British Journal of Educational Studies Educational ...

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Educational change and the self Morwenna Griffiths

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To cite this article: Morwenna Griffiths (1993) Educational change and the self, British Journal of Educational Studies, 41:2, 150-163, DOI: 10.1080/00071005.1993.9973957 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00071005.1993.9973957

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© Basil Blackwell Ltd. and SCSE 1993. Published by Blackwell Publishers, 108 Cowley Road, Oxford OX4 1JF, UK and 238 Main Street, Cambridge, MA 02142, USA BRITISH JOURNAL OF EDUCATIONAL STUDIES

VOL XXXXI No 2, JUNE 1993 ISSN 0007-1005

EDUCATIONAL CHANGE AND THE SELF by M O R W E N N A GRIFFITHS, School of Education, University of Nottingham


1. INTRODUCTION

Consider how the landscape of education is changed and changing. More precisely, consider how the final construction is changed by the individual persons who are doing the building. I am drawing on a familiar set of images here — those of building and construction. Wittgenstein's use of the analogy is particularly helpful. This is how he describes modern additions to languages: Our language can be seen as an ancient city: a maze of little streets and squares, of old and new houses, and of houses with additions from various periods; and this surrounded by a multitude of new boroughs with straight regular streets and uniform houses (1958, p. 18). To continue with the analogy: how is a town actually built? It is only toy towns that can be the result of the vision of just one person, or even of a group of people, however wealthy and powerful. Real ones are the result of a plurality of plans, for a number of rational ends, often mutually exclusive, and showing different values. Take Manchester or Nottingham, for instance. Each shows its history as a small medieval town. Each is also a combination, on the one hand, of the rationality of a few industrialists whose ends depended on cramming unfortunate working people into crowded and unhealthy homes to maximise profit, and, on the other, ôf the rationality of social reformers, whose ends included an emphasis on health, education and quality of life. Both of these rationalities combined with the efforts of individual citizens and newcomers to make a home and a workplace for themselves. A more careful look at Wittgenstein's 'regular streets and uniform houses' reveals a riot of variation, developed by generations of home dwellers. Wittgenstein was thinking of language, but the analogy applies to education and educational change too. An educational system is the result of history, and it is continually susceptible to further change by numbers of people who may well disagree with each other about their educational values. In fact, an educational system is even more 150


EDUCATIONAL CHANGE AND THE SELF

susceptible than a city to changes being wrought by a variety of individuals because it has to be kept in place by the actions of so many people. Once constructed, buildings stay put, with just a little human maintenance and intervention. Education systems do not. Over the years, attempts have been made to introduce teaching machines or teacher-proof teaching packs, but, so far, teachers have proved indispensable. The educational system of a country is kept in place and kept running by the actions and efforts of thousands of people, all of whom are devoting a considerable part of their lives to it. They find that their own lives are changed by the efforts they are making. Each of their individual selves change and are changed by both small and large scale educational developments. Recent research has increasingly acknowledged the significance of these thousands of individuals and their perspectives on change. Research about self and change in teachers and schools can be found in a number of diverse areas of educational theory. It ranges from abstract concerns with the relation of individuals to knowledge and their understanding of themselves as selves,1 to empirical studies of teachers and schools.2 There is relevant work on teacher careers, on teacher-thinking or 'voice', and on personal theories. Unfortunately, for anyone attempting to construct a neat overview of literature, few of the central terms are used precisely or uniformly. It is necessary to be aware of the range of research if theory and practice are to advance. In this paper I outline a proposal for a theory of the self which brings together a number of diverse strands of research, and, at the same time, provides a critical perspective on it. I show how the proposed new theory illuminates the process of educational change, better than the theories of the self which underlie current educational research and thinking. The paper is abstract and theoretical, rather than a report on empirical findings. I am following Elliot's (1990) proposal: to use knowledge generated in a specialised discipline as part of the attempt to resolve the complex problems which emerge in the circumstances of people's lives (p. 12). In other words, I am aiming to ground specialist inquiry in a continuing conversation with other specialists and with teachers, parents and policy-makers about how educational values are to be realised in practice (p. 13). A conversation is not a lecture. I aim to open up issues rather than give prematurely definitive answers. It is necessary to see the research into the individual self, teacher careers and personal theories in context. Desforges (1989) convincingly argues that there has been a swing from a focus on the child and 'child-centredness' to a focus on teacher behaviour and classroom management. This change of focus has been accompanied by the 151 © Basil Blackwell Ltd. and SCSE 1993



