An examination of participation in the trades and clerical work among ...

Canadian Studies in Population 42, no. 3–4 (2015): 24–38.

An examination of participation in the trades and clerical work among Canadian immigrants across generations Parvinder Hira-Friesen1 Abstract Using data from the Canadian 2006 Census’ Public Use Micro-data File (PUMF), I compare trades and administrative employment outcomes of immigrant generations of Canadians. Using multivariate logistic regression, I ascertain whether there is a generational effect among immigrants with respect to employment in the trades and clerical work, taking into account the predominance of males in trades and females in clerical work. Results indicate a generational convergence among males, as they are more likely to be employed in the trades in later generations. These results do not apply to females in clerical work. Keywords: immigration, labour, trades, generational convergence, gender.

Résumé À partir des données du Fichier de microdonnées à grande diffusion du Recensement canadien de 2006, j’ai comparé les résultats pour les emplois administratifs et de métier des générations d’immigrants canadiens. En me servant de la régression logistique multidimensionnelle, je confirme s’il existe un effet de génération chez les immigrants en ce qui concerne les métiers et les emplois administratifs, compte tenu de la prédominance des hommes dans les métiers et des femmes dans les postes administratifs. Les résultats indiquent une convergence générationelle chez les hommes étant donné qu’il est plus probable que les générations futures travaillent dans les métiers. Mots-clés: immigration, travail, métiers, convergence générationelle, hommes et femmes.

Introduction Although birth rates are on the rise, Canada’s fertility rate is still well below the replacement level of 2.1 children per female (Milan 2013). This decline, coupled with Canada’s rapidly aging work force, creates a pressing economic condition if Canada wishes to remain competitive in the global market. Skilled tradespeople are important and vital to Canada’s future prosperity. This is especially important as other developed countries will face similar challenges with the aging of their respective populations. In fact, “despite variations in fertility rates, effective retirement ages, immigration, and other factors,” McNiven maintains that there will be global competition among the developed countries 1. Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, University of Saskatchewan. Address for correspondence: 216 Woodmount Avenue, Toronto ON M4C 3Z6. Email: [email protected]. 24

Hira-Friesen: An examination of participation in trades and clerical work among Canadian immigrants

for all types of labour. Furthermore, this problem will only deteriorate as the labour forces in rapidly developing countries such as China begin to age (McNiven 2009). In this article I use principles of segmented assimilation theory to examine skilled trades employment and clerical work outcomes among Canadian newcomers with respect to: (1) a possible generational effect among Canadian immigrants employed in the trades and clerical workl; (2) plausible explanations if such an effect exists; and (3) policy implications from the outcome of this study. The article begins with an overview of segmented assimilation theory and its application to Canadian labour markets. The importance of higher education and its effect on successful immigrant integration are also discussed. Further highlighted in this article is the ongoing skilled worker shortage and possible reasons for the appeal of trades employment and clerical work among Canadian newcomers and their offspring. Using the Canadian 2006 Census PUMF, cross-tabulations of immigrants, generations, trades employment, and clerical work are reviewed for possible generational effects. Since the trades and clerical work are overwhelmingly represented by males and females, respectively, this analysis is gender-specific for each type of employment.2 Then, employing multivariate analysis, these data are further utilized to examine the focal relationship between immigrant generations and trades employment. In addition, a secondary focal relationship between clerical work and immigrant generations is also examined. Finally, policy implications are outlined and discussed with respect to the current Canadian immigration policy. I predict a generational convergence in the proportion of newcomers working in the trades. This outcome is evident due firstly to Canada’s point system, which selects for university-educated immigrants. Therefore, we expect the first generation of newcomers to prefer jobs requiring a university education. It is also expected that generation 1.5 and second-generation Canadians will favour university attainment, as research suggests that the best predictor of educational attainment is parents’ education (Wanner 1999). Therefore, it is not until the third generation of Canadians that we would expect more participation in the trades and clerical work.

