A new chronological and technological synthesis for

Quaternary International xxx (2016) 1e14

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A new chronological and technological synthesis for Late Middle Paleolithic of the Eastern Cantabrian Region Joseba Rios-Garaizar n sobre la Evolucio n Humana (CENIEH), 09002 Burgos, Spain Centro Nacional de Investigacio

a r t i c l e i n f o

a b s t r a c t

Article history: Available online xxx

This paper explores the nature of the variability noted in the Late Middle Paleolithic lithic technology of the Eastern Cantabrian Region. The sequence at Axlor exemplifies this variability revealing important changes in technology from ca. 55e45 ka BP. A major shift from stable occupations with a Levallois-based technology to shorter occupations with a Quina-based technology is observed. The critical analysis of the available information for the Middle Paleolithic assemblages in the region reveals six major phases: an Early Middle Paleolithic (170e100 ka BP), an undefined Middle Paleolithic (90e60 ka BP), a Vasconian (Discoid technology with cleavers e 60e50 ka BP), a Levallois Mousterian (55e50 ka BP), a Quina Mousterian (50e45 ka BP) and a Late Mousterian (45e40 ka BP). Although the Levallois and Quina Mousterian phases seem to be adaptations to the rapid environmental changes happening during the first phases of MIS3 (between DO16e17 and DO12), there are other factors that also influenced the configuration of these different technological systems, such as the modification of settlement systems or changes in Neanderthal group organization, and the resulting transformation of social needs. © 2016 Elsevier Ltd and INQUA. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Neanderthal Lithic technology Middle Paleolithic Iberian Peninsula Levallois Quina

1. Introduction Over the past several decades, the Late Middle Paleolithic (LMP) of the Cantabrian Region has been thoroughly studied from a technological viewpoint, resulting in a significant increase in the number of synthetic approaches and the amount of information n et al. derived from them (among others: Baena et al. 2012; Carrio 2008; Cuartero et al. 2015; García Garriga et al. 2012; Maillondez, 2007; S ndez and Bernaldo de Quiro s, Ferna anchez-Ferna 2008; Rios-Garaizar, 2008). One of the major features of this period in this region is the high degree of variability observed in settlement strategies, raw material procurement, lithic tool production and use. The variability in lithic production for the Eastern Cantabrian Region LMP was already discussed back in 2008 (Rios-Garaizar, 2008), but this topic is far from exhausted. The advances that have been made in the understanding of the regional Early Middle Paleolithic (EMP) (e.g. Alvarez-Alonso and Arrizabalaga, 2012; Rios-Garaizar et al. 2015a), the rebirth of old debates such as that on the ‘Vasconian’ (Deschamps, 2014), and recently obtained

E-mail addresses: [email protected], [email protected].

data (e.g. dates published in Higham et al. 2014) push us towards a reassessment of the regional LMP. Unfortunately, we are still lacking all the information necessary for a comprehensive synthesis. Important sites with key sequences, such Axlor or Arrillor, are still under study, and, at the same time, new sites are under excavation, mostly open-air sites (Rios-Garaizar, 2014; Colonge et al. 2015). Also, only a few dates are available for the LMP, with Arrillor representing the only well-dated sequence (Higham et al. 2014). Finally, the analysis of faunal and lithic assemblages has not been systematically approached and the available information is quite uneven. In a broader perspective, the notion of variability in the Middle Paleolithic and its significance is a question that is still under discussion (Kuhn, 2013; de la Torre et al. 2013). In a recent publication, we analyzed the relationship between the plausible distribution of big game and the actual composition of faunal assemblages for four LMP sites (Rios-Garaizar and García-Moreno, 2015). We proposed then that, to explain the variability in faunal assemblages, it is more important to focus on the socially- and culturally-mediated selection than on the natural availability of faunal resources. Given these findings, we are going to explore, through an integral analysis of lithic technology (Rios-Garaizar, 2007), similar relationships between the variability in lithic technology and environmental

http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2016.02.020 1040-6182/© 2016 Elsevier Ltd and INQUA. All rights reserved.

Please cite this article in press as: Rios-Garaizar, J., A new chronological and technological synthesis for Late Middle Paleolithic of the Eastern Cantabrian Region, Quaternary International (2016), http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.quaint.2016.02.020

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J. Rios-Garaizar / Quaternary International xxx (2016) 1e14

Table 1 Assemblage composition of Amalda and Axlor LMP levels.