equivalent change of focus from individual teacher autonomy towards managerialism in schools. INSET courses on educational management are among the most popular. Schools and colleges are becoming accustomed to terms like 'senior management teams', 'total quality management' and 'line' or 'matrix management', all of which have been imported into educational thinking and practice from business. Little of this activity focuses on the personal beliefs of individual teachers — and, as is clear from overviews, even concepts like 'ownership', 'partnership' or 'shared ethos' can conceal attempts to mitigate imposed change, rather than a real sharing (White, 1986; Corbett and Rossman, 1989; Austin and Reynolds, 1990; Brown, 1991). Headteachers' descriptions of the participative structures of their schools often bear little similarity to the accounts given by their subordinates. As I have pointed out elsewhere: Words like 'community and 'co-operation' tend to conceal that the individual gets lost. What may feel like a group decision to some will feel like coercion to others (Griffiths, 1990, p. 47). There is an alternative tradition in educational management that draws on action research and reflective practice, and the subjective experience of teachers, often making use of the research into self, personal theories, etc, mentioned earlier.3 It is a tradition that fits well with the relative autonomy previously enjoyed by English schools. However, as Jones and Hayes (1991) comment: The luxury of 'slow change', so characteristic of schools over the years, may be giving way under the pressure of the Education Reform Act. (p. 219) Studies monitoring the effects of the Act suggest that, as with much previous innovation from outside, change is less than appears on the surface, and the phrase 'innovation without change' is re-appearing (Gipps, 1988). Meanwhile, school-based development is harder to achieve. Wallace (1991) in his study of four schools comments (p. 206): Only some innovations were implemented as their originators intended, while others were adapted or postponed. . . . Heads perceived that the balance of their activity in relation to innovations was changing from an initiator role . . . towards championing the users against external innovation. 2. A THEORY OF SELF 4

A useful metaphor for the self is an autobiography. A self is a continuing, developing narrative made by the individual. Individuals 152 © Basil Blackwell Ltd. and SCSE 1993



are not free to make themselves in any way they want. They are constrained by the people with whom they live, both their immediate families and the wider society — and by the way biology, geography, history affect both of these. However, no matter how severe these constraints, none of them can determine a self. The autobiography is made by the decisions a person makes as she/he evaluates circumstances, and adjusts direction. The freedom of the self to tell its own autobiography at any stage is an important part of its feeling of self-worth and authenticity. My idea here roughly follows Heidegger's argument that authenticity must be derived from the world into which we are thrown, as long as the being (Dasein) can taken an active part in accepting or rejecting the conditions of the world of which he or she is a part. It is usual to think of social relationships as existing in a number of concentric circles, with an innermost one of Family and an outermost one of Society. Against this model I argue that all of the 'circles' interact with each other. The complexity of the connections increases as a person moves from babyhood to adulthood, making personal connections with people in the family, the neighbourhood, at school and at work. Most significant among the modes of personal connection are relationships of love and resistance, that is, connections of belonging and deciding whether to belong. These connections help to form self-identity. At all levels of personal connection, love may be withheld unless particular requirements are met. In the family, the school, or the neighbourhood, a child may gain the impression that it has to be 'good' or behave in certain ways in order to feel loved and accepted. It is obvious that any social situation means that all people need to tailor their conduct to the needs and wishes of others. However, feelings of inauthenticity, or a loss of a real self, may result if it is not acknowledged that such compromise is occurring. Psychoanalytic theory suggests that children, in particular, because they are dependent on their carers for love, make defensive reactions in this situation, which, in turn, affect the ability to form an authentic selfidentity. For instance, Alice Miller (1987, p. 27): Accommodation to parental needs often (but not always) leads to the 'as-if personality' (Winnicott has described it as the 'false self). This person develops in such a way that he reveals only what is expected of him, and fuses so completely with what he reveals that - until he comes to analysis —. one could scarcely have guessed how much more there is to him, behind this 'masked view of himself. Love and acceptance are also affected by relationships and values 153 © Basil Blackwell Ltd. and SCSE 1993