Segmented assimilation theoretical framework The assimilation model first appears in sociology with the Chicago School as a process of how immigrants and their children exchange their ethnic culture for the culture of the host society. As Portes and Rumbaut (2001) argue, this view must be approached with caution, as it does not apply equally to all newcomers. Nonetheless, a plausible economic integration pattern among immigrants is described by the segmented assimilation model, as either newcomers acculturating into the white middle class, assimilating into the underclass, or simultaneously engaging in economic attainment while preserving cultural values (Portes and Zhou 1993). Additionally, all three integration patterns are affected by parents and respective ethnic communities playing an important role in education and career choices among immigrant youth. As a valuable contribution of segmented assimilation theory, intergenerational acculturation exemplifies the processes whereby immigrants and their children learn the host culture’s language and cultural norms. Hence, the rate of this acculturation plays a vital role in the support and resources 2. In 2003 relatively few women were found in primary industry occupations (only 110,000 in farming, forestry, mining, or fishing) or in trades, transport, and equipment operation (148,000). However, about 2.1 million men were engaged in occupations involving trades, transport, or equipment operation in 2003, accounting for one-quarter of all men employed that year. Therefore, males represent a small minority in clerical work and females represent a small minority in the trades, although this has been changing over time. 25

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available to second-generation children so they can overcome external barriers to successful integration (Piedra and Engstrom 2009). Portes and Rumbaut (2001) acknowledge three specific types of intergenerational acculturation—dissonant, consonant, and selective—that may be responsible for generational effects among immigrants and their career choices. Consequently, since the process of transition is slow but sure, so will be the assimilation into the host society. Then, educational and career choices will not only emulate those of the host culture but will also be reflective of the local labour market needs rather than tradition. The newcomers may now choose other post-secondary educational paths than university as a viable career choice for their offspring. Therefore, intergenerational acculturation, as a variant of segmented assimilation theory, may subsequently aid in explaining a generational shift of immigrant males choosing to pursue trades-related post-secondary education and subsequent employment as skilled workers. Likewise, many female immigrants may choose clerical work, as dictated by local labour market demands. Although current research emphasizes the dominance of university-level educational aspirations among immigrant parents for their children, these offspring may choose alternative educational and career pathways. These choices may include skilled trades and clerical work among immigrant males and females, respectively. Furthermore, since many skilled trades jobs exhibit traits of primary labour market employment positions, many immigrant males may view skilled trades as a viable alternative to a university education, with its subsequent precarious employment opportunities. A primary market consists of jobs that offer “high wages, good working conditions, employment stability and job security, and chances for advancement” (Snyder et al. 1978: 709). The secondary sector, argues Piore, has jobs with low wages, poor working conditions, considerable variability in employment, “harsh and often arbitrary discipline,” and not much opportunity for advancement (1970: 55). Indeed, segmented assimilation may play a vital role in explaining generational effects among Canadian immigrant youth and their employment in the trades and clerical work.

Importance of post-secondary education in successful immigrant integration Many families immigrate to Canada in the hopes of seeking a better life for themselves and their children. This pursuit of a better life includes valuing higher education and assuming their children will attend post-secondary institutions (Krahn and Taylor 2005). In fact, many newcomers relocate to countries like Canada in the confidence tahat their host country will provide educational opportunities for their children, thus allowing these children to attain gainful employment and upward social mobility (Hiebert 1998; Anisef et al. 2000; Hatton and Bacic 2001). These educational opportunities can, and do, include many forms of post-secondary education (PSE), including technical diplomas and apprenticeships, that prepare students for employment in the skilled labour market and clerical work. Moreover, Canada needs an ample supply of skilled workers to maintain its global economic strength (HRSDC 2007). Provincial governments currently target newcomers with various programs designed to fulfill their respective labour needs via the Provincial Nominee program. Current research, however, focuses predominantly on university-related educational attainment among immigrant youth. Post-secondary educational aspiration literature regarding immigrant youth identifies university as a dominant form of PSE among all newcomers. Looker and Thiessen (2004) report university as the “pathway of choice” among Canadian youth. This is in line with Krahn and Taylor (2005), who convey a similar convention of using university as a preferred form of PSE among immigrants. Unfortunately, the prevalence of university aspiration and attainment within academic research overlooks a considerable portion of other forms of PSE, such as trades-related education. Trades-related PSE 26


offers many of the benefits experienced by university graduates. First, trades-related PSE provides graduates with secure employment and economic prosperity. Second, graduates of trades-specific programs can reap benefits that go beyond monetary gains. Many trades-related PSE credentials lead to lucrative employment.3 For instance, skilled labour provides employees with profitable careers, where tradespeople can earn salaries 3.1 per cent above the average of all other careers combined in Canada (Statistics Canada 2003). In addition, according to Statistics Canada, the average hourly earnings in 2007 were higher in the trades ($22.36) than in other occupations combined ($21.02; Pyper 2008). Benefits that go beyond economic returns especially extend to trades-specific education, as the cost of trades-related PSE is much less than the cost of attaining a university degree. This smaller financial burden on immigrant families frees up funds for use in improving their quality of life as well as participation in community-building activities. For example, apprenticeship programs permit students to “earn while they learn.” This may make a skilled trade education economically beneficial compared to university, and an attractive alternative for many immigrants who struggle financially upon arrival to their host country. Porter’s (2002) study examines the value of higher education and its rates of return on investment to both the student and society. Therefore, analyzing trades-related employment among immigrants may provide much-needed insight into immigrant economic integration research.