Core Flake Resharpening flake Fragments and debris 50%), seems far too small. Most of the materials from recent excavations (1999e2008) were never deposited in the Arkeologi Museoa of Bilbao and therefore remain inaccessible. The technological analysis of the lithic assemblages from Axlor's Upper Sequence reveals a complex provisioning strategy, which is based on the transport of ready-made flint blanks and tools; the maintenance and reuse of these tools, with evidence of a ramified Quina system; and the occasional use of other materials (Mudstone, Tobaceous Mudstone-aka Vulcanite-, Quartz) to obtain different tools that made up the available toolkit. The proportion of flint use is very high, comprising more than 80% of the total assemblage in levels B, D, IIIeV. The ratio of ~ o) flint sources is northern (Flysch) to southern (Urbasa and Trevin variable ranging from ca. 2:1 in levels B and C to ca. 1:1 in level D. Flint assemblages are characterized by the production of big-sized flakes using a Quina system. Major features supporting this claim include the asymmetrical section of the flakes, the frequent capture of cortical backs, the existence of negatives that indicate the existence of previous changes in flaking surfaces, and the presence of pan, asymmetrical dihedral). typical platforms (broad flat, flat a Almost no cores were found in these levels, but the presence of a typical Quina core in level B is noteworthy (Fig. 4: 3). This production took place away from the site, probably near the major flint outcrops where, at several sites around the Kurtzia Flysch outcrop, typical Quina cores and flakes have been identified. These flakes, transformed into Quina side-scrapers, were transported to the site. Few flakes in these assemblages can be linked to centripetal production systems (Levallois or Discoid). There are also few examples of what could possibly be bladelet cores, similar to those described from Morin, Covalejos or Esquilleu (Maillo-Fern andez, 2005; Martín et al. 2006; Cuartero et al., 2007). Having said this, no real bladelets have been recovered in these levels. Once at the site, the Quina side-scrapers were curated and used as second generation cores, following a typical ramified Quina production system which has been identified at several sites in France and northern Spain (Bourguignon, 1997; Bourguignon et al. 2004; Costamagno et al., 2006; Cuartero et al. 2015; Soressi, 2004) (Fig. 4: 1e2, 4e5). This process was continuously reproduced at the site, such that most of the artifacts in all these levels are typical resharpening flakes (Rios-Garaizar, 2012a). Among them hinged, overshot and Clactonian flakes (types II, III and IV sensu Bourguignon, 1997) are the most common types, implying that

different knapping techniques were used (direct hard hammer percussion for type IV, soft hammer-bone retouchers-tangential percussion for types II and III). As we have shown in previous works, this process enables the maintenance of side-scrapers and the production of fresh flakes (Rios-Garaizar, 2004, 2005, 2012a; Rios-Garaizar et al. 2015b). Side-scrapers were intensively reduced until many of them were totally exhausted (see for example Fig. 4: 5). Resharpening flakes are very variable in size and morphology. A careful selection of bigger flakes (basically types III and IV) to make new retouched tools, mostly side-scrapers (Fig. 4: 6e7), denticulates and slightly retouched flakes was observed in level B (Fig. 4: 8e12). Usually these flakes are thinner and have edges that are significantly more acute than those from parent sidescrapers. Retouched tools made on resharpening flakes represent 38.7% of the total in level D and 32.8% in level B, which is indicative of the importance of this process. The abundance of bone retouchers found in these levels further strengthens this idea (Mozota, 2012). The use of raw materials such as mudstone or quartz is completely different. In mudstone two unipolar cores that produced elongated flakes (laminar flakes) were recovered in level B and C, and several refitting sequences have been obtained in this material. The blanks obtained this way are long, thin and with acute edges (Fig. 4: 13e14), traits almost impossible to obtain with the ramified Quina production made on flint at the site. Besides, a type 3 cleaver made on ophite flake (109 96 24 mm) was recovered in level C (Fig. 4: 15), and a chopper made on sandstone in level D. In levels III to V from Barandiar an's excavations four more big flakes with transversal edges made on mudstone were found. Additionally, 10 choppers and chopping tools made on mudstone, tobaceous mudstone, sandstone and quartzite were identified. The characteristics of these levels suggest that they are the result of successive occupations of the rock shelter, in which the intensive curation, production and use of lithic tools can be noted. Additionally, the abundance of intensively-processed faunal re~ os, 2005), many of them selected to be used in mains (Castan different activities (flint knapping, chiseling, polishing), and the absence of visible structures such as fireplaces, point to repeated, intense and short occupations. Moreover, the fact that the technological provisioning system relies on the import of tools and on a ramified production, while local raw-materials are used only to make large-sized tools, or tools with long cutting edges, reveals important differences with the more long-duration occupations identified in Axlor's Lower Sequence. Therefore, the Upper Sequence can be interpreted as a palimpsest of ephemeral occupations dedicated to processing carcasses and animal by-products such as bone, marrow or hide. Above level B, the rock shelter was only occupied sporadically. The lithic assemblage from level A is small (34 remains), plus 8 n in level II. Between 2006 and more pieces recovered by Barandiara n's excavations were excavated 2008 levels I and II from Barandiara in less than 1 m2 and some materials from level A were also recovered. Above it, in level I, some Upper Paleolithic materials nzalez-Urquijo, 2009). Level II-A is probably the were also found (Go result of the last Middle Paleolithic occupations at the site, and curiously, even though material is scarce, the Quina features are not so evident and there is less use of imported flint than in levels B or D (Rios-Garaizar, 2004). 3.2. Amalda Further east, in the Urola valley, one can find the cave of Amalda, an important site excavated in the 1980s by Altuna et al. (1990). The Middle Paleolithic level (VII) is found at the base of the archaeological deposit (Fig. 5). This level was originally assigned to MIS4



