Dallas, Texas, March 27-29, 2003 .... used to supply all or a portion of the N needs of coffee (Soto-Pinto, 2000; Roskoski,. 1982). In such ..... Palo de Sangre.
Julie M. Grossman Department of Agronomy and Plant Genetics University of Minnesota
Farmer Knowledge of Trees in Organic Coffee Systems: Agroforestry in Chiapas, Mexico
Prepared for delivery at the 2003 meeting of the Latin American Studies Association Dallas, Texas, March 27-29, 2003
INTRODUCTION For years you have produced as much coffee as you possibly could on your farms; now the organic revolution is changing your production methods from the need to produce the highest quantity of beans possible, to the highest quality of beans… - F. Osuna, organic trainer, 1998 This quote struck the ears of small-scale coffee growers at a “How to Grow Organic Coffee” community workshop in the Highland region of Chiapas, Mexico, and demonstrates a shift from conventional to organic growing methods that has been transforming coffee farms throughout Latin America for the past 15 years. Mexico is the 6th largest producer of coffee worldwide (Waridel, 2002), making coffee the main source of income for more than 2 million people (Nestel, 1995). The state of Chiapas, Mexico’s southernmost state, is the most active coffee producing region in terms of number of producers, area of land used for coffee, and tons of coffee produced annually (Nestel, 1995). Eighty-seven percent of Chiapas’ coffee producers farm less than 2 hectares, the majority indigenous peoples (CNOC and COOPCAFE, 1995). The purpose of this paper is to elaborate on small-scale farmer knowledge of their organically certified coffee farms, including shade tree management, and opinions of organic management and derived conservation benefits. History of Coffee Production in Chiapas The introduction and development of coffee as a crop in Latin America can be traced back as far as the late 18th century. In Chiapas, two primary coffee-growing regions exist: the Socunusco region to the south and the Highland region in the central part of the state. Socunusco, the original coffee-producing region of Chiapas, began to transform to meet international coffee markets when taxation on trade was eliminated in 1797, while Chiapas was still a legal territory of Guatemala (Benjamin, 1996). During the 1870’s and 1880’s coffee trade with North American markets expanded further, offering growers higher prices and access to a great array of markets (Benjamin, 1996). By the mid 1880’s coffee had become Central America’s most important export crop (Williams, 1994). From 1970-1990, the land area used for coffee production in Mexico increased by 114%, driven by high prices sustained by the International Coffee Agreements (Bray et al, 2002). Coffee in Chiapas is grown in an assortment of scales. Haciendas of 1,000 hectares or more characterize the Socunusco region (Roseberry, 1995), while Highland region coffee farms are considerably smaller in size, ranging from 1-5 hectares. Farmers in the Highland region are subsistence producers relying upon corn and bean production to meet food needs, using coffee as a cash crop. The historical roots of coffee development began in the Soconusco region, where many farmers in the more impoverished Highland region traveled annually to work as paid laborers harvesting coffee on larger plantations. Less than 100 years ago, these farmers discovered that along with their corn and beans, they could also have coffee plants of their own (Yepez, 1997).
Local lore suggests that coffee beans were smuggled in balls of corn meal masa to the Highlands, where coffee grew vigorously when planted within forests, using the native forest vegetation as shade. Thus began production of traditionally shaded coffee in Chiapas. Coffee production in the Highlands now serves to generate income needed to acquire goods, and is often the sole source of cash for traditional farming families (Union Majomut, 1992). Highland farmers use many methods that maintain ecological diversity by incorporating useful forest and fruit tree species into their coffee systems. Such methods are said to be inherited from their Mayan ancestors (Yepez, 1997). Classification of coffee production landscapes has been divided into a continuum of management and vegetational structure that ranges from ‘rustic’ landscapes, in which coffee is grown within native forest vegetation, ‘traditional polyculture’ or ‘coffee garden,’ in which coffee and other food crops are grown beneath many of the original superior canopy trees, and ‘commercial polyculture’ in which the overstory has been completely removed and specific shade trees introduced into the system (Moguel and Toledo, 1999). Organic coffee and shade The Codex Alimentarious Commission, a Joint FAO/WHO Food Standards Program, takes into account current regulations in several countries to define organic agriculture as “a holistic production management system which promotes and enhances agro-ecosystem health, including biodiversity, biological cycles, and soil biological activity” (IFOAM, 2003). Organic certification of a grower or processor is often defined as one that has been verified by a public or private certification company such as Naturland or Organic Crop Improvement Association. These regulatory companies enforce the following standards: 1) Organic products that are grown on land must not have any prohibited substances (synthetic fertilizers, herbicides, pesticides, growth regulators, and fungicides) for three years prior to certification; 2) Farmers and processors must keep detailed records of methods and materials used in growing or producing organic foods; 3) A third-party certifier annually inspects all methods and materials; and 4) All farmers and handlers are required to maintain written organic plans detailing management practices. The number of certified organic coffee farms in Mexico has been rapidly increasing over the past 15 years, driven by a combination of institutional transformations, farmer mobilization, and well-developed marketing campaigns. In the early 1990’s coffee producers in Mexico faced a considerable crisis as the international coffee price dropped drastically. This drop in prices resulted in promotion of farm certification that, due to lack of access to external agrochemical inputs, had been already growing coffee meeting some of the organic requirements for many years. Profits from organic coffee production often exceed those for conventional (non-organic) gourmet coffee by 15-20% (Janssen, 1997). Moreover, organic coffee production offers an example of a high-profit product that can advance social and environmental global concerns while having a positive impact on small-scale farmer incomes and ecosystems (Bray et al., 2002). Organic production of coffee has thus been shown to be a significant way for small farmers to increase their income while maintaining the health of themselves, their farm, and their communities.
In terms of organic coffee production, Mexico is a major producer with approximately 45,000 hectares producing certified organic coffee in 1998 (Rice). This production ties with Peru for the highest in the world. More than any other Mexican state, Chiapas boasts the most hectares dedicated to organic coffee, the highest production (Gómez Cruz et al., 2000), and the most individual producers who are currently certified organic, or in the transition process to becoming certified organic (Union Majomut, personal communication, 1999). Organic coffee producers are restricted from using agrochemicals and depend upon soil management techniques to provide critical nutrients, such as Nitrogen (N) to their crop. In traditional shaded coffee plantations, native leguminous tree species are often used to supply all or a portion of the N needs of coffee (Soto-Pinto, 2000; Roskoski, 1982). In such systems, an increase in plant-available N is the result of the symbiotic relationship between specific nodule-forming, N2 -fixing bacteria, known as rhizobia, with the leguminous host. This relationship is especially important in organic coffee where addition of synthetic N fertilizers is prohibited. The use of atmospheric nitrogen (N 2 ) fixing trees for improvement of associated crop production is integral to low-input sustainable agricultural practices in most developing countries (Sprent and Parsons, 2000; Milnitsky, et al., 1997; Awonaike et al., 1992; Kang et al., 1990; Sanginga et al.,1985) and contribution of N specifically to coffee systems has been well documented (Escalante, 1997; Munoz, 1997; Babbar and Zak, 1995; Rodriguez et al., 1991; Roskoski, 1982). In Chiapas, more than 50% of coffee is grown under the leguminous shade tree Inga (Nolasco, 1985). This genus has over 300 species throughout tropical America and is also valuable for fuelwood, food, soil improvement, and weed control (Lawrence, et al., 1995; Pennington and Fernandes, 1998). However, Inga oerstediana, a common coffee shade species in Chiapas, has been shown to not be effective in nitrogen fixation 5 months after inoculation (Grossman, 2002).
