Australian prehistoric archaeology: the last few years

Australian prehistoric archaeology: the last few years

Richard Fullagar Department of Archaeology, A22, University of Sydney, NSW 2006, Australia [email protected]

Keywords Australian prehistory, Aboriginal colonisation, megafaunal extinctions

Abstract Australian prehistory has been preoccupied with questions about the origin and diversity of Aboriginal populations; dating the initial colonisation; megafaunal extinctions; the antiquity of the ethnographic present; and interpreting apparent Holocene change and Pleistocene stability. Discerning both natural (eg, climatic) impacts on behaviour, and human impacts on the Australian environment has been a theme that links these and related issues. This paper describes recent evidence of new dating methods, improved climatic data and more detailed archaeological evidence that complicate the issues rather than provide definitive answers to the old questions. The challenge remains to develop theories that accommodate archaeological indicators of behaviour with more detailed environmental records.

Every continent has archaeological peculiarities, ex-

The aim of this paper is to provide a selection of

ceptions that seem to break the rules and challenge

recent literature and a brief overview of some key is-

explanation. In contrast with Eurasia or America, main-

sues in Australian prehistoric archaeology over the last

land Australia seems to stand out as lacking variation

five years or so. Mulvaney and Kamminga published a

in space and time, despite a modern human presence

revised synthesis ‘Prehistory of Australia’ in 1999, and

spanning at least 45,000 years, and despite the ar-

their bibliography includes many theses and reports,

chaeological challenge to notions of an unchanging

as well as major publications. Paton (1994) identified a

people in an unchanging land. Even cultural variability

long tradition of very broad explanatory models in Aus-

(eg, at least 250 Aboriginal languages) at the thresh-

tralian prehistory, perhaps, he suggested, linked with

old of colonisation (circa 1700-1800 AD) belies a ‘high

general indications of cultural homogeneity in the ar-

degree of commonality’ (Keen 2003) or connectedness

chaeological record. Despite the long tradition, there

across the continent. Australia might be considered an

are relatively few overviews, and those published since

entire continent of mobile hunter-gatherers, but for the

the 1990s (eg, Flood 1995, 3rd edition; Frankel 1991;

agricultural societies that emerged in the tropical north-

Lourandos 1997; Mulvaney & Kamminga 1999) iden-

east (now islands in Torres Strait, and Papua New

tify the same core issues that have been debated for

Guinea) and the diversity of mobile and sedentary set-

several decades (cf White with O’Connell 1982): the

tlement patterns across mainland Australia (figure 1,

origins and diversity of Aboriginal populations, dating

table 1). The earliest human arrivals in Australia pos-

the initial colonisation; megafaunal extinctions; the an-

sessed all the hallmarks of modern human behaviour,

tiquity of the ethnographic present; and interpreting

like art and funerary rituals, but their anatomical ori-

apparent Holocene change and Pleistocene stability.

gins are debated by academics. Indigenous people

Discerning the nature of human impacts on the Aus-

themselves have also played a highly significant role

tralian environment has been a theme that links these

in teaching anthropologists and influencing the man-

and related issues, which are discussed in the context

agement of cultural heritage, in part because of their

of recent evidence.

rich ceremonies and spectacular rock art. These pecu-

Not included is the history of perceptions of Aus-

liarities have shaped interpretations of Australian pre-

tralia as Aboriginal landscape, nor the social contexts

history.

of archaeological knowledge (but see Head 2000a, b).

Before Farming 2004/2 article 1

1

Australian prehistoric archaeology: the last few years: Fullagar

Figure 1 Selected archaeological sites in the Australian region. Argument continues about the maximum age of some archaeological sites and the minimum age of some megafaunal sites. Key references for sites are given in table 1. For a review of old sites, see O’Connell & Allen (2004). The figure was drawn by Richard Fullagar and Joe Dortch

Others deal with the history, growth and the public con-

with rock art (eg, Chippindale & Taçon 1998; Morwood

text of archaeology as a discipline in Australia (eg,

2002; Taçon 2001). Multi-authored readers and mono-

Colley 2002; Horton 1991; Smith & Ward 2000). Sev-

graphs also deal with recent debate and the wide range

eral texts also deal more specifically with the Holocene

of current research (eg, Murray 1998). Other recent

(David 2002; Ulm in press), ecology and faunal

research has focused on detailed regional synthesis

extinctions (eg, Field in press; Horton 2000; Flannery

(eg, Attenbrow 2002).

1994), linguistics and archaeology (eg, McConvell &

A relatively new development has been resurgence

Evans 1997), contact or cross-cultural archaeology

of archaeological research in Wallacea, the distinct

(Torrence & Clarke 2000; Clarke & Paterson 2003), and

biogeographic zone of islands between the continents

2


Australian prehistoric archaeology: the last few years: Fullagar Table 1 References and sources of information for sites in Figure 1 Site

References and sources for further information about sites in Figure 1

Allen’s Cave

Roberts, RG, Spooner, NA, Jones, R, Cane, S, Olley, JM, Murray, AS & Head, J 1996. Preliminary luminescence dating for archaeological sediments on the Nullarbor Plain, South Australia. Australian Archaeology 42: 7-16. Buang Merberak Leavesley, MG, Bird, MI, Fifield, LK, Hausladen, PA, Santos, GM & di Tada, ML 2002. Buang Merabak: early evidence for human occupation in the Bismarck Archipelago, Papua New Guinea. Australian Archaeology 54:55-57. Carpenter’s Gap Fifield, LK, Bird, MI, Turney, CM, Hausladen, PA, Santos, GM & di Tada, ML 2001. Radiocarbon dating of the human occupation of Australia prior to 40 ka BP – successes and pitfalls. Radiocarbon 43:1139-1145. Cuddie Springs Field, J, Dodson, J & Prosser, I 2002. A late Pleistocene vegetation history from the Australian arid zone. Quaternary Science Reviews 21(8-9): 1005-1019. Devil’s Lair Turney, CSM, Bird, MI, Fifield, LK, Roberts, RG, Smith, M, Dortch, CE, Grün, R, Lawson, E, Ayliffe, LK, Miller, GH, Dortch, J & Cresswell, RG 2001. Early human occupation at Devil’s Lair, southwestern Australia, 50,000 years ago. Quaternary Research 55: 3-13. Huon Groube, LM, Chappell, J, Muke, J & Price, D 1986. A 40,000 year-old human occupation site at Huon Peninsula, Papua New Guinea. Nature 324: 453-455.Roberts, RG 1997. Luminescence dating in Archaeology: from origins to optical. Radiation Measurements 27(5/6):819-892. Golo Bellwood, P, Nitihaminoto, G, Irwin, G, Gunadi, Waluyo, A, & Tanudirjo, D 1998. 35,000 years of prehistory in the northern Moluccas, In.Bartstra, G-J (ed) Bird’s Head approaches: Irian Jaya Studies - a Programme for Interdisciplinary Research. Modern Quaternary Research in Southeast Asia 15:233-275. GRE 8 O’Connell JF & Allen, FJ 2004. Dating the colonization of Sahul (Pleistocene Australia-New Guinea): A review of recent research. Journal of Archaeological Science 31(4).Slack, M, Fullagar, R, Field, J, Border, A, Taçon, P & Archer, M in prep. Pleistocene human occupation in the Riversleigh World Heritage Area in northwest Queensland. Slack, MJ, Fullagar, RLK, Field, JH & Border, A in prep. New Pleistocene dates for backed artefact technology in Australia. Jinmium Fullagar, R, Price, D & Head, L 1996. Early human occupation of northern Australia: stratigraphy and dating of the Jinmium rockshelter, Northern Territory. Antiquity 70:751-73.Roberts, R, Bird, M, Olley, J, Gallagher, R, Lawson, E, Laslett, G, Yoshida, H, Jones, R, Fullagar, R, Jacobsen, G &. Hua, Q 1998. Optical and radiocarbon dating at Jinmium rock shelter, northern Australia. Nature 393:358-362. Kow Swamp Thorne, AG & Macumber, PG 1972. Discoveries of late Pleistocene man at Kow Swamp, Australia. Nature 238:316– 319.Stone, T & Cupper, ML 2003. Last Glacial Maximum ages for robust humans at Kow Swamp, southern Australia. Journal of Human Evolution 45:99–111. Lake Mungo Bowler, JM, Johnston, H, Olley , JM, Prescott, JR, Roberts, RG, Shawcross, W & Spooner, NA 2003. New ages for human occupation and climatic change at Lake Mungo, Australia. Nature 421:837-840.Thorne, AG, Grün, R, Mortimer, G, Spooner, NA, Simpson, JJ, McCulloch, M, Taylor, L & Curnoe, D 1999. Australia’s oldest human remains: age of the Lake Mungo 3 Skeleton. Journal of Human Evolution 36:591-612. Lancefield Gillespie, R, Horton, DR, Ladd, P, Macumber, PG, Rich, TH, Thorne, R & Wright, RVS 1978. Lancefield Swamp and the extinction of the Australian megafauna. Science 200:1044-1048.van Huet, S, Grün, R, Murray-Wallace, C, RedversNewton, N & White, JP 1998. Age of the Lancefield megafauna: a reappraisal. Australian Archaeology 46:5-7.Gillespie, R 2002. Dating the first Australians. Radiocarbon 44(2):455-472.(Site under current review by Joe Dortch and Judith Field) Lena Hara O’Connor, S, Spriggs, M & Veth, P 2002. Excavation at Lene Hara Cave establishes occupation in East Timor at least 30,000–35,000 years ago. Antiquity 76:45-50. Lime Springs Gorecki, PP, Horton, DR, Stern, N & Wright, RVS 1984. Co-existence of humans and megafauna in Australia: improved stratified evidence. Archaeology in Oceania 19:117-119. Mt Drysdale Witter, D 2003. The archaeology of Aboriginal ceremonial sites: Mount Drysdale, NSW, Australia. Paper presented at the Fifth World Archaeological Congress. Washington DC. Malakunanja Roberts, RG, Yoshida, H, Galbraith, R, Laslett, G, Jones, R & Smith, M 1998. Single aliquot and single grain optical dating confirm thermoluminescence age estimates at Malakunanja II rock shelter in northern Australia. Ancient TL 16:19-24. Nauwalabala Bird, MI, Turney, CSM, Fifield, LK, Jones, R, Ayliffe, LK, Palmer, A, Cresswell, RG & Robertson, S 2002. Radiocarbon analysis of the early archaeological site of Nauwalabila 1, Arnhem Land, Australia: implications for sample suitability and stratigraphic integrity. Quaternary Science Reviews 21:1061-1075. Ngarrabullgan David, B, Roberts, R, Tuniz, C, Jones, R & Head, J 1997. New optical and radiocarbon dates from Ngarrabullgan Cave, a Pleistocene archaeological site in Australia: implications for the comparability of time clocks and for the human colonization of Australia. Antiquity 71:183-188. Nombe Gillieson, D & Mountain, M 1983. Environmental history of Nombe rockshelter, Papua New Guinea Highlands. Archaeology in Oceania 18:53-62. Puritjarra Smith, MA, Prescott, JR & Head, MJ 1997. Comparison of 14C and luminescence chronologies at Puritjarra rock shelter, central Australia. Quaternary Science Reviews 16:299-320.Smith, MA, Bird, MJ, Turney, CSM, Fifield, LK, Santos, GM, Hausladen, PA & di Tada, ML 2001. New ABOX AMS-14C ages remove dating anomalies at Puritjarra rock shelter. Australian Archaeology 53:45-47. Riwi Balme, J 2000. Excavations revealing 40,000 years of occupation at Mimbi Caves, south central Kimberley, Western Australia. Australian Archaeology 5:1-5. Seton Hope, JH, Lampert, RJ, Edmondson, E, Smith, MJ & van Tets, GF 1977. Late Pleistocene faunal remains from Seton rock shelter, Kangaroo Island, South Australia. Journal of Biogeography 4:363-385. Upper Swan Pearce, RH & Barbetti, M 1981. A 38,000-year-old archaeological site at Upper Swan, Western Australia. Archaeology in Oceania 16:173-178. Warreen O’Connell JF & Allen FJ 2004. Dating the colonization of Sahul (Pleistocene Australia-New Guinea): A review of recent research. Journal of Archaeological Science 31(4).Cosgove, R 1995. The Illusion of Riches. Scale, Resolution and Explanation in Tasmanian Pleistocene Human Behaviour. Oxford: BAR International Series 608. Yombon Pavlides, C & Gosden, C 1994. 35,000-year-old sites in the rainforests of West New Britain, Papua New Guinea. Antiquity 68:604-610.