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Fig. 4. Lithic materials from Axlor's Quina levels. 1e2: Transverse Quina side-scrapers; 3 Quina core; 4e5: Convergent Quina exhausted side-scrapers; 6: Transverse side-scraper made on type IV resharpening flake;: Lateral simple side-scraper made on type IV resharpening flake; 8e12: Resharpening flakes with use-related retouch or small retouch modifications; 13e14: Elongated flakes made on mudstone; 15: Simple cleaver made on ophite from level C.

due to its stratigraphic position above Eemian sediments (MIS5e), but there are doubts regarding this chronology as it is likely more recent (Rios-Garaizar, 2012a). The archaeological occupations extend over a large surface (around 60 m2) where a structured

occupation pattern has been observed (Rios-Garaizar, 2012a). The faunal assemblage was interpreted as representing the intensive hunting of Rupricapra rupicapra (Altuna et al., 1990). A recent revision of the faunal assemblage undertaken by J. Yravedra has


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Fig. 5. Plan and section of Amalda's excavation. Originals adapted from J. Altuna et al., 1990.

questioned the anthropic origin of the Rupricapra remains' accumulation, and, in turn, suggesting a carnivore origin to it (Yravedra, 2006, 2007). This interpretation, however, has also been questioned by some authors (Rios-Garaizar, 2012a) and even rejected by others (Altuna and Mariezkurrena, 2010). n The lithic assemblages were originally studied by Baldeo (1990b) and then reviewed by us (Rios-Garaizar, 2010, 2012a). Flint is the most used material, with the Upper Cretaceous Flysch (15e60 km) the most used variety. Occasionally other flint sources ~ o, were located in the south (45e75 km), namely Urbasa and Trevin also used. The second most important raw material is tobaceous mudstone, whose primary source is located close to the site and whose pebbles can be easily found on the Urola riverbanks near the ~ o, 2010; Kortabitarte, 2011). Other site (Arrizabalaga and Tarrin rocks, such as ophite, limestone, sandstone, mudstone or limonite, which are present in the surroundings, were used less intensively (Rios-Garaizar, 2010). These different rocks were transported back to the site under different formats. Flysch flint was introduced as raw flakes or conformed tools; there are only two low quality nodules that suggest direct catchment. Other flint types were transported back as retouched tools produced away from the site, mostly sidescrapers. Flint blanks and retouched tools were intensively curated and exploited at the site (Fig. 6: 10). Different second generation flake production strategies have been documented at the site. Among them the most important are the ramified Levallois and Discoid productions used to obtain small flakes (Fig. 6: 2, 6e8);

