Brazilian frontier settlement - Springer Link

Brazilian Frontier Settlement: The Case of Rond6nia Franklin Goza

Bowling Green State University INTRODUCTION Since 1960 the Brazilian state of Rond6nia, located in the southwestern corner of the Amazonian frontier, has experienced significant social transformations largely due to the area's population growth. Still, resultant changes in the area's social structure, especially those occurring most recently, are not well understood, even by many regional specialists. This paper will examine several aspects of recent social change in the state by focusing on the most important demographic component of its recent growth, migration from other regions of Brazil. As population movement to this frontier state is examined, migrant composition, origin and destination points, and land ownership patterns are also analyzed. This research begins with a review of several theoretical models designed specifically to account for developments related to frontier settlement. Historical developments that contributed to the massive movement to Rond6nia are then reviewed in an attempt to explain how and why it occurred. Next, recent migratory tendencies are examined using data only recently made available. Environmental consequences of this movement are then considered. The paper ends with a discussion of theory relevance and policy recommendations.

THEORETICAL REVIEW Frontier settlement has played an important role in the shaping of many nations as diverse as Indonesia (Oey, 1981), Nepal (Shrestra, 1990), Please addresscorrespondence to Dr. Goza, Dept. of Sociology, Bowling Green State University, Bowling Green, OH, USA 43403. Population and Environment:A Journal of InterdisciplinaryStudies Volume 16, Number 1, September 1994 9 1994 Human SciencesPress,Inc.

37

38

POPULATIONAND ENVIRONMENT

Ethiopia (Chole & Mutat, 1988), Tanzania (Maro, 1988), and Bolivia (Gill, 1987). Although the colonization of remote areas may be common to many countries, frontiers are generally very unique and of such complexity that it is hazardous to attempt generalizations (Katzman, 1977). As a result, most general theories of frontier development are inapplicable to the Amazon case as they tend to emphasize concepts such as inadequate infrastructure, spatial dispersion, labor scarcity, and communication problems (Lisansky, 1990). Martins (1975) has criticized such conceptualizations as deceptively simple and usually cross-culturally inappropriate. Frequently they are irrelevant to the Amazonian, hence Rond6nian, situation because they fail to emphasize the potential for conflicts over the control of land, one of the emerging themes on the Brazilian frontier. The classic studies of Wagley (1964) and Smith (t972) provided early insights into the social structure and settlement patterns of nonindigenous peoples inhabiting the Amazon region. Since the appearance of their research, numerous detailed frontier settlement theories have been elaborated. Several of those most appropriate to the Rond6nian setting are cited below. At a general level, the so called "boom and bust" model is a useful way to examine many of Brazil's past socioeconomic expansions and contractions (see Margolis 1973, chp. 1 for a good discussion of Brazil's economic cycles). The booms have occurred when a large, worldwide demand for a frontier product or natural resource stimulated massive immigration to a region. Eventually the boom cycles gave way to lagging demand and the ensuing busts which provoked emigration from the area. This occurred with rubber in the Amazon, and coffee and sugar in other parts of Brazil (Furtado 1968). Katzman's (1977) attempt to explain frontier development makes an important distinction between two critical growth patterns, market and subsistence expansion. The distinction between these two patterns is largely determined by their degree of participation in international trade. Thus according to this framework Paran~'s experience was a market oriented one, as its coffee production was destined for the international market. On the other hand, with few exceptions, Amazonian development was characterized by subsistence expansion~ since it was too far from any major markets. Thus most producers tended to their own subsistence needs. Still, Katzman suggests that with time, and the development of roads and other infrastructure, that the subsistence frontier will become incorporated into the market economy. Martins' (1975) conceptualization of frontier expansion is similar to Katzman's in that he, too, discusses a subsistence frontier sector that is eventually appropriated by the market sector. According to Martins there

39 FRANKLINGOZA

first exists a "demographic frontier," i.e., an unpopulated area initially occupied by small farmers, petty commodity producers, and artisans. With the passage of time, this area is transformed into an "economic frontier" as capitalist enterprises move into this semipopulated frontier region. At this point Martins' theory integrates aspects of the violence frequently observed in the Amazon outback. Given the vast size of the region and its relatively sparse population, it may be difficult to imagine the violent confrontations that have occurred there. These he explains by stating that the two frontiers must inevitably clash as capitalist enterprises will attempt to appropriate and control the means of production. As a result, conflict ensues and lands become scarce. Foweraker's (1981) model incorporates the notion of the boom and bust cycles, builds on Katzman's work, and also explicitly focuses on the issue of frontier conflict. The essence of his model consists of a three stage heuristic device for viewing the transformation of the frontier. The three transitional stages of his model are: noncapitalist, precapitalist, and capitalist. He carefully explained that these classifications were not to be viewed as discrete or mutually exclusive, as various characteristics will frequently overlap categories. Still, in general the process he describes is one where a natural environment is transformed into one where capitalist social relations dominate. His noncapitalist stage is characterized by isolation from regional and national markets. This stage shares similarities with Katzman's (1977) subsistence expansion concept. Next comes the precapitalist stage which is highlighted by increased immigration, the institutionalization of private property, and the buying and selling of land. Smallscale capitalist enterprises also appear and the first conflicts over land begin. During the final or capitalist stage, large-scale national and multinational enterprises become the dominant form of production and there is increased immigration and emigration within the region as land ownership becomes increasingly concentrated. In a later section, after examining recent Rond6nian data, I attempt to determine the relevance of these models to that state's contemporary development situation.

