Nov 8, 2006 - In contrast, other body themes such as fears of physical and mental incapacitation become more prevalent with age. .... Body as Body-Builder.
Journal of Adult Development, Vol. 13, No. 2, June 2006 (Ó 2006) DOI: 10.1007/s10804-006-9009-9
Body Themes in Descriptions of Possible Selves: Diverse Perspectives across the Life Span Jane Allin Bybee1,2 and Yvonne V. Wells1
Differences across the lifespan in allusions to the body are the focus of this review of studies examining ideal and nightmare (or feared) self-descriptions. Among adolescents, desires for physical beauty and physical metamorphosis (e.g., maturation into a shapely adult body) are at their zenith. Young people also frequently mention ideals involving body as commodity such as desires to barter physical might or appearance for money as a professional athlete, entertainer, or fashion model. In nightmare self-descriptions, the body is depicted as a siren among the young: fears of falling victim to bodily addictions and carnal cravings crest around young adulthood. In contrast, other body themes such as fears of physical and mental incapacitation become more prevalent with age. Desires for bodily strength and physical health continue in force through middle adulthood. Main effects of sex and ethnicity are also reviewed. KEY WORDS: self-image; possible selves; body image.
review and interpret the rich panoply of body-related themes that we have uncovered using this method over the last decade. We highlight striking differences in body perceptions that emerge across the lifespan (and across sex and ethnic group) when participants are permitted to speak for themselves. The advantages of adopting a spontaneous approach to the study of body perceptions are several. First, themes that might not otherwise have been identified become evident. In our research, we find that young people not only mention desires for physical attractiveness and strength, but also desires to market these attributes for profit by becoming a professional athlete or ingenue. Had we merely provided participants with prepackaged items, we might never have discovered that the body-physical might and physical beauty-were being viewed as valuable commodities by young people who expressed desires to use these bodily attributes for profit and wages. Second, spontaneous approaches enable us to identify what is interesting, important, and hence worth mentioning by different groups. Allusions to the body in possible self-descriptions are startlingly in
INTRODUCTION The vast majority of studies of self-perceptions and, more specifically, body-perceptions, employ traditional, reactive approaches. Participants are presented with questionnaires such as inventories of global or physical appearance self-esteem and are asked to rate themselves on dimensions provided by the researcher. A quite different tactic is taken by researchers employing spontaneous approaches to the study of the self (e.g., Bybee, Glick, & Zigler, 1990). Participants are asked to describe themselves, their hopes and fears, in their own voice. Descriptions are then content coded into ideal self categories such as desires for increased physical attractiveness and nightmare self categories such as wishing to avoid physical signs of aging. In the present article, we 1
Department of Psychology, Suffolk University, 41 Temple Street, Boston, MA 02114-4280, USA 2 Correspondence should be directed to Jane Allin Bybee, Department of Psychology, Suffolk University, 41 Temple Street, Boston, MA 02114-4280, USA; e-mail: jbybee@suffolk.edu
95 1068-0667/06/0600-0095/0 Ó 2006 Springer Science+Business Media, Inc.
