Advances in Polynesian Prehistory - Springer Link

J Archaeol Res (2007) 15:191–238 DOI 10.1007/s10814-007-9012-0

Advances in Polynesian Prehistory: A Review and Assessment of the Past Decade (1993–2004) Patrick V. Kirch Æ Jennifer G. Kahn

Published online: 4 August 2007 Ó Springer Science+Business Media, LLC 2007

Abstract The pace of archaeological research in Polynesia has intensified in recent years, resulting in more than 500 new literature citations over the past decade. Fieldwork has continued in such previously well-studied archipelagoes as Tonga and Samoa in Western Polynesia, and Hawai’i and New Zealand in Eastern Polynesia, and has expanded into previously neglected islands including Niue, the Equatorial Islands, the Austral Islands, and Mangareva. The emergence of Ancestral Polynesian culture out of its Eastern Lapita predecessor is increasingly well understood, and the chronology of Polynesian dispersal and expansion into Eastern Polynesia has engaged several researchers. Aside from these fundamental issues of origins and chronology, major research themes over the past decade include (1) defining the nature, extent, and timing of long-distance interaction spheres, particularly in Eastern Polynesia; (2) the impacts of human colonization and settlement on island ecosystems; (3) variation in Polynesian economic systems and their transformations over time; and (4) sociopolitical change, especially as viewed through the lens of household or microscale archaeology. Also noteworthy is the rapidly evolving nature of interactions between archaeologists and native communities, a critical aspect of archaeological practice in the region. Keywords Polynesia Complex societies Exchange Paleoecology Household archaeology Pacific Islands

P. V. Kirch (&) Department of Anthropology, University of California, Berkeley, CA 94720, USA e-mail: [email protected] J. G. Kahn School of Social Science, Archaeology, University of Queensland, St. Lucia, QLD 4072, Australia e-mail: [email protected]

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Introduction A little more than a decade ago Kirch and Weisler (1994) appraised the state of archaeology in the Pacific Islands (encompassing the classic tripartite subdivisions of Polynesia, Melanesia, and Micronesia), reviewing about 450 literature citations for the previous five years. Given the rapidly expanding rate of research and publication, they questioned whether it would be feasible, in the future, to cover the entire Pacific Islands region in such a journal format. If anything, the pace of research has quickened over the course of the past decade, and in the present review we restrict ourselves to just one of the three geographic sectors of Oceania reviewed by Kirch and Weisler (1994): Polynesia. Aside from the simple quantitative fact that Polynesian archaeology alone has generated more than 500 new literature citations over the past ten years, there are good intellectual reasons to limit our current overview to Polynesia. As many scholars have come to recognize, Polynesia comprises a discrete cultural entity, a suite of historically related cultures and societies all shown to have descended from a common Ancestral Polynesian culture that emerged out of the preceding Lapita culture in the first millennium B.C. (Kirch and Green 2001). Although there has been debate over the application of a ‘‘phylogenetic model’’ to Polynesian cultural change (Bellwood 1996; Green 1994, 1995; Kirch 2000a; Terrell et al. 1997), few would question that the Polynesian cultures are more closely related to each other than to any other Oceanic groups. In contrast, other island groups of the western Pacific (classically subsumed under the categories of ‘‘Melanesia’’ and ‘‘Micronesia’’) do not exhibit such a robust set of homologous relationships, even though many also trace their cultural roots to the Lapita cultural complex (Kirch 1997a). The scope of our review is the vast region enclosed by the ‘‘Polynesian Triangle,’’ whose apices are Hawai’i, New Zealand, and Easter Island (Rapa Nui). We also include Fiji within the scope of this review, although it is not strictly speaking a part of the Polynesian phylogenetic ‘‘clade.’’ However, Fiji is closely related to Polynesia—in terms of both culture history and geography. Like the immediate Polynesian homeland islands of Tonga, Samoa, Futuna, and ‘Uvea (which together constitute Western Polynesia), the Fijian archipelago was first colonized by Lapita voyagers around 1000-900 B.C., and thus Fijian culture shares a common ancestry with the cultures of Polynesia. Moreover, continued long-distance contacts and complex exchange systems linked the islands of Fiji and Western Polynesia over some three millennia. Readers should note the important distinction between Western Polynesia and Eastern Polynesia. More than a geographic division, these are cultural subregions whose importance for understanding Polynesian prehistory have been underscored by recent archaeology. Western Polynesia, including the Tongan and Samoan archipelagoes along with the smaller islands of Futuna and ‘Uvea, was the first part of the Polynesian Triangle to be settled and constitutes the geographic area of the immediate Polynesian homeland (Green 1993, 1995; Kirch and Green 2001; Marck 1996, 2000). Eastern Polynesia includes all of those islands and archipelagoes to the east, north, and south of the Western Polynesian homeland core. The timing and directions of human dispersals

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out of Western Polynesia and into Eastern Polynesia have been the subject of much continuing research and debate, as we discuss below. We have consciously excluded a sizable body of literature dealing with historic, or post-European contact, archaeology in Polynesia, concentrating instead on prehistoric archaeology. Historical archaeology is rapidly becoming a highly specialized field of its own, and significant work along these lines has been carried out in Hawai’i and New Zealand. Likewise, while we do cite some important research reports generated by CRM or ‘‘culture resource management’’ projects, we have not made a systematic attempt to canvas the vast array of ‘‘gray literature’’ resulting from such CRM work. In our estimation, a thorough review of the CRM literature, especially for Hawai’i and New Zealand, would result in a bibliography at least twice as long as presented in this article, where we have confined ourselves for the most part to the peer-reviewed, published literature. The problem of the ‘‘gray literature,’’ which exists largely in limited-distribution, photocopied reports, is one that has been noted for various regions where CRM funding has come to dominate archaeology. Polynesian anthropology and archaeology have a long history of influencing both theory and interpretation in Americanist archaeology. As our review highlights, Polynesian anthropological archaeology continues to have enduring historical, comparative, and cross-cultural relevance for studies of societal change, particularly theoretical dicussions concerning political economy, monumentality, and longdistance exchange.

Changing trends in current archaeological practice in Polynesia We first comment on changes in the daily practice of archaeology in Polynesia, shifts that reflect transformations in the sociopolitics of postcolonial Polynesia and in the relationship between archaeologists and native descendant communities. We begin by noting which areas in the region are currently receiving active archaeological attention. Although surface survey of monumental architecture, coupled with some unsystematic ‘‘digging’’ of sites, began in the early decades of the 20th century (e.g., Van Tilburg 2003), Polynesian archaeology is largely a product of the post-World War II era. Compiling a basic archaeological record for this vast island region is still very much a ‘‘work in progress,’’ and the scope of geographic and temporal coverage remains uneven, a problem that continues to affect a number of issues and debates, including the thorny matter of chronology. During the past decade, a number of major survey and excavation projects have been initiated, some conducted in islands where there had been little or no prior field research, thus adding immensely to the overall record of Polynesian prehistory. The major Western Polynesian archipelagoes remain a nexus of active archaeological research (Best 1993; Burley 1994b, c, 1996, 1998; Burley and Clark 2003; Burley et al. 2003; G. Clark et al. 2001b; J. Clark 1993, 1996; J. Clark et al. 1999; Cochrane 2002a, 2004; Field 1998, 2002; Kirch and Hunt 1993; Martinsson-Wallin et al. 2003; O’Day et al. 2003; Pearl 2004; Petchey 2001; Taomia 2001). Walter and Anderson (2002; Anderson and Walter 2002) extended