OVERVIEW OF FRONTIER SETTLEMENT PATTERNS To understand migration to the frontier state of Rond6nia it is important to review two sets of historical conditions. These are post-World War II frontier movements and the Brazilian government's attempt to integrate the Amazonian frontier into the rest of Brazil. Subsequent to World War II the northeastern state of Maranh~o and

40 POPULATIONAND ENVIRONMENT

the southeastern state of Paran~ represented the country's agricultural frontier zones. The mass of the country's population was then located on the coastal region between these two littoral states. Paran~ was an expanding zone of coffee production, while Maranh~o received a considerable influx of subsistence farmers (Branford & Glock, 1985; Sawyer, 1984). The appeal of free or affordable land in these regions attracted many migrants who were formerly small producers in the Northeast, as well as in the states of Minas Gerais and S~o Paulo. Structural changes including displacement by mechanization and changing relations of production in these states sent many looking elsewhere for better opportunities. Thus most who relocated to these frontier regions did so in order to pursue their dreams of owning land and the possibility to again produce for themselves. As will be discussed shortly, many of these individuals, but in particular those relocating to Paran~, were to experience dislocation a second time, in the latter instance relocating to the then-territory and present state of Rond6nia. Although Brazilian leaders were long concerned about the incorporation of the country's vast frontier regions, it was not until the creation of Brasilia that government policies had a significant effect on the populating of the hinterlands. The 1960 establishment of Brasflia as the country's capital stimulated a sizable population movement to what was then the country's outback. Initially, many undertaking this move were unskilled laborers needed to build the city. They were later followed by legions of people intent on filling the numerous bureaucratic positions that became available. Eventually this new seat of government also became home to thriving service and manufacturing sectors. Still, not all westward movement occurring at this time was directed to urban areas, as significant flows were headed to rural areas of the states of Goias, Mato Grosso do Sul, and Mato Grosso. The concurrent development of highways in these areas enabled these recent migrants to transport their agricultural production to Brasflia and the southeastern urban markets (Henriques, 1988). The end result of this expansionary period was that the country's demographic center of balance moved inland and a large portion of the nation's former hinterland became incorporated into the Brazilian state (Pastore, 1969). In 1970 a serious attempt at integrating the northern frontier began. The cornerstone of this plan was the National Integration Program (PIN), a colonization project originally designed to resettle 100,000 families between 1971-I 974, and a million families by 1980 (Mahar, 1978). The new colonists were to come primarily from the impoverished northeastern states and be resettled along the expanding Transamazonian highway (a road designed to eventually reach over 5,400 kilometers and stretch from Recife

41

FRANKLINGOZA

on the Atlantic coast to Cruzeiro do Sul near the Peruvian border). What occurred, however, was that less than 8,000 families were relocated, and the promised infrastructural support never arrived. When canceled, government authorities indicated that it was because of "technical difficulties" (Milliken, 1988, p.3) Yet, these difficulties only became apparent once powerful economic interests in Brazil's center-south perceived the huge profits poss!ble through Amazon investments (Cardoso & Miller, 1977), especially speculative cattle ranching made possible because of completion of the road (Hecht, 1983).

THE R O N D O N I A N

FRONTIER

RondOnia contains 238,379 km ~ (FIBGE, 1989) and is slightly larger than the former republic of West Germany. It is now familiar to the general public because of the rapid large scale deforestation that recently occurred there, as since 1970 over 11 million acres within the state, an area larger than Switzerland, have been completely deforested (Millikan, 1989). My historical review of population movement to Rond6nia begins in 1960 when the then-territory's population was only 69,792 and its population density was the second lowest in the country at 0.29 per square kilometer (FIBGE, 1989). During this decade a precarious road link with Cuiab~, the capital of Mato Grosso, was established (Mueller, 1980). The establishment of this road represented a major turning point for migration to the area. Although at first this road was little more than a dirt track penetrating the thick jungle between Cuiab~ and Porto Velho, it represented an important means of funneling people into this vast, relatively unpopulated area of the country. In the late 1960s the highway was improved somewhat and today it is known as the BR 364. By 1970 the state's population had increased to 111,064, but its population density remained among the country's lowest at 0.46 per square kilometei" (F]BGE, 1989). However, the 1970 agricultural census indicated that only 6.7% of all lands in the territory were claimed to be in agricultural establishments (Mueller, 1980, p.145). As the remaining 93% were still controlled by the Union, Rond6nia was referred to as the "open frontier" since many believed that land there was for the taking--a point discussed below. At that time the large scale populating of the area, not originally thought of as a major resettlement zone, began. It started with 300 families lured to the region by unscrupulous developers who quickly abandoned them (Martine, 1979). At this point the federal government took over and