which are publicly held. The most obvious of these are to do with disability, 'race', class and gender, but there are many others. Acceptance or rejection by a peer group may depend on how far a person conforms to values about these accidents of birth. Therefore, these publicly-held values also affect the construction of self, increasingly so as a child gets older and moves from the immediate family into wider social networks. Something which may have been relatively unimportant to the construction of identity previously may suddenly become crucial. Whenever the critical points occur, the construction of self-identity continues over a life-time. Nursery school may be the place that children find out they are the 'wrong' class or colour. Other people may not discover this until adulthood. Braithwaite's novel, To Sir with Love, expresses some of the pain felt by Caribbean immigrants in the 1950s when they found themselves stigmatised for their colour (Tajfel, 1978). Attitudes to gender also help to form a self-identity. At some point a boy finds out that he cannot play with dolls or wear a dress without risk of being teased. He may find this out at primary school, or, of course, he may have found this out from his parents or neighbours. Either way, he is forming and strengthening the bonds of love or resistance to other males. Accounts of children forming their own reference groups in which gender is significant can be found in, for instance, Gonnell (1989), Osier (1989) and Nilan (1991). Ball (1987) shows a similar process occurring for adult secondary school teachers. In short, values are inseparable from the construction and maintenance of the self. The self has been constructed through a continuing process of reaction to acceptance and rejection - belonging and deciding to belong. The reactions are value laden. They are not determined or caused: they depend on evaluative decisions about the kind of person a child, and later, an adult, wants to be. Politics are also inseparable from the construction and maintenance of the self. The experience of acceptance and rejection, and the reaction to them, cannot be understood without reference to the structures of power in the society in which the self finds itself during both childhood and adulthood. Women and Black teachers notice how their gender or race seems to be significant for their relationships with children, or for their promotion prospects (Troyna, 1987; Acker, 1989; de Lyon and Mignuolo, 1989). The attitude taken to such discoveries becomes constitutive of the self. Some teachers become politically active, while others accept the situation and develop strategies for living with it (Coffey and Acker, 1991). 154 © Basil Blackwell Ltd. and SCSE 1993



A much less overtly political way in which power structures in society articulate identity is described by Nias. Nias (1984) describes how teachers 'march to a more distant drummer' by seeking out reference groups which affirm their sense of themselves as the kind of teachers they want to be. She also comments on the constraints that exist on the possible reference groups a teacher may join. Since a reference group is sought out precisely because it is supportive of a sense of self, it has to be congruent with the self of the teacher. This is not to suggest that teachers enter the profession with fossilised beliefs. It is however to argue that, as adults, they have a sense of identity which incorporates a well defined core of values and attitudes and that the defence of these substantial selves is of more importance to them than the simple acceptance of membership group norms. (1984 p. 278) Since that self is already gendered and of a particular race and class, the reference groups will tend to reinforce professional identities which are also gendered and of a particular race and class. For example, it is harder for a man to identify with a reference group of nursery school teachers. Equally, it is hard for a woman to identify with a group of craft teachers. The group is informal, so it will have all the jokes, assumptions and typical leisure patterns of that group as well as a common view of teaching. I have given this brief proposal for a theory because I think that the theories of the self which are currently in use are less likely to lead to educational change of the kind that is needed. Therefore, I shall give an indication of how this theory relates to the others. This part of the article will be very schematic indeed. 3. THEORIES OF THE SELF AND EDUCATIONAL THEORY

There are four theories of the self which are particularly influential in educational theory: Liberal, Romantic, social-interactionist, and postmodern. Both the Romantic and the post-modern selves have psychoanalytic versions. There are plenty of others, of course, most notably existential and religious. Both Liberals and Romantics emphasise the individual rather than the community. They argue that society is built up from individual selves, and that selves are to be understood independently of society. Societal rules can, however, prevent them from doing what they want. In other words, there is assumed to be a strong divide between the private and public, and individual freedom is considered an ultimate good. The Liberal self is rational and autonomous and can form a just ]55 © Basil Blackwell Ltd. and SCSE 1993