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archaeological investigations in Western Polynesia to the little-studied, large upraised coral island of Niue. The extensive Fijian archipelago also has seen sustained archaeological fieldwork over the past decade, including a substantial effort directed at early Lapita-age sites (see below), as well as sites dating to postLapita time periods (Bentley 2000; Best 1993; Burley and Clark 2003; J. Clark et al. 1999; Cochrane et al. 2004; Field 1998, 2002, 2004; Hunt et al. 1999; Ladefoged 1995; Marshall et al. 2000; Parke 1998). Eastern Polynesia also has seen fieldwork extended to a number of islands and archipelagoes that had previously been neglected. Weisler (1994, 1995, 1996a, 2002a) explored the remote, small islands of Henderson and Pitcairn, showing that these were settled by A.D. 800–1000 and that they maintained long-distance connections with Mangareva for several centuries. The Mangareva Islands themselves had been neglected since Green’s 1959 rockshelter excavations, the results of which have recently begun to be made available (Green and Weisler 2000, 2002, 2004). New fieldwork in Mangareva (Anderson et al. 2003a, b; Conte and Kirch 2004; Kirch 2004c; Weisler 1996b) and in the nearby atoll of Temoe (Conte and Murail 2004; Conte and Weisler 2002; Weisler 2003) has produced the outlines of a cultural sequence. For the Austral Islands we now have a detailed survey of Ra’ivavae by Edwards (2003), a study of Rimatara by Eddowes (2004), and the intensive investigation of Peva Valley on Rurutu (Bollt 2005). The Equatorial Islands, also much neglected in earlier work, have likewise received recent attention (Anderson et al. 2000, 2002; Di Piazza and Pearthree 2001a, b, 2004). CRM continues to fuel much of the field research carried out in Hawai’i and New Zealand, although several multiyear research projects have been initiated or completed by academic archaeologists in both regions over the last decade (Anderson et al. 1996; Graves et al. 2002; Kirch ed. 1997; Kirch et al. 2004a, 2005; Ladefoged et al. 1996, 2003; Sutton 1993; Sutton et al. 2003). While both Hawai’i and New Zealand enjoy far more extensive archaeological databases than other areas in Polynesia, the growing pace of development and mitigation work has been accompanied by ongoing inaccessibility to a largely ‘‘gray literature’’ and suffered from a lack of synthesis of unpublished CRM reports (Dye 1999; Kirch 1999; Prickett 2003). When occasionally published in academic venues or made more widely available, CRM archaeology also has contributed significantly to current research issues in Polynesian prehistory (e.g., Tomonari-Tuggle et al. 2000; Tuggle 1993, 1997). In the past ten years, definitive monographs have been completed and published concerning several major Eastern Polynesian sites, including the Shag River Mouth, Kohika, and Pouerua sites in New Zealand (Anderson et al. 1996; Irwin 2004; Sutton 1993), the Hanamiai site on Tahuata in the Marquesas (Rolett 1998), and the Anai’o site on Mauke in the southern Cook Islands (Walter 1998). Some archipelagoes within French Polynesia and central Eastern Polynesia remain understudied, although Francophone and Anglophone archaeologists have initiated new academic-based projects in the region, many of them international collaborations (Allen 2004a; Anderson 2001b; Anderson et al. 1994, 1999; Conte 1996, 2002; Conte and Kirch 2004; Edwards 2003; Kahn 2003; Millerstrom 2001; M. Orliac 1997; Ottino-Garanger 2001; Rolett 1996; Rolett and Conte 1995; Sinoto 1996a; Wallin 2004). The former French Polynesian Department d’Archeólogie

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(under the Centre Polyne´sien des Sciences Humaines), reorganized in 2000 as the Service de la Culture et du Patrimoine, continued some community-based restoration projects and smaller-scale salvage projects during the past decade (Marchesi 2003), but no large-scale salvage projects or archaeological surveys such as were carried out in the 1980s and early 1990s (Cauchois 2003). To date, much French Polynesian survey and excavation work lacks synthesis, although the Service de la Culture et du Patrimoine has taken steps to promote the publication of prior research in the region, such as the Ua Huka project of Conte and Poupinet (2002) and work completed under the Service’s auspices in the Austral archipelago (Eddowes 2004; Edwards 2003). There also has been a renewed interest in investigating the archaeology of the Polynesian ‘‘mystery islands’’ (Anderson et al. 2000; Di Piazza and Pearthree 2001a, b, 2004; Weisler 1994, 1995, 1996a, 2003). These small islands, characterized by isolation and limited resources, were settled by humans prehistorically yet abandoned before European rediscovery. On-going tensions between archaeologists and native descendant communities within Hawai’i and New Zealand have spawned an active critique of the discipline by both groups. Within Hawai’i, this dialogue has focused on the nature of archaeological practice as conducted by varied institutions and organizations (including universities, government agencies, CRM firms, and museums) and the relationship between archaeology and the public, particularly native communities (Cachola-Abad and Ayau 1999; Cordy 1999; Dye 2004; Kirch 1999; Sinoto 1999). Native archaeologists have stressed the need for archaeologists to follow appropriate cultural protocols when carrying out research (Cachola-Abad and Ayau 1999; Sorovi-Vunidilo 2003). The passage of the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) by the U.S. Congress resulted in a virtual moratorium on any excavation or study of burials or human skeletal remains in Hawai’i, as well as the repatriation and reburial of Hawaiian osteological collections formerly held in the Bishop Museum and other museums. In Hawai’i, protection of unmarked graves was included in a new state burial rule that established local burial councils for each county, seen as a positive step for historical preservation among archaeologists and the native community (Dye 1999). Continuing problems in CRM archaeology include the need to resist formulaic and minimalist research designs in favor of more thoughtful, creative, and theoretically informed projects (Cordy 1999, 2004; Kirch 1999), as well as heightened public outreach and education programs addressing the goals and results of Polynesian archaeology (Cauchois 2003; Cordy 1999; Kirch 1999). In New Zealand, researchers have stressed the importance of effective collaboration with tribal groups at an early stage of research formulation rather than at the approval stage (Allen et al. 2002; Prickett 2003). Archaeologists of postcolonial Polynesia often stress the importance of working in concert with local native communities to develop preservation plans, emphasizing the shared concerns that archaeologists and descendant communities have in protecting native sites (Cauchois 2003; Cordy 1999; Kirch 1999). The tensions between archaeologists and native communities across Polynesia have stimulated active partnerships between archaeologists and some native communities, with examples from Fiji (Crosby 2002), Hawai’i (Kirch ed. 1997), the

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Marquesas (Ottino 2003a; Ottino-Garanger 2001), and New Zealand (Allen et al. 2002). Crosby (2002) discusses archaeological projects developed in Fiji by and for the local community. Such collaborative work broadens the pool of active stakeholders with an interest in the past, raises the interest of archaeology at the national level, and helps conserve archaeological sites, a matter of importance to many native Polynesian communities (Cachola-Abad and Ayau 1999). Allen et al. (2002) refer to the challenges of effective resource management in a collaborative project among New Zealand Maori, museums, and researchers. Their work stresses the need for archaeologists to address the concerns of native communities, which can entail altering research designs and carrying out research in a manner consistent with cultural protocols of the descendant communities. In the Marquesas, Ottino (2003a; Ottino-Garanger 2001) demonstrates how community-inspired archaeological restoration projects promote financial independence, community interest, and identity. The increasingly international mix of archaeological researchers in the Pacific has led to some debates regarding theory and method, particularly between French and American archaeologists. For example, Conte (2000) critiques a bias toward ecology and demography that he perceives in the processual approach of many U.S. researchers, typified by the work of Kirch. Ottino’s review (2003b) of Rolett’s book, Hanamiai (1998), provides a similar criticism of environmental and ecological models favored by Anglophone researchers in Polynesia and touches on epistemological differences among French and Anglo researchers, notably the extent to which theoretical models and hypothesis testing affect one’s final interpretations. Finally, a certain ‘‘coming of age’’ of Polynesian archaeology is signaled by a growing interest in the history of the discipline itself, manifest in self-reflexive examination of the changing practices of archaeology over more than a century. This is especially evident for New Zealand, where the 50th anniversary of the New Zealand Archaeological Association was celebrated with the publication of two important volumes assessing the history of archaeology in Aotearoa (Campbell 2004; Furey and Holdaway 2004; see also Barber 1995). Van Tilburg (2003) offers a book-length treatment of one of the most fascinating and enigmatic figures in early Polynesian research, Katherine Scoresby Routledge, who pioneered archaeology on Easter Island. Kirch (2000a) treats the larger sweep of Polynesian archaeological research in a chapter of his synthesis of Pacific prehistory.

Lapita, the Polynesian homeland, and the development of ancestral Polynesian culture Kirch and Weisler (1994, pp. 289–293) pointed to a flurry of field research in the late 1980s and early 1990s on the Lapita Cultural Complex, now widely regarded as the archaeological reflection of the diaspora of Austronesian-speaking peoples out of near Oceania and into remote Oceania. The emphasis on Lapita sites, accompanied by debate, synthesis, and model building based on the wealth of new data, has continued unabated (e.g., Ambrose 1997; Anderson 2003; Best 2002; Burley 1999; Chiu 2003; G. Clark et al. 2001b; Galipaud and Lilley 1999; Kirch