of Australia and Asia (eg, Kershaw et al 2002; O’Connor

with some favouring a Timor – Kimberley direct route

& Veth 2000a). The (now) submerged continental

(eg, O’Connor & Veth 2000b), and others preferring

shelves on either side are commonly referred to as

the botanically logical route through Papua New Guinea

Sunda (Asian side) and Sahul (Australian side). It re-

(see Allen 2000a:151; Yen 1995).

mains uncertain where the first Australians landed and

Debate persists about precisely when the Australia-

what happened next (Bowdler 1977; Chappell 2000),

Papua New Guinea (PNG) continent was colonised,


3


with current arguments from 45,000 to beyond 60,000

changes to continental land area above sea level

years ago. Consequently, the colonisation debate

around the coast, and aridity that dominates so much

ranges broadly over the last glacial cycle (commenc-

of the land. Glaciers formed only on relatively small

ing about 130,000 years ago) with potential evidence

areas in the southeastern Australian and PNG high-

for a human footprint (such as burning and faunal

lands, and Tasmania, where icebergs floated by the

extinctions) in the context of long-term climate and

southern coast. Detailed knowledge of the last glacial

environmental change.

cycle has improved.

1 Environmental change: new evidence

Until very recently, the last glacial cycle did not stand out as particularly different from previous cycles, and

Climatic change and sea level rise have provided an

the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM) was viewed as a brief

essential geographic background to interpreting the first

period of low sea level, high ice volume, low tempera-

peopling of Australia, a relatively dry, flat continent (fig-

tures and aridity spanning 18-21 ka BP with obvious

ure 2; Jones 1979). There is no simple process that

implications for human occupation of arid regions. There

explains effects of global climatic change over 7.7 (11.5

is more reliable climatic and sea-level data for the last

at lowest sea levels) million square kilometres from the

glacial cycle (since 130,000 years ago) than for previ-

monsoonal tropical rainforest and savannahs through

ous cycles (Lambeck, Yokoyama & Purcell 2002;

deserts to the edge of the Antarctic Ocean. The main

Lambeck, Esat & Potter 2002). Consequently, there is

correlations with fluctuations in polar ice caps over the

more uncertainty about the resolution of earlier records,

last million years have been reflected in cyclical

which means that it has been difficult to infer that ear-

This bathymetry and topography image shows the extent of the submerged continental shelf and very low relief, with the red central depression of Lake Eyre. Satellite images of Australia can be obtained from Geoscience Australia, Australian Government http://www.ga_gov.au/map/images.asp Figure 2 The Australian continent has very diverse physical landscapes, but the flat arid centre, which has probably always had the lowest Aboriginal population densities, dominates a satellite image. The Murray River system that cuts through the edge of the desert probably had the highest populations. The photograph is courtesy of Geoscience, Australia

4



lier cycles were greatly different (or similar) in terms of

cable in terms of high ENSO (El Nino Southern Oscil-

frequency or intensity of sea-level oscillations and cli-

lation), and that widespread changes at 45-35 ka BP

mate.

are caused by high ENSO and subsequent anthropo-

However, new evidence, from ice volumes and sea

genic impacts (Kershaw et al 2000). (ENSO refers to

level data, which extends the LGM from a relatively

the system of cyclical fluctuations in sea temperature

brief period around 18-21 ka BP to 20-30 ka BP

and precipitation that cause severe drought in many

(Yokoyama, Lambeck et al 2000; Yokoyama, Esat et al

parts of Australia.)

2000; Lambeck & Chappell 2001; Mix et al 2001;

Palaeoecological data from semi-arid southeastern

Chappell 2002; Lambeck, Yokoyama & Purcell 2002;

Australia, and directly associated with archaeological

Lambeck, Esat & Potter 2002); suggests that the last

records, indicate that climate was becoming markedly

glacial cycle was different and perhaps more severe

drier by about 40 ka BP at Lake Mungo (figure 1; Bowler

than previous cycles (Nanson et al 1992; 2003;

et al 2003) and by at least 30 ka BP at Cuddie Springs

Kershaw et al 2003); and provides more reliable indi-

(figure 1; Field & Dodson 1999; Field in press). These

cations of when favourable or more stressful conditions

climatic fluctuations may be linked with both faunal

interacted with humans and other animals (see Wroe

extinctions and initial Aboriginal occupation of the arid

et al 2004). From about 70,000 years ago, several cy-

zone.

cles of high and low sea levels had greater amplitudes

Kershaw et al (2003) infer that climate change in

than previously thought, and they indicate relatively

Australia over the last three glacial cycles is marked by

rapid climate change leading up to the last glacial maxi-

decline in fire-sensitive vegetation, onset or increase

mum. Clearly this would affect Australian coastlines

in ENSO activity, and accelerated change in the last

dramatically but the impact of these global changes on

45 ka. They suggest that the northern migration of the

local climate would need to be established for particu-

Australian continent may have been a factor in restrict-

lar areas.

ing warm oceanic currents, and modifying monsoonal

Evidence from sediments and microfossils provides

patterns. The last glacial cycle seems different from

data on phases of aridity and vegetation change. Hesse

previous cycles not just because of humans in the land-

(1994; Hesse & McTainsh 2003) documented extended

scape but also because of the extent and frequency of

periods of aeolian dust indicating marked aridity from

substantial arid phases, possibly linked with gradual

180,000 to 130,000 years ago, and other studies dem-

northern migration of the Australian continent. No doubt

onstrate differences in sea level and monsoon inten-

the impact of these changes on flora and fauna varied

sity between the last few glacial cycles with implica-

across the continent at different times and needs to be

tions for colonisation (Chappell 2000). Nanson et al

assessed on a regional basis. The timing of initial hu-

(1992) drew attention to pluvials and dust flux that re-

man impacts as determined by archaeological and

flects increasing aridity from 300 ka (that is, over the

chronometric evidence is crucial to disentangling these

last three glacial cycles). This is supported by recent

variables.

studies. Johnson et al (1999) claim that extinctions of the large flightless bird Genyornis newtonii correspond

2 Dating colonisation: oldest sites

with a substantial decrease of effective summer

Most, if not all, Australian archaeologists think that

monsoon at about 50 ka ago, although they imply a

modern humans first settled the continental landmass

human linked causation via increased human induced

of Australia and New Guinea (Sahul) by at least 45 ka

fire frequency at 60 ka BP (Miller et al 1999). Human

BP (Allen & O’Connell 2003; O’Connor & Veth 2000b;

linked causation is problematic for at least two reasons.

O’Connell & Allen 1998). Some have argued that set-

First, there is no uncontested archaeological evidence

tlement took place between 53 ka and 60 ka years ago,

of humans in Australia until about 45 ka BP (Mulvaney

or earlier (eg, Roberts, Jones & Smith 1994; Thorne et

& Kamminga 1999; Allen & O’Connell 2003; see be-

al 1999). Evidence for human colonisation beyond 60

low). Second, more recent evaluations of the vegeta-

ka years has not been convincing. For example, origi-

tion history and fire frequency from marine and terres-

nal TL estimates (between 75 ka and 116 ka BP) for

trial cores imply no clear human impacts until after c 45

older colonisation at Jinmium (figure 1; Fullagar et al

ka BP (Head 2000b:18-20). Kershaw et al (2003) now

1996) were based on a handful of stone artefacts in

argue that substantial changes at 130 ka BP are expli-

loose sand, and an argument for brief re-exposure of


5


old sediments indicated by a distinct inflexion in TL glow curves found in other sandy environmental settings. Subsequent re-evaluations and OSL and radiocarbon dating of small aliquots and individual sand grains provided a range of age estimates younger than 30 ka, with an argument that the entire deposit might even be less than 10 ka BP (Roberts, Bird et al 1998). Although the true age of the basal deposits, artefacts and the oldest rock art at Jinmium are not reliably known, original arguments for an age older than about 20 ka BP have not been supported, and Holocene ages have been determined for some rock art (eg, some cupules, beeswax figures and Bradshaw figures) in the region (Taçon et al 2003; Watchman et al 2000). The oldest archaeological remains in Australia are stone artefacts and they have been dated indirectly by estimating the age of associated charcoal and sediments. AMS dating of charcoal can potentially provide reliable ages back to about 50,000 years (Gillespie 2002), and luminescence techniques (TL and OSL) typically have an upper limit of beyond 200,000 years (Roberts & Jones 1994; Roberts, Jones & Smith 1994). New developments in both radiocarbon pretreatment and optical dating methods have been recently applied to the oldest known Australian archaeological sites, in the hope of refining the chronology of initial human colonisation (Turney & Bird 2002). Turney & Bird (2002; see also O’Connell & Allen 2004) suggest that radiocarbon ages between about 30 ka BP and 42 ka BP may be up to 7 ka years too young. Allen and O’Connell (Allen 2000b; O’Connell & Allen 1998, 2004; Allen & Figure 3 Devil’s Lair is a cave in southwestern Australia (figure 1) and excavations inside have the oldest widely accepted evidence of Aboriginal occupation in the Australian region. Stone artefacts are found stratigraphically below four hearths, which have radiocarbon and luminescence dates spanning 41–46 ka years before present (see table 1). The photograph is courtesy of Joe Dortch

6


O’Connell 2003) have reviewed archaeological data for five sites in the Australian region with age estimates


beyond 45 ka – Huon Peninsula (in Papua New

1990; Richardson 1992, 1996). Because of the uncer-

Guinea), Devil’s Lair, Lake Mungo, Nauwalabila and

tainties of indirect dating, and the likely movement of

Malakunanja (figure 1). Despite problematic sets of

artefacts in sediments, there is currently no convincing

dates for each site, they do not reject the possibility

evidence for occupation of the Australian continent

that people may have been in Australia before 45ka

beyond 45 ka BP.