METHODS Methods and Study Sites Research for this study was executed in March through August 1999 in the Highland and Trinitaria regions of the state of Chiapas (Figure 1.). Chiapas is a poor and uneducated state, with the average adult illiteracy rate in the study regions estimated at 40% (Secretaría de Hacienda, 1999). Study sites were located between 16° 05’ - 16° 56’ North latitude and 91° 40’ - 92° 31’ West longitude in the Greenwich meridian. Elevation in the region ranges from 900-1800 m above sea level with a mean annual temperature of 18-22°C (Pérez-Grovas, et al., 1997). Annual rainfall is between 2,000-2,500 mm, the majority of which falls June-October (Garcia, 1973). Slopes in the region range from 1045% and erosion control is of major importance to agricultural production. Local soils are classified in the FAO/UNESCO (Food and Agriculture Organization/United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization) system as luvisols or anidsols (INEGI, 1993). Soils in study sites are acidic (average pH 5.8), with an average N content of
0.25%, and P of 9.49 ppm (Grossman, 2002). Coffee is produced on 39.5% of the cultivated land, equivalent to 20,300 ha (Pérez-Grovas, et al., 1997). The author collected the information through 31 semi-structured interviews conducted in 3 coffee producing communities, Majosik, Tenejapa (Highland region, 10 interviews); Poconichim, Chenalhó (Highland region, 10 interviews); and Tziscao, Trinitaria (11 interviews). Native languages in the 3 study areas were respectively the Mayan languages of Tzeltal and Tzotzil, and Spanish. Interviews in Mayan languages were conducted using a translator. The study sites were chosen on the basis of 1) presence of shaded coffee, and 2) number of years as an organic coffee producing community (1, 5, 10 years, respectively). El Colegio de la Frontera Sur (ECOSUR) in San Cristobal de Las Casas, and Unión Majomut, an association of small coffee producers, assisted in communication with, selection of, and placement in communities. In an initial rapid reconnaissance visit in 1998, farmers and agronomists of Union Majomut were asked about various problems they were encountering in their shaded organic coffee systems. All communities included in this study had community level cooperative grower associations, which were invited to participate in the interviews and successive research. This initial solicitation included a focus group meeting with the community members, and a subsequent assemblage of names of farmers who were interested in participating in the study, using the following criteria: 1. The farms have coffee growing under shade 2. The farm has been used for coffee production for at least 3 years 3. The person interviewed falls into the category of either male household head, female household head or son/daughter that tends the farm (>12 years old) 4. The farmer has managed the farm for at least 3 years An effort was made to include women cooperative members in the study (3 of the total 30 interviews conducted), but the fact that most co-operative members were men was an obvious constraint. Inasmuch as possible, women heads of household were involved in the interviewing process when interviewing men. Three pilot interviews were conducted, and problematic questions altered. The 1-3 hour interview consisted of a basic framework of questions. Interviews were largely informal as the researcher allowed the conversation to flow in directions the farmer felt were important. Other collected information included basic farm data such as size, elevation, management practices, pest problems, and farm history. Each farmer interviewed also completed a farm map (Mukherjee, 1995, 1993), which offered an idea of what aspects of the farm were most important to the farmer by decisions of placement or non-placement on the map. All interviews were tape-recorded and later transcribed. Each transcribed text, ranging from 7-12 pages, was then coded and analyzed for content (Miles and Huberman, 1994). The code list was not static, and evolved as an increasing number of sub-codes became evident. After coding was complete, similar coded responses were then grouped by theme. Data was then analyzed by code heading to uncover patterns in the farmer’s responses to each thematic area.
RESULTS AND DISCUSSION Coffee shade Coffee farms in the three study communities contained a diverse shade cover consisting of over 31 species of fruit and native trees (Table 1). Of these, only 36% were also found in a study of Highland coffee farms in Chiapas (Soto-Pinto, 2000), suggesting that coffee farms in the Chiapas Highland region can be extremely diverse. The systems most often occurring in the study sites could be classified as perennial polyculture (Moguel and Toledo, 1999; Nolasco, 1985), with the superior canopies dominated by species of Inga. These systems also contained a useful array of planted fruit species, as well as a few remaining native species that could be used for construction wood and sometimes fruit (Table 1.). Over 23% of farmers who had originally planted coffee directly into the forest stated that they annually remove the nonuseful native trees as time allowed, or that their parents had removed a majority of these trees prior to inheritance of the farm. This suggests that small-scale coffee farms are dynamic systems that are constantly in flux, with an apparent tendency to progress toward more uniform systems with less diversity of shade species over time. As shade cover percentage has been shown to have significant