and Kombewa-like exploitation, which probably took place during the first stages of flake Levallois productions (Fig. 6: 1). The presence of a Quina ramified production has been identified, and lastly some elongated flakes were obtained from a burin-like kind of production (Rios-Garaizar, 2010; Rios-Garaizar et al. 2015b). The tobaceous mudstone was managed in a specific way: the initial reduction stages were carried out away from the site, but probably in a nearby locality. Then, ready-prepared Discoid cores and big cortical flakes were brought to the cave. The cores were exploited to obtain big-sized, triangular and asymmetrical flakes (pseudolevallois points) (Fig. 6: 4e5), while cortical flakes were transformed into retouched tools. A number of pebbles were also transformed into simple handaxes. Lastly, the rest of the raw materials, namely ophite, sandstone and mudstone, were specifically used to produce big-sized tools, some of them big flakes with transversal edges classifiable as Type 7 Hachereau (sensu. Benito del Rey, 1973) (Fig. 6: 9), some of them more typical cleavers on flake and on pebble (Fig. 6:11). Use-wear analyses have provided insights into the different activities carried out at the site and the relationship between technology, typology and function (Rios-Garaizar, 2010). The activities identified are butchery, wood and hideworking, for which tobaceous mudstone, mudstone and ophite flakes and tools, including hand-axes and cleavers, were used in their initial phases, when weight and massive edges were needed. On the other hand, imported flint tools were used during the intermediate phases of the hide and woodworking activities, shaping the rough-outs into



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Fig. 6. Lithic materials from Amalda's level VII. 1e2: Levallois cores on flake; 3: Mousterian point; 4e5: Tobaceous mudstone pseudolevallois points; 6e8: Small Levallois flakes; 9: Big ophite flake with transversal edge; 10: Quina side-scraper; 11: Mudstone Type 0 cleaver (2/3 actual size).


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almost finished tools. Lastly, small flakes and tools were used for precision butchery, and for the finalization or repairing of the wooden tools, hide garments, ligatures, etc. The site of Amalda III, close to Amalda, yielded a lithic collection very similar to that of Amalda's level VII, with Discoid exploitation of tobaceous mudstone and the presence of typical Mousterian tools such as side-scrapers and Mousterian points. 4. Discussion and conclusions Defining the temporal limits of the LMP in the Eastern Cantabrian Region is quite a complex endeavor given our limited knowledge of its chronology at many sites and sequences. Also, the lack of information on the material culture associated to the last phases of the Middle Paleolithic in comparison to the earlier phases (EMP) hampers its definition. Using the Axlor sequence as an example, and comparing it with the available archaeological record, we can put forward a hypothesis on the chrono-cultural articulation of the Middle Paleolithic in the Eastern Cantabrian Region. This of course needs to be tested against more precise datings, environmental data and additional technological analyses. Despite this, we propose the existence of different phases from ca. 170 to 40 ka BP. These phases are stratigraphically and chronologically defined, but are also strongly linked to particular technocomplexes and are, in our opinion, true behavioral trends that define the historical evolution of Neanderthal populations in this region. The first phase corresponds with the regional EMP, and is still under evaluation. Data obtained at Arlanpe and Lezetxiki provide some insights into Late Middle Pleistocene human occupations (MIS7e5e). We can note the existence of an early phase of this EMP characterized by a lack of bifacial tools (hand-axes and cleavers), which is represented at Lezetxiki in its levels VII and VI (AlvarezAlonso and Arrizabalaga, 2012); at Arlanpe in SQ1 and SQ2 (RiosGaraizar et al. 2015a): and probably at Ventalaperra's level III pez-Quintana et al. (Rios-Garaizar, 2016) and at Atxagakoa (Lo 2005). In these assemblages lithic raw-material provisioning relies on local rocks, but moderate amounts of imported tools and flakes made on distant flint are also present. For flint and mudstone production the use of Levallois and Discoid methods is noted, and these are sometimes combined with other systems such as SSDA me par surface de de bitage alterne ) or even blade pro(Syste ductions. The presence of ramified productions does not constitute an important part of the lithic assemblage. A later phase of this EMP is exemplified in the SQ3 assemblage from Arlanpe, which shares many characteristics with the so-called Late Acheulean or Southern Acheulean defined for SW France (Turq et al. 2010). The Complex III of Jupiter too (Colonge et al. 2015) and perhaps also Lezetxiki's level n, 1993) or some of the basal levels at Zerratu (Sa enz de V (Baldeo Buruaga and Mujika Alustiza, 2003, 2004) can be linked to this technocomplex. The main features of these assemblages are the use of local raw materials, and the presence of bifacial shaping using thick hand-axes and simple cleavers. Flake production is characterized by the use of more simple reduction systems, such as SSDA in the case of Arlanpe, which are accompanied by some Discoid and Levallois products. Following the Eemian interglacial few human occupations have been documented between the late part of MIS5 and MIS4 (~60e95 ka). Nevertheless there are levels situated at the base of some sequences (Axlor's level R, and Arrillor's Lower Complex) that could be placed within this timeframe. The Middle Paleolithic levels at Askondo (11e13) have been dated back to ca. 68 ka (RiosGaraizar and Garate, 2012; Torres and Ortiz, 2012); the Patinated Series found around Bayonne, which has also been dated to ca. 68 ka (Colonge et al. 2015), and the Olha 2's levels SieSm, which are

