Celestial World, this Earth, and the Underworld, in cycles of generations. A complex ..... MarÃa's own birth, her mother had nearly died from hemorrhaging follow- .... 612. Faust. 4Fridays and Tuesdays are considered propitious days for curing.
Sex Roles, Vol. 39, Nos. 7/8, 1998
Cacao Bean s an d Ch ili Pep pers: Gender Socialization in the Cosm ology of a Yucatec Maya 1 Curin g Cerem on y Betty Bernice Fau st2
Centro de Investigaci ó n y de Estudios Avanzados del IPN Mérida, Yucatán, Mexico
Maya sym bols associate cultural interpretation s of biological reprodu ction with gen d er roles with in a cosm olo gical m odel of th e n atu ral world . Th ese traditional sym bols were used in a ceremony perform ed to cure the pubescen t dau ghter of a m odernizing fam ily. She was sufferin g “ ataque s de ne rvios ” (nervous attacks, in cludin g m uscle spasm s and loss of consciou sness) believed to be caused by a delay in the on set of m enarche. Analysis of the sym bols relied on m ultiple approaches that allowed decoding of ceremonial sym bols as references to (1) the gendered pairin g of m arriage, (2) the social reproduction of gen der throu gh the gen eration s, (3) the reprodu ctive aspects of hum an bodies as sym bols of interdependen cy, an d (4) m aleness an d femalen ess as prim ary forces of the Maya cosm os. The tradition al sym bols, com bin ed with th e teachin gs of the healer, pro vid ed an in terpretation of the bio lo gical d ifferen c es be tw e en m a le a n d fe m a le b o d ies w ith in an o v e ra rc h in g cosm ologic al system . The prim ary sym bols referred explicitly to m ale an d female genitalia an d m enstrual blood as sym bols for the reprodu ction of gen der throu gh generations of m oth ers and daughters, fathers an d son s. The ceremon y The research began in 1985 ¯ 1986 and was funded by Shell International Foundation for Re search in Developing Areas and subseque ntly by the We nner-Gren Foundation (1992 and 1993) and the Centro de Investigaci ó n y Estudios Avanzados de l IPN (1994 ¯1998) . I wish to thank E. Anderson, G. Balam, G. Bascope , M. Cervera, A. Emmett, J. Erickson, W. Folan, T. Foreman, J. Frazie r, G. Gossen, E. Kintz; S. Wadle y, and S. Zalk for their many helpful suggestions. Any remaining e rrors are the sole responsibility of the author, who reserves the right to publish modified ve rsions in other publications. 2 To whom correspondence should be addre ssed at Se cci ó n de Ecología Humana, A. P. 73, CINV ESTAV , Unidad M érida, M érida, Yucat án, Mé xico C. P. 97310; e-mail: faust@ kin.cieamer.conacyt.mx. 1
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was apparently effective— despite a con text of rapid m odernization in which fa m ily p la n n in g, fo rm al ed u ca tion , an d n ew ec on o m ic op po rtu n ities in creasin gly result in employm ent of wom en ou tside the hom e.
INTRODUCTION This article examine s the processes by which a Maya “ coming of age ” cere mony place d in cosmological context the ge nde r role s le arne d informally by observation, imitation, and practice . It dramatically illustrate d through displays of ritual symbolism the role of gende r diffe re nces in human biological and social reproduction. The cere mony examine d has not pre viously be en re porte d in the e thnographic literature , but some of its symbols show surprising similarity to those of a rite practice d at the time of Europe an contact, re porte d by Landa (1566/1967) in the sixtee nth century. Its symbolic associations re fe r back e ve n farthe r, to the creation story of Classic Maya Civilization, as re corded in the Popol V uh manuscript of the Q uich é Maya of Guatemala. At the he ight of the Maya Classic (A.D. 600-800) , scenes from this story were painte d on mortuary ceramics and carved on stone monume nts in ceremonial plazas throughout the Yucatan Peninsula, including those of Pale nque and Tikal (Coe , 1973, 1989; Freide l, Schele, & Parke r, 1993). The cere mony relate s gende r role s to a cosmology that inte grate s the Celestial World, this Earth, and the Unde rworld, in cycle s of ge nerations. A comple x cosmological syste m is communicate d gradually by the heale r in a narrative process associate d with the preparation of ritual foods to be offere d to ancie nt, supe rnatural beings, the Lords of the Winds and the Lord of the Unde rworld, now conce ived to be local age nts of the One True God of the Catholic Trinity. Symbolic re fe re nces to genitals are not pre se nte d for pornographic purpose s, but rathe r tre ated as sacred symbols of the fundame ntal, creative force s of the unive rse. These gende red force s toge the r thought, planne d, conce ived, and gave birth to the unive rse (D. Te dlock, 1985, pp. 71-86) . The symbols thus refer to the unde rlying principle s of traditional Maya e nvironme ntal ethics and re ligion, within which gende red economic activitie s were (and to some degre e still are) part of the “ true way of life.” The ceremony uses the se cultural symbols to dramatically illustrate the re lations be tween inte rpe netrating dual principle s of e qual value , re lations of inte rde pe nde ncy and comple mentarity. The male and fe male symbols show re markable continuity with the pre -Columbian culture ; however, they do not communicate by themselve s. Interpre tations of the ir meanings are guide d by the h-m en (the Maya ritual healer/prie st). Throughout the
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ceremony, he e xplore s the unde rstandings of the participants and gradually adds to the m, building an unde rstanding of the ways in which their expe rie nces of gende r fit within a comple x, organize d Maya mode l of the unive rse . In this process, ge nde r roles are portraye d and legitimize d for the ne xt gene ration of mothe rs and fathe rs. The h-m en use s both cognitive explanations and affective linkage s to guide the patie nt and he r family to improve d unde rstandings of the nature of the ir bodie s and their e nvironment, and the rele vance of the se for culturally specific ge nde r role s, de spite a conte xt of rapid mode rnization. The conne ction be tween biological reproduction and ge nde r ide ntity is fundame ntal to Mayan thought. Sexual be ings conceive d the Maya unive rse and gave birth to it, in the ancie nt creation myth. This story is known ne ithe r by the he aler nor by today’s village rs, but the basic structure of the Maya cosmos is still portraye d through the symbolic associations of ritual, which survive d the Collapse of the ninth century, the Conque st of the sixtee nth, and may ye t survive the onslaught of mode rnization. The traditional Maya cere mony analyze d in this article combine d aspe cts of a “ coming of age ” cere mony with proce dure s customarily used to he al a class of illne sse s locally unde rstood to be caused by “ attacks of the Winds. ” The re se arch was done in the rapidly modernizing community of Taj,3 in the State of Campeche , on the weste rn side of the Yucatan Peninsula of Mexico. Today’s 1,500 re side nts (Taje ñ os) are racially some what mixed, but predominantly Maya in cultural he ritage (Faust, 1998, pp. 29-36). The ceremony was done only for the patie nt, in the privacy of he r home. The he ale r has only pe rforme d this cere mony one othe r time , and it is not othe rwise docume nte d in the ethnographic lite rature . Despite its rarity and its attenuate d form compare d to a sixte enth-ce ntury ve rsion, the ce re mony was e ffective in curing the girl of he r ataqu es and orienting her to he r future role as a wife and mothe r, which has include d not only continuing mode rnization but also migration to a ne arby city. Although he rbal medicine , die tary improve ment, and family counse ling were involve d in the curing process, this article will focus on the aspe cts of ge nde r socialization that were associate d with the ritual symbols and symbolic actions of the ceremony, as taught by the he ale r throughout the ten-hour cere mony. It is argue d that this symbolic socialization, in combination with “ counse ling ” se ssions with the healer, lessene d the patie nt’s anxie ty concerning future dange rs by associating her physiological change s and future role as a mothe r with the fundame ntal structure s of the Maya cosmos. The symbolism of the cere mony will be analyze d as a culturally 3
Pse udonyms are used for the names of the community, the he aler, and other participants.
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specific mode of gende r socialization (or e nculturation) base d on Maya interpretations of biological re production, including continuitie s with ancie nt Maya symbolism. Methods for analysis of the symbolism are ethnographic one s pione e re d by Gee rtz (1973) , Le vi-Strauss (1949/1969, 1963) , Rappaport (1964/1984) , Richards (1956) , and Turne r (1967) , which have bee n applie d in the Maya area by Gosse n (1974/1984, 1994, 1996) , B. Tedlock (1982) , D. Tedlock (1985) , Vogt (1976) , and their stude nts. The se te chnique s include the decoding of symbols by a combination of paradigmatic, syntagmatic, and contextual interpretations, including the e xegesis offere d by ritual expe rts and othe r participants. The contextual interpre tations de pe nd on long-te rm participant observation in the community, in this case focusing on gende r role s in daily life . Description of the ceremony include s not only an analysis of the symbolic meanings involve d but also of the process whe re by some of these meanings were gradually unfolde d by the h-m en to the patie nt and othe r participants in the cere mony. Due to the multiple re ferents of traditional symbols, various aspects of the ir meanings would remain latent, stored in the memory of an awe -inspiring ceremony (with a trail of clues left by the heale r’s re marks), available to aid the patie nt and othe r participants in their interpretations of future life e vents. Symbolic systems from many cultural traditions conserve ancie nt unde rstandings of human participation in the natural world and the cycles of generations, providing sustaining roots as people struggle to maintain a sense of identity and balance , buffe ted by the accelerating winds of change in the technological world of our own creation.