effects on coffee yield, (Soto-Pinto et. al, 2000), careful attention must be paid not only to species included, but also maintenance of appropriate densities of trees in the superior canopy. One particularly astute farmer noted, with regard to the cutting of native forest species, that: A tree is the same as we are. It has life. Gives us shade. Gives us life. It breathes the air. [Here] it isn’t like in the cities where there is a lot of pollution. We have the freshness of the leaves. When we get rid of the trees we are losing the shade. We are losing the shade by cutting down the forests. - M. Perez Guzman It has been estimated that 40% of the 2.8 million hectares planted to coffee in Mexico, Colombia, Central America and the Caribbean has been converted into homogenized full sun and limited shade systems (Natural Resources Defense Council, 1998). In Mexico, the now-defunct Instituto Mexicano del Café (INMECAFE) controlled much of the coffee industry in the 1980’s. This institution is suggested to have played a major role in coffee landscape transformation in Chiapas by promoting technological packages that included the intensive use of agrochemicals, the complete removal or reduction to a single genus of shade trees, the increase in density of coffee trees per unit of land, and the utilization of high yielding varieties of coffee (Bray, 2002; Hoffmann et al., 1987; Toledo et al., 1985). This replacement of other shade trees with a monoculture of Inga has been argued to contribute to the loss of species diversity in coffee systems (Nestel, 1995). However, farmers in this study indicated that their interaction with INMECAFE was only one of many factors responsible for the reduction of native shade species and system species diversity in Chiapas. More than 22% of the farmers reported that although INMECAFE had indeed promoted the removal of native tree species and replacement with Inga sp., the tradition of using Inga in coffee had originally come from their
ancestors, many of whom had noted its apparent benefits while working as seasonal labor on larger coffee plantations, or observed Inga’s performance in surrounding forests. In many cases it seems that the farmer’s decision to plant Inga species had been their own, not that of INMECAFE. Farmers’ overall impression of Inga was positive. Farmers claimed that soil beneath Inga was more fertile (93%) and that coffee grew better when beneath Inga (48%). Farmer-perceived benefits of using Inga are listed in Figure 2., with the most commonly cited values being firewood and fertilizer. Although almost 75% of farmers valued Inga for firewood, most farmers indicated that the fertilization potential of the leaves was what they valued most. These results are not surprising, as farmer observations are reported to have also been influential in traditional Old World agriculture decision-making with regards to leguminous shade trees. León reports Mesoamerican Indians to have formalized the use of the leguminous tree Gliricidia sepium as cacao shade after empirical observation of improved growth and yield of crops shaded by this tree (1998). Eventually the positive results of growing cacao under the shade of other leguminous trees, mainly Erythrina and Inga species, were noted and these species began to be used as shade as well (Budowski et al., 1984). These farmers most likely had no knowledge of the nitrogen fixing ability of these genera, however their observations of improved crop and soil health greatly aided their selection of these species, and their willingness to adopt them as a given agricultural method. No farmers cited Inga as having a negative influence on the soil or the coffee. However, 32% of farmers asserted that there was a defoliating pest that ‘sucked on’ or ‘ate’ the leaves of the tree. Half of the farmers in the community of Tziscao asserted that the incidence of this pest was more common following government aerial fumigation with insecticide used to control the Mediterranean fruit fly (Ceratitis capitata) in nearby oranges and bananas. Almost 20% of farmers in all study sites indicated presence of a worm in the Inga fruit pods that ate the seeds, reducing the viable seeds that were available for replanting elsewhere on their farm. Farmers had a hybridized knowledge system of the tree species found on their farms made up of experiences and phenomena that they can observe, knowledge passed down from their ancestors, and information retained from organic training workshops. All interviewed farmers had participated in at least one organic training workshop or farmer-to-farmer exchange. The first step in organic training in Chiapas typically includes parallel 1) community self-identification of problems that exist within the coffee system, and 2) recognition by agronomists of areas where changes need to be made in order to have farms that comply with organic regulations. The organic certification agency Naturland certifies almost 11,000 coffee producers in Mexico (Gómez Tovar et al., 1999), including all interviewed communities. Individual communities, made up of 10-50 farmers each, are assembled under a larger umbrella co-operative that organizes organic training and external certification. A team of organic production agronomist trainers employed by the co-operative commonly teaches workshops on organic management practices. It was difficult to ascertain from which of the three sources (observation, ancestors, or training) interviewed farmers had acquired their knowledge related to shade trees found on their coffee farm.