found at the base of the sequence (Laplace and Saenz de Buruaga, 2000), could also correspond with this phase. Few technological data are available for this assemblage, but the presence of Quina and Levallois technologies, the use of resharpening flakes and the presence of mousterian points have been attested. The next phase corresponds with the Vasconian Mousterian comprising Cleavers and Discoid technology (Deschamps, 2010, 2014). The Late Mousterian horizon found at the sites around and Jupiter), dated between 34 ± 3 and Bayonne (Le Prisse 50 ± 5 ka, have yielded lithic assemblages with Discoid technology, Type 0 cleavers and typical Mousterian hand-axes (Colonge et al. 2015). Similar assemblages have been excavated at Gatzarria's level Cjr, which yielded a >47.4 ka date (Barshay-Szmidt et al. 2012), and in Abauntz's level H which has been dated by AMS to >45 ka and by AAR to 47 ± 7 ka (Utrilla et al. 2015). The levels from Olha 2's Medium Complex have a Discoid-based technology, with evidence of secondary productions and a number of cleavers and Mousterian hand-axes (Deschamps, 2010), although the chronological position of this level remains uncertain. Some of these characteristics are also found in Amalda's level VII, but in this occasion with a greater presence of Levallois and ramified productions (Rios-Garaizar, 2010), this raises some questions about whether we should include this assemblage in the Vasconian technocomplex, or indicate that the presence of cleavers is not enough for such attribution. Moreover, for Amalda's level VII there are serious chronological uncertainties, an initial Würm chronology was initially assigned to Amalda level VII's Middle Paleolithic occupations (Altuna et al. 1990), but in our opinion (see Rios-Garaizar, 2012a for a more detailed discussion), and given the nature of its lithic assemblage, it is probably related to the later phases of LMP. Nevertheless, this matter will be only solved through direct dating. Given all this information the stratigraphic position and the chronology of the Vasconian is still unclear. The chronology of these levels is difficult to establish. Most of the Vasconian levels seem to have a chronology around 50 ka BP. At the Jupiter open-air site, the Vasconian occupation layer is found over a sedimentary unit dated by OSL to 50 ± 5 ka, which would be coherent with the >50 ka hypothesis. Some other levels from the Cantabrian Region have also been linked to the Vasconian (Deschamps, 2014). For example, level nchez-Ferna ndez and Maillo-Fern 20e at El Castillo (Sa andez, 2007) has a Discoid-based technology with cleavers. All the dates associated with level 20 were obtained from Mousterian a from Obermaier's excavations and these range between 42.1 ± 1.5 ka and s et al. 2006). Also La Vin ~ a's level XIII, >47.3 (Bernaldo de Quiro which was originally dated to 48.1 ± 1.6 ka, was defined as a Quina Mousterian with cleavers (Fortea, 1999). Recent dates obtained from this level push back its chronology to >55 ka (Higham et al. 2014). Lastly, the date from Harregi is not associated with a clear enz de Buruaga and Ebrad, 2004) and the stratigraphic context (Sa dates from Noisetier's couche 1 (Mourre et al. 2008) seem too recent (between 31.5 and 42 ka BP) to be considered representative of the chronology of the Vasconian. It seems so that there are serious problems not only to define the chronological position of the Vasconian, but to find a common nexus between these industries other than the mere presence of cleavers, because they occur in Quina, Levallois and Discoid assemblages. Slightly after this phase of Discoid technology with cleavers, it is worth noting the presence of a Levallois-based technology in Axlor's levels MeN (VIeVIII), in Arrillor's Medium Complex (Amk enz de and Smkl), and in Gatzarria's level Cj (Laplace and Sa Buruaga, 2003; Ready, 2013). These levels are characterized by the presence of structured and repeated fireplaces, which evidence an increased residentiality, and by a subsistence strategy based on selected prey, red deer in the case of Axlor's level N-VIII (Rios-Garaizar and García Moreno, 2015) and Gatzarria's Cj (Ready,