DISCUSSION OF THE LITERATURE G ender and Modern ization
Traditional environme ntal knowle dge , gende r role s, and othe r forms of social life are the results of long-te rm processes of cultural adaptation to local environme nts, organize d by symbol systems dramatically pre se nte d in memorable ce re monie s, including those for healing and “ coming of age ,” (e .g., Comaroff, 1985; Geertz, 1973; Richards, 1956; Turner, 1967; van Ge nne p 1909/1960) . Processes of rapid social change , particularly unde r conditions of e xte rnal domination ( colonial, national, or e thnic) , te nd to be disruptive of the se adaptive proce sse s and to result in both social disorganization and rapid de gradation of natural re source s (B urge r, 1987; Bodle y, 1988, 1990; Clay, 1988/1990; Lansing, 1991; Wallace , 1956) .
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Anthropologists such as Anderson (1996), Bodle y (1988, 1990), Burger (1987), and Maybury-Le wis (1992) have argue d that many dive rse traditional culture s provide (or once provide d) satisfying life styles without the high le vels of consumption, gende r inequality, psychological distre ss and environmental destruction that are associate d with modernization processe s in much of the Third World. Theorists from other discipline s have also made use of studie s of traditional culture s in critique s of modernization. Ecopsychologists (e.g., Glendinning, 1995; Gomes & Kanne r, 1995), feminists (e.g., Buckle y & Gottlie b, 1988; Davis-Floyd, 1992; Martin, 1987) , and environme ntalists (e.g., Dompka, 1996; Kemf, 1993; Pilarski, 1994; Redford & Mansour, 1996) have found clue s in the anthropological mate rials for analyse s of contemporary social, psychological, and e nvironme ntal proble ms. The loss of ceremonie s, oral historie s, and traditional knowle dge of local environme nts are common consequences of “ modernization, ” often assumed to be a natural developme nt of human societies, and one that will eventually fulfill human potential and improve the quality of life for all people . This widely held assumption has been put into grave doubt by recent social and environme ntal e valuations carried out by respected scientists and policy makers from dive rse discipline s, culture s, and nationalitie s (e.g., Brandon, 1996; Fairlie , 1995; Gadgil & Guha, 1995; IUCN/UNEP/WWF, 1991; Ludwig et al., 1993; Myers, 1992; The Royal Socie ty & US Academy of Sciences, 1992; Schwartz-Nobe l, 1981; Tolba et al., 1993; ul Haq, 1995; ul Haq & Jolly, 1996; WCED, 1987; WCS, 1980) . They have identifie d perverse environme ntal and social consequences of modernization, which Frazier (1997) links explicitly to mistake n assumptions concerning the viability of both continuous economic growth and a consume r life style. The later two processes directly affect the modernization of traditional gender role s as women incre asingly work outside the home for wages, often doing so in order to buy more consume r goods for their familie s (Harris, 1981; Henry, 1965) . People feel they “ need ” ever more and better goods: bicycle , radio, television, car, V CR, camcorde r, etc. Production to meet the demand for such goods has resulted in escalating rates of resource depletion and environme ntal contamination. Eve n within the se conditions, however, traditional symbols te nd to e ndure , lastin g longe r than many othe r cultural aspe cts; transm itte d through coming of age cere monie s and othe r rituals, the y are often re interpreted to form the basis of resistance to cultural domination (Burgos, 1984; Comaroff, 1985; Gossen, 1994, 1996; Neihardt, 1961; Wallace , 1956) . From the se symbols are born re vitalization movements, as well as cultural re naissance s that honor folklore and reinforce e thnic ide ntitie s, eve n while many aspe cts of the traditional role s are be ing altere d (Balzer, 1996; Burgos, 1984; Comaroff, 1985; Gosse n, 1994, 1996; Turne r, 1974; Wallace , 1956) .
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Com in g of Age Ceremon ies A common unifying theme in symbolic systems is gende r, reflecting the division of traditional knowle dge into male and female domains, associate d with their respective role s (Douglas, 1970; Gottlie b, 1988; Gross, 1989; Richards, 1956; Turne r, 1967) . O ne of the most “ se nsitive ” periods in the establishme nt of ge nde r role s is pube rty. For a woman, menarche is a cle ar marke r of physical and physiological change s in the body, signaling the pote ntial for be aring childre n and calling for the learning of the adult role of wife and mother. Coming of age cere monie s e mphasize the se xual basis of gende r roles, articulating social structure , human biology, and the natural world in a cosmology inform ed by local environme ntal knowle dge and cultural value s (Gottlie b, 1988; Gross, 1989; O rtner, 1974; Richards, 1956; Turnbull, 1961; Turne r, 1967). Symbols are instrume ntal in coming of age ceremonie s, first analyze d by van Genne p (1909/1960) as rituals of transition from one social status to anothe r. His cross-cultural analysis indicate d that these rituals typically include d thre e stage s: (1) se paration from childhood and the previous role in the nucle ar family, (2) a state of transition whe re adult roles are taught by authoritative figure s in a special context that create s fe elings of awe, and (3) public re -incorporation in the society as fledgling adults, ready to be gin assimilation of adult ge nde r role s. These rituals, or cere monie s, build on previous informal e nculturation in the home, but dramatically highlight gende r role s in a symbolic context that links them to the culture ’s cosmology and charte r myths, while e mphasizing culturally acce pted norms. Deviations that arise within individual house holds are corre cted, e nsuring that cultural value s and ethnic identity (including gende r roles) are passe d on to the next gene ration. Cross-cultural analysis indicate s that girls are initiate d in thirty-five pe rcent more socie ties than boys (Schle gel & Barry, 1979, 1980) . Typically, the ceremonie s for girls are done for each individual at menarche , in contrast to large colle ctive cere monie s for boys. Female cere monie s focus on the role of adult wome n, including cultural interpre tations of physical aspe cts (menstruation, se xual intercourse , pre gnancy and childbirth), as well as refere nces to the cultural norms for prope r behavior. Atte ntion to ge nitals and wombs is common, as they are “ natural symbols ” for social role s built on se xual differe nces (Be ttelhe im, 1954; Douglas, 1970; Mead, 1949) . Typically, initiation cere monie s are dramatic e ve nts (for the whole community, a line age , or an extende d family) that re inforce and confirm the cultural preparation of ne w adult membe rs, who will reproduce the e thnic and gende r ide ntitie s of their culture . In many parts of the world, such ceremonie s have bee n see n as resistance to “ progre ssive ” forces and
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targe te d for elimination by various age nts of modernization (missionary socie tie s, colonial administrati ons, e tc.). Thus, it is not surprising to have found remnants of a coming of age ritual hidde n in a cere mony conducte d for an individual girl within the privacy of her home . In this ceremony, se crecy was sufficie ntly important to make ne cessary the closing of the front door, an unusual (and asocial) action in the afternoon he at, but said to have be en ne cessary be cause “ Some people don ’t approve .” Maya G ender Roles in a Context of Modern ization O ne of the large st contemporary strongholds of indige nous traditions is Mesoamerica, including the Maya people s of the Yucatan Peninsula in southe aste rn Me xico. In this region, the ancie nt Maya (2000 B.C.¯A.D. 1500) deve lope d patte rns of adaptation to an e nvironme nt inte rmittently stre sse d by e xtre me climatic e vents such as hurricane s, floods, and droughts (Curtis e t al., 1996; Kintz, 1990) . The roles of women and men, although generally well-de fined, are easily reve rse d or share d during e merge ncies in orde r to assure the ne cessary pe rformance of productive and mainte nance activitie s, such as farming, cooking, and house mainte nance (Elme ndorf, 1986; Faust, 1988, 1998; Kintz, 1990). This fle xibility contribute d to creative forms of resistance to colonial domination (Farriss, 1984) and continue s to facilitate the adaptation of ge nde r role s to changing conditions (Elme ndorf, 1986) . A woman ’s role is comple mented by that of he r husband, including se parate areas of expe rtise in managing the local environme nt and using local re sources. Wome n care for small animals, te nd fruit tree s, grow he rbs for cooking and medicine , and know whe re to look for wild food spe cie s whe n crops fail due to drought, flooding, hurricane , insect invasions, etc. The y also cook, wash clothe s, and cle an the house , occasionally battling arthropod and rodent invade rs. Me n hunt and make swidde n fie lds in the fore st, construct and maintain house s, furniture , and tools; the wealthie r also care for he rds of cattle . Women do most of the gathe ring of wild medicinal plants and fire wood, although men fre que ntly contribute , bringing home what the y e ncounte r re turning from their fields. Both pare nts fre que ntly give affection and supe rvision to the ir childre n. The mother provide s most of the care for small childre n, with conside rable he lp from olde r childre n, grandpare nts, othe r relative s, and the fathe r, whe n he is home. Boys be gin accompanying their fathe rs to the fie lds as e arly as six ye ars of age . Girls begin he lping their mothe rs in the house and the yard e ve n earlier. Both le arn the details of the ir own roles through imitation and eve ryday practice . They also learn e nough of e ach othe r’s role to be able to
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assist a spouse when ne eded, or even to substitute when the spouse is abse nt or disable d (Elmendorf, 1986; Faust, 1988, 1998; Kintz, 1990) . Both men and women earn cash in part-time and te mporary e mployme nt, as well as by selling some of their domestic production; howe ve r, men ge ne rally earn more than wome n do. Increasingly, Taje ñ os are be ing absorbe d into the national culture of Mexico through wage labor, urban migration, public schools, a village clinic, television and radio, gove rnment programs, re ligious e vange lism, political activism, improve d transportation to the state capital, and incre ase d exposure to consume r products. The se are the most recent factors in a long history of accommodation (and re sistance ) to outside domination that has include d various forms of involve ment in the world economic system, notably via the port city of Campeche . Spanish is spoke n by eve ryone in the community; almost all the young adults unde rstand at le ast some Maya language , but fe w spe ak it prope rly, whe re as most of the childre n do not e ven unde rstand it. Economic and language change s are part of a broade r patte rn of modernization that include s primary re liance for he alth care on gove rnme nt clinics with doctors traine d in national schools of mode rn medicine . Most people combine new and old ways, going both to the clinic and the traditional he ale r. Some abandon the old ways for the new, a few cling to the old. (Se e Young & Garro, 1994, for similar medical choice s in anothe r Mexican village .)