96 their diversity. And what is left out is often as intriguing as what is mentioned. When we compare references to the body made by elderly white adults with those made by inner city black youth, for instance, descriptions have little in common. Half of an over 45 white sample spontaneously expresses fears of ill health in their nightmare self. In contrast, virtually none of a young black sample mention this type of physical concern. Fears of bodily addictions are never mentioned among over 45 whites, but voiced spontaneously by over half of our black youngsters. Spontaneous approaches enable us to identify what is on the minds of individuals at different life stages and from diverse backgrounds. Third, spontaneous approaches enable us to identify nuances in language and imagery that suggest variations and growth within categories. Among the young, desires for physical strength are expressed in terms of pumping up and building up. Among adults and particularly over 45s, exercise is described instead as a chore. Examining participantsÕ own words helps to bring body perceptions to life and convey imagery and intent. Three themes surrounding body image emerge in ideal self-descriptions: the self as object of beauty, references to body-building, and body as commodity. Body in metamorphosis appears in the ideal selfdescriptions of the young as desires for greater sexuality and maturity. This same theme appears in the nightmare self-descriptions of adults as fears of visible signs of aging such as wrinkles and physical incapacitation accompanying aging. Themes appearing in the nightmare self-body as siren and body in need of repair-are covered last. BODY AS OBJECT OF BEAUTY The body may be seen as a thing of beauty to be decorated and adored. The human body is a work of art. But not everyoneÕs bodies. Masterpieces depicting the body in art, at least in western civilization, do not typically glorify the bodies of babies or the elderly. Rather they take as their subject youth–young men and women at the peak of their physical and sexual prime: Apollo, Aphrodite, Adonis, David. The ideal of youth as the embodiment of beauty is continued and exaggerated in present day America. The models that grace the covers of popular magazines and walk the fashion show runways are typically young. Is physical beauty the province of youth, the source of hopes and dreams for them alone or are wishes for beauty universal? Research indicates that
Bybee and Wells hopes and fears surrounding physical attractiveness are widespread among children and young adults. During adult development, allusions to the body as object of beauty fade. ‘‘As I see you, so you are,’’ is an ancient French saying dating back to the time of Eleanor of Acquitaine. Young women of today have gotten this message loud and clear. Teens are literally dying to be beautiful as they starve and purge their way to that perfect waif-like figure. Indeed, anorexia and bulimia are among the most fatal forms of the mental illness (over 10% of cases hospitalized for anorexia end in death, see American Psychiatric Association, 1993, 1994). One in four adolescents spontaneously mentions physical appearance as a part of their desired self (Bybee et al., 1990) (All participants are white and middle class unless otherwise noted). One in three college students mentions physical appearance as part of their desired self (Bybee, Luthar, Zigler, & Merisca, 1997). Moreover, one in ten mentions wanting to be more attractive to the opposite sex (Bybee et al., 1997). Among adults, desires for beauty hardly appear at all. Less than 5% in one sample mentioned desires for improved physical appearance and fears of becoming ugly or unattractive were infrequent as well (Bybee & Merisca, 1995; Bybee, Merisca, & Wells, 1999a). Beauty may be the province of youth. Beauty is more central to the female than the male sex role stereotype (Striegel-Moore, Silberstein, & Rodin, 1986). A gender gap appears in ideal selfdescriptions involving beauty. Among school-aged children, roughly twice as many females as males mention desires for enhanced physical appearance (Bybee et al., 1990). If the definition of beauty is expanded to include image, a somewhat different picture emerges. Males mention desires to own image-enhancing sports cars (20%) and be (and hence look) more muscular, fit, and well-built (29.1%) (Bybee et al., 1990). Desires for attractiveness, magnetism, coolness, and cache are expressed as desires for beauty among young females and desires for improved physique or image among young males. Desires for beauty appear to vary with ethnicity. When we turn to the ideal self-descriptions of black, urban young children (Bybee, Wells, & Merisca, 1999b), a startling omission is evident. Less than 5% of the black students mention desires for improved physical appearance. Many of these students mention wanting entertainment and fashion careers, however, jobs in which physical attractiveness is practically a