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1997a; Sand 2003). A review of Lapita archaeology and prehistory, most of which concerns the western Pacific outside of Polynesia proper, would entail a review essay of its own (but see Kirch [1997a] for a recent synthesis). Suffice it to say that Lapita is now firmly established as the cultural complex immediately antecedent to—and hence out of which developed—a distinctive Polynesian culture. Thus, reconstructions of Lapita economy, settlement patterns, exchange systems, and social organization are directly relevant to understanding the emergence of Ancestral Polynesian cultural patterns (Kirch and Green 2001). Within the Fiji-Western Polynesian region, much effort has gone into the search for new Lapita sites, or the redating of known sites, in the main Fiji group (Anderson and Clark 1999; Clark and Anderson 2001; Davidson and Leach 1993; Nunn et al. 2003, 2004; Parke 2000), the Lau Islands (G. Clark et al. 2001a; O’Day et al. 2003), Tonga (Burley 1999; Burley and Dickinson 2004; Burley et al. 1995, 1999, 2001; Shutler et al. 1994), and ‘Uvea and Futuna (Sand 1993a, b, 1996, 1998, 2000) and to refining the chronology of initial Lapita settlement and of ceramic change. The timing of initial Lapita incursion into the Fiji-Western Polynesian region has been shown to be no earlier than about 1000 B.C., with settlements well established throughout the region by 800 B.C. New radiocarbon dates, many of them using accelerator mass spectrometry (AMS) on small samples, thus shorten somewhat a radiocarbon chronology previously thought to extend back several centuries earlier. Burley’s work throughout the Ha’apai group of Tonga has added significant new insights into the nature of early Lapita settlements, most of which seem to have been small-scale, probably single-household units (Burley 1999). The earliest human settlements in Western Polynesia contain distinctive dentatestamped pottery in the Early Eastern Lapita style (Best 2002; Burley 1999; Burley et al. 1999, 2002; Sand, 2000), but ceramics in sites of the early first millennium B.C. quickly changed in ways that resulted in a suite of distinctive ‘‘Polynesian plainware’’ assemblages (Burley and Dickinson 2004; Dickinson 2003; Dye 1996a). Sites containing such Polynesian plainware assemblages have been identified as the archaeological manifestations of an Ancestral Polynesian stage of cultural evolution. On both archaeological and linguistic grounds, Kirch and Green (2001) argue that an Ancestral Polynesia culture (APC) had emerged within the Western Polynesian homeland region by around 500 B.C. This APC displayed some variation across the entire region and had already begun to diverge into discrete social and political entities, matched linguistically by a series of ‘‘communalects’’ or speech communities forming a complex dialect chain (Marck 1996, 2000; Pawley 1996). Kirch and Green (2001) apply a ‘‘triangulation method’’ to reconstruct several cultural domains within APC, including material culture, economic systems, social organization, and ritual practice. Archaeological data provide key input to such domains as material culture and subsistence; however, the reconstruction of social organization and ritual depends almost entirely on a combination of historical linguistic reconstructions informed by systematic ethnographic comparisons using a phylogenetic model. Responding in part to earlier critiques of their model (e.g., Sutton 1996), Kirch and Green offer an extensive treatment of variation within Ancestral Polynesian societies, incorporating recent theoretical discussions of

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Austronesian social organization (e.g., the ‘‘house society’’ concept, see Kirch 1996a, 2000b). Testing and refining the Kirch-Green model of APC will require more extensive archaeological investigation of sites dating to the first millennium B.C., especially in Tonga and Samoa, including extensive areal exposures of entire living floors if data on household structure are to be obtained. One promising site of this time period is To’aga on ‘Ofu Island in American Samoa (Kirch and Hunt 1993), which has already yielded a well-stratified sequence of ceramics, adzes, fishhooks, and faunal materials associated with permanent habitation features. Various sites throughout the Ha’apai group of Tonga, as well as on the main island of Tongatapu, also span this critical time period when APC emerged out of its Eastern Lapita ancestor (Burley 1994b, 1998, 1999; Burley and Clark 2003).

Polynesian dispersals: Issues of chronology and sequence Tracing the sequence by which the various islands and archipelagoes of Polynesia were first settled and placing such a ‘‘dispersal sequence’’ on a solid chronological footing have preoccupied archaeologists since at least the 1920s. While the chronological priority of Western Polynesia and its role as the immediate Polynesian homeland is now well established, debate and discussion continue regarding the timing and directions of later movements out of this region into central and marginal Eastern Polynesia. Nothing has been more contentious during the past decade than the question of when voyaging began to expand beyond the core Western Polynesian homeland (Anderson 2001b, 2003). Most researchers now accept that a ‘‘long pause’’ of several centuries to a thousand years occurred between the initial Lapita settlement of Tonga-Samoa and the subsequent expansion of Polynesian populations to the east. The debate, however, centers on just when long-distance voyages of colonization to the east commenced, how rapidly this expansion into Eastern Polynesia took place, and how much time elapsed before all of the Polynesian islands had been discovered and attempts made at their permanent settlement. The debate includes both substantive issues and methodological approaches and was opened in part through the provocative positions taken by Irwin (1992, 1993) and Kirch (1986), combined with the initial calls by Spriggs and Anderson (1993) for the application of a rigorous ‘‘chronometric hygiene’’ to radiocarbon dating. The latter championed a ‘‘short chronology’’ in which Eastern Polynesia did not begin to be settled before around A.D. 800–1000. This stood in contrast to Kirch’s (1986) arguments that there had been systematic bias in the early archaeological record of Eastern Polynesia, and to some empirical data indicative of relatively early sites in the Marquesas, Cook Islands, and Hawai’i (e.g., Ellison 1994; Kirch and Ellison 1994). Participants in the debate have invoked arguments over the kinds of evidence admissible to date initial human presence on an island, such as proxy signals derived from charcoal influxes in sediment cores (Anderson 1994; Kirch and Ellison 1994) or other indirect indices of human presence. One outcome of the ‘‘long’’ versus ‘‘short’’ chronology debate for Eastern Polynesian settlement has been the redating of several classic or key early sites and

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assemblages, using improved radiocarbon methods such as AMS, and the reinterpretation of their stratigraphic sequences and time spans. Included here are the Ha’atuatua, Hane, and other sites in the Marquesas (Allen 2004a; Anderson et al. 1994; Conte and Anderson 2003; Rolett 1993, 1996; Rolett and Conte 1995), the Bellows Dune site in Hawai’i (Tuggle and Spriggs 2000), the Maupiti and Huahine sites in the Society Islands (Anderson et al. 1999; Anderson and Sinoto 2002), and several important Archaic sites in New Zealand (Anderson et al. 1996; Anderson and Smith 1992; Anderson and Wallace 1993; Higham et al. 1999; Hogg et al. 2003). Moreover, the discovery and dating of several new sites in the Cooks, Mangareva, Marquesas, and Henderson-Pitcairn groups have added significantly to the corpus of chronological data (Allen 2004a; Anderson et al. 2003a; Green and Weisler 2002; Kirch et al. 1995; Walter 1998; Weisler 1994). Particularly contentious were claims that AMS dates on bones of the Pacific rat (Rattus exulans) in various geological and archaeological contexts in New Zealand provided evidence for a human presence well before established dates based on archaeological assemblages (Anderson 1996, 2000, 2002b; Anderson and Higham 2002; Higham et al. 2004; Smith and Anderson 1998; Wilmhurst et al. 2004), a debate not yet fully concluded to everyone’s satisfaction. In spite of this flurry of activity and debate surrounding the chronology of Polynesian expansion into Eastern Polynesia, a definitive consensus remains to be achieved. Colonization of the chain of islands stretching from the Australs to Mangareva, Pitcairn-Henderson, and finally to Easter Island seems to have occurred no earlier than about A.D. 800–900, and some would suggest even two to three centuries later. The question of possible earlier occupations on Mangaia in the southern Cooks, based on dating of sediment cores, remains unresolved (Anderson 1994; Ellison 1994; Kirch and Ellison 1994; Spriggs and Anderson 1993). For Hawai’i, settlement not later than about A.D. 800 seems likely, but the possibility of earlier sites has not been definitively rejected (Cachola-Abad 1993; Graves and Addison 1995, 1996; Masse and Tuggle 1998). Unfortunately, the large Society Islands archipelago remains a significant lacuna in terms of early sites, although Lepofsky et al. (1992) regard finds of domesticated coconuts dated to A.D. 600 as indicative of human presence. In sum, while the accumulated data are tending to support a shorter chronology for most islands, we would benefit from more welldated sites that can be unambiguously assigned to the initial colonization phases of their respective islands. Good colonization period data from the Society Islands would be especially helpful. A strong consensus has emerged that the far-flung islands of Eastern Polynesia were settled as the result of purposive voyages of exploration and colonization, made possible by a sophisticated canoe technology and navigational abilities (Anderson 2001a; Finney 1994a, b, 1996a, b, 1997). This perspective, which stands in stark contrast to the earlier views of such scholars as Andrew Sharp or Thor Heyerdahl, has been strongly influenced by the many experimental voyages of the Hokule’a and other replicated Polynesian double-hulled voyaging canoes. Oral traditions and native Polynesian accounts have documented indigenous knowledge of islands’ locations across Polynesia, as well as the exploitation of traveling winds or wind reversals as seasons for voyaging (Finney 1996b, 1997, pp. 46–50). These

