Aborigines and Positional Segregation in Australian Rugby League

Aborigines and Positional Segregation in Australian Rugby League* CHRISTOPHER J. HALLINAN Area of Health and Human Performance Studies, Box 870312, Tuscaloosa AL 35487, USA.

University

of Alabama,

Abstract Researchers have found the existence of positional segregation in North American and British sports in which an overrepresentation of black players existed. Data gathered for the 1987 and 1988 seasons are presented as a test of the ’stacking’ and outcome control hypotheses in NSW rugby league, where an overrepresentation of Aborigines clearly existed. It was found that the most likely position to be played by an Aborigines as one which supports the population stereotype. As well, analysis of match videotapes and tackle counts revealed that Aboriginal positions had the least involvement of any field playing position. These results lend support to the notion that positional segregation may be likely in team sports for all anglocentric societies.

Development and Extension of the Positional Segregation Perspective

originative work of Loy & McElvogue (1970) combined the theoretical propositions of occupational discrimination (Blalock, 1962) and spatial involvement (Grusky, 1963) to find that, in an examination of professional baseball and professional football, discrimination against black athletes was likely to occur. Black athletes were clearly underrepresented in central field positions and were, in fact, ’stacked’ in non-central field positions. This particular analysis of discrimination in sport has been re-tested in many settings since 1970 and, according to Coakley (1986), at least 33 further studies have documented the existence of ’stacking’. Curtis & Loy (1979) reported that &dquo;there has been something of an ’industry’ in stacking studies&dquo; (286). The quantity of such research led to the conclusion that the evidence of stacking patterns in football and baseball was &dquo;irrefutable&dquo; (Melnick, 1987) and, in a study of stacking patterns in professional football covering the years 1975-1989, an increase in segregation was found (Schneider & Eitzen,1986).

The

However, a notable feature of the research was that it was limited to North American male team sports. Other areas of focus remained, until quite recently, largely unexplored, e.g., women’s sports, and, of course, the non-North * This manuscript is an expansion of papers presented at the Bicentennial National Conference of the Australian Sports Medicine Federation in Sydney, Australia in October, 1988 and the 9th Annual Meeting of the North American Society for the Sociology of Sport in Cincinnati, Ohio in November, 1988. The author wishes to acknowledge the support and advice given by Professors Jay Coakley, James Curtis and

John Loy. Int Rev for Soc

@R

of Sport 26/2 (1991) Oldenbourg Verlag GmbH, D-8000 Munchen

70

American realm. Eitzen & Furst (1988) proposed that the absence of ’stacking’ phenomenom research involving women’s team sports can be attributed to the low profile or &dquo;invisibility&dquo; of women’s team sports as well as the non-existence of such at the professional level. Only two studies have examined stacking in the non-North American setting and both documented the existence of stacking in English soccer (Melnick, 1987; Maguire, 1988). Against such a background, this paper sought to identify whether examination via the positional segregation perspective would identify similar structural discrimination in Australia. The Study of Sport and Population Discrimination in Australia Reviewers of the development of the sociological/sociocultural study of sport in Australia have generally agreed that, with few exceptions, two phases are apparent. It is only in the last 10 or so years that scholars have critically examined the nature and role of sport in Australia. Earlier work has been criticized for being &dquo;largely impressionistic or celebratory&dquo; (Lawrence & Rowe, 1986, 19) and for avoiding questions of &dquo;major social issues&dquo; (Pearson & McKay, 1981, 70). Indeed, together with the results of the British soccer studies, the call from some researchers who regret the general inattention and/or scorn by scholars surrounding the academic study of sport in Australia provided an obvious impetus for this study. Yet the climate is not altogether encouraging. While referring to the scorn/inattention as &dquo;academic bigotry&dquo;, Tatz (1987,2) also pointed out that previous sport research in Australia has overwhelmingly centered upon the biophysical aspects. Thus, the various hypotheses offered to tertiary students in Australia explain athletic superiority in terms of ’race’ and have focused, sometimes rather defiantly, on the leg-length extrapolations of