BP because the age estimates themselves are unreli-

Reviews of South East Asian archaeology (see ref-

able, but because of unresolved archaeological prob-

erences in O’Connell & Allen 2004) provide no reliably

lems associated with site formation processes and

dated evidence for modern humans beyond 50 ka,

taphonomy. They suggest that Huon has the best evi-

which might be expected if recent Out-of-Africa is the

dence for an age of human occupation beyond 45 ka,

preferred model of modern human origins (see below).

but remain unconvinced.

However, modern humans may have followed a migra-

The earliest remains at each of these five sites are

tion route along the southern coasts between the Mid-

a few stone artefacts within levels dated by associa-

dle East, India and South East Asia. As these migra-

tion with charcoal and sediment using radiocarbon, lu-

tion paths have since been drowned by rising sea lev-

minescence and ESR. At Devil’s Lair, eight stone arte-

els, there is only absence of evidence, rather than any

facts associated with Layer 30 Upper are between dates

convincing archaeological data. The oldest definitely

of 44.5 and 45.5 ka BP, 10 cm below in situ features

modern human remains in Europe are about 34-36 ka

(hearths) that have an age estimate of about 43 ka BP

(Trinkaus et al 2003), and either way (west to Europe

(figure 3). A further seven stone artefacts (up to 100

or east to Australia) there is no necessary reason why

cm below Layer 30 Upper) are associated with age

the journey from Africa had to be quick.

estimates of about 47 ka BP (Turney et al 2001). Allen and O’Connell (2003) argue that unresolved

3 Aboriginal populations: origins and diversity

taphonomic issues cast doubt on the reliability of asso-

The two apparently competing models of modern hu-

ciating these earliest artefacts with the age estimates.

man origins (Out-of-Africa and Multi-regional evolution

At Lake Mungo, age estimates based on lumines-

or Regional Continuity) are relevant to the initial colo-

cence, ESR and Uranium series suggest a male hu-

nisation of Australia, and both have been at logger-

man burial (LMH3) is about 62ka old (Thorne et al 1999;

heads for at least 10 years (Cann et al 1987; Stringer &

Grün et al 2000). These interpretations were criticised

McKie 1996; Wolpoff et al 1994; Walters 2000). The

on various grounds (Brown 2000a,b) and a review of

Out-of-Africa model implies that anatomical and behav-

the geomorphology and dating problems indicates that

ioural modernity are linked, and can be traced to Africa

the age of this and another Lake Mungo burial may be

about 200,000 years ago, and that subsequent migra-

only 43 ka old (Bowler et al 2003). Bowler et al (2003)

tions in the last 100,000 years ago replaced older

go on to argue that artefacts found in sands,

populations first in the Middle East, and later in Europe

stratigraphically below the LMH3 burial are associated

and Asia. Nevertheless, coupling modern human be-

with ages of 46 ka BP to 50 ka BP. Allen and O’Connell

haviour and anatomically modern skeletal morphology

(2003) are sceptical and point out that studies of con-

is problematic (Noble & Davidson 1996). This model

joined stone artefacts indicate that the artefacts could

also accepts that the required sea-crossing to Australia

have moved downward such distances (cf Shawcross

is a distinctively modern human behaviour, and that

1998).

therefore the first Australians were part of this relatively

Luminescence ages at Malakunanja II and

recent modern human expansion. However recent evi-

Nauwalabila I indicate age for burial of sediments with

dence documents sea-crossings as early as 800,000

artefacts of 45-61 ka BP (Roberts et al 1990; Roberts,

years ago from mainland South East Asia to Flores,

Jones & Smith 1994; Roberts, Jones, Spooner et al

suggesting that the capabilities of archaic humans have

1994; Roberts, Yoshida et al 1998). At each of these

been underestimated (Morwood et al 1998, 1999).

sites Allen and O’Connell argue that the activities of

The competing model, Regional Continuity or Multi-

humans (eg, digging, treading, cooking) and other ani-

regional evolution, also implies that modern human

mals (such as termites, goannas, echidnas) cause

behaviour is linked with human evolution but favours a

movement of artefacts over distances of at least 20

multi-regional stage and predicts that features of mod-

cm, especially in loose sandy sediments (see McBrearty

ern behaviour should be identified in different parts of


7


Europe, Asia and Africa rather than in a single global

Hominid 50 (WLH50), and argued that ancestry of

expansion of out of Africa. Regional Continuity would

WLH50 must have included contemporaries of the

be supported by evidence of early modern human be-

South East Asian Ngandong hominids, considered by

haviour in other parts of the world as has been found in

some to be Homo erectus. They argue that this pro-

Africa over the last 200,000 years (McBrearty & Brooks

vides strong evidence in support of Multi-regional con-

2000). O’Connell and Allen [date] have recently argued

tinuity and rejection of the population replacement im-

that the oldest secure evidence for modern humans in

plied by Out-of-Africa. Adcock et al (2001a) analysed

South East Asia and Australia is about the same age

mitochondrial DNA from remains of 10 ancient Austral-

(45 ka years BP) and they favour the Out-of-Africa as

ian skeletons including Lake Mungo 3, whose lineage

the most parsimonious model.

appeared to diverge before the most recent common

Pardoe (1988, 1991, 1995, in press) articulates the

ancestor of contemporary human mitochondrial

essential concepts for viewing recent research on skel-

genomes. This controversial finding indicating lineage

etal biology within a framework of selection as the driv-

extinction, suggested the earliest mitochondrial branch

ing force of evolution acting on genetic variability (mu-

is Australian. The results have been challenged on

tation), organismic variability (gene flow), and accidental

various grounds, most notably on the grounds of con-

variability (genetic drift). Pardoe (1991) pointed out that,

tamination and postmortem damage to the DNA (Tho-

although multiple migrations to Australia are assumed

mas et al 2003; see also Discussion by Trueman 2001;

by all researchers, some have argued that variations

Groves 2001; Colgan 2001; and reply from Adcock et

in Aboriginal skeletal morphology indicate regional vari-

al 2001b). The age of the Ngandong hominids has also

ations in stress and population homelands (eg, Webb

been questioned (see Grün & Thorne 1997; Swisher et

1989; Webb 1995), while others have argued that en-

al 1996, 1997).

vironmental change has caused size reduction through

Human remains with archaic features from Kow

time (eg, Brown 1989, 1996). Pardoe himself favours a

Swamp (figure 1) in southeastern Australia were thought

bio-cultural explanation that sees a role for social or-

to be about 9-15 ka BP but recent work proposed that

ganisation, demography and disease, as well as envi-

sediments associated with the burials are 19-22 ka BP

ronment change.

(Stone & Cupper 2003). However, Alan Thorne who

A recent conference on modern human origins at the

has worked most extensively at the site believes the

University of New South Wales (September 2003)

luminescence dates do not provide reliable estimates

showed that debate persists on what robust and gracile

of the burial (Cauchi 2004). If the sediment dates ac-

features mean. Pardoe (in press) characterised models

curately indicate the time of burial, then they may pro-

for the origin of Australian Aborigines based on the same

vide more support for an environmental rather than

dichotomy as the global models of Regional Continuity

genetic influence on the archaic skeletal morphology.

and Out-of-Africa. While himself preferring regional coninconsistent because, while championing Regional Con-

4 Megafaunal extinctions: climate, humans and ecology

tinuity on a global scale, he argues for two or three mi-

About 54 Australian species (including mammals birds

grations of specific groups out of South East Asia on the

and reptiles) referred to as megafauna became extinct

local (Australian) scale (eg, Thorne & Curnoe 2000).

during the late Pleistocene, and while some now ex-

Pardoe argued that relatively robust vs gracile morphol-

tinct animals may have been less than 50 kg, most

ogy on a continental scale is characteristic of male and

were much larger and several exceeded the average

female body differences, and within the Upper Murray

body-mass of the modern red kangaroo by more than

River region, relatively greater robusticity is due partly to

an order of magnitude (figure 4; Flannery 1990; Wroe

ancestry and partly adaptation. With a global evolution-

et al 2004). Roberts et al (2001a,b) have provided a

ary backdrop of increasingly gracile humans, surviving

large set of age estimates, including optical dates on

robust bone morphology in both the Pacific and Australia

sediments apparently associated with megafaunal

suggests a South East Asian ancestry (van Dijk & Thorne

bones. They propose that some 12 taxa were probably

2000).

extinct prior to any current evidence of human coloni-

tinuity ‘at home and away’, Pardoe noted that Thorne is

Hawks et al (2000) examined morphological fea-

sation, and that all were probably extinct by about 40-

tures of a robust-looking human skull, Willandra Lakes

50 ka years ago. Their argument has been challenged

8



Diprotodon

Sthenurus

Palorchestes

Leg bones of the extinct Genyornis. The lowest archaeological levels at Cuddie Springs are at least 35,000 years old, but bones are preserved in layers for another ten metres further down.

Figure 4 The last Australian megafauna to become extinct probably included these giant marsupials and also a large terrestrial bird, Genyornis. Many bones of these animals are found in stratified lake sediments together with thousands of stone artefacts at Cuddie Springs (figure 1). Drawings of marsupial megafauna by Anne Musser, and courtesy of Anne Musser and the Australian Museum. The photograph bottom shows long bones of Genyornis, close to their correct anatomical position. The photograph is courtesy of Judith Field


9


by Wroe et al (2004), who question a number of as-

Springs being Diprotodon optatum (figure 4; body

sumptions, particularly their reliance on relatively com-

weight estimates include 2.7 tonnes – see Wroe et al

plete, articulated skeletons.

2004) and Genyornis newtonii. Suggestion (eg, Roberts

Arguments over the timing and causes of

et al 2001a,b) that the megafaunal bones at Cuddie

megafaunal extinctions remain highly contested, includ-

Springs may have derived from older deposits is not

ing whether or not extinctions were caused by ‘blitz-

supported by analysis of archaeological components,

krieg’ or over-kill as a consequence of human hunting

stratigraphic evidence or analysis of rare earth elements

(Brook & Bowman 2002; Field in press; Flannery 1994;

in bones (Trueman et al in prep). Nevertheless, further

Flannery & Roberts 1999; Horton 2000; Miller et al 1999;

work at this key site is essential for elucidating the

O’Connell & Allen 2004; Roberts et al 2001a; Wroe &

taphonomic processes at work on megafaunal bone

Field 2001a,b; Wroe et al 2004). By extensively dating

assemblages, before, during and after human arrival.

eggshells Miller et al (1999) demonstrate that the large

Later survival of Genyornis newtonii at Cuddie Springs

flightless bird Genyornis newtonii (larger than the ex-

until about 30,000 years ago and its earlier extinction

tant emu, Dromaius novaehollandiae which has mean

in other localities perhaps by 45, 000 years ago (Miller

body mass 34 kg, Eastman 1968) became extinct in

et al 1999) suggest a role for climate with extinctions

parts of arid semi-arid Australia around 50,000±5,000

occurring first in the more arid parts.

years ago.