society through a social contract. The Romantic believes himself to be a natural being, enchained by society, and able to make the situation tolerable only by compromising his freedom. Each Liberal self is distinguished from all others by its particular beliefs and desires. It knows itself through introspection. Each Romantic self is self-created. Primary schools are likely to be more drawn to the Romantic, secondary schools to the Liberal conception. Social interactionists emphasise the importance of the community. In the theory of social construction, the self is a player of roles. Its most well-known form is found in Goffman's sociology. Goffman sees the self as no more than a peg on which the clothes of the role are hung. The self is the presentation of self: a number of masks appropriate for the different interactions in which it finds itself. Other social interactionists also emphasise the existence of a substantial 'inner core', termed the 'I', to be taken into account along with the 'me' of other people's making. Neither part is transparent to introspection. Post-modernists reject the classical theories. Hall summarises their position (1989, p. 120): We can no longer conceive of 'the individual' in terms of a whole, centred, stable and completed Ego or autonomous, rational 'self. The 'self is conceptualised as more fragmented and incomplete, composed of multiple 'selves' or identities in relation to the different social worlds we inhabit, something with a history, 'produced' in process. The 'subject' is differently placed or positioned by different discourses or practices. The theory proposed has important areas of continuity and of difference from the ones outlined above. First, both the individual and the community are essential to the self, instead of privileging one or the other. In this respect, it is closest to the symbolic interactionist view. The self does not come ready-made, autonomous and able to make rational decisions as Liberals think, or with a real self to preserve and develop as Romantics think. Neither is it a product of its society or language, as is suggested by the theories which emphasise community. Further, the community is to be understood both as immediate face-to-face acquaintance and also as a social system with stratifications of class, gender, 'race' and so on. How far post-modern theories are hospitable to such ideas is the subject of heated debate. In some versions there is a possibility that the politics is deconstructed out of it altogether (Nicholson, 1990; Skeggs, 1991). Second, the self in my proposal is not transparent. It can only be discovered - and re-constructed in the act of discovery - with 156 © Basil Blackwell Ltd. and SCSF, 1993



considerable effort, which almost certainly requires the participation of others. Transparency is foremost a Liberal idea, but it is, nevertheless, widespread in commonsense. The possibility of coming to understand ourselves through personal and private introspection is something that underpins much of the educational research on the self. Thirdly, the theory shares with all the theories which emphasise community the notion that a self is constructed through a long-term process. However, it is not exactly like any of them: there is a narrative unity missing in role theories. There is an evaluative component which appears to be missing n social interaction. Moreover, there is not the exclusive interest in discourse, words and text that characterise the postmodern/poststructuralist theories. 4. A THEORY OF CHANGE: REFLECTIVE PRACTICE AND THE SELF

The proposal for a theory of the self has a number of implications. Let me unpack them a bit further. a) About models of change

Reflective practice/action research models are a necessity not an option for anyone trying to introduce change. They are the only models with a hope of working because any change must be part of a rolling programme. The theory is a theory of the self as embedded in circumstances, which are partly of its own making. The result is that a change can never be introduced once and for all, because the selves who implement it are themselves always in a state of re-making themselves. This re-making itself alters the situation and contributes to further change. Further, the situation will alter even if the change is 'teacher-proof and unaffected by the people who implement it. Circumstances change anyway. Governments may change. The economic climate may alter. New ideas like ecology, feminism, or anti-racism may become widespread. Further, it will never be clear to any of the actors which aspects of a situation are under their influence. At any time teachers will think of some aspects of their personal and professional life as self-directed. I have described a complex process in which individuals contribute to society and take their sense of self from it. In this connection, I referred to Heidegger's argument that authenticity is derived from the world into which we are thrown, so long as the being can also step back out of the world and no longer see it as given. Heidegger calls the state of becoming authentic as uncanny. It is difficult, even 157 © Basil Blackwell Ltd. and SCSE 1993