Tanner ( 1964) . There also appears to be widespread community support for the broader concept of physical prowess which is expressed in the comments alluding to some athletic genetic advantage. National rugby team rookie, Lloyd Walker made such

impressive debut in 1988 that the team coach drew a conclusion: &dquo;His uncanny anticipation made me think I had another Ella there - that must be the heritage of his race,&dquo; said the man who relished working with the fabulous Aboriginal brothers, Mark, Gary and Glenn Ella. (Illawarra Mercury, July 19,1988, 33) The following was unearthed from the Ampol Australian Sporting Records

an

(1981): &dquo;The Australian Aboriginal has a fascinating facility for sports which demand whippy reflexes and strong backs. Periodically he has played spectacular roles in Australian sports, ranging from the dramatic delivery of knockout punches... to flashing speed on the wings of football teams...&dquo; (cited in Stoddart, 1986, 159-160) Still, in the last few years a noticeable shift has been made by scholars to the sociological perspective. Acknowledging the widespread intuitive appeal of the biophysical explanations, the most consensual point made by physiologists in a recent Time (Australia) report (October 17, 1988) was, nevertheless, that there is greater genetic variation within populations than between them.

71

1988 marks 200 years of European settlement in Australia and recently there have been innumerable reports of the condition of the Aboriginal population. For example, Aborigines, who comprise approximately one per cent of the national have disproportionately higher rates of infant deaths, maternal deaths, serious illness and disease, unemployment, imprisonment for serious crime, absence from post-secondary education, sub-standard and overcrowded accommodation, and poorly paid jobs (Sydney Morning Herald, Nov. 7, 1987; Stimson, 1982, 206). The effect of European settlement on Aborigines was described as an &dquo;almost unrelieved tragedy...&dquo; (Burnley & Routh, 1985, 199). They conclude that, although a clear majority of Aborigines report to being ’better off in urban areas such as inner Sydney, Aborigines remain victims of the

population,

&dquo;entrenched prejudice&dquo; encountered in the rural areas (209). Other reports have extracted viewpoints ranging from empathetic to appalling. A federal Member of Parliament, John Dawkins, referred to the re-enactment of the first landing of Europeans as &dquo;a tasteless and insensitive farce&dquo; (U.S. News Report, Feb. 1, 1988). Lang Hancock, a prominent Australian industrialist said &dquo;...I would dope the water up so that they (Aborigines) were sterile and would breed themselves out in the future...&dquo; (Miller, 1987). Aborigines of the Newcastle Lake Macquarie urban region have claimed income constraints and prejudices as societal barriers - be it work, school, recreation (Hall and Jonas, 1985). So, what of sport? same

Appropriateness of Aboriginal Participation in Rugby League as a Vehicle of Analysis The salience of sport in contemporary Australian society has been widely noted by several writers and researchers: &dquo;the ultimate super religion&dquo; (Dunstan, 1973, 2); &dquo;an important place in the lives of a great many Australians&dquo; (Jacques & Pavia, 1976, 148); &dquo;vital and pervasive&dquo; (Tatz, 1983, 4); &dquo;inextricably part of our culture&dquo; (Saunders & Jobling, 1983, 9); &dquo;remains one of Australia’s most prominent social institutions&dquo; (Stoddart, 1986, 3). Within such a context, it is around the greater Sydney metropolitan region that the N.S.W. Rugby League Competition (NSWRL) is based. It dominates the media coverage and, not surprisingly, draws the highest attendance figures (Jenkins etal, 1985). This paper focuses upon rugby league - it being a distinctly different game to rugby union. In recent decades rugby league has borrowed heavily from U.S. football for rules modification and coaching methods. Thus, rugby league has become a more structured game involving the use of many set patterns of play. The field placements comprise six forwards: hooker, 2 front rowers, 2 second rowers, lock; and seven backs: half, five eighth, fullback, 2 centres, 2 wingers. During play, the placements can be expected to be similar to the layout presented in Figure 1. The positions closer to the centre of the action are half and five eighth while the wingers are furthest from the centre of the action. The following provides some of the responsibilities associated with each position (Rugby League, 1985):

72

Figure

a)

1: Field Placements

- Rugby League

Fullback - &dquo;... has the job of last line of defence and is commonly the team’s kicker... is often responsible for catching the ball from the kickoff and bringing it into play...&dquo;

b) Wingers - &dquo;... usually the fastest runners... primary function is to carry the ball at great speed past the opposing defence... and to prevent the opponents from reaching their side’s goal line...&dquo; c) Centres - &dquo;... strong, rugged and speedy;

able to give their wingers a flying the centre receives the ball from the five eighth and will be well on the move as he does so, building up charging power as well as ground speed until it takes two or more defenders to stop his movement.&dquo; start... in set