2013). Arrillor's Amk and Axlor's level N suggest they were formed lezunder temperate climatic conditions (Hoyos et al. 1999; Gonza Urquijo et al. 2005; Iriarte-Chiapusso et al. 2014). Arrillor's level Amk and Gatzarria's level Cj have been dated to ca. 45e50 ka (Ready and Morin, 2013), which roughly coincides with the DO12e15 interval. In these levels the lithic raw material provisioning system relied on the use of local raw materials (mudstone for Arrillor and Axlor, quartzite for Gatzarria). Flint-made sidescrapers, Mousterian points and flakes were imported to these sites making up, in the case of Axlor N, less than 50% of the total number of artifacts. It is worth noting the relative abundance of Mousterian points in Axlor's levels N-VIII, many of them elongated. The usewear analysis carried out on these points has revealed that they were used as hunting weapon tips (Rios-Garaizar, 2012b), probably in distance hunting. A recurrent Levallois knapping strategy was used at Axlor, both for mudstone and flint production. Isturitz's level P has yielded a lithic assemblage with a clear Levallois component, with flat side-scrapers and Mousterian points which appear alongside some core-like bifaces and atypical cleavers (Delporte, 1974). In this level several fireplaces have also been recorded and the faunal assemblage is dominated by red deer and horse. Nevertheless, the fact that these level was excavated in the early 20th century, and that there are not detailed records about the stratigraphy, taphonomic issues, etc., raises some questions about its integrity and relevance. Lezetxiki's level IV, with fireplaces and a red deer-dominated faunal assemblage, has technological features n, 1993). Lastly, the that link it to these ‘Levallois’ levels (Baldeo recently reviewed El Cuco sequence has shown to have some levels, especially level VII, with a clear ramified Levallois (microlevallois) production (Rasines et al. in preparation). Above these ‘Levallois’ levels a remarkable change in lithic technology can be observed at Axlor. The lithic assemblages from levels VeIII (FeB) show a flint-made Quina industry, also with an abundance of bone retouchers and strong evidence of recycling and secondary-flake production, as well as some big flakes with transversal edges, even real cleavers. These levels, dated to ca.

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45 ka, evidence a worsening of climatic conditions. Bos/Bison and horses represent an important part of the diet, and species such as reindeer make an appearance (Gomez-Olivencia et al. 2014). There is no clear evidence of residentiality because the levels are interpreted as representing palimpsests formed by repeated short and intensive occupations. At Arrillor the levels situated in the Basal Complex (Smc and Smb) have been defined as being ‘Denticulate Mousterian’ (Iriarte-Chiapusso et al. 2014). However, the available description of the industrial assemblages, with a lithic industry made on low quality local flint with denticulates, side-scrapers, some of them thick, associated to bone retouchers, suggest that these assemblages could have a Quina component. Isturitz's level M has been classified as being a Quina Mousterian, but problems with this level are similar to those mentioned for level P (Delporte, 1974). The faunal assemblage shows an increase in the types and number of cold-adapted fauna, such as reindeer, mammoth and woollyrhino. The lithic industry is dominated by flint tools, many thick Quina side-scrapers and no cleavers. The level has also yielded some bone retouchers. Lastly, Lezetxiki's level III has some technological characteristics, despite the admixture with Aurignacian n, 1993). materials, which link it to these Quina assemblages (Baldeo Lastly, there are few levels on top of the Mousterian sequences at Axlor and Arrillor that display a number of particular characteristics, different to those of previous levels, which remain poorly known. In Arrillor's upper levels (Lmc and Lamc) the faunal assemblage is dominated by red deer, and the lithic assemblage is characterized by the use of high quality flint, and a toolkit composed by side-scrapers, denticulates, points and some Upper enz de Buruaga, 2014). Level Lmc was Paleolithic-like tools (Sa originally dated to 37,100 ± 1000 (BP OxA-6106) (Hoyos et al. 1999), and recently to 44,900 ± 2100 (OxA 21986) for level Lmc, and 45,600 ± 2300 (OxA 22654) and >46,800 (OxA 22654) for Lamc (Higham et al. 2014). The articulation of the regional Middle Paleolithic in six separate phases reveals a certain pattern of cultural change between ca. 170 and 40 ka BP (Fig. 7). As we have noted in the case of Axlor these