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developments have put to rest earlier questions about the voyaging capabilities of Polynesians and whether the settlement of Eastern Polynesia was by accidental drift voyaging. The sequence if not the precise chronological timing of Polynesian dispersals also has been addressed using a novel and innovative approach, utilizing the sequencing of mitochondrial DNA from both living populations and faunal remains of the Pacific rat (Rattus exulans), a commensal species widely spread by the Polynesians. Matisoo-Smith (1994) and her associates (Matisoo-Smith and Robins 2004; Matisoo-Smith et al. 1999) have used the genetic divergence among clades of this rat as a proxy for human movements. Among other findings, their results support a minimum of two separate introductions of R. exulans into the Hawaiian archipelago, lending independent support to archaeological and linguistic claims that these islands had a complex settlement history. In a study also using molecular genetic techniques, Hinkle (2004, 2005) has shown that patterns of divergence in the economically significant ti plant (Cordyline fruticosa) mirror the deep cultural divide between Western and Eastern Polynesia, while low levels of difference between the sterile Eastern Polynesian ti populations are suggestive of relatively short time depth. A topic of interest to researchers in the Americas and in Polynesia is the possibility of contacts between the prehistoric populations of these regions. It has long been suspected that the sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas), known to have been domesticated in South America, had been transferred to central Eastern Polynesia in pre-European times, a hypothesis confirmed by the discovery of carbonized sweet potato tubers in the Tangatatau Rockshelter on Mangaia Island (Hather and Kirch 1991). Finney (1994b) suggests that return voyages from Polynesia to both South America and the California coast of North America were within the sailing capabilities of Polynesian canoes, and he suggests possible sailing routes. Green’s (2005) holistic anthropological discussion of the initial transfer of sweet potato, and subsequent routes of transfer within Polynesia, synthesizes the current available ‘‘hard’’ data for identified sweet potato remains in Eastern Polynesian contexts, including carbonized remains from Mangaia, Easter Island, and the Hawaiian archipelago. The probability of cross-cultural contacts between Polynesia (Hawai’i in particular) and the coast of California was recently raised by Jones and Klar (2005), who argue on linguistic and archaeological grounds that Polynesian voyagers introduced the technology of plank-built, sewn canoes to the Channel Islands. Although archaeologists have often been resistant to such notions of ‘‘diffusion’’ over long distances, it may be time for a rethinking of PolynesianAmerican contacts. Having reviewed recent contributions to some of the more long-standing culturehistorical issues such as the immediate origins of the Polynesians and the chronology and sequence of their dispersals across the eastern Pacific, as well as to the basic archaeological record, we now turn to a series of thematic issues that have occupied archaeologists in the Polynesian field over the past decade. Some of these themes, such as the reconstruction of fishing strategies and agricultural systems, echo established processual research agendas, whereas other themes, including microscale household archaeology and studies of prehistoric gender relations, are

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more reflective of ‘‘post-processual’’ orientations. Also apparent is the emergence of a distinct ‘‘selectionist’’ school within Polynesian archaeology, one that draws its theoretical orientation from the writings of Robert Dunnell (Allen 1992, 1996b, 2004b; Cochrane 1998, 2002a, b; Hunt and Lipo 2001; Pfeffer 1995) and that contrasts with more traditional evolutionary or phylogenetic approaches (e.g., Bellwood 1996; Kirch and Green 2001).

Long-distance interaction and exchange Studies of regional exchange and long-distance interaction between Polynesian archipelagoes bear upon larger theoretical arguments, providing empirical data on the relative degree of isolation of island societies (Weisler 1998), the intensity of extra-island contacts, and their implications for modeling interaction versus isolation, cultural change, and long-term settlement histories in Polynesian chiefdoms (Rolett 1996, 2002; Weisler 1997a; Weisler ed. 1997). While more traditional approaches to studying interaction, such as linguistic relationships (Kirch and Green 2001; Marck 1996, 2000; Pawley 1996), oral histories (Cachola-Abad 1993; Sand 1999), portable artifacts (Sinoto 1996b; Walter 1996), and architectural styles (Sand 1999), continue to be used to infer settlement routes and interarchipelago communication, the last ten years have seen a significant increase in the application of archaeometric techniques documenting the movement of material commodities through various forms of provenance analysis. The spatial and temporal dimensions of Polynesian exchange networks have been outlined through the identification of the following kinds of imports: ceramics, by means of elemental composition (Bentley 2000; Chiu 2003; Kennet et al. 2004), in conjunction with petrographic analysis and/or stylistic attributes (Best 2002; Burley and Dickinson 2004; Dickinson 2001, 2003; Dickinson et al. 1998a; Dye and Dickinson 1996; Chiu 2003; Frimigacci 2000); obsidian (G. Clark 1999; J. Clark and Wright 1995; Sand 1999); shell objects, including those made of pearl shell (Rolett 1996; Walter 1998; Weisler 1994, 1997b); and adzes made of volcanic rocks (J. Clark 2002; Di Piazza and Pearthree 2001; Walter and Sheppard 1996; Weisler 1993a, b, 1997a, 1998; Weisler et al. 1994). For Western Polynesia, such studies of the interisland transfer of portable artifacts have refined our understanding of the Fiji-Western Polynesia Lapita exchange province, which differs in content, diversity, and intensity from earlier Lapita exchange in the far western Lapita province, centered on the Bismarck archipelago and Solomon Islands (Green and Kirch 1997). Sand (1999) notes the limited presence of obsidian from New Britain and Vanuatu in southern Lapita sites of New Caledonia, arguing that this represents initial transport by colonizers rather than large-scale exchange. G. Clark (1999; Clark and Anderson 2001) makes a similar argument for the limited import of Talasea (New Britain) obsidian and dentate-stamped pottery into Fijian sites at initial colonization. Analyses of ceramic temper or nonplastic inclusions in the Fiji-Tonga-Samoa region have provided robust evidence for whether pots were locally made or imported (Bentley 2000; Dickinson et al. 1996; Dickinson and Shutler 2000), with studies documenting

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patterns of local exchange within Fiji and interisland transfers of over several hundred kilometers (G. Clark 1999; Dickinson 2001). While ceramic exports commonly appear out of Fiji, most pottery finds recovered at Tongan and Samoan sites were locally produced (Dickinson and Shutler 2000; Dye and Dickinson 1996). However, temper analysis has revealed some long-distance ceramic exchange between Tonga, Fiji, and Samoa (Dye and Dickinson 1996), including exotic sherds of Fijian origin in prehistoric (Burley et al. 2001) and protohistoric (Dickinson et al. 1996) Tongan contexts. Until fairly recently, the archaeological study of interaction or exchange among the islands of Eastern Polynesia was hampered by the paucity of ceramics in this region, given that the manufacture of pottery ceased around the same time that populations expanded out of Western Polynesia into Eastern Polynesia. Analysis of nonplastic inclusions in the handful of Polynesian plainware sherds recovered from Marquesan sites (Dickinson et al. 1998a), however, confirms local production of some ceramics, as well as imports from Fiji, although the antiquity of their importation into the Marquesas is now questioned. Analysis of nonplastic inclusions in two sherds recovered from Cook Island contexts demonstrate contact with Tonga and Fiji (Walter 1998). More significant contributions to understanding Eastern Polynesian interaction spheres have come from analysis of fine-grained basalt adzes or from flakes derived from these tools (Weisler 1994). Significant additions to the regional geochemistry database for Polynesia (Sinton and Sinoto 1997; Weisler ed. 1997; Weisler and Sinton 1997) have made assignment to source island more reliable, although Weisler and Sinton (1997) note significant gaps in our knowledge of source variation in the Society Islands and the Australs. Geochemical techniques used to discriminate rock sources include wavelength and energy-dispersive X-ray fluorescence (XRF) (J. Clark et al. 1997; Sheppard et al. 1997; Weisler 1998), electron microprobe and ion microprobe (Allen and Johnson 1997), and radiogenic isotope analysis (Weisler 1997b; Weisler and Woodhead 1995; Woodhead and Weisler 1997). Evidence for long-distance exchange of fine-grained adzes includes the movement of Samoan basalt into the Cook Islands (Allen and Johnson 1997; Walter 1998; Walter and Sheppard 1996), including Mangaia (Kirch et al. 1995; Weisler et al. 1994), an exchange pathway that crosses the Western/Eastern Polynesia cultural divide. Within Eastern Polynesia, Austral Islands or Society Islands basalts moved into sites on Rarotonga and Mangaia in the Cook Islands (Sheppard et al. 1997), while adzes from Eiao (Marquesas Islands) moved into Mo’orea (Society Islands) and Mangareva, distances of 769 and 945 nautical miles, respectively (Weisler 1998). Recent work in Mangareva also has documented the movement of basalt from the Tautama quarry on Pitcairn Island into Mangareva (Conte and Kirch 2004). Much of the recent exchange research has focused on identifying small numbers of exotic imports, with little attention paid to documenting the scale or volume of exchange. More work is needed to investigate the scale of within-archipelago exchange, such as that demonstrated by Rolett (1998) for the Marquesas, and we anticipate more studies of this kind. Perhaps the most exciting aspect of recent