moves

d) Five-eight - &dquo;what this man lacks in physical build he makes up for in cunning and agility. His main job is that of the team’s tactician...&dquo; e) Halfback - &dquo;... the halfback is in almost everything... not for nothing is the halfback referred to as the pivot...&dquo; f) Lock forward - &dquo;One of the true utility players... must have speed as well as &dquo;

bulk. He must be defender...&dquo;

ready

to

tackle... above all else be

a

flawless

cover

row forward - &dquo;usually very powerful men whose job is to use their strength... must be hard tacklers... should be capable of moving fairly quickly...&dquo; h) Prop forwards - &dquo;... have a dual role in the scrums, that of support for the hooker and that of pushers... not the fastest on their feet in open play...&dquo; i) Hooker - &dquo;... particular skill lies in his ability to ’rake’ or ’hook’ the ball out the scrum to gain possession for his team... in open play often becomes dummy half... must develop a sense of detecting an unmarked player to whom he can pass the ball to the best advantage.&dquo;

g)

Second

73

In N.S.W. rugby league varies from rugby union in that access to the latter is associated with the wealthier private schools of Sydney, is defined as being amateur, and, thus fits as a &dquo;mechanism of class hegemony&dquo; (Eitzen, 1989, 97). Rugby league is, on the other hand, associated with working class or it &dquo;is certainly less class conscious than other codes.&dquo;(Tatz, 1987, 80). Perhaps for this reason then, Aborigines participate in over-representative numbers. In New South Wales, Aborigines number less than 2 % of the entire population but comprise approximately 9 % of the players (Tatz, 1987) in the highest level of competition - the NSWRL.

According to Coakley (1986, 293) &dquo;the visibility of black athletes in major spectator sports often leads to the conclusion that sport is a catalyst for social mobility within the black population&dquo;. During the 1987 rugby league Championship game, 7 of the 26 players were Aborigines, so it is quite probable that Australians share similar thoughts about rugby league, particularly in light of such over-representation of Aborigines. These mobility notions are not likely to have been ignored by the Aboriginal population, the majority of whom reside in towns or cities (Fisk, 1985) and increasingly so - particularly in districts associated with the working class or underclass such as Redfern in Sydney (Stimson, 1982). So, the analysis of participation of Aborigines in high level rugby league is deemed appropriate because of over-representation and because of the spatial location and specific responsibilities of each playing position in rugby league. Thus, it was sought to determine if Aboriginal players occupy positions that are considered commensurate with stereotypes of their population. Procedures To conduct the

analysis two steps were undertaken. Firstly, a list of Aboriginal players and their positions was obtained from sources which included player lists compiled by the National Aborigines’ Day Observance Committee and officers of the Department of Aboriginal Affairs. The list included only participants for the 1987 and 1988 seasons (as complete team lists prior to 1987 were not available) and only those who acknowledge their Aboriginality. Any players denying Aboriginality were excluded from the study. Secondly, it was contended by Edwards (1973) that &dquo;centrality is significant only insofar as greater outcome control and leadership responsibilities are typically vested in centrally located postions...&dquo; (209). Leadership and outcome control attributes for each position as well as other responsibilities for each position were obtained from a questionnaire which was mailed to all coaches. The survey questionnaire was adapted from Williams and Youssef (1975) and required coaches to assess for each position the most important as well as the least important of twelve possible characteristics as shown in Table 1. The specific purpose of the study was withheld from the respondents to guard against response bias. Forty two questionnaires were returned for a return rate of 61 %. Furthermore, a number of matches were videotaped in order to ascertain the level of attacking involvement for each

74

Table 1. Positional characteristics nominated by Coaches

cognitive-mental, motor-physical, personality-social

position. This was done by recording for each player the number of times the player handled the ball both in the role as passer and ball runner. Defensive involvement was measured by the average number of tackles made by each position and was extracted from figures published following each round of matches.

Results

The spatial distribution of the Aboriginal players was form of the block graph (see Figure 2).

Figure

2:

uneven as

evidenced in the

Aboriginal positions in NSWRL

Indeed, almost 60% of Aboriginal players were found to be playing winger or centre. For the purpose of analysis, the positions of winger and centre were combined to be known as Aboriginal positions while the positions of hooker, prop, halfback and

five-eighth

were

designated

as

non-Aboriginal positions.