Similar evidence for increasing aridity by 40,000 is

The crux of the problem from a dating perspective is

documented at Lake Mungo, by Bowler et al (2003). It

that climate change, initial human colonisation and faunal

is likely that a combination of factors were involved;

extinctions are so closely related in time that it is difficult

humans could have played an indirect (though not criti-

to determine what came first. However, even if the chrono-

cal) role in extinctions, perhaps by slightly increasing

logical sequence were resolved (say, humans arrived

the speed of what would have happened anyway – by

before the extinction of at least some species), we would

burning or hunting, at the same time as long-term in-

still need to establish cause and effect, and reject the

creasing aridity, and onset of ENSO cycles. Evidence

post hoc ergo propter hoc argument. Consequently, it is

from Cuddie Springs appears to show that megafaunal

unlikely that further refinement of dating methods alone

extinction processes were underway prior to human

will settle these issues. Study of the archaeological evi-

arrival and persisted for thousands (if not tens of thou-

dence (Field in press) and ecological modelling (eg, Alroy

sands) of years, with evidence for scavenging but not

2001; Brook & Bowman 2002; Channell & Lomolino 2000)

of systematic hunting by Aboriginal ancestors.

are more likely to provide testable hypotheses about what extinctions are likely to be subtle and ecologically com-

5 The pace of change: Pleistocene stability vs Holocene intensification

plex.

All environmental zones in Australia were occupied by

caused extinctions. And explanations for continental

New evidence from Cuddie Springs (figure 1), now

25-30,000 years ago – perhaps earlier, but archaeo-

on the edge of the arid zone, has accumulated over

logical perceptions of that occupation have changed. A

the last 10 years and strongly implicates climate as a

major review of the Holocene-Pleistocene transition in

driving force of extinctions (Dodson et al 1993; Field &

1995 (Allen & O’Connell 1995) indicated a variety of

Fullagar 2001; Field et al 2002; Wroe et al 2004; Field

regional processes at work, but few interpretations cor-

in press; contra Roberts et al 2001a,b). Cuddie Springs

related cultural change with climatic change in the ter-

is the only known Australian archaeological site with

minal Pleistocene.

thousands of stone artefacts older than 30 ka years

A major exponent of cultural change particularly in

BP in direct association with hundreds if not thousands

the Holocene has been Harry Lourandos’ work since

of megafaunal bones. Furthermore there are several

the 1980s. Lourandos (1997:318ff) articulated a conti-

metres of deposit with megafaunal bones below the

nent-wide socio-demographic model that assumes

lowest stone artefacts. Evidence from this site indicates

change in demographic structure associated with de-

that even if humans arrived in Australia no earlier than

velopment of more complex intergroup relations includ-

45,000 years ago, they must have co-existed with sev-

ing regionalisation, increased use of sites, greater ter-

eral species of megafauna for millennia – the most

ritoriality, logistical strategies, shifts in resource use,

common bones in the 30-35 ka year levels at Cuddie

expanded alliance networks and patterns of exchange.

10



Lourandos characterised this package as ‘intensifica-

demonstrate a capacity to occupy these places. In their

tion’, suggested that the earliest indications of a more

review of ecological approaches in Australian archae-

closed social system with territorial behaviour were the

ology, Veth et al (2000) consider arguments for more

cemeteries along the Upper Murray River (eg, Kow

restrictive environmental constraints in the Pleistocene,

Swamp, figure 1), possibly Pleistocene in age but

with social mechanisms becoming dominant by the

greatly enhanced during the mid to late Holocene

Holocene. Others remain sceptical of continent-wide

(Lourandos 1997:233ff), and stimulated theoretical

unilinear directionality, and the intensive exploitation

debates that continue. His PhD students and colleagues

of caves (eg, Warreen, figure 1) in the frozen

(Barker 1996; David 1991; David & Chant 1995;

Pleistocene valleys of southwestern Tasmania demon-

McNiven 1999), following Darrel Lewis’s (1988) origi-

strates that neither environments nor social constraints

nal work on northwestern Australian rock-art, added

posed substantial impediments to intensive (but per-

increased socio-political regionalisation as a feature of

haps intermittent) occupation (Cosgrove 1995;

mid to late Holocene change.

Holdaway 1998). Cosgrove’s palaeoecological model

Although the Pleistocene was seen by many as a

is one of the most sophisticated yet articulated for Aus-

period of relative stability with little change in stone tool

tralian prehistory (Cosgrove et al 1990; Cosgrove 1999;

kits, it is now clear that several Pleistocene assem-

Cosgrove & Allen 2001; Cosgrove & Pike-Tay 2004;

blages have modern elements: backed artefacts; com-

Pike-Tay & Cosgrove 2002). The model addresses

plex burials and bounded cemeteries; seed grinding

environment patchiness, wallaby ecology, prey choice

(though not on the scale witnessed by the first Europe-

and hunting strategies with detailed data on age struc-

ans); and occupation of marginal environments. These

ture, seasonality and the problems of chronological

new data do not necessarily refute Lourandos’ argu-

resolution in the archaeological record.

ment for social changes in the mid-Holocene, although

Despite indications of intensification during the

they weaken any case for a once-off, continent-wide

Holocene, agriculture has only been identified in the

unidirectional cultural process. Attenbrow (2003) argues

north of the continent, in the islands Torres Strait and

that, in a coastal region in southeastern Australia, shifts

New Guinea. Pioneering studies at Kuk Swamp (figure

in subsistence and re-organisation of mobility patterns

1) by Jack Golson, Phillip Hughes, Doug Yen and oth-

may explain increases in habitation sites and changes

ers has been re-evaluated by Tim Denham and others

in artefact accumulation rates, but there is no clear uni-

(for references, see Denham & Ballard 2003; Denham

directional trend through the Holocene.

et al 2003) who have confirmed plant exploitation and

Veth (2000; Veth et al 2000) has modified earlier

some cultivation at about 10 ka years ago, intensive

arguments concerning late occupation of desert low-

cultivation of bananas soon after 7 ka years ago and

lands, and synthesised recent evidence including lin-

ditched cultivation by 4 ka years ago.

guistic evidence to suggest a model of five phases to

The interactions between cultures of southern New

explain the colonisation of Australia’s arid Western

Guinea and the northeastern Australia mainland, across

Desert. Although seed grinding became most intensive

Torres Strait is the subject of ongoing research by Tony

and systematic during the Late Holocene and ap-

Barham who refers to a Torres Strait Cultural Complex

proached levels of food production associated else-

(Barham 2000: 227ff), and others (eg, Barham 2000;

where with the transition to agriculture, seed grinding

McNiven et al 2002; Carter 2001, 2002; McNiven &

technology is likely to be ancient in Australia (Smith

Quinell in press). David et al (in press) have recently

1989; 1993; Fullagar & Field 1997; Veth et al 1997),

argued for Austronesian influences in these northern

and possibly a general archaeological indicator of

Australian islands during the late Holocene.

(early) modern human behaviour (van Peer et al 2003).

The nature of Holocene change has also been in-

A few environmental zones, such as islands and

vestigated from the other end - that is, the antiquity of

rainforests, have very sparse evidence of Pleistocene

the ethnographic present. How far back can the

occupation on the continental mainland – in part be-

regionalisation visible ethnographically be tracked? Part

cause existing rainforests and islands only formed with

of the problem has been lack of detailed local and re-

rising sea-levels and rainfall after the last glacial maxi-

gional studies, and the attempts to structure continen-

mum (Cosgrove 1996; Pasveer et al 2002). Neverthe-

tal histories based on limited data, with a noted lack of

less, other evidence from New Britain and New Ireland

variability in material culture accessible to archaeolo-


11


gists (Ulm in press). Over such social and geographic

Hiscock and Clarkson (2000) provide an excellent

distances, exchange is seen as a prime mover of cul-

review of lithic studies in Australia with an agenda for

tural knowledge that tends to promote similarity rather

the next century. They argue that lithic studies demand

than difference. Exchange helped resolve social prob-

specialised skills in order to develop appropriate meth-

lems and communicated other coded information, al-

odologies for investigating measures of uniformity and

though the material items that changed hands (stone

variability. There are few distinctive stone tool types in

artefacts, for example) may have had little other value,

Australia (figure 5), and the variability between assem-

let alone a distinctive archaeological signature

blages can be subtle. Critical issues include reduction

(Akerman et al 2002; Paton 1994).

strategies, classification and interpretation, and linking

In spite of diverse environments, population densi-

arguments for identifying assemblage variability with

ties, and degrees of mobility among Aboriginal groups,

behavioural correlates. Fundamental problems are

Keen (2003) also identified a high degree of

identifying artefacts, taphonomic changes, non-

commonality in ‘the organisation of production and basic

conchoidal fractures, diagnostic attributes, and consid-

patterns of distribution’ at the threshold of European

erations of sample size, experimental fracture studies,

colonisation. The main variability identified was in ‘key

tool function and dating. Models of typological change

institutional forms (modes of identity, kinship, cosmol-

in Australian Prehistory, set up by the previous genera-

ogy and governance)’. Behaviours associated with

tion of scholars, are being undermined, and new direc-

these institutional forms may be difficult to identify ar-

tions are now proposed, including investigation of the

chaeologically, although rock art is providing a poten-

role of artefacts in colonisation of marginal environ-

tial link between ecology, cosmology and modes of re-

ments (see also Barton 2003; Hiscock 1994).

gional and totemic identity (eg, Taçon et al 2003; Taçon in prep).

A range of approaches suggests that the supposed uniformity of Pleistocene assemblages, and continent-

David (2002) re-evaluates previous work and

wide trends in the Holocene are illusory, and based on

presents new data to argue that the Aboriginal

inadequate models (eg, Hiscock 2003; Hiscock & Allen

Dreamings associated with the most recent periods has

2000). By similar arguments, variation in Holocene

continent-wide uniformities with regional differences,

scraper assemblages can be seen not as cultural dif-

and can be tracked archaeologically over the last few

fusion but as a response to increased mobility and

thousand years in several regions. His arguments are

unpredictability of resource availability (eg, Clarkson

complex, incorporating rock art and a range of other

2002). In addition, improved understanding of geologi-

cultural expressions that have archaeological indica-

cal variability, availability and quality is providing insights

tors. This contrasts with earlier work of Taçon et al

into stone working strategies (eg, Doelman et al 2001).

(1996) who argued for much greater time depth of the

Since the pioneering work of Kamminga (1982),

rainbow serpent mythology at one particular location in

functional analysis of stone tools, particularly use-wear

the Northern Territory. Witter (2003) has been the first

and residue analyses have advanced considerably. Tom

to propose a rigorous suite of archaeological criteria

Loy (eg, Loy & Dixon 1998) at the University of Queens-

for identifying ceremonial sites, and he argued that the

land has developed a wide range of biochemical and

use of a particular ceremonial centre at Mt Drysdale in

genetic techniques for analysing organic residues on

southeastern Australia was exploited over many thou-

stone tools. Research at the Australian Museum and

sands of years. Clearly more research is needed in

the University of Sydney has focused on starch

these directions, not only to establish archaeological

residues, phytoliths and usewear (eg, Fullagar 1998,

indicators of particular ceremonial activities, but also

2004; Kealhofer et al 1999; Denham et al 2003). Other

to examine the diversity of evidence particularly in the

studies have examined food residues in pottery (eg,

Holocene.

