a high level of trust to strangers encountered in various life situations, and as many as 34% of them responded that they do not trust such people at all (see table III). Yet, this is this type of trust (towards strangers encountered in various life situations) that determines the inclination to enter more diversified social relations and facilitates access to diversified information and taking

High

Moderate

No trust

308 145

Trust in non-governmental organisations operating in the commune area (N=567)

Trust in local entrepreneurs (N=551)

26.3

54.3

44.8

269

172

170

48.8

30.3

30

137

87

143

24.9

15.3

25.2

High

367

Conviction that most people can be trusted (N=546)

Yes 67.2

19.8

-

264

Number

No trust

-

46.6

179

190 No

32.8

33.6

Percentage Number Percentage

Moderate


112

Number Percentage

Trust in strangers encountered in various life situations (N=566)

Social trust

Table 3. Social trust – distribution of answers to index questions


254

Number Percentage Number Percentage Number Percentage

Trust in local authorities (N=567)

Trust in local institutions and organisations

Table 2. Trust in local institutions that are important for functioning of LAGs – distribution of answers to index questions

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advantage of them, including economic advantage. The low level of generalised trust reflects not only the low inclination to enter new contacts and form new networks (only the closest colleagues, mostly from one’s own sector are trusted), but it also shows how fragile the basis for current cooperation within local action groups is. Actual cooperation in local action groups often takes place within a relatively limited and closed circle of persons who have long-term high functions on decision-making organs of their groups.

Conclusions The research allowed to confirm some observations made in the literature on this subjects published so far, but also to highlight new problems with which local action groups have to cope. Putnam’s multi-component definition of social capital was used, and the value of all three components was assessed, thanks to which the authors were able to notice that the main problem of these organisations is the condition of the network component of social capital which characterises their members (partners). The value of the network component was assessed in relation to not only members (partners) of local action groups, but also in the process of verification of their level of activity within the structure. Only a little more than half of the respondents turned out to be active (and some of those “not involved” had a sense of exclusion from various activities and decisions, despite their willingness to participate in the work of these organisations). Those who joined local action groups a bit later (i.e. after implementation of the LEADER+ Pilot Programme) and would like to be more active than just speak during group meetings found it hard to do so due to petrification of key group organs, namely the board and the council. Perhaps this problem could be eliminated if limited terms of office were introduced, and control over their real composition was tightened. Local action groups definitely lack additional units thanks to which the remaining persons could work for their benefit. The structural organisation of the researched groups (to various extents) may exclude (or lower the chance of) participation of their members (partners) in decision-making processes, and thus it puts at question compliance with some principles of the LEADER approach – the partnership principle and the bottom-up approach). “Technicalisation” of the LEADER approach in Poland is also


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interesting – it is defined by the number of implemented projects (the more, the better), which makes it easy to forget about its essence, i.e. cooperation of countryside inhabitants towards rural development. It results in professionalisation of these organisations, which also limits access of their members (partners) to various kinds of work in them. Undoubtedly, local action groups have to cope with the problem of a low level of involvement of economic sector representatives in implementation of the LEADER approach. It seems that little has changed in this respect over the years. In comparison to representatives of the social and public sector, the level of trust in them is still lower, which does not help them become active members of the boards or councils of these organisations. Therefore, it can be stated that despite the legal form of local action groups in Poland (foundations, associations, unions of associations), they are more like new forms of regional development agencies than like organisations that attempt to include as many members as possible into their activity.

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DOI: 10.2478/eec-2014-0005

20’ 2014

Krzysztof Zbigniew Drąg, Nowak Tamara Lukić1,Gorlach, Ivana Penjišević, BojanPiotr Đerčan, Branislav Đurđev, Milka Bubalo Živković, Tanja Armenski Women on… Combine Harvesters? 1 Women asPolitics Farm Operators in Contemporary in the Balkan countryside: Poland