75

Figure

3: Division of Labor in NSWRL

Figure 3 clearly shows that Aboriginal positions had the least involvement in both defensive and attacking roles. For Aboriginal positions, the least important characteristics rated by the coaches were aggressive-hostile personality, leadership, physical size, and memory. The least important characteristics of non-Aboriginal positions were physical size, aggressive-hostile personality, and physical quickness. By withdrawing the common ratings, the distinguishing characteristics are leadership and memory for Aboriginal positions and physical size and physical quickness for

non-Aboriginal positions. Coaches rated speed, quickness and mental alertness as the most important characteristics for Aboriginal positions. The most important characteristics of non-Aboriginal positions were leadership, mental alertness, and high thinking ability. Once again, distinguishing ratings are made by elimination of common characteristics. Thus, speed and quickness remain for Aboriginal positions, while leadership and high thinking ability remain for non-Aborigines. Therefore, the most likely position to be played by an Aborigine is not only on the periphery of the action but is characterized by attributes which support the population stereotype, e.g., speed and absence of leadership. It is popular opinion in Australia that Aborigines are endowed with unusual physical speed - ’they’re good runners’, ’run like a blackfella’, as well, Aborigines are held in low regard for leadership roles - ’lazy’, ’unreliable’, ’dreamer’. According to Russ Hinze, former Minister for Police in Queensland: &dquo;The Queensland Aborigine would be the wealthiest dark-skinned person on earth if it’s possible to bring about some sort of understanding and agreement whereby they would be prepared to work,&dquo; (Miller, 1987). Aborigines are also clearly domiciled on the fringes of man urban areas and so it seems that, in a symbolic sense, their participation in the NSWRL is microcosmic of their ’position’ in core society.

76

Outcomes for Aborigines The

explanation from some of the North American investigations is that black players are stereotyped and so they occupy field positions accordingly. Irrespective of motive/intent and assuming coaches/selectors in the NSWRL are no more or less enlightened than members of the core society, then Aborigines appear likewise stereotyped. It was not the intention of this paper to attribute to

any coach/selector the taint of overt racist behavior. Indeed, this paper was concerned with the dimension of institutionalized or structural racism which, because of its concealed, subtle nature affords ’enlightened’ individuals the opportunity to be avowed anti-racists and yet, at the same time, to defend the status quo and maintain a social and geographic distance (Cowlinshaw, 1986) from structural inequalities (McKay, 1986). The focus of institutionalized racism is upon consequences rather than intention. If the outcomes are differential it matters little how splendid the intent. Sport is defined by a number of features, one of which is that the outcome is not predetermined. A predetermined outcome nullifies the sporting spirit and the concept of fairness or ’fair go’. A likewise degree of irrationality and unfairness exists if the outcome of Aborigines’ positions is predetermined by socially created stereotypes. Another common belief is that this sport role affords Aborigines the opportunity for upward social mobility. Unfortunately, it is beyond the scope of this paper to investigate this perception. However, one must remain sceptical especially in consideration of studies such as Broome’s (1980) which found that boxing reinforced inequality for Aborigines and was not an avenue for upward social mobility.

Towards the Anglocentric Hypothesis

suggestion has been made (Wiggins, 1986) for a comparative international analysis of the &dquo;plight&dquo; of the black athlete. With the documentation of positional segregation by ’race’ in the United States, Canada, women’s team sports, in Britain and now in Australia the temptation exists to suggest that a prediction of

The

be made. The countries involved in documented studies have a as well as histories of structural inequalities resulting in discrimination for certain populations. Racism, unlike ethnocentrism is not a universal phenomenom. Ethnocentrism in anglo societies has always been coupled with racism which relied upon physical criteria and then equated the physical differences which were noted in the imported/invaded population with cultural inferiority (Brown, 1986) and such populations, according to Curtin (1966), are referred to as &dquo;undoubtedly outsiders - a kind of racial proletariat&dquo; (50). The quest of the British Empire to &dquo;civilize&dquo; and &dquo;enlighten&dquo; (Thornton, 1959) entangled imperialism with racism since the populations &dquo;over which Britain’s ’creative force’ was to extend were largely of the lower races&dquo; its presence

can

strong anglo heritage

(Curtin,1966, 51). Thus, the utility of the term ’anglocentric’ is very apt for sport sociologists particularly when it postulates the international circumstances in which positional segregation is likely. To this end, it is this author’s prediction that positional segregation will be found in ’anglocized’ societies such as Australia, New