Fankhauser 1999) and isotopic signatures in human

6 Methodological perspectives: stone artefacts and open sites

bones (eg, Pate et al 2002). Holdaway et al (1998, 2002) have undertaken detailed analyses of open sites at locations of high visibil-

Several areas of methodological research in recent

ity and where the sediments and numerous hearths

years have opened new frontiers for research. I men-

could be accurately dated. Consequently, stone arte-

tion two here: lithic studies and open site taphonomy.

fact assemblages and hearths can be fixed within

12



Figure 5 In contrast with rock and body art, Australian Aboriginal stone artefacts, even Kimberley points made only in the far north west, have so far proved to be poor indicators of a particular tribe or language group. Clockwise from the top left, are: Kimberley points made of stone, a conical core (often called a ‘horsehoof’), Kimberley points made of glass, and a large flat stone being used to grind water lily seeds. The photographs are courtesy of Australian Museum, Richard Fullagar and Lesley Head

known sedimentological processes. Sets of many ra-

Improved understanding of taphonomic processes

diocarbon dates have been analysed to reveal episodes

has been a key to improving knowledge of stone, plant

of ‘real’ presence and absence on the landscape. De-

and faunal remains (eg, Mountain & Bowdery 1999).

tailed studies of this kind move away from the current

Using experimental and archaeological data,

obsession with rockshelter sequences as the basis for

Theunissen et al (1998) found that trampling affects on

writing prehistories. Ulm (in press) has discussed this

artefact distributions could be predicted from ceiling-

shelter-centric focus that necessarily distorts our inter-

height in a rock-shelter, and that the smallest artefacts

pretations of activities and chronologies. In the past,

were least likely to be disturbed.

we have thought that rockshelters better preserve deposits than open sites, but rockshelters have complex

7 Theoretical perspectives

taphonomic problems because of the small focus of

Several different approaches to archaeological data are

activity. Moreover recent work in northwestern Australia

articulated in the problems discussed above, and might

suggests that rockshelters may not be a reliable indi-

be seen along the old continuum that sees the envi-

cator of occupation in the immediate area (cf Boer-Mah

ronment and palaeoecological determinants at one end,

2002). But a real challenge to an Australian shelter-

and social determinants at the other. Although it is dif-

centric perspective is coming from contract or consult-

ficult to see new theoretical directions in the last five

ing archaeologists who routinely undertake large open

years or so, palaeoecological approaches seem less

area excavations beyond the scale of nearly all univer-

and less in conflict with post-modern (often socially

sity-based research projects (eg, Jo McDonald Cultural

based) interpretations. Neither ‘environmental deter-

Heritage Management 2001).

minist’ nor ‘post modernist’ can be used as the rude


13


pigeonholes they once were, and this is partly a conse-

contact is linked theoretically with the past and the

quence of better understanding archaeological notions

present. Consequently, the relevance of archaeology

of human behaviour, culture and nature (Gosden 1999;

to cultural heritage management is also linked by cur-

David 2002; Head 2000a,b). Cosgrove (see above) for

rent concerns of Aboriginal communities, who may have

example argues that the most extreme environment

diverse views on significance assessment and the value

Australia has had on offer did not stop Tasmanian Abo-

of material culture to society.

riginal people from developing behaviours that must

Native Title is the recognition that Australia was not

have entailed sophisticated social organisation and

unoccupied prior to 1788 and that rights of Aboriginal

hunting strategies.

people were not necessarily extinguished (French

Three theoretical frontiers that I see emerging in

1996). Native Title legislation, because it demands that

Australian prehistoric archaeology are: understanding

claimants must demonstrate continuity in attachment

of rock art, contact archaeology (since Keen’s ‘thresh-

to land (figure 7), has been cast in a way that has re-

old of colonisation’) and cultural heritage management.

newed archaeological interest in ethnicity, and in inter-

In a sense these are at the boundaries of an archaeo-

preting cultural change (eg, Fullagar & Head 2000; Lilley

logical knowledge. Rock art studies have deployed new

2000). Native Title court cases have seen archaeolo-

ideas about cognition, psychology and aesthetics not

gists employed by, and working closely with, Aboriginal

commonly utilised by archaeologists studying material

communities and legal organisations. Aboriginal Com-

remains from Australian sites (figure 6). Similarly, con-

munity archaeology, as it has developed to relinquish

tact archaeology and ethnography provides a degree

partial control of archaeological projects to Aboriginal

of behavioural and ideational detail not commonly avail-

communities, provides an arena for rethinking archaeo-

able, with the prospect for assessing the validity of

logical problems and project outcomes; and develop-

models in the past (eg, Bird et al 2001; Harrison &

ing archaeological ethics and theory of cultural herit-

Williamson 2002). Moreover, seen as a continuous

age (see for example Clarke 2002; Field et al 2000;

evolving period rather than a discrete phase, culture

Frederickson 2002; Greer et al 2002; Marshall 2002).

8 Conclusion The big questions of debate in Australian prehistoric archaeology have changed little in the last decade but a range of methodological problems has been refined and new questions are emerging. Whereas climatic and environmental processes (eg, sea level, aridity and vegetation change) have been seen as key factors in the terminal Pleistocene, social forces, population growth and new technologies have been seen as more dominant in the Holocene. A more complicated picture is emerging that rejects notions of a natural or pristine landscape unrelated to human occupants at any time in the past. The challenge remains: to articulate theoretical frameworks that link more detailed environmental and behavioural processes in a global comparative perspective (O’Connell & Allen 1995:861). Although this challenge mirrors theoretical debates in cultural geography (Head 2000a,b), it also demands specific archaeological indicators that provide a methodology for linking proposed changes in behaviour with stone artefact assemblages and site data (eg, Hiscock 1994). Figure 6 Aboriginal rock art provides evidence of social, religious and ecological boundaries. Paddy Carlton, a senior Gajerrong traditional owner, is looking at the faded purple image of ‘Bradshaw figure’. The photograph is courtesy of Paul Taçon

14


Arguments about dating dominate recent discussion of the relative influence of humans and environ-


ment, particularly with respect to megafaunal extinctions

invisible to conventional typological study of apparent

and initial colonisation. However, vastly improved knowl-

tool forms (such as scrapers, adzes, and points). Appli-

edge of dating techniques, particularly luminescence

cations of these methodologies will be important in ex-

dating and fine resolution radiocarbon dating, has yet

ploring how environments were colonised, and in evalu-

to resolve the archaeological problems. Whether or not

ating the nature of cultural regions that seem to be more

climate was a killer and played a critical role in the last

distinctive and more numerous as the threshold of colo-

wave of megafaunal extinctions (which I think is likely),

nisation is approached.

what responses should we expect in the archaeologi-

A diverse literature in rock art is also providing new

cal record? What evidence for a shift in foraging, hunt-

insights into Aboriginal prehistory, relating to global ori-

ing and scavenging might be expected in stone arte-

gins of modern human behaviour, ethnic boundaries,

fact assemblages? If temporal overlap between humans

site function, perceptions of landscape, and secular/

and megafauna has been confirmed by recent studies,

religious life. The role of rock art in a prehistory of ideas

archaeological arguments (that address behavioural

and beliefs parallels the role of cemeteries in revealing

processes) and ecological modelling (that addresses

information about social life, and sometimes at a very

multiple causality) are crucial.

fine scale of resolution (eg, individual artists). Local

Debate on the nature of cultural change in the

prehistories of particular cultural (eg, language or clan)

Pleistocene and Holocene, is not settled, but notions of

groups, as opposed to an environmental region (desert

a static Pleistocene are no longer tenable. A key to un-

or southern coast), are being documented via integra-

derstanding these issues will be refinement of lithic analy-

tion of rock art, subsurface archaeology and oral his-

ses to test explanations of assemblage variability, and

tory.

further integration with usewear/residue analyses and

Investigations of local culture histories are also

rock art studies in the context of site function. Lithic analy-

being advanced through Native Title archaeology and,

ses based on reduction processes are beginning to pro-

more generally, by closer collaboration between indig-

vide evidence of assemblage variability that has been

enous people and researchers, in part as a conse-

Figure 7 Ethnographic studies provide important information for archaeology, particularly about use of resources and social attachment to country. Jenny Atchison and Polly Wandanga, a senior Jaminjung traditional owner, are documenting locations of important resources, and how to manage and collect plant foods. This kind of information is used in Native Title claims. The photograph is courtesy of Lesley Head


15


quence of investigating shared histories (eg, Clarke & Paterson 2003; Harrison & Williamson 2002; Marshall 2002). This trend forces a political and social perspective in Australian prehistoric archaeology, comparable with the way in which Aboriginal people have made landscape an essential element in anthropological discourse (Morphy 1993: 206), and promises to reconfigure how prehistoric archaeology is practiced and how Australia sees itself.

Science 292:1893- 1896. Attenbrow, V 2002. Sydney’s Aboriginal Past. Sydney: University of New South Wales Press. Attenbrow, V 2003. Habitation and landuse patterns in the upper Mangrove Creek catchment, New South Wales central coast, Australia. Australian Archaeology 57: 21-31. Barham, A 2000. Late Holocene Maritime Societies in the Torres Strait Islands, Northern Australia – Cultural Arrival or Cultural Emergence? In O’Connor, S & Veth, P (eds) East of Wallace’s Line: Studies of Past and Present Maritime Cultures in the Indo-Pacific region.

Acknowledgements In the course of writing this paper, I am grateful for discussion from colleagues (who do not necessarily agree with me): Jim Allen, Richard Cosgrove, Bruno David, Joe Dortch, Judith Field, Lesley Head, Johan Kamminga, Gerald Nanson, Colin Pardoe, Michael Slack, Paul Taçon, Sean Ulm, Peter Veth, Steve Wroe and an anonymous referee.

References Adcock, GJ, Dennis, ES, Easteal, S, Huttley, GA, Jermiin, LS, Peacock, WJ & Thorne, A 2001a. Mitochondrial DNA sequences in ancient Australians: Implications for modern human origins Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the USA 98(2):537-542. Adcock, GJ, Dennis, ES, Easteal, S, Huttley, GA, Jermiin, LS, Peacock, WJ & Thorne, A 2001b. Lake Mungo 3: a response to recent critique. Archaeology in Oceania 36(3):170-174. Akerman, K, Fullagar, R &. van Gijn, A 2002. Weapons and Wunan: production, function and exchange of spear points from the Kimberley, northwestern Australia. Australian Aboriginal Studies. 2000/1:1342. Allen, J 2000a. From Beach to Beach: the Development of Maritime Economies in Prehistoric Melanesia. In O’Connor, S & Veth, P (eds) East of Wallace’s Line: Studies of Past and Present Maritime Cultures in the Indo-Pacific Region. Rotterdam: A.A. Balkema. Modern Quaternary Research in South East Asia 16:139-176. Allen, J 2000b. A matter of time. Nature Australia 26(10):60-69. Allen, J & O’Connell, JF (eds) 1995. Transitions. Pleistocene to Holocene in Australia & Papua New Guinea. Cambridge: Antiquity Publications. Antiquity 69(265). Allen, J & O’Connell, JF 2003. The long and the short of it: archaeological approaches to determining when humans first colonised Australia and New Guinea. Australian Archaeology, Number 57:5-19. Alroy, J 2001. A multispecies overkill simulation of the end-Pleistocene megafaunal mass extinction.

