Automobile Dependency

KTH Architecture and the Built Environment

Automobile Dependency Improving Urban Resilience through Urban Planning and Design

Danial Monsefi Parapari

Degree Project SoM EX 2010-28

Stockholm 2010 KTH, Department of Urban Planning and Environment Division of Urban and Regional Studies Kungliga Tekniska högskolan

Preface This thesis is based upon studies conducted during December 2009 to June 2010 at the School of Architecture and the Built Environment, Royal Institute of Technology, Stockholm, Sweden. I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my supervisor Dr. Tigran Haas. Without his advice and unique support this thesis would never had become a reality. Further I would like to thank Professor Peter Newman for his great cooperation and help. I wish to express my greatest thanks to my family, friends and colleagues, who have supported me, especially my brothers, Adel and Fazel and my sister, Ghazal. Finally, I dedicate this humble work, to the soul of my late dad, Abdul Hamid, and my beloved mother, Azam.

Danial Monsefi Parapari June 2010

Automobile Dependency

Page 1

Contents

Preface .................................................................................................................................. 1 Contents ................................................................................................................................ 2 Abstract ................................................................................................................................. 3 Research questions ................................................................................................................ 3 Introduction to Urban Resilience............................................................................................ 3 Methodology ....................................................................................................................... 10 Automobile Dependence and Urban Form: .......................................................................... 11 Sustainability in the Work of Newman and Kenworthy ..................................................... 11 The Development of the Automobile City......................................................................... 11 Car dependence and Economic Growth ............................................................................... 20 Measuring Automobile Dependency .................................................................................... 22 Overcoming Automobile Dependency through Urban Planning and Design .......................... 25 Future City ........................................................................................................................... 28 Case study ........................................................................................................................... 31 Public Transportation System ........................................................................................... 33 Bus system ................................................................................................................... 33 Public Taxi .................................................................................................................... 33 Private Taxi .................................................................................................................. 35 Measuring Automobile Dependency in Kerman................................................................ 35 Discussion ............................................................................................................................ 37 Four scenarios.................................................................................................................. 42 References ........................................................................................................................... 43 Appendix A: Urban Structures and Travel Behavior .............................................................. 47 Appendix B: Stockholm and car use...................................................................................... 53


Page 2

Abstract In this paper the author investigates different causes and effects of Automobile Dependency in cities. In cities where cars are the predominant transport the residents do not have freedom of choice about the way they live and move around the city, and the culture of automobile use has produced a kind of addiction to them. Thereafter a city is chosen as case study and Automobile Dependency is measured using several indicators. Finally some interventions are proposed in order to lessen the reliance on cars in this certain case.

Research questions What is Automobile Dependency and how is it created? How does this phenomenon affect the human lifestyle in urban context? What is Urban Resilience and how is it affected by car use? In specific case of Kerman, how can we measure Automobile Dependency? How can these results be interpreted? And finally how can we reduce car use in Kerman by altering design policies?

Introduction to Urban Resilience Cities have been affected by numerous elements through time: natural disasters like earthquakes or manmade phenomena such as wars. But a few cities especially after 18th century - have been destroyed completely and the rest have recovered back to normal. This process of recovery is not the same in all cases, as is the disaster. Cities are complex systems, including the built environment and the social networks they host. Each of these can be altered in different levels by the disaster. The buildings maybe intact while the social life is totally destroyed, as in the case of plague outbreak in 14th century which killed almost 50% of the European population or it can affect both the built environment and the social networks at the same time, as happened in the 2010 Haiti earthquake.


Page 3

Figure 1: Natural Disasters Summary

Image courtesy of EM-DAT www.emdat.be

Disasters occur in different scales. They may destroy a single district in a city or affect a whole geographical region as did the 2004 Asian Tsunami which devastated 230,000 people in fourteen countries. (2010 Indian Ocean Earthquake) They can happen in a millisecond like an earthquake or they may take years as human civil wars. Thanks to the advanced technologies that we have today, our recovery ability has increased, so does the destructive power of our weaponry. No matter what the reason of the perturbation is, the most important thing is to reduce the human casualty and restore the city back to normal as soon as possible.


Page 4

Figure 2: Technological Disaster Summary

Image courtesy of EM-DAT www.emdat.be

Considering natural disaster, as seen in (Figure 1: Natural Disasters Summary) during 1900 – 2008 the frequency of these disasters has increased considerably, and the fact that the human population has tripled in the same period may be the reason of the increased number of people affected by disasters. However, the total number of people killed by these accidents has declined over time - as our technology and knowledge have advanced - enabling us to escape and protect ourselves. On the other hand, as seen in Figure 2, during the second half of the twentieth century, there has been a boom in frequency, the number of people affected and the number of people killed by technological disasters. But with the turn of century, all these indicators have declined.


Page 5

The economic loss can be used as an indicator of disaster impact. In absolute terms, the recorded economic cost of disasters has been increasing over decades (see Figure 3). According to Munich Re, real annual economic losses in 2002 averaged US$ 75.5 billion in the 1960s, US$ 138.4 billion in the 1970s, US$ 213.9 billion in the 1980s and US$ 659.9 billion in the 1990s.5 Munich Re estimates that global economic losses for the most recent ten years (1992-2002) were 7.3 times greater than the 1960s. (Financial data)

Figure 3: Economical Losses Due to Natural Disasters 1950-2000

Image courtesy of Munich Re www.munichre.com

Resilience is a term that has been borrowed from the more exact sciences and adopted by psychology. (Resilience) When used by psychologists it refers to the ability to recover from trauma or crisis. The term has generated much interest on the part of research psychologists (Bonanno, 2004) and has been used in developing programs to help people cope in the aftermath of traumatic events (Baum, 2009). Brian Walker and his colleagues apply this concept to ecosystems management and they define resilience as “the capacity of a system to absorb disturbance and still retain its basic function and structure”. (Walker & Salt, 2006) Wallington and his team believe that the ecological resilience “may be measured by the magnitude of disturbance the system can tolerate and still persist”. (Wallington, Hobbes, & Moore, 2005) Automobile Dependency

Page 6

Peter Newman, Lawrence Vale and other intellectuals have tried to import this idea into the realm of Urbanism and there has been an outburst in literature concerning this issue. (Campanella, 2006) (Newman, Beatley, & Boyer, 2009) (Prasad, Ranghieri, Shah, Trohanis, Kessler, & Sinha, 2009) (Vale & Campanella, 2005) (Walker & Salt, 2006) Some have focused on urban resilience in case of a disaster, like earthquake, (Montoya Morales, 2002) while others foresee new threats to our cities in future. Newman and his colleagues mention peak oil and climate change as two major threats for the sustainability of our cities. They believe we need to change our cities and our lifestyles if we want to recover from these issues. (Newman, Beatley, & Boyer, 2009) Peak oil is the point in time when the maximum rate of global petroleum extraction is reached, after which the rate of production enters terminal decline. The aggregate production rate from an oil field over time usually grows exponentially until the rate peaks and then declines—sometimes rapidly—until the field is depleted. (Peak Oil) Peak oil is often confused with oil depletion; peak oil is the point of maximum production while depletion refers to a period of falling reserves and supply. Some observers, such as petroleum industry experts Kenneth S. Deffeyes and Matthew Simmons, believe the high dependence of most modern industrial transport, agricultural, and industrial systems on the relatively low cost and high availability of oil will cause the post-peak production decline and possible severe increases in the price of oil to have negative implications for the global economy. According to the Export Land Model, oil exports drop much more quickly than production drops due to domestic consumption increases in exporting countries. (Stories tagged with "Export Land Model") Supply shortfalls would cause extreme price inflation, unless demand is mitigated with planned conservation measures and use of alternatives. (Gwyn, 2004) This problem and the issue of oil security are so serious that even some thinkers believe this was the reason of the US attack on Iraq. (Engdahl) Our development is highly dependent on cheap oil and for sure this cannot last forever.