RESEARCH METHODS The ceremony was performed for the daughte r of a family I had known well for five months. Field note s were written the morning after the ceremony and checked for accuracy during interviews with participants, including the traditional healer. The ceremony was interpreted with reference to information obtaine d by participant observation during fourteen months of continuous residence in the community and return visits of shorter duration during the subsequent twelve years (Faust, 1988, 1998) , which has include d research focused on medicinal plants and ritual symbols (Faust, in press). I have been in a position to know the events le ading up to the ceremony, the relationships among all the participants, and the long-te rm results. During the cere mony, I closely followe d the h-m en, Don Migue l. After a while , he began tre ating me as an assistant, handing me obje cts to carry and e xplaining the meanings of certain ritual actions and symbols. Inte rpre tation of the symbolism e xpands upon his explanations by analyzing ritual ope rations and positions with refere nce to the community’s be lie fs, practice s, and social roles.
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OBSERVATIONS AND INTERPRETATIONS The Illness: Precipitatin g Stresses, Sym ptom s, and the Fam ily’s Respon se Mar ía was eleven ye ars old whe n she be gan to expe rience the “ ataques de nervios.” During the months before the onset of this illne ss, Mar ía and se ve ral of he r female cousins had e xpre sse d to me their fe ars of getting married and having childre n. Childbirth is conside red dange rous, and the y all kne w of wome n in the community who had die d giving birth. Afte r Mar ía ’s own birth, he r mothe r had ne arly died from he morrhaging following a cesare an se ction in a city hospital. Anothe r major conce rn of the girls was wife be ating; recent incre ase s in this proble m were be ing discusse d and de nounce d throughout the community. Maria ’s fathe r some times beat he r mother whe n he came home afte r drinking with male friends. I was visiting the family when María suffe red he r most severe ataque, the one which led to the decision to visit Don Migue l. At first she complaine d of a headache for ne arly twenty minute s, eventually lying down in a hammock. Then he r arms and le gs be gan to jerk, in spastic motions, with incre asing intensity. I sat with her and he ld one of her hands; with he r othe r hand, she he ld the medallion of the V irgin that she wore around he r ne ck. She tosse d and moane d be tween spasms, and be came more and more rigid. Her e ye s close d, and she did not respond to que stions; the tossing and moaning incre ase d. E ve ntually her whole body be came rigid, the n calm, and she appe ared to be sle eping. Her grandmothe r whispe red to me that Mar ía’s breasts had begun to develop, but “ he r (menstrual) blood has not come down yet, and this conge ste d blood can e ventually result in the de ath of a girl; if it stays inside too long it can rot and cause he r to die .” Approximate ly forty minute s later Mar ía ’s e ye s flicke red ope n. Afte r a fe w minute s, she slowly asked what had happe ned and re que sted water. She staye d in her hammock for anothe r te n minute s or so, looking in diffe re nt dire ctions around the room, as though she ne e de d to ge t re acquaint e d with he r surroundings be fore ge tting up slowly. The e ntire incide nt laste d a little more than an hour; howeve r, the family discussions about it laste d until be dtime and continue d the ne xt day. The grandmothe r finally ende d the le ngthy family discussions saying, “ Ya basta! ” (That’s enough! ). It was time to go se e the h-m en, Don Migue l. The week before , the mother had insiste d on taking María to both the village and regional clinics, but the doctors had only said that her symptoms could be the result of “ stre ss” from he r fathe r’s behavior after drinking. The gove rnme nt doctors sugge ste d that he abstain from drinking, but the only way he knew to accomplish that was by conve rting to one of the very
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re strictive Prote stant re ligions, which would isolate him from Catholic kinsmen. The re gional clinic doctor had adde d that if the ataques did not stop, the family might e ve ntually want to take Mar ía to a neurologist in the city of Mérida. But that was too far, too much money, they did not know how to find a neurologist, and be side s they were afraid he might ope n her skull and remove her brain to look at it unde r a microscope . Clearly, neither of the alternative s propose d by the doctors fit in the family’s cultural logic. The day after the bad ataque, the grandmothe r invite d me to walk with her, María, and Teresa to Don Migue l’s home. He diagnose d Maria ’s illne ss as resulting from the blockage of her menstrual blood by the Winds, whose attack was in turn cause d by the failure of the family to provide the traditional offering of a ritual corn beverage in their yard. He advise d a k’ex, a curing ceremony in which a chicke n (or turkey) is sacrifice d. Additionally, Mar ía’s diet was to be restricted to traditional foods prepare d by he r mothe r—nothing from a bottle , box, or can (this resulted in conside rable dietary improve ment, in addition to re-conne cting her to traditional ways) . Consultations would be require d as well: two in the coming week, before the ceremony, and one every Friday4 after the ceremony, until it was clear that María was strong and out of dange r of any recurrence. The illne ss was classifie d as be longing to a type suffere d by women, involving muscle spasms and loss of consciousne ss, re fe rre d to as “ ataques de nervios,” (nervous attacks; for a de taile d de scription, see Faust, 1988, pp. 341-350). Such attacks are most like ly to occur during life crises (e.g., menarche , first pregnancy, miscarriage , de ath of a love d one ). In this case, the patie nt was a pube scent girl and her re pe ated ataques were associate d with a de lay in the onse t of menstruation. Be cause she was in this “ de licate ” stage of life, the normal ceremony for ataqu es de nervios was e xpande d to include aspe cts of a sixtee nth-century ritual re porte d by Landa (1566/1978, pp. 44-45) . It was a large public one involving both boys and girls, atte nde d by elde rs of their own gende r, unde r the authority of a pre siding priest. It was done only once in a person ’s life time, after which marriage arrange ments could be made . Ceremony Participan ts: Hum ans, a Sacred Plant, an d the Invisible Lords The family that hoste d the ce re mony include d the grandpare nts Doñ a Mari and Don Pablo, the pare nts Jos é and his wife Teresa, the patie nt Mar ía, and he r olde r brothe r Pablito. Twenty-two relative s eventually asse mbled to participate in the ceremony. These gue sts range d in age from a te n-month-old cousin to an adopte d great-aunt of eighty-four. There was 4
Fridays and Tuesdays are considered propitious days for curing.