16


Rotterdam: A.A. Balkema. Modern Quaternary Research in South East Asia 16:223-314. Barker, B 1996. Maritime hunter-gatherers on the tropical coast: a social model for change. In Ulm, S, Lilley, I, & Ross, A (eds) Australian Archaeology ’95: Proceedings of the 1995 Australian Archaeological Association Annual Conference. St Lucia: Anthropology Museum, Department of Anthropology and Sociology University of Queensland. Tempus 6:31-44. Barton, H 2003. The thin film of human action: interpretations of arid zone archaeology. Australian Archaeology 57:32-41. Bird, RB, Smith, EA & Bird, DW 2001. The hunting handicap: costly signaling in human foraging strategies. Behavioral Ecology and Sociobiology 50:9-19. Boer-Mah, TS 2002. Beyond the Dripline: Comparison of Rockshelters and Excavated Open Sites in the Keep River Region, Northern Territory, Australia. Bachelor of Arts (Honours) unpublished thesis. Prehistoric and Historical Archaeology University of Sydney. Bowdler, S 1977. The coastal colonisation of Australia. In Allen, J, Golson, J & Jones, R (eds) Sunda and Sahul: Prehistoric Studies in Southeast Asia, Melanesia and Australia. London: Academic Press:205-246. Bowler, JM, Johnston, H, Olley, JM, Prescott, JR, Roberts, RG, Shawcross, W & Spooner, NA 2003. New Ages for human occupation climatic change at Lake Mungo, Australia. Nature 421:837-840. Brook, BW & Bowman, MJS 2002. Explaining the Pleistocene megafaunal extinctions: Models, chronologies and assumptions. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the USA 99:1462414627. Brown, P 1989. Coobool Creek: A Morphological and Metrical Analysis of the Crania, Mandibles and Dentitions of a Prehistoric Australian Human Population. Canberra: Prehistory, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University. Terra Australis 13. Brown, P 1996. Peter Palaeoanthropology. PalaeoIndex.html

Brown’s Australian www.une.au/~Arch/


Brown, P 2000a. The first Australians. The debate continues. Australasian Science. May:28-31. Brown, P 2000b. Pleistocene variation and the sex of Lake Mungo 3. Journal of Human Evolution 38:743750. Cann, RL, Stoneking, M & Wilson, AC 1987. Mitochondrial DNA and human evolution. Nature 325:31-36. Carter, M 2001. New evidence for the earliest occupation in Torres Strait, northeastern Australia. Australian Archaeology 52:50-52. Carter, M 2002. The Murray Islands archaeological project: results of recent archaeological analyses. Australian Aboriginal Studies 2002/ 2:75-77. Cauchi, S 2004. Academics argue over the age of Victorian skeletons. The Age. January 9. Channell, R & Lomolino, MV 2000. Trajectories to extinction: spatial dynamics of the contraction of geographical ranges. Journal of Biogeography 27: 169-179. Chappell, J 2000. Pleistocene Seeds of Western Pacific Maritime Cultures and the Importance of Chronology. In O’Connor, S & Veth, P (eds) East of Wallace’s Line: Studies of Past and Present Maritime Cultures in the Indo-Pacific Region. Rotterdam: A.A. Balkema. Modern Quaternary Research in South East Asia 16:77-98. Chappell, JC 2002. Sea-level changes forced ice breakouts in the Last Glacial cycle: new results from coral terraces. Quaternary Science Reviews 21:12291240. Chippindale, C & Taçon, PSC 1998. The Archaeology of Rock-art. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Clarke, A 2002. The ideal and the real: cultural and personal transformations of archaeological research on Groote Eylandt, northern Australia. World Archaeology 34(2):249-264. Clarke, A & Paterson, A (eds) 2003. Case Studies in the Archaeology of Cross-cultural Interaction. University of Sydney: Oceania Publications. Archaeology in Oceania 39(2). Clarkson, C 2002. Holocene scraper reduction, technological organization and landuse at Ingaladdi Rockshelter, Northern Australia. Archaeology in Oceania 37(2):79-86. Colgan, D 2001. Commentary on Adcock et al 2001. Archaeology in Oceania 36(3):168-9. Colley, S 2002. Uncovering Australia: Archaeology, Indigenous People and the Public. Sydney: Allen and Unwin. Cosgrove, R 1995. The Illusion of Riches. Scale, Resolution and Explanation in Tasmanian Pleistocene Human Behaviour. Oxford: Tempus Reparatum. BAR International Series 608. Cosgrove, R 1996. Past Human Use of Rainforests: an Australasian perspective. Antiquity 70:900-912. Cosgrove, R 1999. Forty-Two Degrees South: The Archaeology of Late Pleistocene Tasmania. Journal of World Prehistory 13(4):357-402.

Cosgrove, R & Allen, J 2001. Prey choice and Hunting Strategies in the Late Pleistocene: Evidence from Southwest Tasmania. In Anderson, A, O’Connor, S & Lilley, I (eds) Histories of Old Ages: Essays in Honour of Rhys Jones. Canberra: Coombs Academic Publishing, Australian National University:397-429. Cosgrove R, Allen, J & Marshall, B 1990. Palaeoecology and Pleistocene Human Occupation in south central Tasmania. Antiquity 64:59-78. Cosgrove, R & Pike-Tay, A. 2004. The Middle Palaeolithic and late Pleistocene Tasmania hunting behaviour: A reconsideration of the attributes of modern human behaviour. International Journal of Osteoarchaeology. April: in press. David, B 1991. Fern Cave, rock art and social formations: rock art regionalisation and demographic changes in southeastern Cape York Peninsula. Archaeology in Oceania 26:41-57. David, B 2002. Landscapes, Rock-art and the Dreaming: an Archaeology of Pre-understanding. London: Leicester University Press. David, B & Chant, D 1995. Rock art and regionalisation in north Queensland prehistory. Memoirs of the Queensland Museum 37(2). David, B, McNiven, I, Mitchell, R, Orr, M, Haberle, S, Brady, L & Crouch, J in press. Badu 15 and the Papuan-Austronesian settlement of Torres Strait. Archaeology in Oceania. Denham, TP & Ballard, C (eds) 2003.Perspectives on prehistoric agriculture in the New Guinea Highlands. Archaeology in Oceania 38. Denham, TP, Haberle, SG, Lentfer, C, Fullagar, R, Field, J, Therin, M, Porch, N & Winsborough, B 2003. Origins of Agriculture at Kuk Swamp in the Highlands of New Guinea Science 301:189-193. Dodson, J, Fullagar, R, Furby, J, Jones, R &. Prosser, I 1993. Humans and megafauna in a Late Pleistocene arid environment from Cuddie Springs, northwestern New South Wales. Archaeology in Oceania 28(2):9499. Doelman, T, Webb, J & Domanski, M 2001. Source to discard: patterns of lithic raw material procurement and use in Sturt National Park, northwestern New South Wales. Archaeology in Oceania 36(1):15-33. Eastman, M 1968. The Life of the Emu. Sydney: Angus and Robertson. Fankhauser, B 1999. Highlights of Bimolecular Analyses of Archaeological Food Remains. In Mountain, M-J & Bowdery, D (eds) Taphonomy: the Analysis of processes from Phytoliths to Megafauna. Canberra: Department of Archaeology and Natural history, RSPAS, The Australian National University:41-48. Field, J, Barker, J, Barker, R, Coffey, E, Coffey, L, Crawford, E, Darcy, L, Fields, E, Lord, G, Steadman, B & Colley, S 2000. ‘Coming Back’-Aborigines and Archaeologists at Cuddie Springs. Public Archaeology 1: 35- 48. Field, J & Fullagar, R 2001. Archaeology and Australian megafauna. Science 294(5):7.


17


Field, J in press. The archaeology of Late Pleistocene faunal extinctions in Australia: a view from Cuddie Springs. In Murray, T (ed.) Archaeology from Australia. Melbourne: Australian Scholarly Publications.

Greer, S, Harrison, R & McIntyre-Tamoy, S 2002. Community-based archaeology in Australia. World Archaeology 34(2):265-287.

Field, J & Dodson, J 1999. Late Pleistocene megafauna and archaeology from Cuddie Springs, southeastern Australia. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society 65:275-301.

Grün, R & Thorne, A 1997. Dating the Ngandong Humans. Science 276:1575

Field, J, Dodson, J &. Prosser, I 2002. A late Pleistocene vegetation history from the Australian arid zone. Quaternary Science Reviews 21(8-9):1005-1019. Flannery, TF 1990. Pleistocene faunal loss: implications of the aftershock for Australia’s past and future. Archaeology in Oceania 25(2):45-67. Flannery, TF 1994. The Future Eaters. Sydney: New Holland. Flannery, TF & Roberts, RG 1999. Late Quaternary extinctions in Australasia: an overview. In MacPhee, RDE (ed) Extinctions in Near Time: Causes, Contexts and Consequences. New York: Kluwer Academic/ Plenum:239-256.

Groves, C 2001. Lake Mungo 3 and his DNA. Archaeology in Oceania 36(3):165-7.

Grün, R, Spooner, NA, Thorne, A, Mortimer, G, Simpson, JS, McCulloch, MT, Taylor, L & Curnoe, D 2000. Age of the Lake Mungo 3 skeleton, reply to Bowler & Magee, and to Gillespie & Roberts, Journal of Human Evolution 38(5):733-741. Harrison, R & Williamson, C (eds) 2002. After Captain Cook: The Archaeology of the Recent Indigenous Past in Australia. Sydney: Archaeological Computing Laboratory, School of Archaeology, University of Sydney. Sydney University Archaeological Methods Series 8. Hawks, J, Oh, S, Hunley, K, Dobson, S, Cabana, G, Dayalu, P & Wolpoff, MH 2000. An Australasian test of the recent African origin theory using the WLH-50 calvarium. Journal of Human Evolution 39:1-22.

Flood, J 1995. Archaeoloy of the Dreamtime: the Story of Prehistoric Australia and its People. Angus and Robertson: Sydney.

Head, L 2000a. Second Nature: the History and Implications of Australia as Aboriginal Landscape. New York: Syracuse University Press.

Frankel, D. 1991. Remains to be Seen. Archaeological Insights into Australian Prehistory. Melbourne: Longman Cheshire.

Head, L 2000b. Cultural Landscapes and Environmental Change. London: Arnold.

Frederickson, C 2002. Caring for history: Tiwi and archaeological narratives of Fort Dundas/Punata, Melville Island, Australia. World Archaeology 34(2):288-232. French, JRS 1996. The Wentworth Lecture. Native title: the beginning or the end of justice? Australian Aboriginal Studies 1996/2:2-11. Fullagar, R (ed) 1998. A Closer Look: Recent Studies of Australian Stone Tools. Sydney: Archaeological Computing Laboratory, School of Archaeology, University of Sydney. Sydney University Archaeological Methods Series 6.