established its first colonization project in the state at Ouro Preto. This initial project, originally designed for 500 families, eventually would be expanded to over ten times its original capacity in an attempt to cope with the state's massive in-migration (Leite & Furley, 1985). Intensive migration to Rond6nia began as word spread that the government was giving away good quality land. The state's population soared from 111,064 in 1970 to 491,069 in 1980--reflecting an annual average growth rate of 16% for the decade, while in the rest of Brazil this figure was but 2.5% (FIBGE, 1989). The state's population in 1991 was 1,130,400, indicative of an annual average growth rate of nearly 8%, Brazil's second highest during the 1980s, while the Brazilian average was less than 2% (FIBGE, 1992). Thus although this state's population density in 1991 remained one of the country's lowest at 4.7 persons per square kilometer, it had become the most concentrated of Brazil's six northern states. This point is revisited below when links between Rond6nia's population growth and its environmental consequences are considered. The availability of free or low cost land was not the only motive for the state's massive immigration. Some migration transpired among those who moved voluntarily in search of new and better opportunities than those available where they then resided. Such individuals opted for this movement instead of, or after, an attempt to survive in a large urban center--a point reviewed below. For others, however, this frontier-bound movement represented a last hope, a final chance to become self-sufficient producers on their own property. Many involuntary migrants had never owned their own land, while others who formerly had access to the land and rights to some of their production lost those linkages through the mechanization of agriculture and the general strengthening of the agribusiness complex which effectively pushed many out of their former residences. Together these factors had an explosive effect on out-migration, especially in the southwestern region of the country. In other areas where agricultural production was unaffected, land speculation frequently had the same expulsive effect on small rural producers. Thus because of these factors, the abandoning of the Transamazonian project, and the belief that the government was giving away good quality land in Rond6nia, rural bound population movements became focused on this state.

THE SETTLEMENT OF THE R O N D O N I A N FRONTIER This section will report on settlement patterns in Rond6nia over the past 30 years by examining statistics published by the Secret~ria de Plane-

43 FRANKLIN GOZA

TABLE 1 Number of Migrants Arriving in RondSnia, By year of Arrival and Principal States of Origin, 1977-1988 Year

Number of Migrants

1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988

3,140 12,658 36,791 49,205 60,218 58,052 92,723 153,327 151,621 165,899 103,654 51,950

TOTAL MIGRANTS 1977-88

582,169

(a, b) (b) (b) (b)

(c) (d)

Principal States of Origin Paran~, Mato Grosso, Mato Grosso do Sul ir

it

rr

rl

tl

tt

tl

t,

tt

" . . . . . . "

. . . . . .

. . . . . .

" Amazonas . Minas Gerais . S~o Paulo . S~o Paulo . Minas Gerais . Minas Gerais . Espirito Santo MinasGerais, S~o Paulo

Source: SEPLAN/Rond6nia, Cinco Anos de Migra(~o em Rond6nia, 1971183, Porto Velho, 1984; Boletim de Migra(~o, various years. (a) Data collected only during second semester. (b) Data collected only at Vilhena CETREMIpost. (c) Vilhena CETREMIpostwas closed eveningsfor part of year. (d) Data collection at Vilhena CETREMIpost began in May. jamento (SEPLAN) as well as data recently released by the Minist~rio do Interior (MINTER) in the form of a computer tape. Tables 1 and 2 are based on the SEPLAN data. This information was collected at the border crossings Rond6nia shares with neighboring states. Most of it, however, was gathered at the southern border post of Vilhena, since that is where the BR 364 crosses the state boundary, and hence where most migrants entered the state. Although the SEPLAN data are problematic in that not every vehicle entering the state was required to complete migration forms for every passenger, they are, however, the best indicators available of migratory trends to the state. The MINTER data were collected by the Sistema de Informa~6es sobre Migra(~6es Internas (SIMI). These data contain information collected between January 1984 and May 1985 from over 141,000 adult migrants (age 15 and over) who intended to settle in the state of Rond6nia. Over 90% of

44 POPULATION AND ENVIRONMENT

TABLE 2 In-Migrants to Rond6nia, Age 15 And Over, By Last Place of Residence, 1978-1983 Last Place Residence Year