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conside rable variation betwee n the nucle ar familie s that comprise d this extende d family, but in general the y were middle -income Taje ñ os. The occupations of the me n include d mason, construction worke r, lumbe rjack, and truck drive r, although most of the m were also swidde n farmers. The grandfathe r was no longe r able to farm, and his only income was from mending hammocks. The fathe r worked exclusive ly as a mason and carpe nter, doing no farming. All particip ants, e xce pt the anthropo logist, we re baptize d Catholics who believe d the Maya spirit be ings are “ unde r God, like the Saints, ” but conne cted to “ this Maya land. ” The healer, Don Migue l, is the only h-m en in a large area around Taj and has a re putation that has brought him patie nts from nearby cities, and occassionally eve n from othe r state s in Mexico. He usually se es five to ten patie nts per day, more on wee k e nds and on days when he trave ls to othe r communitie s. Whe n he is away, his wife provide s e merge ncy care for patie nts in Taj. As is common for traditional he alers, the “ sliding scale ” of fee s for his service s de pe nds on the patie nt’s ability to pay. Normally his daily income is the e quivale nt of be tween thre e and five U.S. dollars, in cash or in goods of e quivale nt value ; the family produce s most of its own food in the ir house yard and m ilpas (traditional swidde n fields; se e Faust, 1998, pp. 113-152). The practice s of Maya healers are creative and fle xible variations on share d principle s (cf. Freidel, Sche le, & Parke r, 1993; Hanks, 1990; Kintz, 1990; Sosa, 1986) . Each healer performs ceremonie s in his own individual manne r, ofte n varying the details in response to the individual patie nt and the family context (for similar case s, see Barth, 1987; Kendall, 1996). Don Migue l, like traditional heale rs in many present-day indige nous culture s, doe s not have an appre ntice and is concerned that his knowle dge may die with him. This is his principle motivation for asking me to he lp re cord the information. Common to the tradition of Yucate c Maya he ale rs is the tre atment of medicinal plants as active Be ings; thus the he rb rue (Ruta graveolens), re fe rre d to traditionally as “ The Little Girl,” was conside re d by Don Migue l to be a participant in the cere mony. Rue is e mploye d throughout rural Mexico for blessing as well as for curing many common ailme nts. Its physiological e ffects include the stimulation of both menstrual flow and abortions (Mart ínez, 1969, p. 283) ; La Nueva farm acopea m exicana (1970, p. 371) de scribes its chemical composition as principally “ m etilm onilceton a.” In Yucate c Maya ritual practice , it ofte n functions as a “ gre en cross,” or axis m undi, being use d in symbolic ge sture s to the four cardinal directions and the vertical one . Do ñ a Mari showed me how the new leave s emerge in three s, forming gree n crosse s.
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In ad ditio n to the hum an participan ts an d the he rb rue , Don Migue l be lie ve s that invisible Be ings are pre se nt: the Lords of the Winds and the Lord of the Unde rworld. The Winds have two critically important functions for human be ings: the y bring the Sacre d Rain and the y cause illne ss by e nte ring into the body. The ir Lords, or O wne rs, can command the Winds to le ave a patie nt in re sponse to ritual offe rings and praye rs of a h-m en. The re are five Lords of the Winds, one for e ach cardinal dire ction, and anothe r (alte rnate ly de scribe d as all of the m toge the r or as the ir commande r) who is associate d with the cente r of the sky and the ve rtical dire ction. O pposite Him is the Lord of the Unde rworld, who is e xpe cting to fe e d on the patie nt ’s de ad body. Whe n a succe ssful cure de prive s this Lord of his food, he be come s angry and can se nd calam itie s. He must the re fore be give n a substitute : parts of a sacrifice d fowl se rve d with othe r ritual foods in a burial pit, in the k ’ex ( e xchange ) cere mony. All of the se invisible Be ings are male , but O ur Mothe r (the V irgin Mary) is the inte rcessor with God, and must be aske d to obtain His conse nt be fore the Maya Lords can do the ir work re moving illne ss.
The Ceremony The re we re five diffe re nt rituals in Mar ía ’s cere mony. The first involve d the marking of Mar ía as initiate , a symbolic se paration from he r childhoo d role . The thre e inte rme diate rituals involve d symbolic and ve rbal instruction in the role of ge nde r in the Maya cosmos. The last ritual re -inte grate d Mar ía in he r family as a woman-to-be . The rituals we re pe rforme d in four diffe re nt locations within the house and yard of he r family’s home , ne ar the cente r of Taj. The four-room house was divide d in two, with Mar ía, he r brothe r, and pare nts living in two rooms and he r fathe r’s pare nts in the othe r two rooms. The cere mony be gan with a te mporary altar on the floor in the grandpar e nts ’ living room ( se e Fig. 1) . The thre e inte rme diary ritual s occurre d in the solar, a walle d yard share d by all thre e ge ne rations of the family that include d wate r storage tanks, clothe s washing facilitie s, fruit tre e s, pigs, chicke ns, and many culinary and me dicinal he rbs hanging in pots. The last ritual was in front of the grandpar e nts ’ e ve ryday altar, e nding the cere mony in the room whe re it be gan, in the grandpar e nts ’ living room, a cle ar indication of the de gre e to which grandpar e nts continue to be the cultural cente r of family life .
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Fig. 1. Altar for pre senting patient to the winds.
Separation from Childhood : Markin g the Initiate an d Introdu cing the Sym bols Teresa ope ned the front door just enough for me to squee ze in, cautioning me to be quie t and gesturing to the east side of the front room, whe re I saw a ceremonial altar on the floor, with a de ad chicke n near the cente r. The floor altar was delimite d by five burning, white candle s: one
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in each corne r, with a fifth in the cente r, forming a qu incun x, an ancie nt Maya symbol for a square world, where the four side s face cardinal directions and the central point indicate s the vertical dire ction, as well as the unity of the many in one (Freidel et al., 1993, pp. 127-131) . Next to e ach candle were two cacao be ans (Theobrom a cacao) and two drie d, re d chilis (Capsicum sp.). By the north candle was a bowl of the same chilis, the south had a bowl of cacao beans, next to the e ast candle was a bowl of ground squash se eds (Cucurbita m oschata Duch.), and in the northe ast was a frying pan with coals and copal (Protium copal) ince nse (see Fig. 1). The cacao beans and chili peppe rs have strong se xual connotations. Refe rence s to chilis and penises are often interchange d in joke s that play on the similarity be tween the sensation of intense heat caused by placing chili peppe rs in the mouth and the ge nital heat of sexual arousal and intercourse . The symbolic meaning of cacao be ans is not so transpare nt. I sugge st that the y represent female se xual organs because of (1) the ir contrast with chili peppe rs throughout the ceremony, (2) their appe arance and that of the pod in which the y grow, and (3) joke s and comments conce rning the pre paration of a chocolate beve rage made from cacao be ans. These be ans are e longate and have a longitudinal crease , re sembling a vulva. The cacao pod is also e longate with longitudinal ridge s; in addition, whe n ripe it is purple -re d in color and se eps a white sap (Wagne r, 1987, pe rs. com.). The be ans are toaste d and ground with sugar and cinnamon and combine d with boiling wate r in a large , e gg-shape d woode n ve sse l (about 10 inche s by 5 inche s) to make hot chocolate . This be ve rage is agitate d with a special stick (sometime s re fe rre d to as a “ penis ” ) until it become s frothy. During preparation of this be verage , women freque ntly joke about the similarity of the agitating action to movements in sexual inte rcourse. Mar ía may not have entire ly unde rstood these re fe re nces, but she had bee n expose d to comme nts and actions of this type in the home. Hot chocolate is a very much appre ciated be ve rage ; it is ofte n se rve d to honor gue sts and to cele brate spe cial family occasions. In addition, it is e xpe cted afte r childbirth, afte r baptism (a social birth, involving naming and the introduction of the child to the community) , and in the traditional ceremony in which an olde r man represents a youth in formally reque sting be trothal to a young woman. Hot chocolate is also se rve d, not at fune rals (where coffe e is expe cted), but for the Day of the Dead, whe n the souls re turn from anothe r world, te mporarily reborn to this world (Faust, 19861998, pers. obs.) . Through prior participation in such cere monie s, Mar ía had bee n expose d to the se prese nt-day cultural associations of cacao with fertility and re gene ration. In the iconography of Maya archeological sites, cacao is also associate d with wome n and with the Unde rworld, whe re sprouting and re ge ne ration are portraye d (Barthe l, 1978, pp. 81-90).