Farmer opinion of organic production and soil conservation benefits Overall, farmers held a positive opinion of organic production and its benefits to soil conservation, despite increased labor requirements and occasional lack of markets (Figure 3.). Farmers noted advantages of producing organically to be improved coffee production (observed by 42% of farmers), improvement in soil quality (19%), and better personal health (10%). Production differences mentioned by farmers included greater yield, reduced ‘staining’ of coffee fruits, and elimination of foul chemical odor on the fruit. Improvements in soil health included erosion control through terracing, Inga leaf litter deposition, and encouragement of soil biota through reduced agrochemical use. Surprisingly, only two farmers mentioned the increase in profit as a benefit of organic production. For those farmers who regularly applied synthetic pesticides and fertilizers prior to organic transition, almost a third reported negative effects upon the coffee crop after numerous consecutive years of use, including yield reductions and ‘dried out’ soils and coffee plant leaves. Furthermore, many farmers (25%) observed evidence of coffee crop dependence on agrochemicals, such as yield decline and reduced coffee plant health when agrochemical use was discontinued. All farmers observing such effects later observed a subsequent recovery in crop and soil health after 2 years of organic management. When applying agrochemicals, no interviewed farmer had used protective clothing. Farmers recounted stories of various illnesses that they attributed to agrochemical use, including skin burning, blindness, dizziness, diarrhea, and death, among others. Almost half of the farmers had never used agrochemicals due to lack of financial resources needed for purchase, and said that they would not use them even if they had access to such resources. INMECAFE gave me chemical fertilizers and it caused the coffee to yield a lot. They told us that the chemicals would protect the coffee. After a few years the yield was reduced because we burned the soil and the coffee with the chemicals. Conserving the soil through organic production is better. Chemicals dry out and destroy the soil. - J. Morales Guzman Organic is better. We don’t have to buy any of the things we need to grow it. And now we don’t contaminate ourselves/the soil. We can eat all of the vegetables. On the other hand, if we used chemicals, we couldn’t eat the vegetables. Why? Because it can affect us and make us sick. - P. Guzman Hernandez An additional benefit of organic production was reduction in erosion potential by terracing and accumulating leaf litter in a protective mulch layer. Terrace construction using live shrubs is a widespread soil conservation technique in organic coffee production. Observing that retention of surface litter reduced the amount of topsoil lost, almost 40% of the farmers commented on the positive results of using natural terraces to trap this litter and thus reduce erosion and improve the quality of their soil. Additionally, 30% farmers mentioned that, together with reduced slope, leaf deposition contributed to a reduction in erosional losses by covering the soil surface with a thick litter layer. These
results correspond to the literature affirming that on an adequately shaded coffee plantation erosion can be reduced to less than 2% of the losses that occur on plantations not utilizing shade trees (Suárez de Castro and Rodríguez, 1955). In Chiapas, where topsoil loss due to water erosion averages about 50 ton ha -1 yr –1 (Camas et al., 1998; Coutiño, 1998), this can contribute to topsoil preservation and maintenance. On the farmer-drawn maps depicting the most important shade trees in their coffee farm, leaf forms and fruits were often drawn in great detail. Leaf size and shape in particular were mentioned as positive or negative qualities of shade trees in almost half of the interviews. The most mentioned negative aspect of organic production was the labor requirement, thought by farmers to be much higher than conventional production. The most time consuming activities were compost production and hand weeding. Almost all farmers stated that hand weeding with a machete was a slow and demanding practice. In terms of compost material collection, similar numbers of farmers felt that collecting the material and preparing the compost pile was easy (22%) and difficult (29%). It is interesting to note that of the farmers who felt preparing the compost pile was easy, almost all (86%) came from the community of Majosik, who were producing compost for the first time that year. Majosik farmer’s enthusiasm for compost pile creation was made clear through the interviews, therefore these results might have been due to the good reports of compost application from other farmers or agronomists. Almost all (90%) farmers who had been producing compost for more than one year and who chose to comment on the compost preparation felt it was difficult. Despite apparent constraints in time, energy and sometimes money, more than half of those interviewed thought that compost application was beneficial to the soil and/or the coffee plants. Organic is good, but takes more work. The coffee plants produce for more time [when you don’t use chemicals]. Once you start with chemicals you have to continue using them. - R. Mauricio Galicia The idea for organic coffee wasn’t accepted at first because, like all of the other programs that were introduced in our community, it was just something ‘new’. Those that decided to make the change were given a good guaranteed price for the coffee and for keeping our land healthy. Now organic coffee in Mexico is one of the greatest benefits we have. - José Angel Hernandez In conclusion, trees used in organic production systems, and likely in many non-organic systems as well, provide many benefits to the farmer. These benefits include organic fertilizer potential, weed control, maintenance of soil moisture, erosion control, firewood, fruit, and construction materials. It is suggested that research in such systems continue as to maintain the personal and ecological benefits that farmers derive from organic systems while improving quality and perhaps yield of the coffee crop.
Figure 1. MAP OF STUDY SITES
TABLE 1. FARMER-IDENTIFIED COFFEE SHADE TREE SPECIES OF THE SUPERIOR CANOPY FOUND IN CHIAPAS HIGHLAND COFFEE AGROECOSYSTEMS Latin name
Spanish name
Tzeltal name
Tzotzil name
Primary Uses
Achras sapota Eribotrya japonica Annona sp.