case study in Serbia Abstract

The authors discuss the main characteristics of women as farm operators using national sample studies conducted in 1994, 1999 and 2007. After an analysis of literature and Abstract various research results some hypotheses were formulated, i.e.: the better education of rural women than rural men, women as “unnatural” or “forced” farm operators due the field circumstances, observations conducted oneconomic the territory of of central it toThanks variousto household the “weaker” status farmsSerbia, operated was noticed that people in rural environment, beside the optional conversations by women. Basic results of the studies carried out in 1994, 1999 and 2007 confirm the about weather oftenposition talk about the politics. The farms. aim ofMoreover, this work hypothesis aboutconditions, the weaker most economic of female operated women farm operators were slightly older and far better educated than their male was to find out how many people who live in the countryside have the contact counterparts. On the contrary, the males were more active off the farms in the public with the politics. Hypothesis were made within the communication with several sphere. In addition, the circumstances of becoming farm operators did not differ examinees, but they were verified by the poll in which more than 100 persons significantly between males and females. Finally, there were no significant differences took part. Data were analyzed between “male” and “female” stylesbyofdescriptive farming. statistics, using T-test, one-factor analysis of ANOVA variance, and also they were checked by Post-hoc Tukey test. Keywords: women, farm operators, education, market position, entrepreneur, The work task was to find out if gender, age, as well as, professional and regional style of farming. differences exist in relation to the countryside inhabitants considerations about certain political issues they have been talking about. The importance of this work is to discover whether the distance from urban environments and, life in nature Introductory Remarks can make a man less interested in and indifferent to the politics.

Let us start with a statement formulated by one of the leading Polish female rural Keywords: Balkan countryside, politics, sociologists, a specialist in analyzing the Serbia problems of rural families. She points out: “[…] roughly 60 per cent of agricultural production [in Poland – K.G.;

1 An earlier draft of this paper was presented at the XXIV European Congress for Rural 1 Sociology, Chania, Greece, 22–25 August, 2011. [email protected]

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T. Lukić, I. Penjišević, B. Đerčan, B. Đurđev, M. Bubalo-Živković, T. Armenski

Introduction Old Greek philosopher, Aristotle, gave a definition of the essence of man, calling him a „zōon politikon” or a man as a social, political being. The territory of the Balkan Peninsula, shared; among others, between Serbia and Greece, had glorious and turbulent history. Numerous wars and other historical events forced the inhabitants, usually in rural territory, to be informed even in the time when the information was not exchanged at the light speed. Nowadays, in the time of modern technologies, which ensure undisturbed circulation of information in different ways, the inhabitant of rural environment theoretically may be well informed about everything, even about the politics, so he can have a formed opinion. The aim of this work was to find out how much is the man from here, a dweller of the rural settlements in Serbia, „zōon politikon“. It was understood as his knowledge about politics in general, having the opinion, attitude, and perception power about life changes in the countryside under influence of political changes, as well as, the general importance of the politics in his life.

Methods The facts shown in this work are the result of consultation with literature and own investigation. The opinion about politics in the countryside was shown on the basis of the poll results. The examinees represented the random sample of inhabitants who live in the countryside. Some authors believe that the estimations from applied statistic methods will be good only if the sample contains minimum 51 units (Bagozzi 1981). Taking the above statement into consideration, it may be concluded that the sample used in this investigation (n=105) was representative. The poll of ten questions was correctly filled in by 105 examinees or 80.8% of the interviewed, mostly males (51.4%). More than a half (50.5%) lived on the hilly terrain or in the mountain. Three quarters of the examinees (76%) were not engaged in the politics. (Table 1) Almost the quarter of examinees (24.8%) represented the age group from 30 to 39 years, and almost one third were employed (32.4%). Hypothesis were measured on a five-point Likert type scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). The interviewing was conducted during August 2013. Data were analyzed by descriptive statistics and using T-test, one-factor analysis of ANOVA

Politics in the Balkan Countryside: A Case Study in Serbia

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variance and Post-hoc Tukey HSD test. T-test was made with independent samples and compared by arithmetic mean of two groups. As it was not possible to assume the result of comparison, 2 tailed test was used. The results of T-test discovered significant statistic differences between average mean of the examinees gender, political engagement and the origin of the examinees according to the altitude they have settled at, at the importance level p