Page 7

Climate change is another problem that we will face more and more each day. Global warming is the increase in the average temperature of Earth's nearsurface air and oceans since the mid-20th century and its projected continuation. Global surface temperature increased 0.74 ± 0.18 °C between the start and the end of the 20th century. An increase in global temperature will cause sea levels to rise and will change the amount and pattern of precipitation, probably including expansion of subtropical deserts. Global warming is showing its effects across the world in forms of droughts, floods, typhoons and so on. Our cities are not ready for this either. According to UK-based charity Oxfam, the number of people hit by climaterelated disasters is expected to rise by 50%, to reach 375m by 2015. (BBC NEWS, 2009) While talking about urban resilience, Newman has drawn the big picture of the future resilient, self-sufficient society which consists of TODs1, PODs2 and GODs3, totally relying on renewable energies and perfecting the cradle to cradle concept, while others like Chris Poland from the San Francisco Planning + Urban Research Association focus on the immediate aftermath of a disaster and by setting certain standards in the built environment and suggesting procedures for recovery, they try to minimize the human casualty and prevent a natural disaster from becoming a human catastrophe. (Poland) But still, there is a gap in the academic discourse between the present situation and our future goal which maybe our only chance of survival. This thesis aims to find out and study elements in urban planning and design which will facilitate this transition towards a resilient community. Finding the key to urban resilience was the start point of this thesis, but since this field is so broad and undiscovered, the author decided to delimit his scope to rather long term disasters and their causes. Inspired by the latest book of Peter Newman and his colleagues, Climate change and peak oil, were chosen as the main sources of disturbance 1

Transit Oriented Development Pedestrian Oriented Development 3 Green Oriented Development 2


Page 8

imposed on our lives in the future. Yet this discourse is still too broad to cover. Having studied these two phenomena, they seem to have something in common. Global warming, among others, is caused by the concentration of greenhouse gases. CO2 concentrations are continuing to rise due to burning of fossil fuels and land-use change. The future rate of rise will depend on uncertain economic, sociological, technological, and natural developments. A great deal of these emissions comes from human activities. According to the Energy Information Administration, during 1990-2009 transportation has been the largest emitter among end-use sectors (U.S. Carbon Dioxide Emissions from Energy Sources, 2009). On the other hand, according to statistics, 61% of total oil consumption, which is around 16.8 billion barrels, is used in transportation (Global Market Information Database, 2007). Therefore, oil consumed in transportation is the common ground of Climate Change and Peak Oil. In 2007 the Institute for European Environmental Policy (IEEP) published a report which aimed to research and analyze the evidence that links climate change and obesity to the decline in walking and its substitution by car. The report finds that by returning to the walking patterns of 30 years ago, when car ownership was less common (i.e. by walking just 1 hour more during the week), people could help save up to 11 MtCO2 (15.4% of total emissions from passenger cars) and reduce the chances of becoming obese (i.e. avoiding an average weight gain of 2lb 11oz each year, which over 20-30 years could lead to an obese body weight) (Davis, Valsecchi, & Fergusson, 2007). Considering the above mentioned facts, the relationship between automobile usage and urban resilience seems reasonable, since the less people drive, the less oil they consume and the less pollution they emit, therefore the more resilient their community would be. Bearing the impact of the built environment on the energy consumption in mind, there has been a great focus on building technology (i.e. Zero Energy homes or autonomous buildings) but the built environment on larger scales like neighborhoods seems to be neglected. Automobile Dependency

Page 9

As it will be discussed later, there is extensive literature on the effects of the built environment on human behavior. In this paper, different strategies suggested to minimize car usage through built environment will be analyzed.

Methodology The main method in performing this study was though literature review and case study. Firstly I examined a broad range of related literature, covering sustainability, environment and climate change, ecological resilience and other trends in urbanism. Then I delimited and finalized the research question. The next step was to collect information on the case study. Kerman, my hometown in Iran, was selected as the case study, as I am quite familiar with the history and present situation of the city. Information was gathered from government census databases, which in most cases are not integrated, and should be requested from the relevant organization directly. A local government official was interviewed to elicit information on governmental policies related to the research question. Finally, based on the information acquired, the case study was analyzed and upon the result, a conclusion was established along with a proposal.


Page 10

Automobile Dependence and Urban Form: Sustainability in the Work of Newman and Kenworthy

In the early 1980s Peter Newman and Jeff Kenworthy started for a series of world trips to bring together what was to become the most inclusive data collection on urban form and transport patterns ever undertaken at that scale. The study recognized empirical evidence for a sturdy correlation between urban density and the level of automobile use both in absolute terms and relative to other modes. Higher activity densities as found mostly in European and Asian cities were experienced to be connected with lower travel demand overall and a greater significance of public transit and non-motorized modes. In distinction, the lower densities emblematic for most 20th century urban development particularly in Australian and US cities and metropolitan peripheries more or less everywhere, cause in higher travel demand which is strongly dominated by the car. The term “automobile dependence” was coined to describe the outcome of urban transport and land use policies that presuppose the proliferation and dominant use of the car in urban transport as a given, constructing settlement patterns and transport infrastructures which leave very little room for alternative modes (Newman & Kenworthy, 1989) (Scheurer, 2001).

The Development of the Automobile City Historically, automobile dependence is observed as an evolutionary phase in a continuous process wherein the urban form is shaped by transport technologies, economic factors and cultural issues. Regarding transport technology, cities were usually restricted to a walkable distance during the age of human- and animalpowered transportation until well into the 19th century. This confinement is often supported by fortification needs. This city type is depicted in Figure 4.


Page 11

Figure 4: Traditional Walking City

Image courtesy of (Newman & Kenworthy, 1999)

The development of rail transit systems during the second half of the 19th century enabled cities to expand beyond their pre-industrial compact centers, facilitating suburban growth along arterial roads with trams or concentrated nodes around stations on heavy rail lines (Figure 5). While rail invention usually led to historic centers becoming encircled by a belt of medium to high density inner suburbs and star-shaped urbanization along rail corridors further out, it was the introduction of the car that, for the first time, enabled large-scale urbanization of areas between or beyond these corridors that had previously been hard to access, and settlement patterns with reduced density (Figure 6). Economic forces strengthen this evolution, particularly from the perspective of land value differences. Land costs are maximized in compact, contained cities, which results in space-extensive uses like primary and manufacturing industries or garden-oriented housing to move towards the fringes where land is cheaper.


Page 12

Figure 5: Transit City


Figure 6: Automobile Dependent City


Frost (1991) believes the search for a better quality of life than that obtainable in crowded dwelling conditions with few facilities characterizes the cities in the early industrialization stage, and its affordability for a great majority of the population caused the appearance of a completely new urban type around the end of the 19th century. Automobile Dependency

Page 13

This was aided by the fast economic growth, chiefly through trade with regional agricultural and mining products and their supply to the industrial centers, and is mainly noticeable in the western half of North America and Australia's southern coast. “The nineteenth-century industrial city helped make economic diversification possible because its own capital requirements were relatively low. The expensive, sprawling cities have, on the other hand, been built at a substantial opportunity cost. Their over-expansion of social overhead capital has been at the expense of the building of their-economies' productive capacity. […] The typical nineteenth-century city was one which could house vast numbers of inhabitants and yet still release resources for industrial and commercial development. The New Urban Frontier instead consumed resources to create advanced standards of urban salubrity” (ibid, p163-164).

With regard to cultural factors (and relating to Frost's hypotheses), it can almost certainly not be underestimated how the relative profusion of space and other resources in emerging North American and Australian cities during the 19th and early 20th century resulted in a more 'orderly' urbanization process and higher livability. These qualities must have proved highly eye-catching to potential European migrants who were regularly exposed to unparalleled economic suffering and political instability during that period. Extensive home ownership and the continuance of some rural lifestyle rudiments in the fast-growing suburbs of New World towns consecutively reached cultural dominance and became inextricably linked with the popular 20th century political pledge of ever-growing wealth for all population groups, while offering an ethical alternative to the perceived moral decline in the 19th century city (Scheurer, 2001, pp. 145-152). The suburban lifestyle model went back into most Western European countries as well - principally during the wealth period after 1945 - and continues Automobile Dependency

Page 14

to put forth considerable appeal in ex-communist or neo-industrial countries in Europe, Asia and Latin America. On all three accounts, Newman and Kenworthy (1999) point out the trendbreaking quality of the post-industrial age in the evolution of urbanization and mobility. The spatial growth of the car-dependent city (or the car-dependent suburbs in cities that have preserved strong walking and transit qualities in their centers) and the consequent traffic volumes have begun to tire out the carrying capacity of the eco-system`s support mechanisms (air sheds, water and soil ecology, greenhouse impact, energy resources). They have also resulted in progressively more dysfunctional urban transit systems; which necessitated the need for a fundamental alteration of the transport and land use connection. “Road and parking requirements became a bottomless pit that seemed to absorb any traffic solution and replace it with a new set of congestion constraints. The reality is that individual desires for mobility in a city where individualized locations are not subject to constraint will inevitably mean that traffic rises at super exponential rates. […] Most larger cities that have gone the way of the automobile […] cannot function well when their land use pattern assumes all parts of the city are to be easily reached from everywhere else, and the city spreads beyond forty to fifty kilometers” (Newman & Kenworthy, 1999, p. 59) The rise of the information-based economy increases the importance of innovation and communication in the process of capital accumulation (Scheurer, 2001). Therefore a demand for spatial clustering of cooperating industries in highquality urban spaces gains priority over the need for cheap land and transport that has characterized the industrial age. The type of wealth formed during the industrial age is now increasingly under threat from both its increasing social costs and the relative decline of its economic base of primary industries. At the same time, the long-standing supposition that catering for the car is equal to economic wealth, which will be discussed later in detail, is eroding fast.


Page 15

Increased Vehicle Ownershi p

Automobi leOriented Transport Planning Reduced Travel

Dispersed Developem ent Patterns

Option

Alternativ e Modes Stigmatiz ed

Generous Parking Supply Automobi leOriented Land Use Planning

Sprawl and Degraded Cities

Figure 7: Cycles of Automobile Dependency

Image courtesy of Victoria Transport Policy institute www.vtpi.org

“There has always been awareness that elements of the Auto City, such as urban freeways, do environmental and social damage […]. But this impact has been acceptably traded off by decision makers, who saw economic gains from the extra mobility. […] Yet it appears that in most nations the acceptance acceptance of the myth of economic progress based on the Auto City has not come about from analysis or evaluation but merely from assertions, often dressed up in scientific form in the guise of a model” (Newman & Kenworthy, 1999, pp. 52-53). 52

“In this post-industrial post industrial era, the quality of a city's environment is critical to its success. […] An overemphasis on road building and an under emphasis on transit and the pedestrian environment can spin a city into a decline phase” (ibid, id, p54 p54-55). Similarly, the denser parts of the city have regained considerable attraction among many population groups as residential environments, environments, to the point that “it “ can now no longer be assumed that cultural priorities are automatically biased toward suburban rather than urban values”” (ibid, p40).