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exchange/interaction studies in Polynesia is the effort to model what these processes mean in the long term (Allen 1996a; Earle 1997a; Green and Kirch 1997). Because of recent advances in exchange and interaction studies, there is now widespread acceptance that a complex regional interaction sphere in central Eastern Polynesia linked the Societies, Tuamotus, and Marquesas, along with the southern Cooks, Australs, and Mangareva-Pitcairn-Henderson, from perhaps as early as A.D. 900 until ca. A.D. 1300. After this time there was a fall-off in all these island groups in the importation of exotic materials, suggesting that this exchange network collapsed or retracted into smaller spheres (Rolett 1996, 2002; Weisler 2002a). This discovery has precipitated a rather different perspective on the so-called ‘‘Archaic’’ phase in Eastern Polynesia (Walter 1996). Utilizing new theoretical applications, including models of nodal networks, current studies of Eastern Polynesian exchange and interaction focus on the reasons for the maintenance and later breakdown of these long-distance exchange networks. Weisler (2002a) argues that internal social change, in addition to economic factors, led to the eventual fall-off and cessation of interarchipelago voyaging in the central Eastern Polynesian corridor. He posits that sociopolitical crises in Mangareva (a small but resource-rich high island group) resulted in the withdrawal of important resources from Henderson and Pitcairn (both small, depauperate islands) and collapse of the larger interaction sphere. Because sustained voyaging played a crucial role in the on-going maintenance of settlements in these ecologically marginal and small isolated communities (Weisler 1994, 1995, 1997b), cessation of interarchipelago voyaging led to the end of viable human settlement on Henderson. (Weisler’s model was recently popularized in Diamond’s widely read book [2005] on human social collapse.) Di Piazza and Pearthree (2001b) offer a similar argument for the Line Islands, positing that many small and isolated mystery islands functioned as satellites to mother communities on larger neighboring islands, within the range of an overnight voyage. Rolett (2002) applies data from voyaging spheres and island environmental diversity to argue that the Society Islands were a regional hub in early interaction spheres. He hypothesizes that internal developments within the Societies, including increased interarchipelago warfare, could have restricted the flow of resources out of the Societies, leading to the contraction of the early central Eastern Polynesia interaction sphere.

Islanders and ecosystems The Polynesian islands were among the last places on Earth to be colonized by humans. Due in part to their considerable isolation, Polynesian island ecosystems exhibit biogeographic features that set them apart from continents, or even from the larger island arcs of the western Pacific. Among these are their ‘‘disharmonic’’ terrestrial biota, in which only a small number of higher-order taxa are present (such as insects, pulmonate gastropods, and birds), and their high degree of specific-level endemism. These features, combined with a loss of defensive mechanisms in many native plants and animals, lent a particular vulnerability to island ecosystems when human populations arrived, carrying with them a host of crop plants, domestic

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animals, and synanthropic ‘‘stowaway’’ species such as rats (Kirch 2004b; Kirch and Hunt 1997). A major theme of Polynesian research over the past ten years has been the study of island paleoecology and the impacts that precontact human populations have had on island ecosystems. Much of this work has been spearheaded by archaeologists, but it also has frequently involved interdisciplinary teams, including such specialists as palynologists and avian paleontologists. Much of this research foreshadows an emerging field of study, what might be termed ‘‘sustainability archaeology,’’1 where human-induced ecological changes in the past are viewed through a prism of contemporary resource management and biodiversity issues such as the current debates concerning global change. Easter Island (Rapa Nui) has emerged as something of a ‘‘poster child’’ in this research, the purported role of its Polynesian population in deforesting the island and precipitating an ecological crisis dramatically expostulated by Flenley and Bahn (2002; see also Flenley 1996), and most recently by Diamond (2005) in his popular book Collapse. However, whereas much of this writing focuses on deforestation (Butler and Flenley 2001; Cummings 1998), equally important is the zooarchaeological record indicating that Easter initially supported a diverse and probably dense array of seabirds (Steadman 1997, 1998; Steadman et al. 1994). The key role of seabird populations in the prehuman nutrient cycling and maintenance of the island’s vegetation and the possibility that extirpation of these birds contributed heavily to subsequent deforestation have yet to be seriously addressed. Moreover, not all scholars agree that human land-use practices were the main factor in the sequence of deforestation; Hunter-Anderson (1998) questions whether natural climate change may have played an equally important role, and certainly the potential synergistic effects of climate combined with intensive land use deserve further investigation. Less compelling is the argument of Rainbird (2002) who, although having done no original research on the island, attributes the Rapa Nui ‘‘ecodisaster’’ to the postcontact effects of colonialist Europeans. Although they have not captured the popular imagination to the same degree as Easter Island, the Hawaiian Islands offer another case study in the human alteration of islands, in this case of an extensive archipelago with an almost unique degree of microenvironmental variation (Vitousek et al. 2004). Polynesians reached Hawai’i no later than about A.D. 800, and the effects of forest clearance and anthropogenic burning are evident in lowland sediment cores and pollen spectra from the islands of O’ahu and Kaua’i, beginning shortly after human colonization (Athens 1997; Athens and Ward 1993, 1997; Athens et al. 1992, 1995; Burney 2002; Burney et al. 2001; see also Denham et al. 1999). Moreover, the introduction of the Pacific rat (Rattus exulans), with its high reproduction rate and propensity to consume native seeds, seedlings, and other vegetation, has been implicated in the rapid collapse of the lowland dry forests (Athens et al. 2002). As elsewhere in Oceania, populations of flightless endemic birds such as several genera and species of large geese quickly succumbed to human predation and habitat alteration (James 1995; Olson and James 1984). As the Polynesian population of Hawai’i grew exponentially between about 1

We thank reviewer J. M. Bayman for highlighting this issue and for suggesting use of the term ‘‘sustainable archaeology.’’

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A.D. 1200 and 1500, cumulative impacts on lowland to mid-elevation zones accelerated, transforming native biotic communities into a mosaic of managed landscapes. Examples of such anthropogenic transformation come from the Kalaupapa Peninsula of Moloka’i (Kirch ed. 2004; Kirch et al. 2004b) and the leeward slopes of Haleakala on Maui (Coil 2003, 2004; Coil and Kirch 2005; Kirch et al. 2004a, 2005). Throughout Polynesia, the arrival of humans had devastating consequences for the populations of endemic and indigenous birds, both land birds and seabirds (Steadman 1995, 1997, 1998). Zooarchaeological evidence for the extirpation, and often the extinction, of birds has been garnered from Tikopia (Steadman et al. 1990), Tonga (Steadman 1993a; Steadman et al. 2002), Samoa (Kirch 1997c; Kirch and Hunt 1993; Steadman 1993b), Mangaia (Kirch 1996b, 1997b, 2004b; Kirch et al. 1992, 1995; Steadman and Kirch 1990), Huahine (Steadman and Pahlavan 1992), Mangareva (Conte and Kirch 2004; Steadman and Justice 1998), Tahuata (Rolett 1992, 1998; Steadman and Rolett 1996), and New Zealand (Anderson 1997b, 2002a; Nagaoka 2001, 2002a, b, 2005a; Worthy 1997). Many Polynesian islands, as well as large areas in Fiji, were observed by early European explorers to be severely deforested. The role of humans in initiating deforestation, in the spread of grassland or fernland vegetation, and in accelerating erosion have been topics of continuing investigation. In Fiji, for example, Dickinson et al. (1998b) interpret the large dunes at the mouth of the Sigatoka River as resulting from anthropogenic clearance and heightened erosion in prehistory, with consequent changes in the sediment load of the Sigatoka River. In the ‘Opunohu Valley of Mo’orea, Lepofsky et al. (1996) used stratigraphic analysis combined with identification and AMS dating of carbonized wood particles to trace the sequence of forest clearance and its replacement with a restricted suite of managed plants (such as the mape tree, Inocarpus fagiferus), while in the Papeno’o Valley of Tahiti, M. Orliac (1997) traced a series of ecological changes through the microstratigraphic sequence in a single rockshelter. C. Orliac (1998, 2003; Orliac and Orliac 1998) has similarly used charcoal analysis to study Easter Island’s changing flora. In an effort to identify underlying causal factors contributing to prehistoric deforestation, Rolett and Diamond (2004) applied multivariate statistical analysis to a number of Pacific cases; they conclude that island age, severity of recurrent drought, exposure to aeolian dust, and other factors all contribute to the degree of susceptibility to deforestation. However, their analysis does not take into account the probable role of seabird populations in nutrient cycling and ecosystem maintenance in islands prior to Polynesian colonization (Conte and Kirch 2004). A new direction in Polynesian research on human-ecosystem relations has been inspired by a ‘‘biocomplexity’’ perspective, using islands as ‘‘model systems’’ for understanding the often nonlinear and complex interactions between people and their environments. Drawing on insights from Vitousek’s work on island age and nutrient cycling (Vitousek 2002, 2004), Kirch (1997b, d) argued that the relatively severe impact of humans on Mangaia, versus the sustainable agroecosystem that was developed on Tikopia, was in part a function of the relative ages and nutrient limitations of these two islands. Recently, an interdisciplinary team codirected by Kirch and Vitousek has investigated how intensive dryland farming in the Hawaiian

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Islands was closely linked to biogeochemical gradients across island landscapes (Kirch et al. 2004a, 2005; Stock et al. 2003; Vitousek et al. 2004). Kirch (2001) also has invoked the ecological principle of trophic competition in suggesting that the elimination of domestic pigs from the economic systems of Mangaia, Tikopia, and Mangareva was due to similar scenarios of intense land use under conditions of high population density. Impact to marine ecosystems also has concerned zooarchaeologists, and we review these studies below under the topic of economic behavior.