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The symbolism of pairs of cacao be ans and chili peppe rs was multidime nsional: there were two pairs of opposite sexes, re fe rring to pare nts and grandpare nts, as well as two same-sex pairs, re fe rring to mother-anddaughte r, fathe r-and-son. Gene rally, pare nts in Taj both want and expe ct to have at le ast one child of each gende r. Whe n this does not occur, the pare nt without a child of like sex expre sse s sadne ss and is give n sympathy for this lack. Both grandmothe rs and grandfathe rs take imme nse pleasure in having at least one grandchild of the same se x. The se fee lings are re late d to pervasive Maya beliefs in both the importance of socialization by elde rs of the same ge nde r, and that of coope ration and interdepende ncy betwee n husband and wife (Elme ndorf, 1976; Faust, 1988). Throughout the various ritual pre sentations of the ceremony, cacao be ans and chili peppe rs were re peate dly place d at the critical points de termining the quin cunx, indicating the importance of sexuality and re productive cycles in the structure of the unive rse . This is congrue nt with the mythic be ginnings of time and space , as de scribed in the Popol Vuh: ge nde re d force s in the darkne ss joine d toge ther to think, talk, plan, conce ive, and give birth to the cosmos (D. Te dlock, 1985, pp. 71-86) . Afte r initial e xplanations, Don Migue l turne d to Mar ía and aske d if she had the “ stone .” She ope ned he r left hand to reve al a dark gre y, polishe d ax head about two by thre e inche s, of the kind found in ceremonial cache s in Maya archae ological sites. The ax in ancie nt Maya symbolism re pre se nte d the god K’awil and also represe nts blood as k’awil, a pre cious, flowing substance e mbodying spiritual force , the most precious gift that could be offere d to the gods. The axheaded K’awil not only embodied the spiritual force of blood, but was the instrument by which it was released from bodies to feed the gods. The ax wielded by K’awil and the many Chak gods [rain gods] . . . was the principal instrume nt of de capitation sacrifice . . . (Freidel et al., 1993, p. 202)
Don Migue l late r told me that axes like the one he use s are hurle d down from the sky as lightning by the Winds, and some time s pe ople find them in the woods. As I had misse d the beginning of the ceremony, Teresa explaine d to me that Don Migue l had give n this ax to Mar ía to hold be fore praying he r illne ss into the chicke n that he he ld on her he ad. After “ suffe ring ataques de nervios ” (i.e ., having spasms) " and dying, the chicke n was place d just south of the center candle with its head toward the east. Don Migue l explaine d to all of us that the ceremony was for the Winds, but that the sacrifice of the chicke n was an offering to the Lord of the Underworld, in e xchange for the patie nt, so that she might live . The chicke n had to be a cockere l, one that was “ pure , innoce nt” that had “ not crowed yet, not bee n with a hen yet.” I was late r to le arn that the re quire ment of youth and
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innoce nce of the sacrificial fowl was a require ment of all healing ceremonie s, no matte r the age of the patie nt. The fowl sacrifice d must also be male , like the Lord of the Underworld. Don Migue l went on to point out to me that the total numbe r of chilis plus cacao be ans that had bee n place d in pairs ne xt to the candle s was twenty, “ the numbe r of a comple te human be ing.” Whe n I appe are d confuse d, he aske d me how many finge rs and toe s I had, as though that should make the matter abundantly cle ar. Late r I discove re d that the numbe r twenty has ancie nt Maya associations with a comple te human be ing, as well as being the basis for both the calendar and the numbe r system (vige simal) of the pre -Columbian culture . Afte r the re fe re nce to the numbe rs of cacao beans and chili pe ppe rs laid out by the candle s, Don Migue l wave d his hand at two bowls and told me that they containe d the re mainde r of five pile s of thirte en cacao beans and five pile s of thirte en chili peppe rs, respectively, from which he had take n the pairs. The numbe r thirte en, he e xplaine d to me late r, is the numbe r of “ steps ” or le vels in the sky, which he dre w as a pyramid with six steps going up, a seventh ste p at the top, and six coming down the othe r side , explaining that the sun climbs this sky pyramid e very day, the moon e very night. The re is a corre sponding inve rted pyramid of nine “ ste ps” in the unde rworld, with four ste ps going down, a fifth at the bottom, and four going up (trave rse d by the sun during the night, and the moon during the day) . Don Migue l told both pare nts that the y would have to decide whe n they would re pe at the ce remony for Mar ía; it could possibly be in two ye ars, four, six, e ve n twelve , but it had to be done again afte r an even numbe r of ye ars but be fore thirte en years were up. The y could do it the mselves, if the y le arne d how. Afte r discussion with his wife , Jos é said that they would do it in two years, but the y hope d Don Migue l would be the re to help. Eve n numbe rs are associate d both with pairing and with this e arthly life, be cause the milpa and the e arth are four-side d. In contrast, the Celestial World has thirte e n “ steps.” Thus, the re quire ment that the ceremony be re pe ated in an eve n numbe r of ye ars, but before thirte e n ye ars had passe d, include s re fe rence s to both life on e arth and to the cele stial world, where the male sun and the fe male moon toge ther establish cycle s of time. Their cycles toge the r determine traditional planting time s. While he r pare nts and the he aler were standing around this altar, discussing the future , I note d that Mar ía was sitting very quietly watching the candles. She gradually became more and more involve d in the games of the children. The hierbatero (Don Miguel) watched he r carefully but without overt worry, checking, please d, reassuring others, telling them, “D éjala, d éjala jugar (let he r, let he r play) . . . . She always gives him
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a very special smile. She trusts him, feels safe with him, knows he likes her and that she is going to be fine. ”We ’ll see ," says my skeptical self (I was afraid she had epilepsy) . . . . The y smile at each other as though they have a ve ry special, wonderful secre t. (Faust, 1986, p. 5)
Transition, Part I: Teachings Con cernin g the Place of the Patien t in the G eneration s of Her Fam ily and the Im portan ce of Sexuality in Cosm ological Con text We move d to the kitche n to se e if the cooks (the grandmothe r and an aunt) had finishe d preparing the sacre d be ve rage , sak-ha ’. This ritual be verage must be made of ground white corn, not ye llow. It must not have be en soake d in slake d lime to remove the e picarp (a tough oute r membrane ) of the kernels, the normal procedure for re ducing the cooking time. Don Migue l e xplaine d that soaking in lime is to be avoide d be cause it turns white corn slightly ye llow and the sak-ha ’ must be pure white and in its whole state —with nothing remove d. White is associate d with purity, north, the sun, the zenith of the sky, prope r order, and male e sse nce. The white sak-h a ’ would be pre se nte d to the male Wind Lords, guardians and beare rs of the Rain Lords (Chako ’ob; o ’ob forms the plural in Mayan), who bring the “ pure rain ” from the Cele stial World. Don Migue l aske d for a dishpan and a “ lu ch,” half of a dried calabash shell (Crucentia cujete), which serves as a cup, bowl, and dippe r in traditional house holds. I had previously he ard an e lder re fe r to a calabash fruit hanging on a tre e as “ Hunahpu. ” Whe n I aske d what the word meant, I was told that it was an old Mayan word for a skull. This is the name of the skull-fathe r of the Hero Twins, in the ancie nt creation story, who conceive d the m in the Unde rworld by spitting into their mothe r’s hand. Her name was Little Blood and she was a daughte r of one of the Lords of the Underworld. Whe n he r pregnancy was discove red he r fathe r conde mne d he r to death, instructing some owls to cut out he r he art and bring it to him. Instead they helpe d he r e scape to the surface of the e arth and substitute d the resin of a tre e for he r heart (D. Tedlock, 1985, pp. 113-119) . The appe arance of the “ little blood ” of menstruation is a ne cessary prelude to conce ption, through which the essence of the ance stors is passe d on to a ne w ge neration. This cere mony was cle aring the way for the arrival of Mar ía ’s “ little blood, ” re moving the blockage caused by the Winds. Don Migue l fille d the dishpan half full of sak-ha ’, and the n the lu ch was also fille d halfway. He place d the luch inside the dishpan, hande d me some candle s to carry, picke d up the dishpan and dire cted José to bring a table . “ Square ? ” aske d José. “ Yes, square ,” replie d Don Migue l, “ like the corn fie ld, like the e arth. ” Te re sa was se nt to the first altar for the copal
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incense (a tree resin, similar to that which the owls substitute d for Little Blood ’s heart). Arriving at the center of the solar, Don Migue l hande d me the dishpan to hold, while he carefully positione d the square table , lining it up so that e ach side faced a cardinal direction. O nce he had arrange d the dishpan in the center of the table , with candle s and ince nse unde r the table , Don Migue l be gan to explain that, “ The table is the e arth with its four dire ctions, its four candle s.” Whe n I aske d about the fifth candle , he simply motione d upwards, anothe r quin cun x, I thought. He continue d, “ The dishpan stands for the solar, and the sak-h a ’ within it is for the family which live s inside the solar, while the sak-h a ’ in the luch is for Mar ía.” Don Migue l began to pray in Mayan asking God, the V irgin Mary, the saints, the spirits of Maya arche ological sites, and the Lords of the Winds to cure Mar ía. When he finishe d we all backe d away from the table , showing respect. We re turne d to the kitche n where Don Migue l began to cut up the previously sacrifice d chicke n. He aske d the family to notice care fully which was the left and right foot, be cause these would late r have to be prope rly place d in re lation to the re st of the chicke n’s parts when the y were burie d in the pit. The n he pause d, and smiling asked them, “ What is the othe r most important part of a chicke n? We have the fe et and the head.” He prompte d furthe r, “ What is the most important part of a person after the fee t and he ad? ” “ Hands? ” someone offered. He shook his head and said, “ They are important too, but not m ost im portant. What e lse is very important? ” No one answe red, e veryone se emed as puzzle d as I was. Don Migue l smiled triumphantly at us and announce d, “ The tail.” “ The tail is as important as the head; just as the le ft foot, though differe nt, is as important as the right.” This brought forth gale s of laughte r from everyone , except his patie nt, who shifte d he r weight from one foot to the othe r, held he r hands be hind her back, and twisted her body as she looke d hard at the floor. He watched he r carefully during the laughte r, with a tende r, caring e xpre ssion on his face. In Maya symbolism, le ft and right represe nt female and male re spe ctively, the head represents thought and the tail sexuality. The family had pre viously discusse d a fe male cousin of Maria ’s who had sudde nly become interested in a young man, commenting, “ Her tail heate d up on her.” Afte r cutting off the rooste r’s tail, he proce eded to cut the wing tips off at the se cond joint, te lling us again to note care fully that the le ft is not the same as the right, and they each ne ed to be ke pt in their prope r place . He continue d, “ The y are diffe rent, but e qually important, e qually necessary. ” This symbolic message is isomorphic with the e qual value give n women and men in daily life (Elme ndorf, 1986; Faust, 1998; Kintz, 1990) .