Hesse, PP 1994. The record of continental dust from Australia in Tasman Sea sediments. Quaternary Science Reviews 13:257-272. Hesse, PP & McTainsh, GH 2003. Australian dust deposits: modern processes and the Quaternary record. Quaternary Science Reviews 22:2007–2035. Hiscock, P 1994. Technological responses to risk in Holocene Australia. Journal of World Prehistory 8(3):267-292. Hiscock, P 2003. Quantitative exploration of size variation and the extent of reduction in Sydney Basin assemblages: a tale from Henry Lawson Drive rockshelter. Australian Archaeology 57:64-74.

Fullagar, R 2004. Chapter 7: Residues and Usewear. In Balme, J & Paterson, A (eds) A Student Guide to Archaeological Analyses. Oxford: Blackwell. In press.

Hiscock, P & Allen, H 2000. Assemblage variability in the Willandra Lakes. Archaeology in Oceania 35(3):97-103.

Fullagar, R & Field, J 1997. Pleistocene seed grinding implements from the Australian arid zone. Antiquity 71(272):300-307.

Hiscock, P &. Clarkson, C 2000. Analysing Australian stone artefacts: an agenda for the twenty first century. Australian Archaeology 50:98-108.

Fullagar, R, Price, D & Head, L 1996. Early human occupation of northern Australia: stratigraphy and dating of the Jinmium rockshelter, Northern Territory. Antiquity 70:751-773.

Holdaway, S 1998. Change and variation in human ecology. In T. Murray (ed.) Archaeology of Aboriginal Australia. A reader. Sydney: Allen and Unwin: 231234.

Fullagar, R & Head, L 2000. Native title and Australian archaeology. In Lilley, I (ed) Native Title and the Transformation of Archaeology and the Postcolonial World. Oceania Monographs 50:24-34. Sydney: University of Sydney.

Holdaway, S, Witter, D, Fanning, P, Musgrave, R, Cochrane, G, Doelman, T, Greenwood, S, Pigdon, D & Reeves, J 1998. New Approaches to Open Site Spatial Archaeology in Sturt National Park, New South Wales. Archaeology in Oceania 33 (1):1-19.

Gillespie, R 2002. Dating the first Australians. Radiocarbon 44(2): 455-472.

Holdaway, SJ, Fanning, P, Jones, R, Shiner, J, Witter, D & Nicholls, G 2002. Variability in the chronology of Late Holocene Aboriginal occupation on the arid margin of southeastern Australia. Journal of

Gosden, C 1999. Anthropology and Archaeology: a Changing Relationship. London: Routledge.

18



Archaeological Science 29:351-363. Horton, D 1991. Recovering the tracks. The Story of Australian Archaeology. Canberra: Aboriginal Studies Press. Horton, D 2000. The Pure State of Nature: Sacred Cows, Destructive Myths and the Environment. Sydney: Allen and Unwin. Jo McDonald Cultural Heritage Management 2001. Rouse Hill. Salvage excavation of six sites along Caddies, Second Ponds, Smalls and Cattai Creeks in the Rouse Hill Development Area, NSW. Unpublished report to RHC. [Copy with JCHM, PO Box 856 Marrickville, NSW 2204, Australia] Johnson BJ, Miller, GH, Fogel, ML, Magee, JW, Gagan, MK & Chivas, AR 1999. 65,000 years of vegetation change in central Australia and the Australian summer monsoon. Science 284:1150-1152. Jones, R 1979. The fifth continent: problems concerning the human colonisation of Australia. Annual Reviews of Anthropology 8:445-466. Kamminga, J 1982. Over the Edge. University of Queensland: Anthropological Museum. Occasional Papers in Anthropology 12. Kealhofer, L, Torrence, R & Fullagar, R 1999. Integrating phytoliths within use-wear/residue studies of stone tools. Journal of Archaeological Science 26:527-546. Keen, I 2003. Aboriginal economy and society at the threshold of colonisation: a comparative study. Before Farming 2003/3 (2):1-24 Kershaw, P, David, B, Tapper, N, Penny, D & Brown, J (eds) 2002. Bridging Wallace’s Line: the Environmental and Cultural History and Dynamics of the SE Asian-Australian Region. Reiskirche: Catena Verlag GMBH. Advances in Geoarchaeology 34. Kershaw, P, Quilty, PG, David, B, Van Huet, S & McMinn, A 2000. Palaeobiogeography of the Quaternary of Australia. In Wright, AJ, Young, GC, Talent, JA & Laurie, JR (eds) Palaeobiogeography of Australasian Faunas and Floras. Canberra: Memoir 23 of the Association of Australasian Palaeontologists:471515. Kerhsaw, AP, van der Kaars, S & Moss, PT 2003. Late Quaternary Milankovich-scale climatic change and variability and its impact on monsoonal Australasia. Marine Geology 201:81-95. Lambeck, K & Chappell, J 2001. Sea level change through the last glacial cycle. Science 292:679-686. Lambeck, K, Yokoyama, Y & Purcell, T 2002. Into and out of the Last Glacial Maximum: sea-level change during Oxygen Isotope Stages 3 and 2. Quaternary Science Reviews 21:343-360. Lambeck, K, Esat, TM & Potter, E-K 2002. Links between climate and sea levels for the past three million years. Nature 419:199-206. Lewis, D 1988. The Rock Paintings of Arnhem Land, Australia: Social, Ecological and Material Culture in the Post-glacial Period. Oxford: Tempus Reparatum. BAR International Series 415.

Lilley, I (ed) 2000. Native Title and the Transformation of Archaeology and the Postcolonial World. Oceania Monographs 50. Sydney: University of Sydney. Lourandos, H 1997. Continent of Hunter-Gatherers. New Perspectives in Australian Prehistory. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Loy, TH & Dixon, J 1998. Blood residues on fluted points from Eastern Beringia. American Antiquity 63(1):2146. Marshall, Y (ed) 2002. Community Archaeology. World Archaeology 34(2). McBrearty, S 1990. Consider the humble termite: termites as agents of post-depositional disturbance at African archaeological sites. Journal of Archaeological Science 17:111-143. McBrearty, S & Brooks, AS 2000. The revolution that wasn’t: a new interpretation of the origin of modern human behavior. Journal of Human Evolution 39(5):453-563. McConvell, P & Evans, N (eds) 1997. Archaeology and Linguistics. Aboriginal Australia in Global Perspective. Melbourne: Oxford University Press. McNiven, I 1999. Fissioning and Regionalisation: The Social Dimensions of Changes in Aboriginal Use of the Great Sandy Region, Southeast Queensland. In Hall, J & McNiven, I (eds) Australian Coastal Archaeology. Canberra: ANH Publications, The Australian National University:157-168. McNiven, IJ, David, B & Brady, L 2002. Torres Strait: Rock art and enhanced perspective. Australian Aboriginal Studies 2002/2:69-74. McNiven, IJ & Quinell, M (eds) in press. Torres Strait: Archaeology and Material Culture. Queensland Museum, Brisbane: Memoirs Cultural Heritage Series. Miller, GH, Magee, JW, Johnson, BJ, Fogel, ML, Spooner, NA, Tulloch, MT & Ayliffe, LK 1999. Pleistocene extinction of Genyornis newtonii: human impact on Australian megafauna. Science 283:205208. Mix, AC, Bard, E & Schneider, R 2001. Environmental processes of the ice age land, oceans, glaciers (EPILOG). Quaternary Science Reviews 20:627-657. Morphy, H 1993. Landscape and the Reproduction of the Ancestral Past. In Hirsch, E & O’Hanlon, M (eds) The Anthropology of Landscape: Perspectives on Place and Space. Oxford: Berg:184-209. Morwood, MJ, O’Sullivan, P, Aziz, F & Raza, A 1998. Fission-track ages of stone tools and fossils on the east Indonesian Island of Flores. Nature 392:173176. Morwood, MJ,Aziz, F, O’Sullivan, P, Nasruddin, Hobbs, DR & Raza, A 1999. Archaeological and palaeontological research in central Flores, east Indonesia: results of fieldwork 1997-98. Antiquity 73:273-278. Morwood, MJ 2002 Visions from the Past: the Archaeology of Aboriginal Art. Sydney: Allen and Unwin.


19


Mountain, M-J & Bowdery, D (eds) 1999. Taphonomy: the Analysis of Processes from Phytoliths to Megafauna. Canberra: Department of Archaeology and Natural history, RSPAS, The Australian National University. Mulvaney, DJ & Kamminga, J 1999. Prehistory of Australia. Sydney: Allen and Unwin. Murray, T (ed) 1998. Archaeology of Aboriginal Australia : a Reader. Sydney: Allen and Unwin. Nanson, GC, Price, DM & Short, SA 1992. Wetting and drying of Australia over the past 300 ka. Geology 20:791-794. Nanson, GC, Cohen, TJ, Doyle, J & Price, DM 2003. Alluvial Evidence of Late-Quaternary Climate and Flow-regime Changes on the Coastal Rivers of New South Wales, Australia. In Gregory, KJ & Benito, G (eds) Palaeohydrology: Understanding Global Change. John Wiley and Sons:233-258. Noble, W & Davidson, I 1996. Human Evolution, Language and Mind: a Psychological and Archaeological Inquiry. Melbourne: Cambridge University Press. O’Connell JF & Allen, FJ 1998. When did humans first arrive in Greater Australia and why is it important to know? Evolutionary Anthropology 6:132-146. O’Connell JF & Allen FJ 2004. Dating the colonisation of Sahul (Pleistocene Australia-New Guinea): A review of recent research. Journal of Archaeological Science 31(4):835–853. O’Connor, S & Veth, P (eds) 2000a. East of Wallace’s Line: Studies of Past and Present Maritime Cultures in the Indo-Pacific Region. Rotterdam: A.A. Balkema. Modern Quaternary Research in South East Asia 16. O’Connor, S & Veth, P 2000b. The World’s First Mariners: Savannah Dwellers in an Island Continent. In O’Connor, S & Veth, P (eds) East of Wallace’s Line: Studies of Past and Present Maritime Cultures in the Indo-Pacific Region. Rotterdam: A.A. Balkema. Modern Quaternary Research in South East Asia 16:99-137.

skeletal remains in South Australia employing stable carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis. Australian Archaeology 55 1- 7. Paton, R 1994. Speaking through stone, a study from northern Australia. World Archaeology 26:172-84. Pike-Tay, A & Cosgrove, R 2002. From Reindeer to Wallaby: Recovering Patterns of Seasonality, Mobility, and Prey Selection in the Paleolithic Old World. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory 9:101146. Richardson N 1992. Conjoin sets and stratigraphic integrity in a sandstone shelter: Kenniff Cave (Queensland, Australia). Antiquity 66:408-418. Richardson, N 1996. Seeing is believing: a graphical illustration of the vertical and horizontal distribution of conjoined artefacts using Design CAD 3D. In Ulm, S, Lilley, I & Ross, A (eds) Australian Archaeology ’95: Proceedings of the 1995 Australian Archaeological Association Annual Conference. St Lucia: Anthropology Museum, Department of Anthropology and Sociology University of Queensland. Tempus 6:81-95. Roberts, R, Bird, M, Olley, J, Gallagher, R, Lawson, E, Laslett, G, Yoshida, H, Jones, R, Fullagar, R, Jacobsen, G & Hua, Q 1998. Optical and radiocarbon dating at Jinmium rock shelter, northern Australia. Nature 393:358-362. Roberts, RG, Flannery, TF, Ayliffe, LA, Yoshida, H, Olley, JM, Prideaux, GJ, Laslett, GM, Baynes, A, Smith, MA, Jones, R & Smith, BL 2001a. New ages for the last Australian megafauna: continent-wide extinction about 46,000 years ago. Science 292:1888-1892. Roberts, RG, Flannery, TF, Ayliffe, LA, Yoshida, H, Olley, JM, Prideaux, GJ, Laslett, GM, Baynes, A, Smith, MA, Jones, R & Smith, BL 2001b. Archaeology and Australian megafauna. Technical comments. Science 294(5):7. Roberts, RG & Jones, R 1994. Luminescence dating of sediments: new light on the colonisation of Australia. Australian Aboriginal Studies 1994/2:2-17.