Rural

%

1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983

2,260 10,050 12,173 12,043 9,037 14,250

69.8 68.5 63.4 42.5 30.0 31.1

TOTAL

59,913

Village

%

City

%

50 297 292 783 689 912

0.6 2.1 1.6 2.9 2.4 2.0

927 4,315 6,792 15,476 20,346 30,689

28.6 29.4 35.0 54.6 67.6 66.9

3,023

78,545

Total 3,237 14,662 19,357 28,302 30,072 45,851 141,481

Source: Nure/Seplan:Boletim de Migra~o, variousyears. *April to December this information was collected by SEPLAN in Rond6nia, while most of the remaining 10% were collected by the Secret~ria de Trabalho in Mato Grosso. Results from analyses of these data will also be reported below. The initial in-migrants were predominantly from the neighboring states of Paran~, Mato Grosso and Mato Grosso do Sul. The proximity of these states to Rond6nia and the relative ease with which migrants from these areas could undertake this interstate move are the best explanations for their significant contribution to the state's migrant pool. In addition, the volume of in-migrants from these sending areas was reflective of the rural poverty and landlessness that predominated in these states, as well as the displacement of many agricultural workers that resulted from the federal government's attempt at rapid industrialization and economic growth, a plan which relied on a modern, mechanized agricultural sector. Map 1 indicates the degree to which this former "open frontier" has become a "closed frontier." Were this map to include strategic military areas as well as zones of spontaneous settlement, even less open space would appear. Much of the settlement and population growth portrayed by Map 1 occurred as a result of the spontaneous settlement which transpired outside of official colonization projects. In the past, some adjustment of status was possible after migrants initially established a farm on an illegal site. Such practices resulted largely out of necessity, as the government offices supervising the resettlement process moved too slowly to consider official relocation of all families that desired land. These adjustments of

kilometers

0 ~!5 50

Porto Velho

1(10

source:

|NCRAJRO, 1987

Vilhena

(situation in 1987)

Inhabited Areas

------~ F o r e s t R e s e r v e s (situation in 1987)

Major Occupied Areas, , 1987

Rond6nia:

Map 1


status also had the effect of stimulating additional illegal homesteads, as those undertaking such ventures could always optimistically presume that the government would favorably readjust their status as it had done for their predecessors. Table 1 indicates that from 1977 until 1987 the states of Paran~ and Mato Grosso were always the number one and two contributors, respectively, to the pool of Rondbnian in-migrants. In 1988, the last year for which some data were available, Paran~ continued as the number one provider of migrants. Table 1 also demonstrates that between 1977, when data collection began, until 1980 the three top providers of migrants were Paran~, Mato Grosso, and Mato Grosso do Sul, respectively. Interestingly, many of those moving from these states were already once displaced. This is apparent when examining the migrants' state of birth, since for the same years the states of birth most often occurring are Minas Gerais and S~o Paulo, respectively; this is an indication that many of the early Rond6nian migrants were second time movers who initially relocated to either Paran~, Mato Grosso, or Mato Grosso do Sul. Not surprisingly, the MINTER data for 1984 and 1985 reinforce these results as they indicate that many people from Minas Gerais, Bahia and Esp[rito Santo first moved to either Paran~, S~o Paulo, Mato Grosso or Mato Grosso do Sul prior to relocating to Rond6nia. Auxiliary tables also indicate that many migrants were born in a small town or rural area, then attempted to relocate to a large urban area, and for whatever reason decided to relocate again to the predominantly rural state of Rond6nia. From 1981 to 1988 Minas Gerais, S~o Paulo, and Espfrito Santo, states undergoing rapid modernization in rural areas as well as urban expulsion, replaced Mato Grosso do Sul as the number three contributor to this flow. An additional motive behind the changing source regions is that in 1981 the paving of the BR 364 began. The completion of this project in 1984 made the BR 364 an all-weather road that facilitated travel to and from Rond6nia throughout the year. As a result, the number of in-migrants registered increased substantially. From 1977 until 1986 the absolute volume of this migratory flow increased steadily (see Table 1 or Figure 1). Since 1986, however, it has decreased significantly. For the 1977-88 period data were collected on a total of 942,378 individuals who entered Rond6nia as migrants. Although this number does not reflect those who left the state, it does indicate that the inbound flux was much less than the 10 million stated in some exaggerated news reports. Figure 2 indicates that although this movement exceeded 20,000 inmigrants a month in 1986, it had precipitously declined to less than 5,000 per month for the first quarter of 1988. Such a significant decrease must be

200000-

150000

>"

-

100000

2

50000 84

77

78

79

80

81

82

83

84

85

~

~

Year of Migration, 1977-1988

FIGURE 1. Number of annual migrants to Rond6nia, 1977-88.

," '~

Jan.

0

O

20O00 ~.

30000

----m-~cz 9 -'----zk--: D-~

March

1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987

M o n t h of

Entry

July

"

Sept.

FIGURE 2. Number of migrants to Rond6nia, 1982-1988, by month of entry.

May

' 9

..............

Nov.