unnerving, for individuals to perceive the part they have played in the life-long process of accepting and rejecting ways of the world as their own. The probability is that changing circumstances will help this process of self-discovery: the very act of imposing a change carries within it the seeds of further change. The reflective practice/action research model is the only one that can cope with this unstable set of events, because it incorporates them into itself. Other models of imposed external change, which do not, will, of necessity, founder because of the way that individuals use them for their own purposes. Of course, this conclusion will be unpalatable to any one who hopes that change can be imposed. If it includes the perspectives of all then it will not go in the hoped-for direction of any one group. It is entirely probable that teachers learn ways of dealing with innovation so as to minimise its disruptive effect. Personal experience bears this out. I understand that the reason that old soldiers never die is that they learn how not to take risks: old-timers learn how to avoid the life-threatening situations, and a military strategy that requires them to do so fails. The same would be true of teachers who have not dropped out after a few years. b) Values Values permeate everything that people do. The values will be partly personal moral choices and partly encoded as society's structures. So the personal and the political are enmeshed in all the professional choices of teachers. Both may be unacknowledged but, in my experience, it is the political values which are less likely to be obvious to the teachers themselves, because the choices (the decisions whether to belong) which encode them are not likely to have come labelled 'political'. Their influence on future choices will remain undiminished by lack of acknowledgement. It is easy to subvert the imposed values of others. The ability of individual teachers to subvert imposed value systems has been demonstrated over and again, in case studies of schools and in investigations of the fate of large scale educational projects. This should not be surprising. Necessarily, since we are talking of values, subversion feels like a moral imperative. However, it is equally true that values are susceptible to change through argument or demonstration. In that case change will follow, without any other incentive. c) About language Implicit in the story I gave of love and rejection is the likelihood that 158 © Basil Blackwell Ltd. and SCSE 1993



images and other modes of thinking - iconic, kinaesthetic, muscial and even smells and rituals of action are part and parcel of how we come to understand ourselves. Love of place, for instance is encoded in images and smells as much as in words — love of others is, I think, the same. Equally, rejection and pain are remembered in other than plain description. We will also have learnt ways of behaving, and a number of beliefs and theories as a result of the groups we have found ourselves allied with, belong to. It is extremely unlikely that this is all in plain words, although some of it will be. Habits of action are not easily put into words, but beliefs can be articulated. It is clear that the full resources of language are needed to explore selves: images and poetry are just as relevant as sober description. Experiential techniques are also necessary. So are the abstractions of academic theory. No one of these will be adequate to understand a human being acting in the very complex situations found in normal educational settings. 5. SUMMARY

I said earlier that I hoped to be part of a conversation, not delivering a monologue. Therefore my aim is to find a way towards the answers rather than to deliver them. At this stage, then, I shall summarise what I have said about what needs to be taken into account in any project to understand and implement change. Most importantly, I have remarked on the indispensability of the models based on reflective cycles. Then I have commented on the significance of: (i) Community, of those personally known, (ii) Community, of those like-minded but not necessarily personally known. (iii) Political awareness, critical consciousness, (iv) Values embedded in the above (v) Languages appropriate to understanding and communicating all of the above (ranging from personal to theoretical). (vi) The constrained, but real, choice that people have about the direction of their own development. The use of this list is as a critical perspective on research of the kind reviewed at the start of this article. For instance, the following issues are raised: (i)

The importance of including the real concerns of individuals during change. Management theory is too often more about 159

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(ii) (iii)


(iv)

(v)

(vi)

persuasion than about respecting the variety of individual perspectives. Ways of reflecting on the self. It cannot to be done by individual introspection - or by any other single interpretation either. The importance of life-history and unity of a life achieved through narrative — at least by the teller. But personal history is not apolitical, even if it seems so to the teller: where is the gender/race/class perspective in much life-history work in education? The importance of non-language, and language which is other than 'plain words'. Too many pieces of research assume that simply asking a question, whether of oneself or of others, will get directly at theories and values. The importance of the complexity of individual selves in terms of the beliefs, theories, images, attitudes, habits of conduct and personal values which encode a lifetime of self-construction. For instance, research often tries to describe personal theory in terms only of image or of belief. The importance of noticing that teachers are neither all the same, nor all different. Too much research seems to fall into one extreme or the other. Case studies are either presented as examples of 'teacher behaviour' or as interesting singular instances.

NOTES

1. Examples include Combs, 1982; Elbaz, 1983; Boomer, 1985; White, 1987; Nias, 1987, 1989; Lyons, 1990; Goodson and Walker, 1991; Kompf and Dworet, 1990; Davies, 1989; Walkerdine, 1990. 2. The research into careers and into thinking/voice often overlap. Examples are: Ball and Goodson, 1985; Acker, 1989; Nias, 1989; Goodson and Walker, 1991; Pollard, 1985; Calderhead, 1987; Day et ai, 1990; Lyons, 1991; Elbaz, 1990. 3. For example: Schon, 1983; Carr and Kemmis, 1986; Reid et al., 1987; Hopkins, 1990; Lomax, 1990, 1991; Elliott, 1990; Fullan, 1991. 4. Although the theory is presented here only in outline there is some more detail in Griffiths, 1992, 1993. REFERENCES

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