Body Themes in Descriptions of Possible Selves prerequisite. Perhaps physical beauty is pursued by black children not as an end in itself, but as a means to an end: gainful employment. We develop this idea further in the next section. Alternatively, black children may already consider themselves attractive and hence have no reason to wish for beauty. McGuire and McGuire (1982) note what gets mentioned in self-descriptions often is what is distinctive or different. If individuals already believe themselves to be physically attractive, they may not bother to list it in the ideal self. More favorable and forgiving body images among blacks compared to whites have been reported in past research (Brown et al., 1995). BODY AS BODY-BUILDER Imagine life inside a strong, well-toned frame, lifting, running, and playing in a streamlined, wellmuscled body. Imagine breathing deeply and easily through powerful lungs, striding with an effortless spring, bouncing off the ground, feeling the energy, vigor, and vitality of physical might. At gyms, in spas, on the playing field, individuals systematically and intentionally hone themselves, conditioning, exercising, whipping themselves into shape. The desire for fit and physically conditioned bodies is common. Nearly one in three young males mentions desires for physical and athletic strength as part of their ideal self-image (Bybee et al., 1990). Desires for athletic prowess are less frequent though still commonplace among young females. Moving into adulthood, concerns related to physical abilities are rampant. One in four college students expresses the desire to be physically fit (Bybee et al., 1990). Similarly, nearly one in four adults in an under 30 group aspire to be athletic and fit and even more express fears of becoming out-of-shape (Bybee & Merisca, 1995; Bybee et al., 1999a). Concerns show no sign of dipping with age until individuals reach their fifties and sixties. A gender difference in desires for physical strength is evident among adolescents. Three times as many males as females yearn for improved athletic ability among school-aged children. The gender gap evident among students apparently closes in early and middle adulthood, however, as among these older age groups, females are just as concerned as males with being strong, physically fit, and well-toned (Bybee et al., 1990; Bybee & Merisca, 1995). In a huge departure from all other samples, less than 1% of our black, inner city sample mention desires for improved physical abilities as part of their
97 ideal self (Bybee et al., 1999b). But, interestingly, when careers involving physical abilities are considered, we find that roughly half of all black children aspire to be a professional athlete. More on this is included in the next section: body as commodity. BODY AS COMMODITY Physical power is marketable. A strong, fit body is required for a number of occupations. The too fat, too slight, or too frail will have little chance of passing the physical entrance requirements of the police, fire department, or military to name but a few employers. These occupations require physical strength in order to outman and subdue criminals and save lives from enemy fire, burning buildings, and drowning. Manual laborers also make a living by the sweat of their brow, reaping the fruits of bodily toil. Indeed, the term, ‘‘working class’’ profession, implies occupations that involve physical work. And nowhere is physical prowess more of a job requirement than in professional sports. The body is a commodity that may be leased in exchange for wages. Good looks, too, are salable. From the receptionist at the front desk to the flight attendant of a major airline through the model in television and print advertisements, image is everything. People put a face on the company. And big business is willing to pay for that face. Looks sell in the entertainment industry. Among singers, ballet dancers, movie stars, and stage performers, seemly appearance is practically a job prerequisite. But note that the body provides an ephemeral commodity. Many of the occupations that have formal physical fitness prerequisites (e.g., the military, the police) have early mandatory retirement ages. Professional sports has a notoriously short half life. Over 30 often means over the hill. And in the world of entertainment, that first wrinkle can signal the beginning of the end. Insights into developmental changes during adulthood in perceptions of body as commodity are provided by Peck (1968) in his theory of psychosocial development. At mid-life, Peck describes a developmental shift from valuing physical powers to valuing wisdom. Rather than relying on oneÕs ‘‘hands’’ and physical traits and capabilities, middle-aged individuals must rely increasingly on their ‘‘heads,’’ accumulated wisdom, and improved judgmental powers. Fading desires for improved physical assets with development across the lifespan may reflect a
98 psychosocial shift based in realities of the workplace and the aging process. According to PeckÕs theory, then, we would expect the body to be most frequently viewed as a commodity among the young. And this is precisely what we find. School-aged children often aspire to be professional athletes, entertainers, and fashion mavens (Bybee et al., 1990, 1999b). Among certain pockets of children, these aspirations are common (e.g., nearly half of black children and 20% of young white males would like to be professional athletes [Bybee et al., 1990; 1999b]). Adults virtually never mention ideals involving body as commodity (Bybee & Merisca, 1995; Bybee et al., 1999a). These findings are in a direction consistent with expectations. The drop-off in mentions of body as commodity, however, occurs well before middle age when the body actually becomes less salable. Perhaps because ideals are forward-looking, declines in physical strength are anticipated well before they actually occur and aspirations are modified downward accordingly. We might anticipate socioeconomic class and ethnicity to affect whether or not the body is viewed as a commodity. Physical strength is more important, as a rule, in working class than middle to upper middle class professions. The livelihood