Skilled worker shortage and the benefits of trades employment According to Statistics Canada, even after taking into account the job losses caused by the recent deep recession, many Canadian employers continue to have difficulty filling positions in skilled trades (Desjardins 2010). Furthermore, this study also reports that of the ten jobs most difficult to fill, skilled trades came first, ahead of engineers, teachers, and nurses (Desjardins 2010). As a result, because economic trends are favouring countries and production facilities with a large pool of skilled workers, it is vital that Canada supplement its skilled trades workforce. One answer to this may be immigration—in particular, immigrants and their future offspring who are willing to be educated in, and subsequently employed in, skilled trades. Canada’s current immigration policy favours university-educated applicants, thereby discouraging newcomers with trades-related education.4 Hence, immigration could play an increasingly important role in the overall growth of Canada’s economy if it helps to replenish Canada’s aging workforce and addresses future labour shortages. This, in turn, would promote successful integration among the immigrants. Jim McNiven, a research advisor for the Atlantic Institute for Market Studies, argues that the labour shortage is a long-term problem that will persist after the economy has recovered, and especially regarding positions in the skilled trades (McNiven 2009). Additionally, The Financial Post reports that skilled worker shortages continue in Canada despite recent reports of job losses in the current economy (Proudfoot 2009). This shortage will inevitably have dire consequences for Canada’s longterm economic growth and its ability to compete in the global market. Immigration and the promotion of skilled trades offer a potential solution to Canada’s impending labour crisis. Furthermore, trades-specific post-secondary educational qualifications may also aid in the successful integration of immigrants to Canada. 3. Clerical employment is not generally so lucrative. It suffers in part because it is a female employment ghetto, and there is no perceived shortage of clerical workers. 4. It is worth noting, however, that although the expansion in recent years of the Provincial Nominee Program (PNP) is beginning to address this problem, the federal government recently put a cap on these programs. 27

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Labour shortage has been a continued concern among policymakers with respect to the Canadian economy (HRSDC 2007). The HRSDC reports governmental concerns over the slowing down of the Canadian labour supply, due to slower population growth and “aging of the baby boom generation of workers” (HRSDC 2007). Consequently, the demand for skilled labour continues to outpace supply. To alleviate this pressure, the government of Alberta introduced a youth apprenticeship program, the Registered Apprenticeship Program (RAP), in the early 1990s (Lehmann 2005). The Alberta government offered RAP as a career option for high school students who sought training other than a traditional post-secondary education, and simultaneously created an interest in the trades, in order to offset industry pressures and “bring at least some aspects of the secondary curriculum more in line with industry needs” (Lehmann and Taylor 2003).

Data and methods Data Data for this study come from the Canadian 2006 Census’ Public Use Micro-data File (PUMF; Statistics Canada 2010). This file on individuals contains 844,476 records, representing 2.7 per cent of the Canadian population. I restricted the study sample to those between the ages of 20–59 who are currently active in the Canadian labour force (N = 401,620).

Variables Dependent Variable. I use two dependent variables to measure the employment outcome of immigrants: employment in skilled trades (namely, contractors and supervisors in trades and transportation, construction trades, and other trades occupations as identified in the PUMF) and employment in clerical work (clerical occupations and clerical supervisors and financial, secretarial, and administrative occupations as identified in the PUMF). Both the trades and clerical work are coded as dichotomous variables, with 1 representing employment in the trades and 0 equal to not being in the trades. Similarly, 1 represents employment in clerical work and 0 equals not being employed in such occupations. These data are gender-specific for each type of employment, because men are overrepresented in trades-related occupations, while women are dominant in clerical work (Statistics Canada 2010). Therefore, the analysis was carried out using females only for clerical work and males only for trades-related occupations.