Page 16

The fundamental challenge in the transition of cities towards sustainability, then, is a challenge to the ways in which planners and decision makers have become accustomed to viewing urban problems, and how such approaches translate into public policy (Scheurer, 2001) . These traditional methods which are mainly aimed at adjustments to technology and pricing regimes are substituted with their own visions of a more “systemic” philosophy, therefore Newman and Kenworthy summaries a range of proposals to overcome car dependence from a policy perspective. These cover the fields of economic efficiency, environmental responsibility, social equity and human livability and include the following (ibid, p41- 47): Costs of transport infrastructure and operation are getting out of the responsible authorities' spending capacity. Traditional approaches aim to involve the private sector in construction, higher pricing to users and push for more cost-effective technology in order to reduce the burden of providing and operating road and transit systems, but not change the segregated nature of funding different modes or their relative importance in the transportation system. “A sustainable approach, while embracing technological and pricing innovations, would be focused on an urban transportation system which is functional both in its entirety and in the interplay of its parts, and which enables reductions in auto mobility and shifts to other modes” (Scheurer, 2001). The importance of a fixed-rail transit system that facilitates concentrated land uses (and greater face-to-face contact) around it is stressed in this context. Higher speeds enabled by freeway (and rapid rail) infrastructure do not generally result in time savings, but promote more distance-intensive interactions, i.e. longer trips. This links to the previously discussed concept that cities, throughout history, have adapted their size and form such as to produce average daily commutes of about 30 minutes one-way (see e.g. Zahavi and Ryan 1980, Knoflacher 1993). While traditional approaches are still at odds with this observation, a sustainable approach would recognize that transport provision alone cannot address this dilemma – land use policies that can reduce travel are supreme. Roads and parking are comparatively unproductive land uses, and their excessive presence leads to put unnecessary pressure on land of higher Automobile Dependency

Page 17

economic potential. Traditional approaches leave this problem completely to market forces, whereas a sustainable approach would be worried about the conservation of agricultural land and open space in the urban region as well as the excellence of built-up space for both social and economic reasons. Transport's strong dependence on oil, which is often imported, will make cities exposed to energy crises in the wake of future oil depletion. Traditional approaches are based on the concept that alternative fuel and vehicle technology along with rising energy prices will prompt the necessary changes in consumption and behavior patterns. However, a sustainable approach would regard it as critical that cities offer more location choices with low in-built transportation needs to improve fuel dependency in the first place. Transport is the fastest-growing cause of global warming, and a contributor to significant air pollution problems in cities. Traditional approaches suggest enhancements in vehicle technology, financial incentives and regulations. A sustainable approach recognizes these as valuable, but insufficient and persists that traffic growth must be upturned to achieve better air quality. Automobile dependent urban areas are affected by noise, accidents, visual and functional segregation. In an attempt to prevent these effects traditional approaches suggest rerouting of traffic, installation of noise barriers and separation of motorized and non-motorized modes, while a sustainable approach aims at strategies of traffic calming4, urban integration and priority to walking, cycling and public transit. Car-dependent urban areas impoverish those not able or not willing to drive - usually half the population or more - of basic mobility rights and hence opportunities to participate productively in society. Traditional approaches aim to enhance access to road-based transport or offer more road infrastructure in affected areas to address this. A sustainable approach would focus

4

Traffic Calming is the set of measures for slowing or reduction of motor-vehicle traffic to improve safety for pedestrians and bicyclists and improve the environment for residents.


Page 18

on providing more destinations of interest and opportunity in close vicinity of homes, stimulating local-scale urban diversification. Public spaces are often marginalized or privatized in car-dependent cities which results in a loss of casual interaction, (non-commercial) urban culture and street safety that have historically been the foundations of urban vitality. Traditional approaches frequently do not identify these shortcomings and where they do, point to sector-based solutions such as specific programs for disadvantaged groups or better policing of crime hotspots (Scheurer, 2001). They also rely on the concept that new communication technologies will decrease the need for face-to-face interaction between citizens. However, a sustainable approach first and foremost recognizes the street as a public domain where human interaction and small-scale access prioritize over the movement of vehicles. Communities which possess suitable spaces for users will automatically lessen social segregation and reduce crime through passive surveillance and stronger common values. Obviously, Newman and Kenworthy recognize the role of the community where it acts as a facilitator to make productive urban processes possible and at the same time guide them towards goals that are in harmony with the sustainability agenda. Likewise, their proposals consider the importance of the growing diversity of urban lifestyles, the forces that drive them and their propositions on policymaking. This does not make the technological solutions and market mechanisms offered by traditional urban policy unusable, but exposes their rather narrow focus where followed exclusively, and intends to break their dominance in the interest of a vibrant, livable and resource-efficient urban system (Scheurer, 2001). Although Automobile Dependency includes vehicle and highway improvements that tend to reduce per-mile crash rates, they encourage more and faster driving, which increases total crashes. This explains why per capita traffic deaths are far higher in sprawled communities, as illustrated in Figure 8.


Page 19

Figure 8: Annual Traffic Death Rate

Data courtesy of TDM www.vtpi.org

Car dependence and Economic Growth In 2003, Sperling's BestPlaces ranked 77 U.S. cities based on how easy it is for residents to motor around their city ((www.bestplaces.net/drive/drive_study1.asp www.bestplaces.net/drive/drive_study1.asp). They report that the most drivable cities have flat driving surfaces, uncongested traffic, low gas prices and a pleasant climate. On the top of their list were cities along the Texas Gulf coast, whereas the poorest performing cities were along the East and West coast (Automobile Dependency, 2010). 2010) Strangely enough, the least drivable cities appear to be flourishing economically. Comparing drivability against per capita income (Commerce Department shows that the average per capita income of the ten least drivable cities is over half again greater than the ten most drivable cities, www.bea.doc.gov/bea/regional/data.htm as illustrated in Figure 9. www.bea.doc.gov/bea/regional/data.htm),


Page 20

Figure 9: Annual Per Capita Income



Page 21

Measuring Automobile Dependency Automobile Dependency comes in different degrees. There are few places in the world that are absolutely automobile dependent (where driving is the only form of transport). Even areas that appear to be highly Automobile Dependent often have a noteworthy amount of walking; cycling and transit travel among certain groups or in certain areas, although use of these modes tends to be undercounted by conventional transportation planning. On the other hand, even Car-Free areas usually have some automobile travel, including emergency and service vehicles, taxis and deliveries (Automobile Dependency, 2010). Several indicators are suggested in order to measure automobile dependency, as summarized in Table 1. If more than 80% of personal trips in a community are made by private automobile, that community can be categorized as highly automobile dependent. Since automobile trips are usually longer than walking, cycling and transit trips, the majority of personal mileage tends to be by automobile even in communities with balanced transport. Vehicle ownership is the easiest information which can be obtained in order to assess the Automobile Dependency of a community but it is the least accurate indicator. A community can have relatively high levels of per capita vehicle ownership, but at the same time provide competitive high quality walking, cycling and public transport service so that car owners still use alternative modes for a considerable portion of their trips, while other communities have comparatively low vehicle ownership rates, but poor quality transportation options for nondrivers and so can be considered automobile dependent. The most accurate indicators of Automobile Dependency which are usually more difficult to measure are the amount of land use accessibility, the quality of alternative modes, and the degree of bias in favor of automobile travel over other transport modes.


Page 22

Indicator

Description

Low

Per capita motor vehicle ownership (usually Less than 250 Vehicle Ownership measured per 1,000 per 1,000 pop. population) Less than 4,000 miles (6,500 km)

Vehicle Travel

Per capita annual motor vehicle mileage

Vehicle Trips

Automobile trips as a portion of total personal Less than 50% trips

Quality of Transportation Alternatives

Convenience, speed, comfort, affordability and prestige of walking, cycling and public transit relative to driving.

Alternative modes are of competitive quality.

Medium

High

250-450

450+

4,000-8,000 miles (6,50013,000 kms) 50-80%

Alternative modes are somewhat inferior.

8,000+(13,000 km plus) 80%+

Alternative modes are very inferior.

Mobility of personal Relative Mobility Of travel by non-drivers Non-Drivers compared with drivers

Non-drivers Non-drivers are are moderately not severely disadvantaged disadvantaged .

Non-drivers are severely disadvantaged .

Relative advantage Market Distortions provided to automobile Favoring Automobile transportation over other Use modes in planning, funding, tax policy, etc.

Minimal bias favoring automobile travel.

Significant bias favoring automobile travel.

Moderate bias favoring automobile travel.