49

FRANKLINGOZA

explained. I believe this occurred as a result of numerous unsuccessful migrants returning to their point of origin where they informed their friends and family that this area was no longer the "El Dorado" once believed. In a related vein, in 1987 the state of Rond6nia spent two million cruzados to provide bus passages to those willing to permanently leave the state and return to their point of origin (Hakkert & Goza, 1989). In addition, because of the country's severe economic crisis people were apparently less willing to undertake the major financial risk connected with making such a long distance move. Figure 2 also demonstrates the seasonal patterns of Rond6nian population movements. Recall that in 1984 the BR 364 became an all-weather road. Thus we should expect the seasonality present to lessen, if not entirely disappear. This did not occur, for even after the improvements to the road the dry months of June, July, and August continued to be when most migrants entered the state. This suggests that regardless of road conditions, people prefer to undertake long distance moves when the weather is nice. Another recent change in Rond6nian settlement patterns is that inmigrants increasingly came from urban areas. Table 2 indicates the percentage of migrants coming from rural and urban (i.e., village and city) locations for the 1978-83 period.' These numbers demonstrate that in the early years most migrants were from rural areas. However, within this five year period in-migrants from rural areas declined from nearly 70% of the total to slightly more than 30%. What does the MINTER data say about the occupations of the migrants entering Rond6nia in 1984 and 1985? From May to September 1984 over 50% of all migrant men were engaged in agricultural occupations. Over the next six month period this figure declined to less than 40%, and I speculate that it has continued to drop. The second most indicated occupational group was that of "qualified urban" (24%). "Unqualified urban" was the third most cited category and accounted for an additional 14% of migrant men. Unlike the agricultural professions, the relative share of those working in urban professions increased over the last six months documented by the MINTER data. The MINTER data indicated that 88% of in-migrant women were primarily involved with domestic duties. This I believe is a function of the occupational gender stereotyping that occurs in many areas of Brazil. For instance, although many women may actively participate in agricultural production, frequently outperforming their husbands, they often perceive of their efforts as little more than "helping their husband do his work" IAs a resultof crisis budgetcuts thesedata are not available for more recentyears.


(Goza & Rios-Neto, 1991). Another 7% of women in-migrants indicated that they worked in skilled or unskilled urban professions. Although it would be inaccurate to conclude that those with urban backgrounds must resettle in urban areas, research does indicate that those with only urban experience are the least likely to succeed in rural areas and the most likely to eventually relocate to urban areas (Tortes, 1987). I believe that the tendency for people with urban backgrounds to prefer life in an urban area occurs because of their different aspirations, as well as the increased opportunities available to them vis-a-vis those with only rural backgrounds. An examination of the MINTER data helps clarify these points. These data indicate that in-migrants from urban areas were indeed less likely to settle in rural areas, as those born in municfpios (a political unit similar to a municipality) with over 100,000 inhabitants were significantly more likely (p < .001) to head for Porto Velho, the state capital, than were those born in a mid-sized (50,000 to 100,000) or small municfpio (less than 50,000 inhabitants). When controlling for size of last place of residence, these data also indicate that those coming from urban municfpios with populations above 100,000 were significantly more likely (p < .001) to relocate to Porto Velho (28% than those proceeding from mid-sized cities (20%) or small towns and rural areas (16%). Overall the MINTER data indicate that 17% of the in-migrants intended to settle in municfpios with less than 50,000 inhabitants. Another 62% intended to settle in municfpios with between 50,000 and 100,000 residents. The remaining 21% were destined for Porto Velho, the only municfpio in the state with over 100,000 residents. Monthly ebbs and flows of this migrant tide did not reveal any significant increases or decreases in terms of directionality to large, mid-sized and small municfpios. Interestingly, however, Cacoal, a municfpio that grew from 45,000 inhabitants in 1980 to nearly 80,000 in 1991, was the preferred point of destination, even surpassing the state capital! Nearly 25% of all in-migrants to Rond0nia indicated that Cacoal was their destination, while only 21% indicated they were bound for Porto Velho. ff-Paran~, a municfpio with a 1980 population of 55,000, was the third most preferred point of destination as over 12% of all migrants intended to settle there. By 1991 JgParan~.'s population had reached nearly 98,000. Another recent shift in Rond6nian settlement patterns is that the state has become increasingly urban. Table 3 demonstrates that from 1950 to 1970 its level of urbanization increased from 37 to 54%. In 1980 this figure fell to 46% due to the large influx of rural migrants over the course of the 1970s. However, I predict that 1991 Census figures, once they be-