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Don Migue l the n put the remaining body of the chicke n in a pot of wate r to cook on the thre e stone s of the he arth. The se stone s are associate d with the founding of the Maya cosmos in Maya iconography, glyphic texts, and e arly colonial accounts, “ As the thre e he arthstone s surround the cooking fire and e stablish the cente r of the home, so the three stone throne s of Creation cente red the cosmos and allowe d the sky to be lifted from the Primordial Se a (Freide l et al., 1993, p. 67) .” The numbe r three also re late s to the thre e laye rs of the cosmos: the Ce lestial World, this earth, and the Underworld. Mar ía and the othe r childre n went out to play, while male and female adult re lative s toge the r began e arne stly discussing the proble m of Mar ía’s blood not coming down. No one appe ared to be e mbarrasse d. This surprised me, as I had pre viously note d that any re fe re nce to se xual inte rcourse , ge nitals, me nstruation, e tc., is usually re se rve d for all-male or all-fe male groups. Certainly, wome n do not usually te ll se xual joke s in front of men, nor will the y stay around men who are telling such joke s. The grandmothe r had e ven once insiste d that he r son (Maria ’s fathe r) le ave the room so that she could te ll me about traditional childbirth practice s. Appare ntly the medical emergency ove rrode such retice nce, conforming to the ge neral practice of wome n and men toge ther discussing proble ms and making important decisions (Elmendorf, 1986; Kintz, 1990; Faust, 1998) . The charte r myth for this e quality is that in which the original Creator Couple , Xpiyacoc (the first matchmake r, prior to all marriage ) and Xmucane (the first midwife , prior to all childbirth) , consulte d toge ther, discussing how the y would create humans (D. Te dlock, 1985, pp. 33-35) . We were still waiting for the chicke n, cooking in the pot, when Don Migue l be gan instructing the mother and the aunt to make small tortillas by hand. He told them to make thirte en and nine , or twenty-two. Whe n these were ready, the women were told to prepare empanadas, by filling these small tortillas with the ground squash see ds (which had bee n forme rly prese nted on the floor altar) and folding them in half for cooking. Giggle s soon erupte d as the women notice d the re d-brown substance , the ground squash se ed mixture , leaking out of the crack be tween the rounde d edge s of the double d tortillas, which puffe d up as they cooke d. I remembere d an earlie r occasion when a gre at explosion of giggle s had accompanie d my comme nting that I like d qu esadillas (tortillas double d over and stuffed with chee se ) and the final embarrasse d whispe r of the grandmothe r telling me why this was so funny. The round e dge s of the folde d ove r tortilla, puffe d from cooking, re semble female e xte rnal genitalia and qu eso, che e se , is the local e uphe mism for vaginal discharge . He re was the same shape , but now with a brownish -re d substan ce se e ping
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ou t — me nstrual blood! Don Migue l smile d at the wome n, acknowle dging the humor; the othe r me n studiously ignore d the whole incide nt.
Tran sition , Part II: Ritual Actions Representin g the Patient an d the Fam ily to the Win d Lords Don Migue l then led e veryone back to the ritual table outdoors and be gan to examine the sak-ha ’ in the dishpan by the light of a candle , assuring the family that it indicate d that Mar ía would ge t we ll. He the n be gan to pray in Maya, and use d the luch to toss some sak-ha ’ to e ach of the four cardinal directions, and also some dire ctly overhead, ducking so that it would not come down on him. He explaine d to me late r that this was for the five Lords of the Winds, one in e ach dire ction with a “ boss” ove rhe ad. He the n ladle d out the re maining sak-h a ’ into cups and othe r lucho ’ob for e ve ryone pre sent. A small portion was re served in the original luch “ representing Mar ía” and place d alone on the altar, supporte d this time by three small stone s— re sembling a miniature hearth, symbolizing he r future role . The cooks the n brought the chicke n, empan adas and k’ol (a thick chicke n gravy), placing the m next to the table altar in the solar, where Don Migue l arrange d them, along with othe r ritual items. Then he directed Mar ía to stand facing e ast (associate d with the birth of the sun e ach morning), about six fee t west of the table altar. He ge ntly stroke d her he ad, arms, and lowe r le gs with the sprig of rue. Her pare nts and grandpare nts were aske d to ble ss he r, one by one: mothe r and grandmothe r, fathe r and grandfathe r, in that order. Afte r this, while standing about four fe et away from he r, Don Migue l dippe d the sprig of rue in alcohol and told Mar ía to close he r e ye s. He sprinkle d her with the alcohol nine times, after which he moved close r to her and made the sign of the cross over he r head with the rue , while saying her name nine time s, a re fe re nce to the unde rworld, to death and the tomb (from which he was prote cting Mar ía), as well as the source of fertility, associate d with he r future mothe rhood. Next he aske d Mar ía about the “ stone ,” and she showed him that she still had it clutche d in her left hand. He nodde d, ple ased. The n he aske d he r pare nts and grandpare nts to stand beside he r, placing her fathe r to the north (associate d with male essence ), with he r grandfathe r imme diate ly be hind (we st of) her fathe r, he r mothe r to the south (associate d with female essence ), with he r grandmothe r imme diate ly behind (we st of) he r mothe r. The direction west is associate d with aging and approaching death. Don Migue l aske d me to stand directly behind (west of) Mar ía and hold one corner of a white cloth on her he ad, while he arrange d the rest
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of it behind he r, like a veil. Her mothe r told me late r that Don Migue l had instructe d he r to have this cloth ready for the ceremony; it had to be brand new, spotle ss, and must ne ver have bee n washe d. It had to be “ pure ,” like the chicke n, he had said. Mar ía was also “ pure ” ; she had “ not bee n with a man yet,” like the young rooste r on her head that had died without e ver having bee n with a hen. Landa ’s (1566/1978, pp. 44-45) description of the sixte enth-ce ntury ritual done for preadole scent youth include d the use of a white cloth, brought by the ir mothe rs. An e lderly woman and an elde rly man were in charge of the girls and boys, respectively. Cacao beans were used symbolically, attache d to the childre n’s clothing (chili pe ppe rs are not mentione d). The priest was assiste d by four “ Chaks,” persons re pre se nting the Rain Lords (associate d with the Wind Lords), whereas in Mar ía’s cere mony the healer’s ax maintaine d associations both with k’awil and with the ancie nt rain god Chak, through its origin from lightning. María’s two pare nts and two grandpare nts toge ther totale d four assistants, a variation on the four Chaks. The re was only one fe male child in this ritual and I, as an olde r fe male, was give n the task of atte nding her with the cloth. It is typical of coming of age cere monie s that they be conducte d at least in part by e lders who are not re lative s, but who are of the same sex as the initiate . Afte r positioning me, Don Migue l instructe d the pare nts, grandpare nts, and Mar ía to e ach stre tch out the ir le ft arms and hands to the east, toward the altar, while he praye d in Maya. During the praye r, he use d his right hand to make signs of the cross and counte rclockwise circles over the food. Finally we all left, so that the Lords of the Winds could e njoy their meal in peace. The numbe r of visiting re lative s had grown from the e leve n prese nt in the afternoon to twenty-two for this eve ning ritual, in addition to the he aler, the immediate family (six) , and me. Don Migue l comme nte d on the numbe r of visitors, anothe r combination of thirte e n and nine ; this was a good sign.