Fig. 7. Model proposed for the chronological organization of the different Middle Paleolithic technocomplexes from eastern Cantabrian and western Pyrenean regions. * The adscription of Amalda's level VII to any technocomplex is very difficult, and no precise chronology is available. ** Isturitz's levels P and M come from old excavations, this introduces some cautions about their integrity and significance.


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changes are related to major transformations in settlement dynamics and landscape use, which could have also been influenced by environmental changes. The Levallois phase is probably related to the warm conditions taking place just after DO14 (54e50 ka BP), which triggered the significant expansion of the Atlantic forest nchez-Gon ~ i et al. 2008). These temperate conditions coincide (Sa with more stable occupations, and the technological behavior seems to be adapted to the needs arising from this stability. This can be seen in the use of local raw materials, which have enough quality to obtain Levallois products, and in the refining of ramified Levallois production which helped in maximizing the life of imported raw materials. The Quina phase, on the other hand, is related to the deterioration of climatic conditions, including a significant loss of woodland that took place during the H5 event (48e50 ka BP). In this case this coincides with less stable occupations and the technology was planned for being highly transportable and to satisfy the immediate need for tools that took place during these short and intense occupation episodes. This succession of Levallois and Quina assemblages has also been noted at other Cantabrian sites such as Covalejos (Sanguino and Montes, 2005; Martín et al. 2006) or El Esquilleu (Baena et al. 2012; Cuartero et al. 2015), giving the impression that this was a general phenomenon in this region. The existence of final Mousterian levels dated closer to 40 ka BP with different technologies (Levallois and Discoid) has also been in ndez, 2007) and at El Esquilleu Morin's level 11 (Maillo-Ferna (Baena et al. 2012). This correlation between environmental conditions and technological choices probably means that human groups adapted to fluctuations in the environment by changing their technologies, as has been suggested for SW and SE France, and for the Cantabrian Region (Daujeard and Moncel, 2010; Delagnes and Rendu, 2011; Discamps et al. 2011; Baena et al. 2012). However, we have recently demonstrated that Neanderthal groups were capable of designing strategies that made them less dependent on resource availability (Rios-Garaizar and García-Moreno, 2015). We have also noted the existence of subtle differences in the ways in which the same technological strategy was applied, as has been noted amongst the Quina technology levels at Axlor (Rios-Garaizar, 2005), revealing the existence of multiple levels of complexity that explain the technological variability. We have certainly detected that factors not directly related to subsistence or environmental conditions could have been operating in the selection and application of different technological solutions. For example, in Amalda's level VII the technological complementarity of different productions reveals that the productive processes (butchery, wood-working, etc.) were structured in different production phases, suggesting a certain organization of labor (Rios-Garaizar, 2010; Rios-Garaizar et al. 2015b). We should therefore take into account that behavioral adaptations were also linked to social needs (Barton and Riel-Salvatore, 2012). Acknowledgements Part of this work was carried out with doctoral and postdoctoral grants from Basque Government. We want to thank the help from Axlor research team between 2000 and 2008. J. Altuna and K. Mariezkurrena also offered important insights and data about Amalda excavation. The study of Barandiaran's collection from Axlor rock-shelter was funded by the Basque Government (Grant number: BF107.67). This work was carried out at the Museo Vasco and the Arkeologi Museoa from Bilbao, at the IIIPC from Santander, sito de Materiales and Sociedad de and at the Centro de Depo Ciencias Aranzadi from San Sebastian. The English version of this s. Finally manuscript was revised and corrected by Pía Spry-Marque discussions with Laurence Bourguignon, Illuminada Ortega, Shannon McPherron, Valentín Villaverde, Aleix Eixea, Marco A. Bernal,

M. Maillo, Diego Garate, Javier Baena, Alvaro Arrizabalaga, Jose mez improved significantly this Alejandro García and Asier Go work. Three anonymous reviewers made comments on the original manuscript that helped significantly to improve it.

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