51 FRANKLIN GOZA

TABLE 3 Urbanization Rates, By Region, Rond6nia and Brazil, 1940-1980 Year

1940

1950

1960

1970

1980

27.8 21.5 23.4 39.4 27.7

31.5 24.4 26.4 47.6 29.5 37.4 36.2

37.8 35 34.2 57.4 37.6 43.3 45.1

45.1 48 41.8 72.7 44.3 53.6 55.9

51.7 67.8 50.4 82.8 62.4 45.6 67.6

Region North Center-West Northeast Southeast South Rond6nia (a) Brazil

31.2

Source: FIBGE, PreliminarySynopsisof the 1980 DemographicCensus;and Paiva, Carvalho and Leite (1987:34-36). (a) Territory created in 1943. come available, will indicate a significantly higher level of urbanization. Table 3 also indicates that the state has begun to reflect the urbanization patterns of the rest of the country. The Brazilian pattern is for over twothirds of the population to reside in urban locations, a tendency that is different from developing African and Asian nations where over two-thirds of the population generally reside in rural areas (PRB, 1990). There are a number of possible explanations for this pronounced tendency towards urbanization on the Amazonian frontier. As indicated above, I suggest that those with rural backgrounds are more likely to settle and remain in rural frontier regions. Table 4 demonstrates that the pool of

TABLE 4 Rural Male Population Age 20439, Brazil, 1940 to 1980

Year

Non-Amazonian Rural Males Age 20-39

Total Brazilian Population

Rural Males as Percent of Total Pop.

1940 1950 1960 1970 1980

3925307 4653080 5168692 5299237 5308915

41165289 51941767 70070457 93139037 119002706,

9.5 9.0 7.4 5.7 4.5

Source: Palva, Carvalhoand Carvalho(1987:33).


migrants with this type of background experience was significantly reduced in relative terms over the past 50 years. In other words, the number of eligible candidates for successful long-term rural residence appears to be steadily decreasing. Furthermore, illnesses such as malaria also act as an effective deterrent to settlement in rural areas. Many families originally resettled in rural areas were forced because of repeated episodes of malaria to sell their properties at a fraction of their value and relocate to urban areas where the likelihood of contracting the disease was assumed to be reduced (Sawyer & Sawyer, 1987). The lack of infrastructural support, subsidies and credit has also led to the failure of numerous hard working and well-intentioned small rural producers. Others in the same situation have discovered that after clearing their land it was possible to sell it at a substantial profit and relocate to another area where they could begin the process anew (Mahar, 1988). Violence in the countryside may have further contributed to numerous urban bound departures. This was possible given the interest that speculators (grileiros) have in appropriating large amounts of this region's land. This led to increasing conflicts and violence in the countryside as numerous land disputes resulted. Unfortunately, the area's frontier mentality has oftentimes permitted the strong and powerful to enforce their desires on those lacking the same physical and financial resources (Schmink & Wood, 1992). A final explanation for the increasing urbanization of Rond6nia is that in recent years a sizable contingent of "rurban" (simultaneously rural and urban) professions has developed. These professions combine residence and work in both areas and workers circulate between the two (Sawyer, 1990). These work opportunities initially came about as possibilities for spontaneous occupation became restricted, meaning that families had to wait for legal land tracts, something that could take from a few days to several years (Martine, 1987). During the interim, adult household members oftentimes worked as sharecroppers on rural minifundios while living in urban areas. This possibility, however, worsened as time went on and the frontier became more closed. Most recently, many employed in rurban professions have worked as placer miners (garimpeiros), where earnings were reported to be four times those of agricultural wage laborers (Milliken, 1988), or as rural day laborers (b6ias-frias). Another trend in Rond6nian development is for landholdings within the state to become more concentrated. Although these tendencies were noted long ago (Martine, 1979), Table 5 serves to highlight the manner in which the structure of land tenure and agricultural production within the

100.0 303,316

81.0

NA

1.5 89.5**

0.2 8.8*

1960

100.0 1,631,640

64.7

0.2 2.7 2.9 7.1 48.7 38.4 230.4

1970

100.0 3,082,852

61.6

0.6 3.2 6.7 40.2 16.1 33.2 ]20.9

1975

100.0 5,223,631

64.1

1.0 3.5 18.5 28.2 t0.9 37.9 108.0

1980

Size Distribution of Properties

Source: FIBGE, CensosAgropecu~rios1960, 1970, 1975, 1980, and 1985. *Refers to Establishmentsbetween 10 & 100 hectares, **Refers to Establishmentsover 200 hectares.

TOTAL [N]

Less than 10 10-50 50-100 100-200 200-1.000 1.000 and + Average Holding (in ha.) GINt Coef. for No. & Size of Properties

Size & Number of Establishments (in hectares)

99.9 6,090,647

64.2

1.6 9.0 24.1 23.7 11.9 29.6 76.6

1985

100.1 1,012

3.5 10.3"*

10.5 75.8*

t960

Evolution of Land Tenure in Rond6nia, 1960 to 1985 (in %)