Individual-level independent variables The key independent variable describes an individual’s migration history. Specifically, I use generations of immigrants arriving in Canada. I identify the first generation as those who immigrated to Canada as adults; generation 1.5 includes respondents who arrived as children under age 12; secondgeneration immigrants are defined as those who were born in Canada but both their parents were born outside of Canada; generation 2.5 is represented by respondents who were born in Canada and one parent was born outside this country; and, finally, the third generation is defined as those who, along with their parents, were all born in Canada. In addition to this key independent variable, I include four control variables: age of respondent, education, country of birth and gender. The age categories include 20–29, 30–39, 40–49, and 50–59 years of age, measured as a set of dummy variables. The education variable includes: less than high school, high school diploma, trades certificate, some university (University certificate or diploma 28


below bachelor level), and university degree. The trades education includes: trades certificate or diploma; registered apprenticeship certificate; College, CEGEP, or other non-university certificate or diploma from a program of 3 months to less than 1 year; College, CEGEP, or other non-university certificate or diploma from a program of 1 year to 2 years; and College, CEGEP, or other nonuniversity certificate or diploma from a program of more than 2 years. These education categories are represented by a set of dummy variables. Gender is controlled by running separate models for men and women. Finally, country of birth is added to the models and is coded into dummy variables using the following: Canada, USA, Central America, Caribbean (Jamaica and other Caribbean and Bermuda), South America, Europe (UK, Germany, other Northern and Western Europe, Poland, Italy, Portugal, and other Southern Europe), Africa (Eastern Africa, North Africa, and other Africa), West Asia (West Central Asia and Middle East), East Asia (China, Hong Kong, and other Eastern Asia), Southeast Asia (South East Asia and the Philippines), and South Asia (India, Pakistan, and other Southern Asia).

The basic models I employ multivariate logistic regression to test the focal relationship between immigrant employment and generations of these newcomers, while controlling for age, education, country of birth, and gender. It is important to note that males and females are segregated for my analysis, using males to examine the trades and females to examine clerical work. In addition, I test to determine whether the generation effects vary over age groups, using interactions between generation and age.

Results Table 1. Percentage of Canadian immigrant males employed in trades across generations. Age 20–29 Age 30–39 Age 40–49 Age 50–59 Generation years years years years 1 8.8 10.5 13.5 14.8 1.5 11.4 11.4 12.9 14.4 2 11.4 14.3 16.2 12.7 2.5 15.2 15.0 15.5 13.8 3 18.2 17.7 18.6 16.4 Source: Author’s calculations from the Canadian 2006 Census Public Use Micro-data File (PUMF).

As illustrated in Table 1, percentages of immigrant males employed in the trades, cross-tabulated with generations and age, indicate a definite generational effect among Canadian newcomers. This outcome is especially prevalent among respondents 20–29 and 30–39 years old. For example, while 8.8 per cent of first-generation immigrant males aged 20–29 are employed in the trades, by the third generation more than double that percentage (18.2 per cent) are employed in the same types of occupations. This is indeed a pattern worth investigating further.5 In addition, there is also a higher percentage of males in the older age cohorts employed in the trades, likely due to immigrants from European countries who predominantly were trained in skilled trades and construction (Boyd and Vickers 2000). 5. The age period cohort effect between the first generation and generation 1.5 is addressed by not disentangling age period and cohort effects, since this study is using cross-sectional data and thus is controlling for period. 29

Canadian Studies in Population 42, no. 3–4 (2015) Table 2. Percentage of Canadian immigrant females employed in clerical work across generations. Age 20–29 Age 30–39 Age 40–49 Age 50–59 Generation years years years years 1 19.5 19.3 18.8 20.2 1.5 26.8 26.1 28.2 30.4 2 26.5 27.8 31.2 30.1 2.5 22.6 24.3 27.4 30.1 3 20.5 23.9 28.2 29.0 Source: Author’s calculations from the Canadian 2006 Census Public Use Micro-data File (PUMF).