Mispero
lu luté
misperá
Anona Zapote
k’ewex
ke’vex has
fruit firewood fruit fruit
Casimiroa edulis
Matazano
ajte
ajté
native forest sp. firewood
Chamaedorea sp. Citrus aurantiacum Citrus sinensis (IDENT = LSP)
Pacaya Naranja
-alchax
narinxá
fruit firewood
Lima
chú lima
lima
Limon Mala Mujer
elmonex
ermunix ikahté
Palo Torcido
--
Number of farms with this tree A B C 1 6 8 --
2
2 2
--
2
2 4
-7
5
fruit firewood
4
3
3
fruit native forest sp. firewood firewood
---
4 2
2
--
2
Calocarpum zapota
Citrus aurantifolia Citrus limon Cnidoscolus multilobus Crataegus pubescens
chixté
Palo de Sangre
chi’chi’bat
cxivat
native forest sp. firewood
--
2
Cypress
cipres
C
native forest sp. construction wood firewood
--
1
Poma Rosa
pomarosa
ypress Pomarosa 1
fruit
1
--
Hampea sp. Heliocarpus sp. (mexicanus, appendiculatus and reticulatus) Trichospermum sp. I. sp. Inga aestuariorum Inga punctata
Corcho
--
b’at
construction wood firewood
--
4
1
San Caspirol Paterna
sakil tzélel
san tzélel
-1
-1
1 3
Inga lindeniana Inga micheliana Inga pavoniana Liquidumbar styraciflua
Chalum
--
kok
shade shade fruit firewood shade firewood
10
10
10
Liquidumbar
so’te
soxté
3
9
Mango
mako
mancuté
native forest sp. firewood fruit firewood
--
4
3
Platano, Banano, or Guineo --
lobal
lobol
8
6
7
--
atzamté
fruit compost native forest sp. firewood
--
2
--
Palo Quemado or Cacaté Granadilla
--
kákété
--
9
1
karanato
caranató
native forest sp. firewood fruit
--
1
1
Croton draco Cupressus sp.
1
Eugenia jambos
Mangifera indica Musa sp.
Myruca cerifera Oecopetalum mexicanum Passiflora sp.
Persea americana
Aguacate/Zapote
on
hón/has
Pinus sp. Prunus persica Prunus sp.
Pino Durazno Capulín Cerezo Chinino Aguacate grande
taj turesna chichoté
-turasnú xuax
--
ibib or hib
Guayaba
pataj
potoj
Quercus polymorpha Quercus rugosa Quercus uxoris Salmea scandens
Roble (Oak)
ji’tej
tulan
--
--
ichi’té
Spandia sp.
Jacote
--
Jacote
Prunus sp. or Persea schiedeana, as Chinino is listed by in L.S.P. paper… Psidium guajava
fruit firewood native forest sp. fruit shade firewood fruit firewood
4
8
5
1 -1
-2 3
2 1
--
3
1
fruit firewood ‘best’ firewood construction wood
--
5
1
--
1
living fences 1 terraces construction wood native forest sp.
--
1
1 2
---
--
--
fruit firewood
1
--
--
native forest sp.
1 ---
--1
-2
--
Tzatan pachak’ ul’ulzim
-Zapote Negro
musmuste tza tluk
---
2 --
Canaco -Pera
Gracias: Ecologia y Sistemática Terrestre:
note:
native forest sp1 firewood1
4
José Luis López García Miguel Martizez Icó (Tzotzil de Huitstan) Alfonso Luna Gómez (Tzeltal de Tenejapa) In Tziscao, producers (3) stated that their cafetales contained “trees that don’t have a name”. These were not included in the above list.
Number of farmers noting this value
Figure 2. Farmer Perceptions of Inga Tree Importance 25 74.2%
20
67.7%
15 10
32.3%
5
19.4% 12.9% 3.2%
0 Firewood
Organic fertilizer
Weed control
Soil moisture maintenance
Food source (fruit)
Other (Erosion control)
Value
Number of farmers noting this benefit
Figure 3. Perceived Farmer Benefits of Organic Production 14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0
42%
19% 10%
Improved production
6%
Improved Soil Improved Increased Profit Quality personal health and Guarenteed Market Benefit
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