of a lawyer, university professor, or politician rests only lightly on physical prowess. Frail and aged octogenarians, for instance, thrive and make ongoing contributions to society on the Supreme Court, in the chambers of the U.S. Senate and among the faculty of leading universities where the mind rather than the body provides the currency of success. In contrast, physical might is needed in blue collar occupations: to move furniture, deliver heavy packages, trim hedges, soldier heavy pipes, and so on. So, too, would we anticipate ethnic group differences in body as commodity. Black multimillionaires illustrate the obvious: The gateway to riches and fame for black Americans often opens into the world of professional sports and entertainment. Not surprisingly, for decades, psychologists have repeatedly reported that black compared to white children are much more likely to mention professional athletics and entertainment as desired occupations (Rosenberg, 1979). It is perhaps no shock, then, that among black, inner city children, fully half express wishes to be a professional athlete in their ideal self-descriptions, 36.8% would like to be an entertainer, and 14.2% want a career in fashion (Bybee et al., 1999b). Comparable percentages for white, middle class children
Bybee and Wells are 12.1%, less than 5%, and less than 5% (Bybee et al., 1990). Image of body as commodity to be bought and sold also takes an unexpected twist in the nightmare self of the black, inner city children: 17.9% fear that they will sell their bodies on the streets (or enable someone else to) by engaging in prostitution or pimping (Bybee et al., 1999b). BODY IN METAMORPHOSIS Over the course of a lifetime, the body grows, elongates, strengthens, blossoms, becomes shapely, fattens, shrivels, wrinkles, and stoops. The body undergoes a drama of development: children may shoot up six inches in a year, girls may sprout breasts, malesÕ voices may crack and deepen. In early adulthood, the bodies of men and women alike reach their prime. The gangliness and awkwardness of adolescence eases, bodies fill out, and acne disappears. Then ever so slowly, the march toward middle-age begins. Those faint lines on the face turn into wrinkles, the hair loses its luster as streaks of grey spread, the skin becomes thinner and dark circles under the eyes show through, the hairline may recede perhaps even to baldness, and fat distribution shifts from the extremities to the midsection. Finally, the inexorable final stage approaches. The body may begin to stoop and shrink from osteoporosis and bone loss. Hearing, vision, and even mental acuity may go. The body may become frail and elderly. Three major body metamorphoses occur subsequent to childhood: the changes at puberty that transform the body from child to adult, the transition to middle-age, and the transformation to elderly. Awareness of the first transition is found in ideal selfdescriptions of the young where changes are anticipated with hope. Awareness of the final transitions is found in nightmare self-descriptions of adults where these changes are anticipated with dread. When children look forward into the future and envision possible selves, the body that they see may be radically different than the one that houses them now. Data points are unfixed and uncertain: Will they be tall or not so tall as an adult, will they be built heavily or slightly, will they be attractive or plainlooking? If they are female, will they be busty or flat? If they are male, will they be muscular or more flaccid? Will they mature quickly or be late bloomers? No wonder that fully one in three of the 5th graders examined by Bybee et al. (1990) mention physical appearance in their ideal self-descriptions. Many
Body Themes in Descriptions of Possible Selves want to be taller or more muscular, others dream of being better built or shaped, and one expresses wishes for longer arms and legs. By the 11th grade, the proportion of young people mentioning physical appearance desires as a part of their ideal self-image is sliced down to 13%. By adulthood, desires for improved physical appearance fall off the radar screen: Less than 5% of adults examined mention these types of desires as a part of the ideal self (Bybee & Merisca, 1995). Turning to the nightmare self, however, fears of changes in appearance at middle-age appear in self-descriptions of adults, though at modest levels. Between 5 and 10% of adults mention fears that they will show physical signs of aging such as wrinkles, baldness, and grey hair, a percentage that remains fairly steady across age (Bybee et al., 1990a). Virtually no one mentions fears of bodily change at menopause. What does rise as old age approaches are fears of becoming deaf, blind, demented, and ill. Fears of physical and mental incapacitation are twice as frequent among the over 45, as compared to the under 30, group. Gender differences were not in evidence. Aspects of bodily change that are the most feared and that showed the largest increase with adult development, then, are debilitating changes that can accompany the transition to old and extreme old age rather than the more cosmetic changes that occur during middle age. These debilitating changes are not necessarily a normal part of the metamorphosis in old age and are given attention in a later section, body as machine. BODY AS SIREN The struggle between mind and body has raged since time immemorial. A classic example from world literature is found in HomerÕs account of Odysseus. Previous sailors heeded the sirensÕ seductive songs, turned their ships toward the enchantresses, and in so doing, met death as they shipwrecked upon the rocks. To avoid a similar fate, Odysseus had himself lashed to the masts of his ship to avoid succumbing to temptation and, in so doing, survived. This age-old pull of the flesh and the carnal against volition is voiced in the self-described world of the nightmare self. The body is depicted as a siren luring, calling, tantalizing, and enticing. Young people and adults, wealthy and impoverished alike, voice fears that they will fall prey to vices, addictions, and bodily cravings. They fear that their willpower will not be