Table 2 indicates a more sporadic pattern of clerical work participation among Canadian female immigrants. For instance, although there is an increase in clerical work engagement for all age groups from the first generation to generation 1.5, this trend does not continue in subsequent generations. Since women are less likely to be in the trades, it is more likely that they may pursue a university education and therefore would not produce a growing generational trend towards clerical work, as in the case of men in trades occupations. An outcome of this study worth noting is the increased percentage in clerical occupations with age. This is true across all generations except for the second generation, which experiences a slight decrease between the age groups 40–49 and 50–59. Table 3 indicates a definite generational effect on immigrant male participation in trades-related employment. Model 16 illustrates a significant increase in trades participation by newcomers for respondents in the second, 2.5, and third generations. For example, third-generation Canadians7 are the most likely (51 per cent) to be employed in the trades compared to first-generation Canadians. On the other hand, second-generation Canadians are 12 per cent, and immigrants in generation 2.5 are 22 per cent, more likely to be employed in the trades. Controlling for education and age, Model 2 presents the opposite pattern. This model indicates that respondents in generation 1.5 are 30 per cent less likely to be employed in the trades as those in the first generation. In addition, second-generation Canadians are also 26 per cent less likely to be employed in trades compared to first-generation Canadians. Finally, according to this model, generation 2.5 Canadians are 22 per cent less likely to be employed in the trades than those in the first generation. Further, as expected, immigrants with a trades-related education are the most likely (14.97 times as likely as those with a university degree) to be employed in trades. Hence, these results indicate strong age and education effects on employment in the trades. This means that the generational effect is explained by age and education. Both older men and those with trades training are much more likely to be found in trades employment, regardless of generation. Model 2 is further expanded using country of birth, which indicates that respondents born in the United States are 27 per cent, African-born respondents are 56 per cent, West Asians are 52 per cent, and South Asians are 43 per cent less likely to be employed in the trades compared to their Canadian-born counterparts. Model 3 reports outcomes for interactions between age and generation. This model indicates that generation 1.5 respondents aged 20–29 are significantly more likely (60 per cent) to be employed in the trades than their first-generation counterparts. On the other hand, second-generation Canadians in the same age group are 34 per cent more likely, and third-generation Canadians are 76 per cent more likely, to be employed in the trades compared to first-generation males 20–29 years old. Lastly, the most likely 6. Model 1 depicts the same results as Table 1; however, the results are expressed as odds ratios, using significance tests. 7. “Immigrant” and “first, second, etc. Canadian” are used interchangeably throughout this article. 30


generation of Canadian males to be employed in the trades is generation 2.5 (76 per cent as likely). This generational effect is less prevalent in the 30–39 age group. For instance, second-generation males 30–39 years old are 28 per cent more likely to be employed in the trades as their first-generation counterparts. In addition, generation 2.5 and the third generation are 25 per cent and 17 per cent more likely, respectively, to be employed in the trades as the first generation of the same age group. Table 3. Regression models predicting odds ratios of trades employment for males, 2006. Independent Variables Model 1 Model 2 Model 3 Generation First Generation (ref group) Generation 1.5 0.98 0.69*** 0.75*** Second Generation 1.12*** 0.74* 0.70** Generation 2.5 1.22*** 0.78* 0.76* Third Generation 1.51*** 0.87 0.87 Age 50–59 years (ref group) 1.04* 0.66*** 20–29 years 1.06** 0.92 30–39 years 1.10*** 1.07 40–49 years Education University Degree (ref group) Less than High School 7.63*** 7.63*** High School 5.61*** 5.62*** Trades 14.97*** 14.97*** Some University 3.82*** 3.83*** Country of Birth Canada (ref group) USA 0.73* 0.73* Central America 1.07 1.06 Caribbean 0.79 0.78 South America 1.07 1.06 Europe 1.17 1.14 Africa 0.44*** 0.45*** West Asia 0.84 0.84 East Asia 0.48*** 0.47*** Southeast Asia 0.86 0.85 South Asia 0.57*** 0.58*** Interaction Terms Age 20–29*First Generation (ref group) Age 20–29*Generation 1.5 1.60*** Age 20–29*Second Generation 1.34** Age 20–29*Generation 2.5 1.76*** Age 20–29* Third Generation 1.68*** Age 30–39*First Generation (ref group) Age 30–39*Generation 1.5 1.07 Age 30–39*Second Generation 1.28* Age 30–39*Generation 2.5 1.25** Age 30–39* Third Generation 1.17** Age 40–49*First Generation (ref group) Age 40–49*Generation 1.5 0.87 Age 40–49*Second Generation 1.14 Age 40–49*Generation 2.5 1.04 Age 40–49* Third Generation 1.04 Source: Author’s calculations from the Canadian 2006 Census’ Public Use Micro-data File (PUMF). ***Odds Ratio is statistically significant at p