Table 1


“There is no single cause of Automobile Dependency – various mutually supporting factors both contribute to and result from automobile dependency creating a self-reinforcing cycle of increased automobile ownership and use (See Figure 7), more automobile dependent transport and land use patterns, reduced transport options, and further increases in automobile ownership and use” (Turcotte, 2008). Most North American communities are relatively automobile dependent as most of households own cars and rely on them for most trips. Land use patterns are easily accessible by automobile but not by other modes. Public policies are in favor of car use, and few resources are dedicated to non-automobile Automobile Dependency

Page 23

transportation. Although when choosing an automobile and vehicle services consumers have many choices, but they often have few practical alternatives to driving for mobility. Car ownership and use tend to increase with wealth up to a point, but they eventually reach saturation. An international study found that per capita automobile ownership peaks at about $21,000 (1996 U.S. dollars) annual income and levels off, or even declines due to amplified congestion, loss of originality, and public policy responses (Talukadar, 1999). Based on U.S. data, Holtzclaw (2000) found that vehicle travel increases significantly with annual income up to around $30,000, but then levels off and decreases slightly with incomes over $100,000. Increased wealth allows customers to choose alternatives to driving. For example, some wealthy commuters prefer using transit rather than driving, if the service is comfortable, suitable and dependable. Likewise, many wealthy people value living in more accessible neighborhoods, where they are close to commercial and cultural activities, and can walk and bicycle for both leisure and transportation.


Page 24

Overcoming Automobile Dependency through Urban Planning and Design Decreasing car dependency has been discussed broadly in the scientific community and several strategies have been suggested in order to solve this problem. Studying these viewpoints identifies three major distinct ideas and the rest are various combinations of these thoughts (TRANSPLUS, 2003): • Public Transport Oriented Development • Short Distance Structure Development • Car Restriction Oriented Development These policies follow the integration of land use and transport measures taking respectively public transport, walking & cycling, and regulation of car use (including the space for cars in the city) as essential elements. Public Transport or Transit Oriented Development (TOD) includes several instruments to increase the density of housing and other activities near urban rail, light rail, subway and tram stations. This development takes place both in the inner cities as well as in the metropolitan area to catch commuter flows. The most common measures include: • Enhancing public transport accessibility in existing developments • Planning new developments oriented towards transit • Renovation of railways stations and areas surrounding them Short Distance Structure Development is an urban form where a wide mix of activities is accessible in walking and cycling distances. The concept coincides in practice with that of high density and mixed-use development (TRANSPLUS, 2003, s. 14). This type of development aims to create a pedestrian and cycling friendly approach to site development, and to assist “door-to-door” travel without using the car while encouraging the use of alternative transport modes. Short


Page 25

distance structure development can be a significant pre-requisite for the flourishing endorsement of walking and cycling. Possible measures include: • Short-distance mixed-use development: to encourage the use of nonmotorized transport modes. The urban structure is a key point in promotion of walking and cycling as mentioned earlier. • Usage of inner city Brownfield sites: regeneration of city areas that have lost their original function should be given priority in urban development planning. • Development of a walking/ cycling strategy: A hierarchical city-wide cycle network should be created in an attractive environment, connecting different locations and facilities. Local cycling and pedestrian networks must be connected to regional networks. At the same time, conflicts between cyclists, pedestrians and motorized modes must be reduced to enhance the safety and attractiveness of cycle tracks and foot paths. • Improvement of information and orientation: Pedestrians and cyclists should feel that they are respected and welcome as travelers. Improved information system can link together the different parts of the city and encourage people to walk, cycle or use transit (TRANSPLUS, 2003). • Pedestrian and cyclist friendly urban design: walking and cycling should be prioritized in urban environments. In total, pedestrian and cyclist friendly site development consists of various measures supporting each other. Planning for pedestrians requires high quality design in a closed space and hence, conscious connections with buildings, and open spaces. Car restriction oriented development aims to reduce the negative impacts of cars on noise, air quality, safety and aesthetics of towns and neighborhoods by limiting their intrusion into the urban environment. Restrictive measures are not very popular among car users therefore they may have a low priority in political agendas.


Page 26

One of the more radical forms of car space restriction is the “car free development”. It is assumed that for non-car owners it is more attractive to live in an environment where the impact of cars on noise, air quality, safety or aesthetics is reduced or removed. Parking regulations in location policy and in building codes play an important role in this type of development. They may be seen as ancillary to planning new car restricted developments. The well known ABC-principle can be quoted as a major example of a location policy including parking regulations (TRANSPLUS, 2003). ABC city, Arbete (Work) , Bostad (Housing) and Centrum (the Center) , is a concept in urban planning which means that people can live, work and have access to important social and cultural facilities within short distances. The concept of the ABC-town had a great impact on the housing construction in Sweden in the 1950s. ABC-city aimed to build a new kind of city, which is small, intimate and combined with the functionalist architectural ideals. This target was intended to be met through buying undeveloped land outside urban centers, colonizing them after rigorous planning that is adapted for the intended number of inhabitants and eventually connecting it with a public transport route to the central city. The satellite city principle is the international equivalent of the ABC towns. The most famous ABC cities are Vällingby and Farsta, west and south of Stockholm, which are both served by the subway system. These can be said to be the largest ABC cities, but are not the only ones. In the ABC planning principle there is a hierarchy of different neighborhoods, surrounding a central, major regional center, with a range of smaller sized neighborhoods, with less density around it. This can be seen in the example Årsta in Stockholm, which has a core with an environment of smaller suburbs, such as Valla. However, the ABC City failed to work as intended as most people found work elsewhere. Nevertheless, Vällingby remains one of the most popular suburbs of Stockholm with a cultural significance unsurpassed by later suburbs built as part of the so called Million Program during the 1960s and 1970s, such as Skärholmen and Automobile Dependency

Page 27

Tensta, where less efforts was spent on cultural and social infrastructure (Hadenius, Nilsson, & Åselius, 1999, ss. 216-219).

Future City The solutions Newman and Kenworthy suggest addressing the current automobile dependency and suburban sprawl of the cities; emphasize a reinforced role for planning. technological approaches for cleaner vehicles and more efficient infrastructure are regarded as essential to deal with certain issues, but mainly ineffective in solving the more critical problem of travel-intensive activity patterns built into urban form, as characterized by the low-density, car-oriented land uses in the fringe of most developed cities. They point out the fact that in the past, gains in fuel efficiency of the average vehicle have disreputably been outpaced by traffic growth, highly motivated by increasing reliance on the car in the urban transport system. So far, there has been no technical solution feasible that would deal with all problems caused by disproportionate urban automobile use at once. “Getting the prices right” is known to be a highly controversial idea as it will perpetually impose heavy increases in transportation costs to users with limited access to alternative options, in an environment of automobile dependency, therefore it will be unpopular. “While congestion pricing and emissions fees have been touted by economists for decades, those in political power have not exactly rushed to meter their constituents' travel” (Ewing 1997, p118) Of course, the increasing mobility costs may become significantly more acceptable if accompanied by the returned benefits to users. This is where, according to Newman and Kenworthy (1999, p184-189), planning mechanisms fulfill a vital role. Public authorities, private industry and the community will need to engage in a four-step process to common benefit as follows:


Page 28

Revitalization of the inner city: The sections of a city which were built before mass abundance of the automobile can improve their low-transport features and propinquity advantages in a process of urban renewal and rehabilitation. Such strategies are frequently initiated by community groups eager to boost the amenities in their residential area and are ultimately adopted by both authorities and market forces. Focusing development around existing rail: This should be self-evident as a policy choice; however, many cities support zoning regulations or buffer requirements that seriously inhibit what would otherwise be almost a market automatism (Scheurer, 2001). In a suitable planning environment, there are plentiful productive public-private co-operations possible between transit providers and developers to create or expand pedestrian and cycling-oriented highdensity nodes of mixed functions with better transit access. Limitation of urban sprawl: restriction of the outward growth of cities requires the combined tools of creating a growth boundary and seizing the construction of high-speed roads, to help legal and market mechanisms of urbanization go hand in hand. Extension of the fixed transit system across the car-based urban areas in order to provide access to a network of urban villages that refocus existing uses around them: This will, on one hand create practical transport alternatives and on the other hand address the present lack of functional subcenters in automobile-era suburbs, but it is not economically feasible unless there is substantial private sector commitment, i.e. a dynamic market for this type of urbanization must by this stage be established (Scheurer, 2001). In summary, the tools Newman and Kenworthy propose to realize their vision of the Future City are: • Traffic calming to improve residential, commercial and cultural facilities especially in areas of high activity density, and to enhance the conditions for walking and cycling


Page 29

Figure 10: The Future City


• Rail-based based public transit to provide a competitive alternative to car use along activity corridors, and to provide an infrastructure with the capacity to apply more sustainable settlement patterns onto currently automobile-oriented oriented urbanization • Urban villages as high-density, high mixed use centers that focus proximity advantages and are connected by advanced public transit • Growth management to protect surrounding suburban areas from wandering urbanization and redirect growth inwards • Better taxes on transportation to make users pay for external costs and make income available for tasks linked to the sustainable transformation of the city. These recommendations present a rather clear picture of what Newman and Kenworthy would consider a sustainable neighborhood, and what kinds of travel patterns they expect to emanate from it. Automobile Dependency

Page 30

Case study Kerman, Iran Kerman is the capital city of Kerman province, which is located at the south east of Iran. According to the latest census data, the population of the city is 562133 people (Population estimation of 2010, 2010). The area of the city is 139.97 km² therefore the population density is 4016.09 inh/km² which is a little more than Stockholm`s density5. Kerman was founded in the 3rd century AD and it has had a colorful past during these years. It used to have a wall all around it with six entrance gates. Each gate was surrounded by a couple of brick towers. There were other towers along this wall (every 300 to 500 meters) but they were made out of clay. This wall which was ten kilometers long was accompanied by an eight meters deep moat. But even these fortifications were not enough to keep the enemy away. Many kings have ruled over the city and it has seen bloodshed carried out by Arabs, Mongols and Turkmans.