99 strong enough to resist. They fear that they will become addicted to drugs, to alcohol, to cigarettes. Yet the body as siren is not a universal theme in nightmare self-descriptions. Allusions vary wildly with age. The siren call of the body appears to reach its zenith among adolescents and becomes less evocative during middle adulthood. A whopping 42.5% of black, inner city youth spontaneously express fears they will abuse or become addicted to drugs (Bybee et al., 1999b). Roughly 10% mention fears of alcohol and cigarette addiction. Like Odysseus, some children had apparently watched as comrades caved into the voice of temptation. Handwritten comments make reference to childrenÕs desires not to follow in the path of drug-addicted brothers or uncles. The siren call of easy money is intoxicating to young people who are vulnerable and living in poverty as well. Roughly one in three black children fear becoming a drug dealer and one in four fears they might become a pimp or prostitute. Fears of addiction may subside with age. Fears of falling prey to substance abuse, for instance, are mentioned by nearly 10% of adults under 30 but only 2.2% of adults over 45 (Bybee et al., 1999a). Perhaps there comes a point at which, if adults have not already succumbed to substance abuse, they no longer fear they will. BODY AS MACHINE IN NEED OF MAINTENANCE OR REPAIR Consider automobile ownership. In the early years, not much attention is needed to keep the car in good running condition, an occasional oil change and a few routine maintenance appointments at preset times. The owner takes it for granted that a new car will be able to make a long road trip without overheating or breaking down. As the car ages, however, at first minor and then more major parts give out and need replacing: tires, the battery, brakes, timing belt. No longer is the driver certain that the car will reach its destination or even start on a cold morning. Finally, the car may become completely broken down. Instead of providing mobility, the broken shell may entrap and ensnare those inside. Young people are generally housed in bodies that are fit and whole. With age, however, bodies, like machines, start to go. Eyesight begins to fail and glasses are prescribed. Hearing goes and hearing aids are required. Physical unsteadiness increases and canes or walkers are needed. So, too, may ill health,
100 chronic pain, and disease set in. Hypertension, diabetes, heart problems, or emphysema may come calling. As humans reach extreme old age, fall victim to debilitating physical illnesses, or suffer aftereffects of strokes and heart attacks, their bodies can confine and ensnare them. Individuals may find themselves shackled and physically immobilized by severe arthritis, congestive heart failure, or other infirmities. They may literally become prisoners trapped in their own bodies, becoming utterly dependent on others for care. Indeed, the language of death in old age reflects a view of the body as shackles (‘‘He was released from his suffering.’’ ‘‘She slipped away.’’ ‘‘His soul escaped.’’). The young may take good health and their physical and mental facilities for granted. Desires for physical health were too infrequent to be reported among white, middle-class adolescents or college students (Bybee et al., 1990; 1997). Moreover, not a single one of our young black sample mentions health at all, in either the ideal or nightmare self-descriptions (Bybee et al., 1999b). Mentions of physical and mental facilities were absent as well. Among over 45s, in contrast, individuals commonly fear that they will suffer debilitating illnesses, lose their senses, figuratively and literally, and ultimately lose control of their own bodies (Bybee et al., 1999a). In his theory of psychosocial development, Peck (1968) sees one of the major tasks of late adulthood as that of body transcendence versus body preoccupation. The elderly may either become preoccupied with and consumed by physical aches, pains, and disabilities or they may transcend these challenges. Among over 40s, health concerns are mentioned as a part of both the ideal and nightmare self by nearly half of the sample (Bybee & Merisca, 1995; Bybee et al., 1999a). Contrast this with only one in four who mentions health in the under 30 comparison group. With age, subtle changes in the language and imagery associated with physical fitness also appear that seem to reflect differences in the way the body is perceived. Among the young, work-outs are described as a way of pumping up, keeping the bodyÕs machinery well-oiled, lubricated, and conditioned. Among adults and particularly over 45s, exercise is described instead almost as a prescription to help ward off osteoporosis and other secondary effects of aging. The body is seen as something to be kept up and maintained rather than built up. Direct references to physical fitness creep downward with age as mentions of physical health creep upward (Bybee & Merisca, 1995; Bybee et al., 1999a).