Transition, Part III: Fin al Teachin gs Concern ing Fu ture G enerations an d the Cycle of Life an d Death. Afte r the Lords of the Winds had e njoye d the “ essence ” (spirit) of the foods, we re turne d to the table altar for the items that would be take n to the next altar, the pit. By moonlight (only a quarte r moon), we carrie d nine empan adas, the chicke n re mains, cacao beans, chili peppe rs, sak-ha ’, k’ol, and the white cloth to the altar for the Lord of the Underworld. Don Migue l held up the chicke n’s he ad and aske d eve ryone where the sun is born e ach morning from the earth. The chicke n’s head was place d on that side of the pit and pointe d in that dire ction. Don Migue l the n aske d which
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was the le ft foot and which the right foot of the chicke n, putting them in their place s. Now, he aske d about “ the othe r important part.” They knew the answe r this time , and in went the tail — pointing west, but no one was laughing now, this was serious. Next the wings, first le ft, the n right, were de posite d in the ir respective place s, “ Are they differe nt? Are they both important? And the he ad and the tail? Both important, like your le ft hand and your right. ” Anothe r repetition of the importance of fe male and male, of thought and se xuality —with female re fe rence s first and the head before the tail. The visce ra went in the cente r, covered by feathe rs and pee lings, so that the asse mblage appe are d to be a whole dead chicke n. Don Migue l the n place d the cacao be ans in the pit, two pairs for e ach of the four cardinal directions and two pairs for the cente r, hence a total of twenty, the numbe r of a whole pe rson. This was followe d by an ide ntical numbe r of re d, drie d chilis, similarly distribute d. As he distribute d the cacao beans and chili peppe rs, Mar ía once notice d that he had picke d up three beans, by mistake , and she told him. He calle d e veryone ’s atte ntion to this. “ She se es things, she remembers,” he said, praising he r with obvious ple asure . “ Two pairs, that is four, ” Don Migue l said to me, by way of e mphasizing what should be done . “ Two pairs of cacao, two pairs of chilis, for e ach candle ,” he repeate d with insiste nce, looking at me to make sure I had unde rstood. Now there were no candle s, but the dire ctions were those that had earlie r bee n marked by the candle s. Don Migue l see med to be drawing my attention to the paralle ls in the rituals. I also notice d that there were, in this distribution, twenty cacaos and twenty chili peppe rs, or two pe rsons, one fe male , one male , whe re earlie r there had bee n only one se t of twenty which include d ten cacaos and ten chilis, one “ comple te pe rson.” Both childre n and old people are conside red more balance d, androgynous, than pe rsons in their re productive ye ars, who ne ed a partne r to balance a more strongly one -side d se xual e sse nce . Mar ía was le aving the androgynous childhood state of one comple te pe rson, to eve ntually become part of a pair of opposite ge nde rs. After the pairs were distribute d to the five principle directions (including the “ ve rtical ” one in the cente r), the bowls with the remaining cacao be ans and chili pe ppe rs were e mptie d into the center of the pit, and ove r the m was poure d the re maining sak-ha ’ from the lu ch on the table altar —the sak-ha ’ that re pre se nte d María. Next Don Migue l picke d up the small empanadas , five in one hand and four in the othe r. Nobody laughe d about the m now, just as no one had laughe d about the chicke n ’s tail a fe w minute s earlie r. Here in the dark, in front of the pit, these were serious matte rs. Don Migue l broke e ach empanada precise ly in half, “ making a pair,” he informe d us. Each “ pair ” was place d inside the pit, in the four directions. The last empanada ,
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Fig. 2. Ritual burial of sacrificed chicken.
also broke n in half to form a pair, was place d in the cente r, ove r the fe athe rs. Don Migue l gave Mar ía the othe r four to eat, emphasizing that she had “ two pairs, two whole pairs.” Behind he r e arlie r had stood two comple te pairs of proge nitors: he r pare nts and grandpare nts. In the future she would hope to have a daughte r to teach and give he r husband a son to teach, and the n she and he r husband would also be come two pairs of the
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same gende r: mothe r and daughte r, fathe r and son, gene rate d by the se xual intercourse of one pair of opposite s: mother and fathe r. She could e at the se empan adas tomorrow, if she was not hungry e nough now, he counse le d. It only matte re d that she ate the m he rse lf. ( Appare ntly, she was to physically internalize these te achings, so that the y be came part of her body.) Her four whole empan adas toge ther with the othe r five that had be en torn in half and place d in the pit came to a total of nine . The re were thirte e n remaining, and the y were to be distribute d with the othe r food among all of us. Nine for the Underworld, thirte e n for the Celestial World, four directions on this e arth, five in the thre e-dime nsional re fe re nce of the qu incun x, I re calle d. Cle arly the chicke n (re pre se nting the patie nt), the empan adas (symbolizing the vulva with menstrual blood) , and the pairs of chili peppe rs and cacao beans (re fe rring to the pairing of male and female ) were all be ing use d in symbolic actions that re fe rre d to social and biological re production in a culturally ordere d unive rse . (Se e Fig. 2 for a diagram of the pit.) O nce he had care fully offered all the se symbolic foods to the Lord of the Underworld, Don Migue l aske d Mar ía to stand on the west side, with her back to the pit, her mother on her le ft (south) and he r fathe r on he r right (north) . He aske d he r mother for the white cloth and hande d it to me, indicating I should again support it on he r head. Don Migue l the n praye d over he r and gradually pulle d the white cloth down her back. He de posite d the white cloth in the pit, pe rhaps as a symbolic refere nce to he r future sacrifice of purity and innoce nce to fe rtility. Under the grandfathe r’s supervision, Mar ía ’s fathe r and uncle s e nerge tically shove le d e arth into the pit and stompe d it down, prote cting María from the Lord of the Underworld. This symbolic action paralle ls their culturally assigne d re sponsibility of prote cting her virginity until she forms a new “ pair ” that will produce anothe r ge ne ration. We returne d to the kitche n whe re Don Migue l supe rvise d the se rving of food: first the major portion of chicke n went to Mar ía (as had the majority of the empan adas), the re st of the food was the n distribute d to the othe r participants, along with plenty of tortillas, be er, and rum coke s.
Reincorporation : Fin al Blessing for a Wom an-to-Be Afte r eating, Don Migue l led us into the front room, this time to the pe rmanent family altar, whe re he had me re place the crucifix that had bee n take n to the table altar in the solar. We were returning to the room where the cere mony had be gun, but now to its e veryday altar and not to the te mporary floor altar whe re the young rooste r had bee n sacrifice d on Mar ía’s
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he ad. We were returning to the eve ryday world, but Mar ía was re-e ntering that world in a ne w role. We had re turne d from a time and place that was alie n and frighte ning —night in the solar. Normally no one goe s into the solar at night, afte r the hearth is extinguishe d. Doors are normally bolte d by eight or nine in the evening, and in case of “ ne cessity” a chambe r pot can be use d until morning. But this night, unde r the black sky and close to midnight, Don Migue l had calle d the Winds into our prese nce and we had give n a gift of food to the Lord of the Unde rworld. Now we were re turning from that liminal place where opposite s are paire d, transformations occur, and de ath meets fe rtility, to an are a whe re daily social role s are enacte d, prote cted from the raw force s of nature -and-spirit by e ve ryday norms. (For a discussion of liminality in rituals se e Turne r, 1967, 1974.) With María facing west, Don Migue l place d he r mothe r and fathe r on he r left (south) and right (north) , re spe ctively. Her pare nts were both instructe d to bless her by making the sign of the cross ove r he r with a sprig of rue , first her mothe r, the n he r fathe r. This was followe d by Don Migue l instructing he r younge r fe male cousin to put this sprig and a re d rose upside down in a glass of Holy Wate r, that had be en blessed by the Catholic priest on Easte r and ke pt in a closed bottle for e merge ncy use . The cousin was to le ave this glass on the family altar, whe re it was to remain during the night. Mar ía was to drink the wate r the morning after the ceremony and then use that same sprig of rue to make her reliqu ia. A ne w rose and a ne w sprig of rue were to be put in a glass of Holy Water every night for nine nights. If in the morning the rue and the rose looke d fre sh, it was to be inte rpre te d as a sign that Mar ía was going to be fine . Each morning she should drink the water, e ach e ve ning her mother was to prepare for he r a nice -smelling herb bath that include d rue. Turning to Mar ía, Don Migue l asked for the “ stone ” (the ax) , and she proudly gave it back; she had not lost it in the ten hours she had bee n re sponsible for holding it in her le ft hand. This responsibility had not pre ve nted her playing with her cousins while the adults cooke d and arrange d altars, but it had bee n a constant reminde r that she was in a spe cial condition. This is a minor form of separation compare d to that in some rite s of passage , but it still marked her as the person e xpe rie ncing transition from the status of child to that of a person preparing for adult re sponsibilitie s. Don Migue l fe lt the ax and said it was warm, which was good. The n Don Migue l he ld the “ stone ” on he r he ad and praye d in Mayan, after which he passe d it down her side s: le ft the n right; then down the left and right arms and le gs, e xplaining that this was the final lim pieza (cle ansing). He told her pare nts that she might have one more attack whe n the bad Wind finally left her, but it would be the last one and would be a light