Figure 11: Gabri Gate

Image courtesy of Saeed Ta`ali (http://innocent.mihanblog.com/)

5

As of December 31 2005, the population in the Stockholm urban area was 1,252,020 inhabitants, the 2 land area 377.30 km (145.68 sq mi), and the population density 3,318.36 inh/km²


Page 31

“In 1793 Lotf Ali Khan defeated the Qajars and in 1794 captured Kerman. But soon, he was besieged in Kerman for six months by Agha Mohammad Khan. When the city fell to Agha Mohammad Khan, angered by the popular support that Lotf Ali Khan had received, all the male inhabitants were killed or blinded, and a pile was made out of 20,000 detached eyeballs and poured in front of the victorious Agha Muhammad Khan. The women and children were sold into slavery, and the city was destroyed over ninety days.” (Pirnia & Eghbal Ashtiani, 2003) The present city of Kerman was rebuilt in the 19th century to the northwest of the old city, but the city did not recover to its former size until the 20th century. Kerman expanded rapidly during Safavid dynasty in 16th century. Safavid appreciation of arts led to a boom in construction of public spaces in Kerman. Bazaar of Kerman, which is the longest Bazaar in Iran (Bazaar -e- Kerman) was constructed in this period and every king would add another piece to this magnificent structure. Bazaar acted as the city`s backbone. Public baths, schools, caravanserais and other public buildings were situated close to bazaar. After the destruction of the city, new development started outside of walls. The old town followed a linear format imposed by the bazaar, but the new construction did not have any special structure. This outgrowth is limited towards east, as it is blocked by mountains, and most of the construction takes place towards west, along the main road to Tehran, the capital of the country. This linear sprawl is quite clear in aerial photos. Nowadays, the old city is totally run down. The buildings around bazaar, which were residential landmarks, are now only home to illegal immigrants or storage facilities for merchants based in bazaar. Many of these buildings are historically valuable but left alone. In the old town, the plots next to the main streets are occupied by commercial buildings and deep inside the blocks is totally deserted.


Page 32

Figure 12: Ruins in the heart of city

Public Transportation System The public transportation system in Kerman consists of a bus system, along with private and public taxis. Bus system: Intra-city Bus Company which belongs to the municipality

owns 245 diesel busses. According to the data provided by the company, these busses run along 83 routes and most of them connect the city to nearby villages. The bus line which goes through the main street has the most ridership, as this street is one-way and closed to traffic other than busses. The price of bus tickets is relatively low but this system has many down sides too. Firstly, they do not run on a regular basis. There is no schedule for the busses and passengers should wait in stations for unknown times. During the peak hours6 there are long queues and the busses are over filled. The busses run only through the main streets and a large part of the city, both in the old and the new part is not covered by this system. Public Taxi: The taxi system in Kerman is different in comparison to the

western countries. Public taxis, have certain routes, with a number of stations along the way. Taxis wait in the station until they have enough passengers which is usually four persons per car. Passengers share the taxi, and they can ask the driver 6

Peak hour for the bus system is between 7 to 8 in the morning and 13 to 14, when students travel between home and schools.


Page 33

to stop anywhere they want in the certain route to get off. And if someone wants to get on a taxi in a place other than a station, he needs to wait until a taxi will come along which is not full. In the recent years, government has initiated a project to convert all the taxis into LNG based cars, but since there is only one LNG fuel station in the town and most of the times there is a long queue, drivers prefer to use gasoline.

City

Today, there are 4394 taxis active in the city. The average working time of a taxi is eight hours a day and according to the taxi organization, each cab transports 120 passengers in each working day. City area (Hectare)

13997

City population

578741

Private taxi

Bus

Taxi

2

Population density (People/Km )

41.35

Number of taxies

4394

Average number of passengers (Per day per taxi)

120

Average work time (Hours per day)

8

Cost (Rls/Km)

500

Cost porportion of GDP per capita (%)

0.00196

Number of intracity busses

245

Number of bus routes

83 Cost (Rls/Route)

500


0.00196

Number of Private Taxies

287

Average number of handled passenger by privte taxi (Per trip)

2.5

Average distance per trip (Km)

3.5

Cost (Rls/Km)

3000


0.01171

Table 2: Kerman Transit System


Page 34

Private Taxi: This system runs on a basis which is more similar to the

western countries. There are several agencies in the city, which manage these private taxis. One can summon a taxi by calling the agency. In 2009, there were 287 private taxis in Kerman. This method of transportation is the most comfortable, reliable and expensive one. On average, each car transports 2.5 passengers per trip and an average trip is about 3.5 kilometers. However, in peak hours, passengers should wait for unknown durations for their cab.

Figure 13: Taxis blocking the main round about at peak hour

Measuring Automobile Dependency in Kerman As discussed before, to identify automobile dependency in a city, several data is required, which in this case, were gathered from national census results, reports of the ministry of roads and transportation and personal observations. Vehicle ownership: This criteria is on the top of the list in determining a city`s car dependency. In this case there are 63 cars per 1000 citizens which is relatively low in comparison to western countries. But this does not mean that the city is not car dependent as alternative means of transport should be considered too. Automobile Dependency

Page 35

Vehicle travel and trips: the city infrastructure is not suitable for cycling. Cyclers may ride on the sidewalks or in the main streets along with other cars which is highly dangerous, therefore bicycles are not used in the daily life as a transportation alternative. On the other hand, the Islamic law bans women from riding bicycles in public. In terms of walkability -except the old part of the city which used to be surprisingly walkable in old times- pedestrians find it hard to pass through narrow sidewalks which are invaded every now and then by a cyclist or even a motorcyclist. There are some other factors too that reduce the attractiveness of walking. In general more than 87% of trips are done by vehicle travel, both personal cars and public transport (National Census on Transportation). Quality of transportation alternatives: As mentioned before, the citizens have very limited choice in transportation alternatives as the city is not pedestrian or cyclist friendly and the public transportation system is indeed very inferior and still based on automobiles. Relative mobility of non-drivers: Non-drivers are severely disadvantaged in this city as most parts are not reachable by any means except driving. Market distortions favoring automobile use: There is a significant bias in planning, funding and policies favoring automobile travel. As mentioned earlier, the city is growing outwards very fast and this sprawl has not been managed. Yet the municipality has taken policies in planning which favor car use. For instance, new construction in most parts of the inner city –even the parts where height does not harm the historic value of traditional buildings in the old part- cannot be higher than three stories. Therefore, the private developers prefer to perform their projects on the western peripheries where the height limitation is eight stories and the land value is rising every day.


Page 36

Conclusion: with regards to all that discussed before, Kerman is identified as a highly Automobile Dependent city. In the next section, I will try to measures taken by the government and propose an idea to lower car dependence in Kerman`s context, by altering the built environment.

Discussion In 2007 the Iranian government introduced a monthly fuel quota based on a smart card system. They announced that the purpose of this project is “to lower fuel consumption and create the cultural basis for a green infrastructure” (Alef, 2007). In the first stage, every car could use 120 liters of subsidized fuel and after a few months, unsubsidized gasoline was provided in gas stations five times more expensive and without any limitations. This quota was changed many times and in 2009 a limitation was set to the unsubsidized gasoline as well. Today, each private car can use 60 liters of subsidized fuel along with 500 liters of unsubsidized. There is no official report of the outcomes of this project but based on personal observations, it has not had a significant effect on car use and fuel consumption but for sure it has many negative consequences. The main reason is that the government did not provide any transit alternatives so the citizens had no choice but to buy fuel in the black market. Especially in bedroom towns around Tehran where rent is much cheaper than the main city and citizens cannot afford to move to the central city therefore they have to buy unsubsidized fuel or even black market. Even if they do not want to use their car, they have to take private taxis that have increased their fees due to this quota system. Before the introduction of automobiles, Iranian cities used to thrive on human and animal powers. . The main structure of these cities was their Bazaars. A bazaar is a permanent retail area, marketplace, or street of shops where goods and services are exchanged or sold. “Iranian bazaar is a unified, selfcontained building complex of shops, passageway, and caravanserais, interspersed Automobile Dependency

Page 37

with square (Meydan), religious buildings, bathhouses (Hammam), and other public institution” (Bonine, 1990, s. 21). Friday mosque which is used to be the main religious and political center of the city is often next to or a part of the bazaar. Furthermore bazaar is the place to celebrate or refusing to celebrate important political events and the main urban space to organize important ritual ceremonies. For instance, during Ashura which is the most important social and religious even for Iranian urban society, even function of large number of commercial spaces is temporarily changed for this ritual ceremony. (Masoudi Nejad, 2005, s. 188)

Figure 14: Aerial photo of Bazaar of Kerman

According to their role as the center of social, cultural, political and religious activities, bazaars have been compared to piazzas of Middle Ages European cities and Hiroba in Japanese cities. The bazaar is the center of the spatial system of Iranian cities. It is usually formed in a linear form and public and socio-cultural spaces are organized through this linear form (Figure 15). Karimi’s spatial analyses (Karimi, The Spatial Logic of Organic Cities, 1997) of six Iranian cities by axial modeling are a clear proof for this point. His studies show that the most integrated part of spatial structure is located in bazaar, which proves the bazaar to be the core of spatial structure of cities and therefore the destination of all main routes. Automobile Dependency

Page 38

Figure 15: Bazaar of Isfahan

Image courtesy of Masoudi Nejad (2005)

In Kerman, which is the case study of this thesis, bazaar is the most integrated part of urban structure both in local and global scales (Karimi, 1998). In this town, the bazaar, which is clearly exhibited in a linear structure, is expanded from west to east and the main rout connects this core to the rest of the system (Figure 16).