Changing economies Reconstructing economic behavior and its implications for sociopolitical complexity and demographic change remains one of several processual research avenues that continue to dominate Polynesian archaeology. Here we review recent research on agricultural production, marine exploitation, and craft production. Agricultural production Current research on precontact Polynesian agriculture employs new methodologies to aid in the direct identification of particular cultigens. Microfossils (Coil et al. 2003), including starch grains and phytoliths, have been recovered from archaeological sediments (Coil 2003; Horrocks et al. 2003a) and from other cultural remains such as coprolites (Horrocks et al. 2003b). The evidence for starch grains augments evidence for plant cultivation, from subsurface features assumed (but often not demonstrated) to be of agricultural origin; continued work of this kind will aid in sharpening archaeological interpretations of such features. Archaeobotanical analysis of carbonized tubers has led to the identification of prehistoric sweet potato (Ipomoea batatas) (Coil and Kirch 2005; Hather and Kirch 1991; Ladefoged et al. 2005) and of giant swamp taro (Cyrtosperma chamissonis) (Hather and Weisler 2000). The identification of sweet potato in contexts dated to about A.D. 1000 on Mangaia Island (Hather and Kirch 1991) demonstrates the prehistoric transfer of this South American crop into Polynesia well before European contact. Innovative analyses have been carried out on subsurface horticultural features to more precisely document their function in Hawai’i (Kirch et al. 2005) and New Zealand (Gumbley et al. 2003). Leach et al. (2001b) comment on the use of isotope signatures to reconstruct human diets. In Eastern Polynesia, the issue of agricultural intensification has seen renewed debate (Leach 1997, 1999), including the causes and effects of agricultural intensification and its implications for demographic change and sociopolitical complexity (Kirch 1994). Much recent work has investigated the development, expansion, and intensification of dryland agricultural systems and associated settlements in Eastern Polynesian islands (Allen 2001; Burtchard and TomonariTuggle 2004; Dixon et al. 2002; Kirch et al. 2004a, 2005; Ladefoged et al. 1996, 2003; Stevenson et al. 1999; Wozniak 2001, 2003). New Zealand research has focused on the limits and extent of intensified dryland cultivation of kumara (sweet

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potato) (Higham and Grumbley 2001; Law 1999). New methodological applications include the use of geographic information systems (GIS) in large-scale settlement pattern studies to assess the role that environmental variation played in limiting agricultural intensification and expansion into these marginal areas (Field 2002; Kirch et al. 2004a; Ladefoged et al. 1996; Ladefoged and Graves 2000). Investigations of Polynesian dryland subsistence are characterized by diverse theoretical applications, including the use of evolutionary ecological theory and risk minimization models to interpret the costs and benefits involved with expansion into marginal leeward environments (Dixon et al. 1999, 2002; Ladefoged and Graves 2000). Utilizing such a model, Allen (2004b) argues that not all Hawaiian dryland agricultural expansion was aimed at increasing productivity; some was focused on increasing stability through risk-aversive and bet-hedging strategies. New research on prehistoric irrigation or pondfield agriculture in Polynesia, which centered on the monocropping of taro (Colocasia esculenta), includes Kirch’s ethnoarchaeological study of Futuna in Western Polynesia (Kirch 1994), Addison’s (2001) work on the neglected Marquesan irrigation complexes, and Lepofsky’s (1994) intensive study of Society Island terrace complexes using a range of paleoecological techniques (Lepofsky et al. 1992, 1996). Kirch (1994) draws on the Futunan case to propose a more general model of the relative influence of irrigated versus intensive dryland cultivation systems in the evolution of Polynesian sociopolitical systems. In his model, a ‘‘cropping cycle’’ mode of agricultural intensification in the dryland systems frequently created dynamic contexts, including stress on systems of surplus procurement, aggressive competition between political units, and conquest warfare leading to amalgamation of polities. This model inverts the emphasis placed on irrigation in earlier studies such as those of Sahlins (1958) or Earle (1980). Much of the new empirical work on Polynesian irrigation systems centers on the timing of settlement in windward localities or wet valleys and its relationship to agricultural expansion and intensification (Athens and Ward 1997; Lepofsky 1995). Ethnohistoric research and linguistic, ethnobotanical, and geomorphological data continue to aid in reconstructing both wet and dry agricultural systems in Polynesia (Cauchois 2002; Kirch ed. 2004; Kirch and Lepofsky 1993; Lepofsky 1999, 2003; Leach 1997; Leach and Stowe 2005). For example, Campbell (2003) reconstructs aspects of the Rarotongan agricultural system using archaeological data, estimated productivity of soil types, and an inventory of precontact crops. Marine resource extraction Marine exploitation was vital to subsistence strategies throughout Polynesia, and a plethora of studies offer detailed analyses of marine exploitation, either from newly excavated faunal assemblages or from reanalysis of older collections (Butler 1994; Davidson et al. 1998, 2000; Leach et al. 2001; Nagaoka 2005b; Smith 2002; Walter and Smith 1998). Methodological innovations include the use of fish otoliths as an additional element for identifying new species and to determine seasonality of site occupation (Higham and Horn 2000; Weisler 1993c, 2002b), and the analysis of mitochondrial DNA from fish bones to achieve more precise, species-level

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identification (Nicholls et al. 2003). On-going trends in analyses of Polynesian fish bone assemblages include an emphasis on species or catch type as a means for inferring fishing strategies and fishing gear (Anderson 1997a; Chiu 2002; Davidson et al. 1999; Leach et al. 1997). Other work focuses on change in species diversity or catch size through time (Leach and Davidson 2000; Nagaoka 2001; Weisler 2003), often utilizing views of extractive opportunism and foraging efficiency theory (Anderson and McGlone 1992; Nagaoka 2002a, b). While there are some clear cases of resource depression, apparently related to the age and size of the island and reef and to the density of the human population, other work demonstrates little change in fish populations through time (Conte and Kirch 2004; Davidson et al. 2000; Leach and Boocock 1994) and in nonselective predation strategies (Leach et al. 1999). Several factors, both natural and cultural, apparently contribute to the relative abundance of fish types in archaeological assemblages within a region. Barber (2003) has put forth an innovative emic explanation, arguing that changes in New Zealand archaeological fish catch data can support interpretations of either low-risk extractive behavior or restrictive, regulatory effects linked to ritual proscribed behavior (tapu) among the precontact Maori. Invertebrate faunal assemblages have received less attention than vertebrate assemblages, although in-depth analyses have been carried out for sites in several island groups (G. Clark 1997a, b; Collins 1995; Conte and Kirch 2004; Dye 1996b; Green and Weisler 2004; Kolb 1999b; Rolett 1998; Sweeney et al. 1993). Clark (1997a, b) provides a zooarchaeological study of the often overlooked dog in New Zealand sites. Other studies have investigated the relationship between food and status (Leach 2003). Kirch and O’Day (2003) discuss differential access to and consumption of fleshy foods by prehistoric elite and commoner households in Kahikinui, Maui, and provide evidence for commoner utilization of rats (Rattus exulans) as a food source, a practice not known from the ethnohistoric record. In Hawaiian temple sites (heiau), Kolb (1994b, 1999b) documents the replacement of wild birds with domestic pig as an important chiefly commodity, sacrificial offering, and ritual feasting food. Craft economies Craft specialization and artifact manufacture are aspects of economic behavior that have seen a few innovative studies, for example, outlining various stages of artifact manufacture (e.g., Sand 1999). Many studies have involved detailed analyses of basalt lithic assemblages to define the sequence and organization of adze production and stone tool use at sites outside of major adze quarries (Bayman and Nakamura 2001; Bayman et al. 2004; J. Clark 1993; Clark and Michlovic 1996; Clark et al. 1998; Dixon et al. 1994; Kahn 1996, 2003; Turner and Bonica 1994). Weisler and Walter’s holistic study (2002) of a fishing-gear assemblage (including commonly recovered fishhook fragments) provides an innovative analysis of taphonomic processes and fishhook breakage patterns, showing how the types of specific fishing practices contributed to the formation of the fishhook assemblage. There also have been applications of ‘‘selectionist’’ evolutionary theory to differentiate style and

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function in various material culture assemblages, including fishhooks (Allen 1996b) and octopus lures (Pfeffer 1995).