77

Zealand, Canada, the U.S.A., South Africa, and, that it will be evident in team sports for women as well as men. For example, Maoris comprise 20% of population of New Zealanders and, like Australian Aborigines, are over-

represented

in lower socioeconomic groups,

unemployment,

poor health

statistics, and prisons (Thompson 1988). Are they also likely to play rugby league or rugby union as wingers or centres? Do Maori and Aboriginal women have non central and non leadership roles in Netball? Lapchick (1986) presents a grim situation for the non-white population in South Africa. If black South Africans finally get a chance to play and the propaganda extols quantitative participation, to what extent will the spatial location and leadership possibilities of the membership be compromised? The extension of the positional segregation analyses into the areas of women’s sports and the non-North American setting can only enhance the possibility of a comprehensive understanding of the dynamics of structural exclusion based upon ethnicity. As suggested elsewhere (Curtis & Loy, 1979), such research must include a variety of additional approaches if it is to be ultimately explained that ’stacking’ is the result of discrimination.

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BURNLEY, I. and ROUTH, N., 1985: "Aboriginal Migration

Burnley &

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of Historical Society , of Nigeria 2, 40-51. CURTIS, J.E. and LOY, J.W., 1979: "Race/Ethnicity and Relative Centrality of Playing Positions in Team Sports." In: Exercise and Sport Sciences Review, 6, 285-313. DUNSTAN, K., 1973: Sports. Melbourne: Cassell. EDWARDS, H.,1973: Sociology of Sport. Homewood: Dorsey Press. EITZEN, D.S., 1989: "The Sociology of Amateur Sport: An Overview". In: International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 24, 2, 95-105. EITZEN, D.S. and FURST, D.M , 1988: "Racial Bias in Women’s Collegiate Sports". Paper presented at the annual meeting of the North American Society for the Sociology of Sport, Cincinnati, Ohio. EITZEN, D.S. and YETMAN, N R., 1977: "Immune From Racism?" In: Civil Rights , 9, 3-13. Digest FISK, E.K., 1985: The Aboriginal Economy in Town and Country. Sydney: Allen & Unwin.

GRUSKY, O., 1963: "The Effect of Formal Structure on Managerial Recruitment: A Study of Baseball Organization". In: Sociometry, 26, 345-353.

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HALL, M.R. and JONAS, W.J., 1985: On the Fringes of Newcastle Society. Newcastle, N.S.W.: Awabakal Aboriginal Cooperative in association with N.S.W. Department of Aboriginal Affairs. Injury worries for Wallabies. (1988, July 19). Illawarra Mercury, 33. JACQUES, T.D. and PAVIA, G.R., 1976: "The Australian Government and Sport." In: T.D. Jacques and G.R. Pavia (eds.), Sport in Australia : Sydney, McGraw-Hill. JENKIN, D., NETTLETON, B. and SANDS, R., 1985: Beneath the Surface of Sport. (2nd ed.). Parkside, South Australia: ACHPER Inc. On to the outer limits: The search continues for a key to a competitive edge. (1988, October

17). Time (Australia), 90-91. LAPCHICK, R.E., 1986: "Sports and Apartheid: Focus: 376.

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of Society Lexington, Massachusetts, Lexington Books, 367Sport as a Reflection :

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a Sociology of Sport in Australia". In: G. Lawrence and L. Rowe (eds.), Power Play: The Commercialisation of Australian Sport. Sydney: Hale & Iremonger. LOY, J.W. and McELVOGUE, J.W., 1970: "Racial Segregation in American Sport". In: International Review of Sport Sociology, 5, 5-25. McKAY, J., 1986: "Leisure and Social Inequality in Australia". In: Australian and New Zealand Journal , of Sociology 22, 343-367. ’Race’ and Position Assignment in English Soccer: A MAGUIRE, J.A., 1988: of Sport Journal 5, Preliminary Analysis of Ethnicity and Sport in Britain". In: Sociology , "

3,1988. MELNICK, M J., 1987, October: "Racial Segregation by Playing Position in the English Football League: Some Preliminary Observations". Paper presented at the annual meeting of the North American Society for the Sociology of Sport, Edmonton, Alberta. MILLER, M. (Producer), 1987: Couldn’t be Fairer (Film) Sydney: Australian Broadcasting Corporation. PEARSON, K. and McKAY, J., 1981: "Sociology of Australian and New Zealand Sport: State of the Field Overview". In: Australian and New ZealandJournal , of Sociology 17, 2, 70-71.