Figure 16: The Global Integration (Rn) map of Kerman

Image courtesy of Karimi (1997)

Reza Masoudi Nejad has done an extensive analysis on spatial configuration of bazaars. He argues that the Iranian cities before the Modernization can be categorized in two types based on the idea of bazaar. The first city type consists of cities with non-merchant economy. In this city type, bazaar is a purely retail cluster Automobile Dependency

Page 39

and it does not include other socio-cultural spaces, like the bazaar of Dizfoul and Shushtar. He calls this type “Commercial bazaars”. Using Space Syntax through the axial analysis he shows that “Commercial bazaars” not only were not the most integrated part of the city structure but also were not the centre of social activities. The second city type includes cities with bazaar-based economy. Bazaar in this type of cities is the centre of the social and economical activities of cities. Therefore it is called “Socio-commercial bazaar”. Kerman, due to its closeness to the Central Kavir (the central desert) could not have an economy based on agriculture. Moreover, the Spice Road, which connected Europe to India, passed through the city (Figure 17). Therefore the economical structure of the city was based on the bazaar. In conclusion, the spatial role of bazaar in Kerman’s structure, has taken effect from economical and social role of the bazaar (Masoudi Nejad, 2005).

Figure 17: The main traditional commercial roads

Image courtesy of Habibi (1997)

Bazaar used to be the walkable infrastructure of Kerman, but now it is just a cultural heritage showcase, with limited commercial activity. I believe that it has


Page 40

the potential of regaining that characteristic once again. Based on the Future City idea by Peter Newman, the following interventions are proposed for the city: Revitalization of the inner city: urban renewal and rehabilitation of the old parts of Kerman, especially close to bazaar, will revitalize this infrastructure therefore automobile dependence will decrease at least in the inner parts. Community groups are very weak in Kerman, thus there should be an extensive project initiated by the government to boost the amenities in the residential areas Limitation of urban sprawl: restriction of the westward growth of Kerman requires the combined tools of creating a growth boundary and setting incentives for new developments in the old part, to help legal and market mechanisms of urbanization go hand in hand. Improving Public Transit System: This is one of the most important necessities for a sustainable Kerman. In the current situation public transportation is still based on gasoline-engine vehicles. I believe the taxi system should be replaced with an extensive tram system, complemented by electric busses, but this seems to be far out of reach as there is a significant shortage in electricity production throughout the whole country. Traffic calming to improve residential, commercial and cultural facilities especially in areas of high activity density, and to enhance the conditions for walking and cycling, motor vehicles speed should be reduced Urban villages should be the main model of new developments as highdensity, mixed use centers that focus proximity advantages and are connected by advanced public transit


Page 41

Four scenarios In their latest book, Newman, Beatley and Boyer (2009) point out four scenarios which are possible to happen in case of peak oil. The first one is gated communities, where elite citizens will develop self supportive urban villages within the cities. These communities will be highly fortified against other citizens who are living in poor conditions outside the walls. I believe this will not be the case in Kerman, as gated communities do not exist in general in the Iranian context and since all the cities report to the same authority (the central government) it is highly doubtable that a gated city will become a refuge for wealthy people. The second possible situation is the return to the rural system, where the cities will become large villages based on agriculture. As our current technology in agriculture is based on petroleum, when the peak oil is reached, agriculture cannot strive as we imagine, therefore cities will not be able to sustain themselves, especially Kerman, which is a desert city and with its harsh climate, is not a good place for farming. The third scenario is the collapse of civilization and the forth, the resilient city. I believe if enough policy changes are not implemented in Kerman, citizens will choose to move to other cities in the country which have a higher relative quality of life. These destination cities may be the small walkable cities where traditional agriculture is the basis of urban economies.


Page 42

References 2010 Indian Ocean Earthquake. (n.d.). Retrieved January 12, 2010, from Wikipedia: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2004_Indian_Ocean_earthquake Administration, E. I. (2009, May). U.S. Carbon Dioxide Emissions from Energy Sources. Retrieved March 18, 2010, from U.S. Department of Energy: http://www.eia.doe.gov/oiaf/1605/flash/pdf/flash.pdf Alef. (2007, June 27). Darbareye Sahmiye Bandi Benzin (On Fuel Quota). Retrieved May 29, 2010, from Alef: http://alef.ir/content/view/11339/ Automobile Dependency. (2010, February 8). Retrieved April 20, 2010, from Online TDM Encyclopedia: http://www.vtpi.org/tdm/tdm100.htm Baum. (2009). Building Resilience Interventions. Bazaar -e- Kerman. (n.d.). Retrieved October 7, 2009, from Wikipedia: http://fa.wikipedia.org/wiki/%D8%A8%D8%A7%D8%B2%D8%A7%D8%B1_%DA%A9%D8%B1 %D9%85%D8%A7%D9%86 BBC NEWS. (2009, April 21). Retrieved April 3, 2010, from BBC: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/science/nature/8009412.stm Beinborn, E. (1979). Transportation and public facilities planning. In A. J. Catanese, & J. S. Snyder, Introduction to Urban Planning (pp. 259-279). New York: McGraw Hill. Bonanno, G. A. (2004). Loss, Trauma, and Human Resilience: Have We Underestimated the Human Capacity to Thrive After Extremely Aversive Events?. Bonine, M. E. (1990). Encyclopedia Iranica (Vol. 4). London & New York: Routledge & Kegan Paul. Campanella, T. (2006). Urban Resilience and the Recovery of New Orleans. Journal of American Planning Association , 141. Cervero, R. (2006, November). Public Transport and Sustainable Urbanism: Global Lessons. Retrieved March 17, 2010, from University of California Transportation Center: http://www.uctc.net/papers/806.pdf Cervero, R. (2003). The Built Environment and travel: Evidence from the United States. European Journal of Transport Infrastructure , 119-137. Crane, R. (1996). Cars and drivers in the new suburbs - linking access to travel in neotraditional planning. Journal of the American Planning Association (62), 51-65. Automobile Dependency

Page 43

Crawford, J. H. (2009). Carfree Places. Retrieved April 15, 2010, from Carfree: http://www.carfree.com/carfree_places_old.html Danermark, B., Ekstrom, M., Jacobsen, L., & Karlsson, J. C. (2001). Explaining Society: Critical Realism in the Social Sciences. London/New York: Routledge. Davis, A., Valsecchi, C., & Fergusson, M. (2007, August 13). Unfit for purpose: how car use fuels climate change and obesity. Retrieved April 26, 2010, from the Institute for European Environmental Policy: http://www.ieep.eu/publications/pdfs/2007/IEEP%20%20Unfit%20for%20purpose_transport%20climate%20chage%20and%20obesity.pdf Engdahl, W. (n.d.). Iraq and the Problem of Peak Oil. Retrieved February 25, 2010, from Centre for Research on Globalisation: http://www.globalresearch.ca/articles/ENG408A.html Financial data. (n.d.). Retrieved March 14, 2010, from Munich Re: http://www.munichre.com/en/homepage/default.aspx Frost, L. (1991). The New Urban Frontier: Urbanisation and City Building in Australasia and the American West. Kensington (NSW), Australia. Global Market Information Database. (2007). Retrieved January 29, 2010, from Euromonitor International: http://www.euromonitor.com/ Gwyn, R. (2004, January 28). Demand for Oil Outstripping Supply . Toronto Star . Hadenius, S., Nilsson, T., & Åselius, G. (1999). Vällingby - Folkhemmets mönsterförort. Stockholm: Norstedt & Söner AB. Holtzclaw, J. W. (2000). Smart Growth – As Seen From The Air: Convenient Neighborhood, Skip The Car. Retrieved March 19, 2010, from Sierra Club Stop Sprawl website: http://www.sierraclub.org/sprawl/transportation Jones, P. (1978). Destination choice and travel attributes. In D. Hensher, & Q. Dalvi, Determinants of travel choice (pp. 266-311). England: Saxon House. Jones, P. (1990). Development in Dynamic and Activity-Based Approaches to Travel Analysis. Aldershot: Gower. Karimi, K. (1998). Continuity and change in old cities: an analytical investigation of the spatial structure in Iranian and English historic cities before and after modernization. London: University of London. Karimi, K. (1997). The Spatial Logic of Organic Cities. Space Syntax - First International Symposium Proceedings, 1, pp. 06.1-06.17. London. Automobile Dependency