Bybee and Wells FINAL THOUGHTS Hopes and fears surrounding the body show numerous changes across the life span. Among adolescents, desires for physical beauty and physical metamorphosis (e.g., maturation into a shapely adult body) are at their height. Among the young, the body is seen as a commodity from which they may profit. Physical might and enhanced appearance are desired not only as ends in themselves, but in order to secure careers such as professional athlete, entertainer, or fashion model. The body is also seen as a siren among the young. Fears of falling victim to bodily addictions and carnal cravings crest around young adulthood. In contrast, body themes such as fears of physical and mental incapacitation become increasingly prevalent with age. Desires for bodily strength and physical health continue in force through middle adulthood. Striking differences across sex and ethnicity appear as well. Females are more likely to desire physical beauty and males are more likely to desire physical might. Black children are particularly likely to mention careers in which physical attractiveness or strength is required. They are more likely to fear physical addictions and selling their body through prostitution. Yet because the black sample was drawn from working to unemployed urban families, whereas the white samples were middle class, we cannot attribute differences with certainty to ethnicity. Studies are needed that compare possible selves of black and white individuals of similar socioeconomic classes throughout the lifespan in order to reach more definitive conclusions on influences of ethnicity. Changes in the way the body is perceived at different stages of life have been highlighted so far in the present review. Undoubtedly, such visions are time- and culture-bound. Moreover, changes reviewed for the most part affect normative rather than nonnormative life processes. One obvious cohort effect is that the young participants were living in a time of unparalleled peace in America. No military draft was in effect. Several decades had passed since the last bloody war: Vietnam. Striegel-Moore et al. (1986) discuss perceptions of the body as warrior or soldier. They report body themes involving desires for strength to protect home and hearth or to overcome enemies (or conversely fears of being cowardly or weak), particularly among young males. In our review, such themes did not appear. Perhaps the absence of these themes reflects the relatively peaceful
Body Themes in Descriptions of Possible Selves times after the Vietnam War and before the events of September 11, 2001. Other cultural differences might be revealed were groups representing different religious groups to be sampled. Among members of certain religious groups (such as Mormons, for example), we might expect to see themes depicting body as temple of the soul. The tenets of certain religions teach, for instance, that exercise and fitness are important not as an ends in themselves, but are rather important because the physical body houses the spirit. The pursuit of wholesome activities and good health is seen almost as a moral obligation, a way of providing a worthy corporeal vessel for the ethereal self. We also did not have access to ideal and nightmare selves of individuals facing nonnormative life events such as life-threatening illness. Certainly, popular literature is replete with testimony of those fighting an acute or potentially fatal disease that portrays the body as battlefield. The body is seen as carrying seeds of cancer that must be eradicated, germs that must be burned with fever, or toxins that need to be purged. Individuals see a war over the body with an enemy that must be fought with drugs, therapy, and will. Open-ended, spontaneous approaches such as the one employed in the present study do not impose the experimenterÕs preconceptions on the participant, but allow fresh and unanticipated perspectives to emerge. ParticipantsÕ own voices reveal a rich panoply of body conceptions. Our findings underscore the radically different ways in which the body is seen across the lifespan and by diverse groups. For a more general review of differences in possible selves across the lifespan, see Bybee and Wells (2003).
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