Social archaeology In the 1970s and 1980s, Polynesian archaeologists actively engaged in larger anthropological debates about the rise of sociopolitical complexity. Drawing on Polynesian societies as exemplars of the ‘‘chiefdom’’ stage of social evolution (in such ‘‘neoevolutionary’’ paradigms as that of Service [1967]), they advanced arguments about how hierarchical chiefdoms emerged from simpler forms of ranked society (e.g., Cordy 1974; Earle 1980; Kirch 1984). Such anthropological ‘‘grand theories’’ have not been completely set aside in recent years, but in keeping with the trend toward postprocessual approaches, there has been something of a shift in Polynesian social archaeology away from sweeping processual explanations toward microscale approaches. An emerging and steadily growing field within Polynesian archaeology is the study of prehistoric variability in residential sites. While there has been continued investigation of domestic surface remains as part of larger regional settlement pattern studies, current applications of microscale methods of household archaeology focus specifically on inter- and intrahousehold variability. Recent studies derive mainly from Eastern Polynesian contexts, with projects in the Society Islands (Kahn 2003, 2005, 2007; Kahn and Kirch 2004; Oakes 1994), the Cook Islands (Endicott 2000, 2002; Taomia 2000; Walter 1993, 1998, 2004), New Zealand (Irwin 2004; Sutton 1993; Sutton et al. 2003), and Hawai’i (Kolb 1997; Van Gilder 2001; Van Gilder and Kirch 1997). These studies share an explicit application of microscale techniques of household archaeology to understand variation in domestic organization and its relationship to culture change. They differ from earlier house site excavations in Polynesia in coupling an explicit theoretical interest in the household with broad, horizontal excavations of house interiors and exterior areas adjacent to house sites, methods that have allowed for more precise temporal and spatial control and more nuanced functional interpretations of domestic structures. Other microscale techniques, including distribution patterns for macro- (Endicott 2000; Oakes 1994; Walter 1998) and microartifacts (Kahn 2005), and close attention to stratigraphy, including use and construction events (Sutton et al. 2003), provide increasingly accurate identification of domestic activities and evidence for the practice of everyday life. While limited in number, Polynesian household archaeology studies have engaged several theoretical perspectives, largely centered on postprocessual views of culture, which recognize that diverse and dynamic social processes, including status inequality, rank, gender, wealth, and craft specialization, contribute to the variation inherent in domestic material remains and their spatial patterning. Such diversity is evident in subsistence remains (Kirch and O’Day 2003), the use of house space (Endicott 2002; Kahn 2005, 2007; Kirch 1996b; Law 1999; Van-Gilder and Kirch 1997), and the presence and intensity of production activities (Kahn 2005; Kolb 1999; Walter 1998). Recent studies have correlated the spatial patterning and

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elaboration of domestic architecture, artifacts, and subsurface features to the organization of domestic activities, social relations, and customs, and, to a lesser extent, an underlying order or ideology. The ‘‘house society’’ perspective, derived from Claude Le´vi-Strauss’s theoretical writings on ‘‘socie´te´s a` maison,’’ has been fruitfully engaged by archaeologists to explain processes of social change using processual rather than classificatory approaches to kinship. This perspective has seen recent applications in Polynesia, among them Kahn’s (2003, 2005, 2007) investigation of economic and social variability in late prehistoric house clusters of the ‘Opunohu Valley, Mo’orea, Society Islands. Kahn’s excavations recovered substantial interhousehold diversity in the complexity of domestic architecture, use of space, material culture, and access to production activities, particularly adze production and use. These patterns were interpreted as material manifestations of household status and rank (Kahn 2005; Kahn and Kirch 2004). Of particular interest is the evidence for craft production within both residential and specialized house contexts (Kahn 2005), similar to patterns identified by Oakes (1994). These Society Islands studies reveal aspects of late prehistoric house form and domestic activities that are not described in the ethnohistoric literature. For Tikopia, Kirch (1996b) combines ethnography and archaeology to examine the social construction of space at several levels, ranging from the household scale to island-wide. The ‘‘house society’’ model also helps explain the transformation of dwelling houses into temples in Tikopia and perhaps other Polynesian societies such as Hawai’i (Kirch 2000b). Kirch and Green (2001) invoke the concept of ‘‘house society’’ in their reconstruction of Ancestral Polynesian social organization, offering a series of propositions regarding the nature of early Polynesian organization of space. These hypotheses should be tested archaeologically through horizontal excavations of sites of the appropriate age in Western Polynesia (i.e., those containing Polynesian plainware assemblages). Walter (1998, 2004) provides a rare example of detailed research on Archaic period household sites in Eastern Polynesia. Using models of microscale spatial archaeology and intrasite analysis, his excavations at the Anai’o site in the Cook Islands differentiated cooking areas from zones for manufacturing fishhooks and from lithic production areas. Differences in the organization of activity areas, household production, and other domestic tasks were linked to public versus private space, while gender was also viewed as influential in defining the structure of certain activities. Taomia (Endicott 2000, 2002; Taomia 2000) used a Marxistinspired perspective to examine social relations, social personae, and the level of heterogeneity and inequality at late prehistoric Mangaian domestic sites. Her research showed evidence for several social personae (wood carvers, adze makers) and for differential access to labor, but little evidence for interhousehold inequality. In Hawai’i, Van Gilder’s excavation of three late prehistoric house clusters (kauhale) in Kahikinui, Maui, focused on the spatial arrangement of material remains and gender as an important structuring principle (Van Gilder and Kirch 1997). Her recovery of recurring identical, side-by-side hearths in individual house structures is interpreted as local adherence to the segregation of cooking by males and females, as set forth in traditional kapu (restrictions) (Van Gilder 2001). Working from the premise that architecture and spatial contexts reflect and reinforce

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cultural beliefs, practices, and ideology, Ladefoged (1998) documented similarities in the use of space within luakini heiau (royal temples), household clusters, and individual house sites in the Hawaiian Islands. He argues that the relative spatial positions of architectural elements commonly found in these three site types are predicated upon the observance of the kapu system and ritual offerings. While informed by ethnohistoric records, microscale household studies contribute important empirical data to the understanding of variation in prehistoric Polynesian societies, including evidence for shifts in social relations and production activities that went hand in hand with increasing sociopolitical complexity in Polynesian chiefdoms. Indeed, an emerging pattern from Polynesian household archaeology is that empirical data from excavated prehistoric houses typically exhibits more variation than expected from the historical records (Kahn 2003; Oakes 1994; Van Gilder and Kirch 1997), reflecting in part the underrepresentation of temporal and regional variation in the ethnohistoric sources. Because few residential sites have received detailed and extensive horizontal excavations in most archipelagoes, further work is needed to document the range and diversity of prehistoric households in Polynesia and how such diversity may be linked to the scale and complexity of regional sociopolitical organization. Additional excavations at Ancestral Polynesian period sites in Western Polynesia and of Archaic period house sites in Eastern Polynesia are especially needed to test the hypotheses that there was little material expression of social inequality in these domestic contexts with respect to architectural elaboration, the use of space, and access to resources (Walter 2004). While household research in Polynesia successfully highlights the techniques’ utility for documenting change at a fine scale, documenting patterns of household variability also provides a springboard to understanding diversity at the community level. Spatial patterns between house clusters can be used to understand households within the broader universe, as can community-wide activities and architectural features. Kahn (2007) investigates areas exterior to prehistoric Society Island houses as important arenas for social interaction and as public locales where visitors were entertained. She argues that the use of visible architectural markers of rank and precedence, including house placement on the landscape and the elaboration of exterior house space, signified household rank and status and claims of precedence to the larger community. Walter (2004) notes that the larger and more complex house sites in the Cook Islands are typically found closer to marae, suggesting the underlying ritual importance of domestic spaces and the heightened ritual importance of higher-status households. In addition to the considerable focus on residential sites and household archaeology, Polynesian archaeologists have continued their long-standing interest in monumental architecture, especially of the varied forms of temple or ceremonial sites found throughout both Western and Eastern Polynesia (usually termed marae, or in the case of Hawai’i, heiau). There have been important efforts to understand architectural variability in such monumental sites in Samoa (Martinsson-Wallin et al. 2003), Tonga (Burley 1994a, 1996), the Society Islands (Sinoto 1996a; Wallin 1993), Rapa Nui (Martinsson-Wallin 1994, 2001), and Hawai’i (Dixon et al. 1995; Kolb 1992, 1994a, b, 1999; Mulrooney and Ladefoged 2005). Kolb’s excavations of