Page 44

Kenworthy, J., & Laube, F. (1999). An International Sourcebook of Automobile Dependence in Cities: 1960-1990. Boulder: University of Colorado Press. Livh, A. M., & Holm, J. (2008, June 16). Dags för bilfri innerstad! Retrieved April 17, 2010, from ETC: http://www.etc.se/artikel/17718/dags-foer-bilfri-innerstad Lloyd, P. E., & Dicken, P. (1977). Location in Space - A Theoretica Approach to Economic Geography. London: Harper and Row. Masoudi Nejad, R. (2005). Social Bazaar and Commercial Bazaar: Comparative Study of Spatial Role of Iranian Bazaar in the Historical Cities in Different Socio-economical Context. 5th International Space Syntax Symposium, (pp. 187-2000). Delft: TU Delft. Montoya Morales, A. L. (2002). Urban Disaster Management: A Case Study of Earthquake Risk Assessment in Cartago, Costa Rica. Den Haag: CIP-Data Koninklijke Bibliotheek,. Naess, P. (2006). Urban Structure Matters. London: Routledge. National Census on Transportation. (n.d.). Retrieved May 14, 2010, from Statistics Department of the Government of Kerman: http://dbo.amar-kr.ir/ Newman, P. W., & Kenworthy, J. R. (1989). Cities and Automobile Dependence. Aldershot: Gower Publications. Newman, P., & Kenworthy, J. R. (1999). Sustainability and Cities: overcoming automobile dependence. Washington DC: Island Press. Newman, P., Beatley, T., & Boyer, H. (2009). Resilient Cities: Responding to Peak Oil and Climate Change. Washington: Island Press. Peak Oil. (n.d.). Retrieved December 19, 2009, from Wikipedia: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peak_oil Pirnia, H., & Eghbal Ashtiani, A. (2003). History of Persia (Tarikh-i Iran). Tehran. Poland, C. (n.d.). The Resilient City. Retrieved March 10, 2010, from SPUR: http://www.spur.org/publications/library/report_series/theresilientcity Population estimation of 2010. (2010, January 18). Retrieved May 22, 2010, from Statistics office of Kerman: http://www.amar-kr.ir/showarticle.php?articleid=3 Prasad, N., Ranghieri, F., Shah, F., Trohanis, Z., Kessler, E., & Sinha, R. (2009). Climate Resilient Cities. Washington: The World Bank.


Page 45

Resilience. (n.d.). Retrieved February 13, 2010, from Wikipedia: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Resilience Sandblom, E. (2008, September 15). Carfree Stockholm. Retrieved April 17, 2010, from Carfree Times: http://www.carfree.com/cft/i051.html Scheurer, J. (2001, April). Urban Ecology, Innovations in Housing Policy and the Future of Cities: Towards Sustainability in Neighbourhood Communities. Retrieved March 26, 2010, from ISTP Publications: http://www.istp.murdoch.edu.au/ISTP/publications/jscheurer/urbanecology/index.html Stories tagged with "Export Land Model". (n.d.). Retrieved March 3, 2010, from The Oil Drum: http://www.theoildrum.com/tag/export_land_model Talukadar, D. (1999). Economic Growth and Automobile Dependence. In R. Gakenheimer, Urban Mobility in the Developing World (Vol. 33, p. 680). TRANSPLUS. (2003, December). Achieving Sustainable Transport and Land Use with Integrated Policies. Retrieved April 26, 2010, from Transplus: http://www.transplus.net/TrDoc/T_inglese.pdf Turcotte, M. (2008). Dependence on cars in urban neighborhoods. Retrieved April 4, 2010, from Statistics Canada: http://www.statcan.gc.ca/pub/11-008-x/2008001/article/10503eng.htm Urry, J. (2000). Sociology Beyond Societies. Mobilities for the Twenty-first Century. London: Routledge. Vale, L., & Campanella, T. (2005). The Resilient City: How Modern Cities Recover From Disaster. New York: Oxford University Press. Vilhelmson, B. (1999). Daily mobility and the use of time for different activities: The case of Sweden. GeoJournal (48), 177-185. Walker, B., & Salt, D. (2006). Resilient Thinking: Sustaining Ecosystems and People in a Changing World. Washington: Island Press. Wallington, T., Hobbes, R., & Moore, S. (2005). Implications of Current Ecological Thinking for Biodiversity Conservation: a Review of the Salient Issues. Ecology and Society , 10 (1), p. 15.


Page 46

Appendix A: Urban Structures and Travel Behavior Selected paragraphs of Naess (Urban Structure Matters, 2006): According to theories of transport geography and transport economics, the travel between different destinations is influenced on the one hand by the reasons people may have for going to a particular place, and on the other hand by the discomfort involved when travelling to this location (Beinborn, 1979) (Jones, 1978), Or, in other words, by the attractiveness of the locations and the friction of distance, respectively. The concept of friction of distance refers to the impediment which occurs because places, objects or people are spatially separate: movement involves a cost (Lloyd & Dicken, 1977). By creating proximity or distance between activities, and by facilitating different modes of travelling, the urban structure makes up a set of incentives facilitating some kinds of travel behavior and discouraging other types of travel behavior (Naess, 2006). Still, people travel, not buildings or geographical distribution of urban facilities. The causes of travel behavior of course also include individual characteristics of the travelers, such as age, gender, income, professional status, as well as their values, norms, lifestyles and acquaintances. The emerging travel habits are a result of people`s resources, needs and wishes modified by the constraints and opportunities given by the structural conditions of society. (See Figure 18) Among the structural conditions the spatial and physical urban structures of course make up only a few out of several categories, but for urban planning these very structures are of particular interest. Any study of the effects of urban structure on travel behavior assumes – at least implicitly – that structural conditions have a potential to influence human actions. Ontologically and epistemologically, the study of urban design and car dependency is based in particular on the philosophy of science position called Critical Realism (Naess, 2006). Critical realism, as outlined by Archer (2000), offers a platform within philosophy of science which, more than many other such platforms, appears to be relevant for research into the ways in which structural conditions (including land use, patterns of development and transport infrastructure) influence human actions (including travel behavior). According to critical realism, the world exists independently of our knowledge of it, and this Automobile Dependency

Page 47

knowledge is both fallible and theory-laden. On the one hand, critical realism conceives social phenomena such as actions, texts and institutions as conceptdependent. On the other hand, these by and large exist regardless of researcher`s interpretations of them. Moreover, critical realism distinguishes between three different domains of reality: the empirical (consisting of what we experience directly or indirectly), the actual (where events occur whether or not we experience them) and the real (including both experiences, events and the causal powers producing the events) (Danermark, Ekstrom, Jacobsen, & Karlsson, 2001).

Geographical distribution And design of buildings Macro-level social factors, e.g.: • Level of affluence • Prevailing values • Social classes

Mutual location of functions within the building stock Transportation system: • • •

Road capacity Public transport Parking condition

Transportation behavior: Actors’ resources, needs, wishes

• •

Amount of transport Modal split

Figure 18: Transportation Behavior as a Function of Land Use Characteristics

Image courtesy of Petter Naess (Urban Structure Matters, 2006)

Distinct from the diverse positions on the relations of structures and agents, in this kind of studies it is usually assumed that both structures and agents have particular properties and causal powers. Apart from our natural environment, the structures surrounding us are in various ways “socially constructed”. The “constructs” may be physical artifacts like buildings or roads, or more immaterial structures like property relations, economic conditions or prevailing belief systems Automobile Dependency

Page 48

and cultural traditions. Once created, the various types of structures hold emergent powers and properties different from and beyond the aggregate sum of agential powers by which they were created. Not the least, it appears as highly reasonable to assume that material structures exert influence on human actions. These structures (e.g. roads, buildings, the natural topography) often have high permanence, for example, the street network of inner Stockholm is still characterized by the street pattern established several hundred years ago.

Naess used this influence to define the role of urban planning as follows: “… The structures are being reproduced, modified and changed by human actions. Such changes most often occur gradually and slowly, but sometimes more dramatically and fast. The purpose of urban planning is precisely to influence these transformation processes in a way that is more favorable for society” (Naess, 2006) Both in daily life and in science the term “cause” is used in very different senses, for example about a necessary condition and as a sufficient condition. Immediately, it seems clear that urban structural conditions cannot be attributed the status as a sufficient condition for a certain travel behavior. Obviously, a number of other circumstances will play a part, among others, the wishes and preferences of the traveler, the state of his/her health, obligations of being present at specific places, and access to means of transport. It appears more reasonable to attribute urban structural conditions, such as the location of the residence, the status of contributory causes of travel behavior, that is as one among several causes included in a causal relationship, but without the ability to produce the effect alone. In urban planning terminology the term facility refers to the activity possibilities or services, which the inhabitants and visitors of a city use and visit, for example stores, workplaces, public office, cinemas and parks. Destinations are typically the facilities we visit in order to carry out our activities, for example workplace, shop, kindergarten or restaurant.