TABLE 5

100.1 7,082

8.0 29.1 10.0 13.0 38.4 1.6

1970

100.1 25,483

19.1 17.5 10.6 47.3 4.5 1.I

1975

99.9 48,371

25.1 15.0 25.9 29.1 3.7 1.1

1980

Number of Establishments

99.9 81,582

27.8 24.9 27.6 16.4 2.7 0.5

1985


state have evolved over the past several decades. Table 5, which portrays the structure of the state's land tenure system from 1960 to 1985, indicates that the goal of redistributing land to landless individuals from other regions of the country did meet with some initial success, but that in recent years this state's structure of land tenure has begun to mirror the pronounced inequalities present in the rest of the country. For instance, in 1985 we see that 52.7% of all farms consisted of 50 hectares or less, but together they accounted for only 10.6% of the state's land. On the other hand, if we trace the areal possessions of the state's most privileged landholders, we see that the wealthiest 1.1% had their holdings increase from 33% of all state land in 1975 to 38% in 1980. By 1985 the wealthiest onehalf percent alone accounted for 30% of all state lands! These tendencies are summarized by GINI coefficients indicating that concentration declined until 1975, but has increased since then. I speculate that once more recent data become available, they too will reveal additional increases in land concentration. These results do not present an optimistic picture for the permanent establishment of a landed middle class in Rond6nia (Martine, 1987), nor even the large scale absorption of smaller subsistence farmers. Still, it is possible that some retraction will occur, and that because many of the large estates are too far from markets to ever become profitable that some will eventually break up and stimulate an increase in the state's number of small producers (Sawyer, 1989). Certainly this too will depend on the development of additional favorable conditions such as the credit and assistance availability.

R O N D O N I A N FRONTIER MIGRATION A N D ENVIRONMENTAL IMPACT The most serious consequences of rapid population growth may be those that afflict nonmarket resources, particularly environmental ones (Lee, 1991). Since 1960 the population of Rond6nia has increased from less than 70,000 to over 1.3 million. Consequently, the state's population density, although relatively low at 4.7 persons per square kilometer in 1991, went from the country's second lowest in 1960 to the highest of the Amazon basin states. When considered in isolation, however, an area's population density reveals relatively little about the number of people that a region is able to sustain (Ehrlich & Ehrlich, 1990). A related and more appropriate concept to consider is that of carrying capacity. An area's carrying capacity is a function of the regenerative powers of

55 FRANKLIN GOZA

its biological systems, their management, and other natural factors (Brown et al., 1991). A population is said to be above its carrying capacity when it begins to deplete area resources and the environment loses its ability to sustain human activities relative to its reserves (Ehrlich & Ehrlich, 1990). The Ehrlichs suggest that a region is overpopulated if its Iongterm carrying capacity is degraded by its human occupants, regardless of its population density. In this light the important question becomes, what is the carrying capacity of the state of Rond6nia? Entire books have been written in an attempt to determine the carrying capacity of areas within the Amazon basin (Fearnside, 1986). This research indicates that it is a very difficult concept to measure. Still, most writers conclude that government planners usually understand very little about the carrying capacities of ecological systems (Brown et al., 1991; Fearnside, 1986). Because carrying capacities are inseparable from development strategies (Brown et al., 1991), their estimation should be central to the formulation of development policy in all tropical forest areas, especially given the historical record which amply demonstrates how the failure to prevent population from exceeding the carrying capacity of rainforest areas has led to environmental degradation in many parts of the world (Fearnside, 1986). The carrying capacity of the state of Rondbnia is inextricably linked to the small amounts of land most farmers possess (see Table 5), settlers' access to funds, the tenuous official status of the many agriculturists who do not possess a legal title to their land, and to government frontier development policy. First, the small average size of farms was a result of the government's attempt to accommodate increasing numbers of in-migrants. This subdivision of colonization areas into smaller and smaller units has, in some instances, reached the point where farmers' subsistence needs will jeopardize the Iongterm viability of these lands. Second, the carrying capacity of tropical regions is very low for agriculturists supported by annual crops (Fearnside, 1986). This dependence on annual crops regularly occurs in Rond6nia as most newcomers lack access to capital or credit. As a result they must frequently forgo investment in more environmentally sound and diversified Iongterm perennial crops (e.g., cacao, coffee, guarani, etc.), and instead plant more affordable annual crops to meet their immediate short-term needs. Their lack of capital also means that few are able to invest in the fertilizers and other requirements needed to maintain the productivity of the soil and guarantee satisfactory harvests. Third, spontaneous settlers with a precarious legal link to the land have even less reason to make Iongterm investments on their farms. In


such cases, where land tenure is insecure at best, individual strategies of rapid consumption will defeat most efforts at conservation and the further degradation of natural resources will likely result as incentives to conserve the carrying capacity disappear (Abernethy, 1991; Fearnside, 1986). Fourth, because land claims in the past were established by spontaneously occupying and deforesting a tract of land, this has resulted in the haphazard placement of settlers throughout the state (e.g., on protected forest lands and areas reserved for indigenous peoples), and the ensuing removal of forests in those areas. The Brazilian government provided an additional disincentive to conserve its tropical forests, hence its carrying capacity, when in 1980 rural tax laws were changed so that uncleared lands would be taxed at higher rates than cleared lands. This point highlights the need for policymakers to understand the relevance of carrying capacities to development strategies. Thus we have witnessed how population movements may affect the natural environment in colonized areas and how these consequences are directly related to government policies. It is also possible, however, that the environmental consequences of migration to the Amazon basin will have repercussions that extend far beyond, as many assert that it is an important factor contributing to global warming and one that may well reduce the carrying capacity of the entire planet (Ehrlich & Ehrlich, 1990).

DISCUSSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS Of the theoretical models considered in this paper, none perfectly mirrors the complex, recent developments that occurred in the frontier.state of Rondania. Although some theoretical revision is in order, all theories reviewed do, however, provide useful insights concerning either earlier or current developments. Foweraker's (1981) model most closely approximates observed patterns. Rond6nia currently possesses elements of his precapitalist and capitalist stages. Capitalism is not yet the predominant mode of production as most farming is done by small-scale subsistence level producers. Still, the importance of capitalism continues to increase in those areas experiencing increased land concentration and speculation. Foweraker not only predicted that the spread of capitalism throughout the countryside would result in increased land concentration, but he also correctly anticipated increases in both immigration and emigration. Because all of these hypotheses received empirical support, his model is extremely relevant to the Rond6nian frontier situation. Nonetheless, recent research (Sawyer,

57 FRANKLINGOZA

1991 b) suggests that the failure of capitalist agricultural production in Rond6nia over the past 20 years (due to the distance from markets, the lack of infrastructure, etc.) may be indicative of its continued future decline. At a more practical level, we have seen the large scale populating of Rond6nia in recent years. Numerous policy-related questions call out for responses. For instance, was the goal of this settlement scheme to ease the land concentration and overcrowding present in other parts of Brazil? Was it to improve the conditions of the rural poor in some of the country's most impoverished regions? Was it simply to populate the hinterlands for military purposes? Or, were all of the above partially responsible for the observed influx? Regarding the question of overcrowding, we must conclude that the settlement has been a failure. Although the issue of the absorption of rural surplus population is an extremely important one, it was long ago recognized (Martine, 1979) that the Amazon frontier is incapable of acting as a sponge for the rural exodus occurring in the rest of the country. The validity of this conclusion has not changed over the past decade. Rather, as discussed above, Rond6nia itself runs the very real risk of becoming overcrowded, at least in terms of its carrying capacity. Given the lack of support provided to immigrants and their relatively deprived living conditions on the frontier (Henriques, 1988), I also conclude that this settlement did not develop primarily as a way of improving the living conditions of the country's rural poor. Had the government been interested in helping small-scale agriculturalists become productive, permanent farmers in this frontier zone, then numerous options could have been pursued more rigorously. These include: the provision of feeder roads to eliminate isolation and to facilitate access to health care and markets (Crist & Nissly, 1973); the rapid titling of lands to promote farmer satisfaction, stimulate the Iongterm investments in property enhancement, and increase the agriculturalists' ability to secure credit (Moran, 1984); clear land demarcations to reduce conflicts and eliminate the subsequent moves to new areas (Gall, 1978); and access to schools for children and site-specific assistance from agricultural experts. On the other hand, as many have suggested in the past (Katzman, 1977; Leite & Furley, 1985; Sawyer, 1991a), this frontier settlement may have been undertaken as a means of populating the outback and securing this region for the nation. It is generally understood that sizable population movements to sparsely settled frontier regions will result in increased environmental pressure. This occurs regardless of whether these movements are primarily undertaken because of voluntary or involuntary motives. Because of the potentially severe environmental problems such movements imply, it is


important that they be accurately measured, regardless of whether such settlements are planned or spontaneous, as was generally the case in Rond6nia. Social scientists require this data to make informed statements about the social, economic and political impact of these flows, while policymakers need such data on migratory patterns and trends to help them make important decisions regarding the distribution of scarce financial resources. In the case of Rond6nia it would be relatively easy to generate such data on migrants, as there is but one main land route for in-migrants to enter the state of Rondbnia, the BR-364. Furthermore, a government checkpoint already exists at the Vilhena, the border between Rond6nia and Mato Grosso. To further simplify matters, this checkpoint has already been used in the past to gather data from in-migrants to the state. Unfortunately, funding problems have earlier led to inconsistencies in the data collection process and the Vilhena post may no longer be in operation. I suggest that all SIMI posts become sufficiently funded so that they are able to function 24 hours a day, every day of the year. The registration of all migrants both to and from Rond6nia must also be systematized so that people are not able to avoid registration simply because it is a minor inconvenience. Such a low cost strategy would permit the rapid monitoring of all people entering and leaving the region, and a brief instrument could easily be designed that would gather information on people's sociodemographic backgrounds and future intentions. Had such complete data been collected over the past 20 years, much of the speculation contained in this paper would be unnecessary, as analyses of the proposed data would provide many of the important insights we seek.

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