Pardoe, C 1988. The cemetery as symbol. The distribution of Aboriginal burial grounds in southeastern Australia’, Archaeology in Oceania 23:1-16.

Roberts, RG, Jones, R, Smith, MA 1990. Thermoluminescence dating of a 50,000 year old human occupation site in northern Australia. Nature 345:153–156.

Pardoe, C 1991. Review article. Competing paradigms and ancient human remains: the state of the discipline’, Archaeology in Oceania 26:79-85.

Roberts, RG, Jones, R &. Smith, MA 1994. Beyond the radiocarbon barrier in Australian prehistory. Antiquity 68:611-616.

Pardoe, C 1995. Riverine, biological and cultural evolution in southeastern Australia. Antiquity 69 (265):696-713.

Roberts, RG, Jones, R, Spooner, NA, Head, MJ, Murray, AS & Smith, MA 1994. The human colonisation of Australia: optical dates of 53,000 and 60,000 years bracket human arrival at Deaf Adder Gorge, Northern Territory. Quaternary Science Reviews 13:575-583.

Pardoe, C in press. Australian biological anthropology for archaeologists. In Murray, T (ed) Archaeology from Australia. Melbourne: Australian Scholarly Publications. Pasveer, J, Clarke, S & Miller, G 2002. Late Pleistocene human occupation of inland rainforest, Bird’s Head, Papua. Archaeology in Oceania 37(2):92-95. Pate, FD, Brodie, R & Owen, T 2002. Determination of geographic origin of unprovenanced Aboriginal

20


Roberts R, Yoshida H, Galbraith R, Laslett G, Jones R & Smith M. 1998. Single-aliquot and single-grain optical dating confirm thermoluminescence age estimates at Malakunanja II rock shelter in northern Australia. Ancient TL 16:19-24. Shawcross, W 1998. Archaeological excavations at Mungo. In Johnston, H, Clark, P & White, JP (eds) Willandra Lakes: People and Palaeoenvironments.


University of Sydney: Oceania Publications. Archaeology in Oceania 33(3):183-206. Smith, MA 1989. Seed gathering in inland Australia: current evidence from seed-grinders on the antiquity of the ethnohistorical pattern of exploitation. In Harris, DR & Hillman, GC (eds) Foraging and Farming. The Evolution of Plant Exploitation. London: Unwin Hyman:305-317. Smith, MA 1993. Biogeography, human ecology and prehistory in the sandridge deserts. Archaeology in Oceania 37:35-50. Smith, C & Ward, G 2000. Globalisation, decolonisation and Indigenous Australia. Australian Aboriginal Studies 2000/1 and 2: 3-11. Stone, T & Cupper, ML 2003. Last Glacial Maximum ages for robust humans at Kow Swamp, southern Australia. Journal of Human Evolution 45:99-111. Stringer, C & McKie, R 1996. African Exodus: The Origins of Modern Humanity. New York: Henry Holt and Company. Swisher III, CC, Rink, WJ, Antón, SC, Schwarcz, HP, Curtis, GH, Suprijo, A Widiasmoro 1996. Science 274:1870–1874. Swisher III, CC, Rink, WJ, Schwarcz, HP & Antón, SC 1997. Response. Science 276:1576. Taçon, PSC in prep. Identifying ancient religious thought and iconography: problems of definition, preservation and interpretation. Taçon, PSC, Wilson, M & Chippindale, C 1996. Birth of the Rainbow Serpent in Arnhem Land Rock art and oral history. Archaeology in Oceania 31:103-24. Taçon, PSC 2001. Australia. In Whitley, DS (ed) Handbook of Rock Art Research. New York: Altamira Press:530-575. Taçon, P, Mulvaney, K, Ouzman, S, Fullagar, R, Carlton, P & Head, L 2003. Changing ecological concerns in the rock-art subject matter of North Australia’s Keep River region. Before Farming [online version] 2003/ 3 article 4. Theunissen, R, Balme, J & Beck, W 1998. Headroom and human trampling: cave ceiling height determines the spatial patterning of atefacts at Petzkes Cave northern New South Wales. Antiquity 72:80-89. Thomas, M, Gilbert, P, Willerslev, E, Hansen, AJ, Barnes, I, Rudbeck, L, Lynnerup, N & Cooper, A 2003. Distribution Patterns of Postmortem Damage in Human Mitochondrial DNA. American Journal of Human Genetics 72:32-47. Thorne, A & Curnoe D 2000. Sex and significance of Lake Mungo 3: reply to Brown “Australian Pleistocene variation and the sex of Lake Mungo 3”. Journal of Human Evolution 39:587-600. Thorne, A, Grün, R, Mortimer, G, Spooner, NA, Simpson, JJ, McCulloch, M, Taylor, L & Curnoe, D 1999. Australia’s oldest human remains: age of the Lake Mungo 3 skeleton. Journal of Human Evolution 36:591-612. Torrence, R & Clarke, A (eds) 2000. Negotiating Difference: the Archaeology of Cross-cultural

Engagement. London: Unwin and Hyman. Trueman, C, Field, JH, Dortch, J & Charles, B in prep. Site integrity at the Late Pleistocene site of Cuddie Springs, southeastern Australia: evidence from geochemical provenance and physical taphonomic analyses. Trueman, JWH 2001. Does the Lake Mungo 3 evidence stand up to analysis? Archaeology in Oceania 36(3):163-5. Trinkaus, E, Moldovan, O, Milota, S, Bîlgăr, A, Sarcina, L, Athreya, S, Bailey, SE, Rodrigo, R, Mircea, G, Higham, T, Ramsey, CB & van der Plicht, J 2003. An early modern human from the Peştera cu Oase, Romania. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 100(20):11231-11236. Turney, C & Bird, M 2002. Determining the timing and pattern of human colonisation in Australia: proposals for radiocarbon dating’ early’ sequences. Australian Archaeology 54:1-5. Turney, CSM, Bird, MI. Fifield, LK, Roberts, RG, Smith, MA, Dortch, CE, Grün, R, Lawson, E, Ayliffe, LK, Miller, GH, Dortch, J & Cresswell, RG 2001. Early human occupation at Devil’s Lair, southwestern Australia 50,000 years ago. Quaternary Research 55:3-13. Ulm, S in press. Themes in the archaeology of mid-tolate Holocene Australia. In Murray, T (ed) Archaeology from Australia. Melbourne: Australian Scholarly Publications. Van Dijk, N & Thorne, A 2000. Asia and the Peopling of Polynesia: Understanding Sequential Migration. In O’Connor, S & Veth, P (eds) East of Wallace’s Line: Studies of Past and Present Maritime Cultures in the Indo-Pacific Region. Rotterdam: A.A. Balkema. Modern Quaternary Research in South East Asia 16: 263-278. Van Peer P, Fullagar, R, Stokes, S, Bailey, R, Moeyersons, J, Steenhoudt, F, Geerts, A, Vanderbeken, T, De Dapper, M & Geus, F 2003. The Early to Middle Stone Age transition and the emergence of modern human behaviour at site 8-B11, Sai Island, Sudan. Journal of Human Evolution 45:187-193. Veth, P 2000. Origins of the Western Desert language: convergence in linguistic and archaeological space and time models. Archaeology in Oceania 35(1):1119. Veth, P, Fullagar, R & Gould, R 1997. Residue and usewear analysis of grinding implements from Puntutjarpa Rockshelter in the Western Desert: current research. Australian Archaeology 44:23-5. Veth P, O’Connor, S & Wallis, LA 2000. Perspectives on ecological approaches in Australian archaeology. Australian Archaeology 50:54-66. Walters, I 2000. Early Hominids in SE Asia: Older, Younger, Smarter and More. In O’Connor, S & Veth, P (eds) East of Wallace’s Line: Studies of Past and Present Maritime Cultures in the Indo-Pacific Region. Rotterdam: A.A. Balkema. Modern Quaternary


21


Research in South East Asia 16:255-262. Watchman, A, Taçon, P, Fullagar, R & Head, L 2000. Minimum ages for pecked rock markings from Jinmium, northwestern Australia. Archaeology in Oceania 35(1):1-10. Webb, S 1989. The Willandra Lakes Hominids. Canberra: Prehistory Department, Research School of Pacific Studies. Webb, S 1995. Palaeopathology of Aboriginal Australians. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. White, JP with O’Connell, JF 1982. A Prehistory of Australia, New Guinea and Sahul. Sydney: Academic Press.

Wroe, S & Field, J 2001a. Megafaunal mystery remains. Australasian Science 22:21-25. Wroe, S &. Field, J. 2001b. On giant-wombats and redherrings. Australasian Science 24:18. Wroe, S, Field, J, Fullagar, R & Jermin, LS 2004. Megafaunal extinction in the Late Quaternary and the global overkill hypothesis. Alcheringa 28:291-332. Yen, DE 1995. The development of Sahul agriculture with Australia as bystander. In Allen, J & O’Connell, JF (eds) Transitions: Pleistocene to Holocene in Australia and New Guinea. Cambridge: Antiquity Publications. Antiquity 69(265):831-847.

Witter, D 2003. The archaeology of Aboriginal ceremonial sites: Mount Drysdale, NSW, Australia. Paper presented at the Fifth World Archaeological Congress. Washington DC.

Yokoyama, Y, Lambeck, K, De Deckker, P, Johnston, P & Fifield, LK 2000. Timing of the Last Glacial Maximum from observed P sea-level minima. Nature 406:713-716. [Published correction in Nature 412, 99 (2001)]

Wolpoff, MH, Thorne, AG, Smith, FH, Frayer, DW & Pope, GG 1994. In Nitecki, MH & Nitecki, DV (eds) The Origin of Anatomically Modern Humans. New York: Plenum:175-199.

Yokoyama, Y, Esat, TM, Lambeck, K & Fifield, LK 2000. Last ice age millennial scale climate changes recorded in Huon Peninsula corals. Radiocarbon 42:383-401.

22