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a series of temple sites on the island of Maui have been especially important in helping place the development of monumental architecture within a larger cultural sequence; the excavations suggest that the peak of temple building corresponded with the late Expansion period and that investment in new temple construction declined prior to European contact (Kolb 1994a). New approaches to determining the chronology of Hawaiian ritual architecture include the application of seriation (Cochrane 1998, 2002b; Graves and Cachola-Abad 1996) and high-precision Useries dating of branch coral from temple contexts (Kirch and Sharp 2005; Weisler et al. 2005). Kirch and Sharp (2005) interpret a set of U-series dates from heiau in the Kahikinui District of Maui Island as evidence that the temple system may have been imposed within a relatively short time period, correlating with the predatory expansion of the western Maui polity. Several recent papers also explore Polynesian ritual structures in the context of possible astronomical orientations, a generally neglected topic in Polynesian studies (Kirch 2004a, c; Ruggles 1999). The past decade in Polynesia has seen relatively little in the way of attempts at the construction of what is sometimes called ‘‘grand theory’’ in social science, although one effort along these lines must be mentioned. Earle (1997b) draws upon Hawai’i as one of three case studies worldwide (the other two being Peru and Denmark) that he uses to build a general theory of ‘‘how chiefs come to power.’’ Earle’s approach is one of political economy set within a cultural evolutionary framework, and he traces the various forms of power that elites have drawn upon to gain hegemony: control of economic forces, military power, and ideology. Fundamentally, Earle sees the emergence of ‘‘complex chiefdoms that verged on state societies’’ (1997b, p. 200) in Hawai’i as having been rooted in an intensive agricultural economy (a ‘‘staple finance’’ system), with warfare as the ‘‘instrument of political expansion’’ (1997b, p. 201). The importance of warfare in Hawai’i is echoed by Kolb and Dixon (2002). In contrast with explanatory models that emphasize large-scale processes such as economic competition or ideology in the abstract sense, some recent studies of the rise of sociopolitical complexity in Hawai’i have taken a more explicitly historical and agent-based approach, drawing upon rich native Hawaiian oral traditions. Cachola-Abad (2000) analyzes this extensive corpus of traditions within an evolutionary framework, teasing out complementary patterns of chiefly alliance and competition (warfare), while Cordy (2000) attempts to integrate the historical record of individual chiefs with an archaeological framework for rise of the Hawai’i Island polity.

Concluding remarks Among the least acceptable claims of postmodernism is that because science is subject to bias—and, it is further argued, because its claims to knowledge are therefore relativistic—science does not advance over time. Postprocessual archaeologists have adopted weaker or stronger versions of this stance, with the implication that different interpretations of any archaeological record, different ‘‘stories’’ told by a multitude of potential ‘‘voices,’’ are equally valid (e.g., Leone 1986; Shanks and Tilley 1987). While this may appeal to those with a strongly

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humanistic bent, we are inclined to agree with Ernst Mayr, that venerable scholar of Pacific ornithology and evolutionary theory, who maintained that as a selfcorrecting system, science does advance over the long run, even though it may put forward erroneous hypotheses and models along the way (Mayr 1997, pp. 79–106). We believe this to be equally true of archaeology and thus affirm our ultimate allegiance to a realist, if not strictly positivist, epistemology of science. From this perspective, we are much encouraged by the progress that has been made on several fronts in Polynesian archaeology and prehistory, both over the past decade and over the longer run of Polynesian studies for more than a century. Our databases, derived from extensive survey and excavation, increasingly fine-tuned through more precise chronological control and able to be cross-referenced through GIS and other computer applications, allow us to pose and investigate questions not previously thought possible. Many of the old questions still engage us, such as the sequence and timing of Polynesian dispersals, but we bring to these more and richer datasets. Many of the debates that attend to the interpretation of such data (e.g., dating direct evidence for human activities such as subsurface cooking features versus proxy data for human activities, such as dating pollen core sequences outlining supposed human-induced landscape change) are not unique to Polynesia and have equally concerned scholars studying the peopling of the Americas. We have made progress, however, and the range of acceptable answers is continually being narrowed. Thus, the debate over ‘‘long’’ and ‘‘short’’ chronologies for Eastern Polynesia has been narrowed to a matter of a few centuries and the basic sequence of dispersals is no longer at issue. The shorter chronology, as well as refined techniques and larger samples of dated sites, suggests that the construction and imposition of monumental architecture in the Hawaiian chiefdom was later and more rapid than once expected. This challenges long-held notions concerning the emergence of chiefly power in Polynesia and is of considerable import to crosscultural modeling of social complexity. New research domains also have opened up, such as the development of a ‘‘biocomplexity’’ approach to human-ecosystem dynamics. We can point toward new scientific methods, notably an integrated use of ecological data and soils science, macro- and microbotanical identification methods, and GIS spatial modeling, which have allowed for long-standing models concerning the development, scale, and intensity of Polynesian agriculture to be tested and substantially refined. We enthusiastically anticipate the continuation of such holistic studies beyond their current limited scope in Hawai’i. The Hawaiian case studies have important implications for the comparative study of variation in prehistoric agricultural systems elsewhere in the world, establishing that dryland shifting cultivation and/or swidden agriculture was not always an initial starting point in unidirectional stages of agricultural intensification but was often the outcome of periods of intensification or extensification under particular ecological and sociopolitical conditions. Similarly, current applications of household archaeology to understanding microscale social process in Polynesia have cross-cultural relevance to studies of variation and diversity in domestic social organization. That Polynesian studies have found considerable variation, more than expected based on the available

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ethnohistoric accounts, has considerable import both for comparative household archaeology and for theoretical debates considering the role and relevance of ethnohistoric records for modeling prehistoric social diversity. We anticipate a continued use of the ‘‘house society’’ perspective as a means for modeling social organization in prehistoric Polynesian societies because it provides a rigorous and dynamic alternative to the commonly used direct historical approach. We also can point to our changing perceptions of interisland exchange patterns, permitted by refined sourcing techniques for both ceramics and stone artifacts. The Polynesian case studies offer robust empirical evidence for changes in the intensity and frequency of interisland contacts through time, offering data that contradict longstanding evolutionary arguments concerning the development of long-distance exchange and its relationship to emerging social complexity. We are heartened by the small number of Polynesian case studies attempting to explain variation in exchange patterns through time. There is a critical need for further research on the scale and intensity of exchange, rather than on its mere description in the Polynesian archaeological record. Each generation of archaeologists adds its own research agenda, ‘‘lengthening the questionnaire’’ as historian Paul Veyne (1984) put it, and at the same time enriching us with its contributions to the substantive archaeological record. As this review shows, the field of Polynesian archaeology and prehistory is perhaps more vibrant and intellectually active than ever before. While eagerly anticipating what the next ten years will bring, we offer a few suggestions. In our view, several substantive issues deserve greater attention. First on our list is more detailed studies of the organization of production, for a vast array of nonsubsistence goods such as coral and shell tools, fishhooks, and adzes and stone tools in certain archipelagoes lacking detailed analyses. Comparative subsistence production studies also are needed from wet, windward contexts, because few well-dated large- or small-scale irrigation complexes have been studied in many archipelagoes. Generating a larger sample of comparative household archaeology data from house sites of varying spatial and architectural elaboration and/or social status and rank will be critical to testing models of emerging sociopolitical complexity and its articulation with the political economy. In particular, early Ancestral Polynesian house sites in Western Polynesia and early Archaic house sites in Eastern Polynesia must be excavated if we are to generate new data to test long-standing models concerning the development of hereditary status and its relation to ideology and control over the political economy. Finally, many of the most detailed case studies for long-term change in Polynesia focus on the Hawaiian archipelago, which is unique in the region for its level of cultural complexity (Kirch 2005). Thus, we perceive an urgent need for synthetic studies from other Polynesian archipelagoes to provide comparative data needed to test the truly ‘‘big’’ comparative questions in Polynesian archaeology. Key among such ‘‘big’’ questions is how the differing scale and complexity of regional socialpolitical organization in simple, ‘‘open,’’ and complex Polynesian chiefdoms was materialized in various realms: in domestic space; in public architecture; in control over, access to, and use of terrestrial and marine resources; and in the realms of craft specialization and artistic expression. In spite of much progress that has been made,

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the field of Polynesian archaeology and prehistory has many exciting research avenues yet to explore.

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