Page 49

The so-called activity based approach (Jones, 1990) offers a useful conceptual framework for this study. According to this approach, nearly all travel activity is derived from the need or wish to carry out other stationary activities. Everyday life is considered as a sequence of activities conducted by individuals at different places during the 24 hours of day and night. Activities are carried out in order to fulfill physiological needs (eating, sleeping), institutional needs (work, education), personal obligations (childcare, shopping) and personal preferences (leisure activities) (Vilhelmson, 1999, p. 178). During recent years, this view has been challenged by theorists who regard travel in contemporary, late modern society to be increasingly a purpose in itself, rather than an instrument to move from one place to another (Urry, 2000). This may be true to some extent about holiday and leisure trips, but the activity-based approach is, in Naess`s opinion, still fruitful in order to understand and analyze daily-life travel behavior (Naess, 2006, p. 16). Based on Vilhelmson (1999, p. 181) trips can be classified into four categories, depending on how fixed or flexible they are in time and space. “Bounded trips” are trips in order to reach activities where both the time and geographical location are fixed and cannot freely be deviated from. Typical examples are journeys to work or school, and trips in order to bring or pick up children at kindergarten or school. “Non-bounded” trips are trips where the time of the activity is flexible and the location may vary. Many leisure activities belong to this category, for example visiting friends, jogging and outings. An intermediary group includes trips where the time of the activity is fixed but the location may vary, and trips where the location is fixed but the time may vary. An example of the former is the journeys to work of people working at different places (e.g. service mechanics), while visits to one`s parents may be an example of the latter. The “semi-bounded” trips also include a number of purposes where the destination may vary and the trip frequency is not fixed in any rigid way, but where the trips with purpose in question must still be made relatively regularly. A typical example is grocery shopping.


Page 50

According to (Vilhelmson, 1999, p. 181) 59 per cent of the trips carried out by the Swedish population aged 20-64 years on weekdays in 1990-1991 could be classified as “bounded” trips where the spatial as well as the temporal location of the activities were fixed as routines. At the weekends only 29 per cent belonged to this category. A for the week all together the “bounded” trips made up 52 per cent. Urban structures could be expected to influence travel behavior in a stronger and more direct way for “bounded” than for “non-bounded” trips, since some of the destinations of the latter trips, for example recreational forests, or relatives living in other parts of the country, are located outside the urban area. The length of these trips will to a small extent be influenced by the location of the residence relative to the urban facilities. In contrast, the “bounded” trips are to a much higher extent directed towards destinations reflecting the spatial distribution of facilities within the urban area. For some facility types, we almost always choose the closest facility; because the various facilities are more or less equal (e.g. post offices) or have regulated catchment areas (e.g. social security offices). But for other facilities, quality differences or symbolic differences within each facility category may make people travel beyond the closest facility to a more attractive one. In this case, a number of features other than proximity are also important when choosing destination. Moreover, even for the group of facilities where quality differences or symbolic differences are insignificant, the distance from the dwelling is not necessarily the most important criterion influencing people`s choices among facilities. Because of the possibility of linking different trip purposes, a facility located close to a destination already visited may be preferred. The scope of “free” activities far away from home is thus limited, in particular for those who do not have a private motor vehicle at their disposal. This limitation implies that the “bounded trips” could be expected to account for a relatively high proportion of the amount of travel on weekdays among workforce participants and pupils. The distance travelled on weekdays will then be quite closely related to the distances from the dwelling to the destinations of the fixed Automobile Dependency

Page 51

activities, in particular workplace or place of education. On the other hand, among car owners, the time possibly saved when living close to these destinations could be utilized by making more “non-bounded” trips, thus outweighing some of the travel-reducing effects of proximity. Although the location of the residence influences the distances to different types of facilities, and the spatial location of most of these facilities suggests that average travel distances will be shortest among inner-city residents, this pattern might be counteracted by certain compensatory mechanisms. For example, high accessibility may create increase demands. A high accessibility may be utilized by opting between a wider range of jobs, shops and leisure activities, rather than reducing the amount of transport. According to Crane, since the distances to a number of leisure facilities are shorter from dwellings in the inner city, residents of the central districts could be expected to use such facilities more frequently than their outer-area counterparts (Crane, 1996). However, Naess believes that this increased trip frequency could hardly be expected to balance the difference in trip distances to these facilities. In America, research into land use and transport relationships during recent years has in particular been directed towards the influence of local-scale urban structural conditions on travel behavior, comparing traditional suburban residential areas with areas developed according to the so-called “New Urbanism” or “Transit Oriented Development” principles (Cervero, The Built Environment and travel: Evidence from the United States, 2003). However, the location of the residential areas in relation to the central structure of the urban region does not seem to be given much attention in these studies.


Page 52

Appendix B: Stockholm and car use One year after the introduction of congestion charge to Stockholm, the local Left party suggested putting carfree zones in central Stockholm. They started with Gamla Stan (The medieval city) and exempted taxis, the disabled, ambulances, fire trucks, and certain deliveries. In Sweden, 500 people die each year from the unhealthy outdoor air. A carfree inner city would make the city prettier, with a rich street life where children can play on the streets without traffic noise ringing in their ears (Livh & Holm, 2008). As models, they mention Freiburg, Ghent, Zermatt, Copenhagen, Groningen, Strasbourg, Curitiba, and Venice. Carfree areas have resulted in higher sales from merchants, not lower (Sandblom, 2008). In the article published on ETC, the authors point out that so-called green cars do not solve the issues of pollution, congestion, noise, and accidents, nor do they solve problems with manufacturing of alternative fuels. “The boom of green cars has reduced average car emissions per kilometer, but total emissions are rising since we continue to drive more and more.” (Livh & Holm, 2008) They conclude that it's time to reclaim the streets, for the sake of a pleasant life and acting responsibly in the face of climate change. According to Crawford, currently the old city (Gamla Stan) is carfree during the day, except AM deliveries, taxis and handicaps but since there is no supervision and no control, in reality the medieval city is not essentially car free (Carfree Places, 2009). More information on the Swedish energy production and consumption can be found at Earth Trends: The Environmental Information Portal: http://earthtrends.wri.org/text/energy-resources/country-profile-173.html


Page 53

“There is no better example of the efficiency and sustainability gains that come from balanced growth than Stockholm, Sweden. The last half-century of strategic regional planning has given rise to a regional settlement and commutation pattern that has substantially lowered car-dependency in middle-income suburbs. Stockholm planners have created jobs-housing balance along rail-served axial corridors. This in turn has produced directional-flow balances. During peak hours, 55 percent of commuters are typically traveling in one direction on trains and 45 percent are heading in the other direction. Stockholm's transit modal share is nearly twice that found in bigger rail-served European cities like Berlin and even higher than inner London's market share. Perhaps most impressive, Stockholm is one of the few places where automobility appears to be receding.” (Cervero, 2006, s. 2) Between 1980 and 1990, it was the only city in a sample of 37 global cities that registered a per capita decline in car use -- a drop off of 229 annual kilometers of travel per person (Kenworthy & Laube, 1999).


Page 54

Figure 1: Natural Disasters Summary ____________________________________________ 4 Figure 2: Technological Disaster Summary ________________________________________ 5 Figure 3: Economical Losses Due to Natural Disasters 1950-2000 ______________________ 6 Figure 4: Traditional Walking City ______________________________________________ 12 Figure 5: Transit City ________________________________________________________ 13 Figure 6: Automobile Dependent City ___________________________________________ 13 Figure 7: Cycles of Automobile Dependency ______________________________________ 16 Figure 8: Annual Traffic Death Rate _____________________________________________ 20 Figure 9: Annual Per Capita Income_____________________________________________ 21 Figure 10: The Future City ____________________________________________________ 30 Figure 11: Gabri Gate ________________________________________________________ 31 Figure 12: Ruins in the heart of city _____________________________________________ 33 Figure 13: Taxis blocking the main round about at peak hour ________________________ 35 Figure 14: Aerial photo of Bazaar of Kerman______________________________________ 38 Figure 15: Bazaar of Isfahan ___________________________________________________ 39 Figure 16: The Global Integration (Rn) map of Kerman______________________________ 39 Figure 17: The main traditional commercial roads _________________________________ 40 Figure 18: Transportation Behavior as a Function of Land Use Characteristics ___________ 48


Page 55

Automobile Dependency

Automobile Dependency

Suggest Documents

Rising Automobile Dependency - SUTP

Reducing Automobile Dependency on Campus - AgEcon Search

Automobile Dependency - Victoria Transport Policy Institute

automobile insurance automobile insurance - North Carolina ...

pdf AUTOMOBILE

Climatisation automobile

TE Automobile

pdf AUTOMOBILE

Automobile Engineering

Automobile Alternator

réparation automobile

pdf AUTOMOBILE

Automobile Boutique

Automobile-dependency as a barrier to vision zero, evidence from the ...

Dependency Grammar and Dependency Parsing - Stp

DEPENDENCY REDIVIVUS:

Dependency Injection

Dependency Parsing

Dependency Categories

A Few Basics About Automobile Claims and Automobile Insurance:

The Second Automobile 5

Le multiplexage automobile

Automobile Engineering - MyKalvi

IOWA AUTOMOBILE DEALERS FOUNDATION