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SCHNEIDER, J.J. and EITZEN, D.S., 1986: "The Perpetuation of Racial Segregation by

Playing Position in Professional Football". In: D.S. Eitzen (ed.): Sport in Contemporary Society: An Anthology (3rd ed.). New York: St. Martin’s Press, 321-334. STIMSON, R.J., 1982: "The Australian City: A Welfare Geography". Melbourne: Longman Cheshire Pty. Limited. STODDART, B., 1986: "Saturday Afternoon Fever". Sydney: Angus & Robertson. TANNER, J.M., 1964: "Foetus Into Man: Physical Growth from Conception to Maturity". Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. TATZ, C., 1983: "Race, Politics, and Sport". In: Sporting Traditions. 2, 1, 2-36. TATZ, C., 1987: Aborigines in Sport. Bedford Park, South Australia: The Australian Society for Sports History. The facts that shame Australia. (1987, November 7). , The Sydney 1, Morning4. Herald THOMPSON, S.M., 1988: "Challenging the Hegemony: New Zealand Women’s Opposition to Rugby and the Reproduction of a Capitalist Patriarchy". In: International Review for the Sociology of Sport, 23, 3, 205-212. THORNTON, A.P., 1959: The Imperial Idea and its Enemies. London: Macmillan & Co. Ltd. WIGGINS, D., 1986: "From Plantation to Playing Field: Historical Writings on the Black Athlete in American Sport". In: Research Quarterly for Exercise and Sport, 57, 2, 101116. WILLIAMS, R.L. and YOUSEFF, R.I., 1975: "Division of Labor in College Football Along Racial Lines". In: International Journal of Sport Psychology, 6, 3-10; 12-13.

79

Les Aborigenes et la segregation en termes de position au sein de la Ligue de Rugby australienne Resume

Les chercheurs ont ddcouvert 1’existence d’une segregation positionnelle dans les sports nord-am6ricains et britanniques, caract6ris6s par une surrepr6sentation de joueurs noirs. Les donn6es rassemblees au cours des saisons 1987 et 1988 sont presentees comme test des hypotheses de contr6le des resultats de la federation de rugby NSW, marquee par une surrepr6sentation evident des Aborigenes. On a d6couvert que la positiona laquelle 1’Aborigene est generalement affect6 reflete les stereotypes partages dans la population. De m~me, l’analyse de bandes video et du nombre de placages a r6v6l6 que les positions occupees par les Aborigenes étaient les positions reclamant le moindre engagement. Ces resultats étayent la notion selon laquelle la segregation positionnelle est susceptible d’apparaitre dans les sports pratiques en 6quipe dans toutes les societes anglocentriques.

Ureinwohner und politische Segregation in der australischen Rugby-Liga

Zusammenfassung Wissenschaftler haben das Vorhandensein von positioneller Segregation im Sport in Nordamenka und in England aufgezeigt, mdem eine Uberreprasentation von schwarzen Spielern besteht. Die Daten, die fur die 1987er und 1988er Spielsaison zusammengestellt wurden, werden als ein Test der &dquo;Schichtungshypothese&dquo; und der Hypothese zur Kontrolle des Ergebnisses in der NSW Rugby-Liga vorgestellt, in der deuthch eine Llberreprasentation der Ureinwohner besteht Dabei ergab sich, dal3 die haufigste Position, die von emem Ureinwohner eingenommen wurde, jene war, die das Vorurteil in der Bevolkerung unterstutzt. Ebenso bestatigte eine Auswertung von Spiel-Videoaufnahmen und das Zahlen von Angriffen, dal3 die Positionen der Ureinwohner die geringste Beteihgung m jeder Spielfeldposition besitzen. Diese Ergebnisse unterstutzen die Aussage, dal3 positionelle Segregation in Mannschaftssportarten in allen anglo-zentrierten Gesellschaften vorhanden ist.

Aborigenes y segregacion &dquo;posicional&dquo; en la Liga Australiana de Rugby Resumen Los autores han descubierto que en los deportes americanos e ingleses donde los jugadores negros estdn hiperrepresentados se da una segregacion &dquo;posicional&dquo;. Los datos recogidos durante las temporadas 1987 y 1988 de la hga de rugby NSW - donde se da una clara hiperrepresentac16n de aborigenes - se presentan como un test de las hip6tesis establecidas. Se observ6 que la posici6n en el juego ocupada por un aborigen es, con toda probabilidad, la mas estereotipada. En este sentido, el analisis de los partidos con videos y otros mstrumentos de conta~e revelaron que las posiciones aborigenes eran las que representaban menor implicacion en el terreno de juego. De ello se deduce la idea segun la cual es muy probable que en los equipos de todas las sociedades anglocentricas se d6 una segregacion

&dquo;posicional&dquo;.