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one . He gave Mar ía thre e re d be ans with black spots on the m and told he r that late r she would make a reliqu ia with the m; he would e xplain how. The day after the ceremony, I went to see Don Migue l to ask him some que stions. When I was leaving, he aske d me to take María some things she ne ede d for her reliquia and the instructions for making it. Whe n I returne d to the house , I was told that Mar ía had inde ed had anothe r attack, while she was at school. It was a light one , as Don Migue l had said it would be . I gave her and her mother the things for the reliqu ia and re laye d the instructions. Whe n I aske d the grandmothe r what these things meant she just laughe d and aske d if I were going to take the he aler’s job away from him! My fieldnote s re ad, (previously to the ceremony) . . . she (Mar ía) se emed confused, self-conscious and awkward, now she see ms self-conscious but quietly pleased and secretly rathe r proud of herself. This se ems to be ve ry much a disguised initiation rite. (Faust, 1986, p. 11)
The Patien t’s Respon se: Now I Am a Wom an ! Afte r the cere mony, María and her mother were told by Don Migue l to come back for visits eve ry Friday for se veral weeks to be blessed (ensalm ado). I accompanie d them for two of these se ssions, which involve d his ble ssing Mar ía with rue and praying over he r in Mayan. During these se ssions, he would watch Mar ía care fully, approvingly, with e vide nt pleasure in he r progre ss, and in her. I notice d the ve ry spe cial smile she repeate dly gave him. She see med at e ase with him, trusted him. She took an inte rest in e verything he did and asked him que stions. Don Migue l was very ple ase d with these que stions and praise d her for re membe ring parts of the cere mony. In turn, he aske d if she re me mbe re d the numbe r of cacao be ans, the numbe r of chilis, and the dire ction for the chicke n ’s he ad. She appe are d ve ry comfortable with him and with his que stions; she knew the an swers. During those Friday visits, Te re sa would de scribe Mar ía ’s be havior during the pre ceding week, reporting to Don Migue l any ne rvousne ss, displays of temper, stubbornne ss, or unhe lpfulne ss. The total context of the be havior would then be discusse d. At times Don Migue l ge ntly admonishe d Mar ía or asked he r sympathe tically about why she had done some thing. He freque ntly re minde d he r that she was be coming a woman now and should begin to be have like one . Her mother was also reminde d that this was a de licate age , and that it was important that the e ntire family should re main calm. Family proble ms were discusse d with the goal of finding ways
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to kee p things calm. Mar ía was told not to conce rn herself with her pare nts ’ proble ms. We eks later, Doñ a Mari and Te resa, both smiling broadly, informe d me with great pride that, “ Le baj ó la regla a María ” (Mar ía had gotte n he r pe riod.) . Both re counte d the story, chucklin g ove r the girl ’s re action. “ Mommy, I have blood in my pantie s, and I don ’t e ven have a sore down there.” She had obviously not bee n pre pare d for this physiological e ve nt. Her mothe r told her it was all right. It meant she was a woman now. She would have this e ve ry month from now on. “ But what if I don ’t want to? ” she aske d. This occasione d gre at laughte r in the re -te lling. Te re sa and Doñ a Mari went on to inform me that they had told Mar ía she would have this anyway. “ It just happe ns, if you like it or not. This is just what wome n have . It’s pre paring you to have a baby someday.” The y told me that now Mar ía should be fine ; some times girls have proble ms whe n their blood is trying to come down the first time. For most, there is no proble m; but for some, it cause s proble ms. A fe w days late r I was walking down the stre et, alone with María, on the way to se e her aunt. “ Now I am like you, Do ñ a Betty,” she said. Gue ssing what this was about, I simply said encouragingly, “ You are ? ” “ Yes, I got my pe riod.” “ Ahh,” I said using the Maya infle ction for agre e ment and e ncourage ment to continue . She looke d to me for additional comme nt. I re sponde d, “ So, now you are a woman, too? ” “ Yes, now I am a woman, ” she beamed at me, before she went skipping on ahe ad to lift in her arms her one -ye ar-old cousin, toddling in her aunt ’s doorway. In late r ye ars during re turn visits, I was told that Mar ía had had no more ataqu es until a fe w wee ks before he r marriage , whe n she be gan having nightmare s about a pre vious fianc é, who had die d in an accide nt the ye ar before and was “ trying to pull her into his grave .” Whe n the ataqu es began this time , Mar ía was se ve ral months pre gnant with he r first child. (Pregnancy is commonly the prelude to marriage in Taj) . Don Migue l re pe ated the curing ceremony for her, the ataque s cease d, and she e ve ntually gave birth to a full-te rm, he althy son. Since the n, she has not suffe red from ataqu es. The last time I saw Mar ía was in March of 1995, in he r grandpare nts ’ home. She had re turne d for a visit, bringing he r husband and baby from their home in Campeche City. Again Don Migue l aske d he r about the cere mony: the numbe rs of cacao beans, the numbe r of chili peppe rs, whe re the rooste r’s he ad goe s, etc. She re cited the answers, beaming at him over he r infant son, whom she held proudly in he r arms. I asked he r private ly if he r husband had a drinking proble m like he r fathe r, “ No,” she said, adding happily, “ and he does not beat me either! ”
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CONCLUSION: RITUALS AND THE REPRODUCTION OF GENDER The cere mony gradually unfolde d traditional Maya symbolism concerning ge nde r reproduction, placing it within a cosmic conte xt. María was oriented to her role as a future wife and mothe r by refere nces to her pare nts and grandpare nts and to the Maya cosmos, with its fe male and male aspe cts, sacred center, four-fold sacre d be ings, and k’awil (blood as a sacre d life e sse nce), re pre se nte d by a cere monial ax. The h-m en himse lf was a conduit of supe rnatural powe r. Afte r the cere mony, continuing “ prote ction ” of the patie nt was offe re d by a sacre d pouch containing Maya symbolic obje cts to be worn ne xt to he r developing bre asts. The rituals followe d the seque nce de scribed for coming of age rituals by V an Genne p (1909/1960) . The first ritual se parate d the initiate from he r pre vious role and from the othe r members of the family. She alone was give n the responsibility for holding the cere monial ax for the re st of the ceremony. Only she was place d in front of a strange altar on the floor, facing east. O nly on her he ad did a chicke n dramatically die from the mysterious praye rs of the he aler. The second ritual move d outdoors, to an are a conside red ope n to Maya spirit be ings, where the sak-h a ’ be ve rage in the dishpan re pre se nte d the family to the Wind Lords and that in the lu ch re pre sente d Mar ía. The n the Wind Lords were calle d for the ir ritual foods and Mar ía, her pare nts, and grandpare nts were pre se nte d dire ctly to the m. Finally the Lord of the Underworld had to be confronte d and give n a substitute for the patie nt, whom he had anticipate d as a meal. Inside the “ pure ” young rooste r’s tomb, the cacao be ans and chili peppe rs were doubly paire d: grandmothe r and mothe r, daughte r (as a future mothe r) and the future granddaugh te r; grandfathe r and fathe r, future son-in-law and future grandson. Mar ía ’s white ve il joine d the cacao beans and chili peppe rs, symbolizing past and future ge nerations. Then she ate the four empan adas with their ground squash see ds symbolizing fe rtile blood. The first thre e rituals integrate d the past and the prese nt, the girl in re lation to he r pare nts and grandpare nts; but the burial ritual looke d forward to the ne w generation, to this girl ’s future husband and childre n. From a Weste rn perspective the occurrence of a reference to the future in a burial ritual se ems odd, but it is entirely appropriate in a symbolic system that inte rpre ts proce sse s of death and de cay as essential parts of a cycle ne eded for fe rtility, ne cessary precursors to ge rmination and conce ption (Faust, 1998, pp. 166-169; D. Tedlock, 1985, pp. 112-119) . In Taj childre n are often identifie d with grandpare nts and decease d re lative s; in some sense the e sse nce of persons who are aging or decease d is reborn with ne w vitality in the next generation, as dead plants are born
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again whe n their see ds sprout, as Hunahpu was reborn in Little Blood ’s sons, the Hero Twins. From a Maya perspective, it is in the darkne ss of the womb that the ne xt ge ne ration will be forme d of menstrual blood and se men, by a spiritual conne ction be tween the Ce le stial World and the Unde rworld that involve s the souls of the de ad (see Faust, 1988, pp. 385-397) . Anothe r aspe ct of the burial ritual which contradicts Weste rn e xpe ctations is the offering of only the inedible re mains of a sacrifice d chicke n to the Lord of the Underworld. Should not an offering to a Spiritual Being be some thing valuable ? Head, fee t, tail, and wing tips protrude d from a pile of feathe rs which hid from vie w the inte stines and internal organs; the chicke n appe are d comple te, but nearly all the edible meat was missing. O n top of the deceptive fe athe rs were place d some empanadas, cacao beans, chili peppe rs, sak-ha ’ and k’ol, but the chicke n meat was consume d by the human participants. This appare nt deception is re minisce nt of many e pisode s in the Popol Vuh in which the Hero Twins tricke d the Lords of the Underworld in orde r to de fe at death. For example , whe n the Hero Twins were told by the Lords that they must ke ep a torch and their cigars burning all night, they use d red macaw feathe rs to simulate the torch fire and aske d their firefly frie nds to come and sit on the e nd of the cigars, giving the appe arance that the cigars were burning (D. Tedlock, 1985, p. 137) . Bargaining with and tricking spirit be ings is one aspe ct of the reciprocal nature of Maya re ligious thought, one which place s human beings in an inte ractive re lation to the spiritual world, a quite diffe re nt role than that of the human supplicant in the Judeo-Christian tradition (see D. Tedlock, 1985, p. 63) . In Mar ía ’s cere mony the se que ntial unfolding of Maya symbolism from the first to the fourth ritual reached a finale in the fifth ritual in front of the family altar, with its focus on the ax (associate d through lightning with both flowing blood and the male Rain Lord, Chak) and the gree n crosse s of rue . The latte r functionally represe nt the axis m un di, as it is used to make the ritual crosses and circles that refer to the structure of the cosmos while ble ssing the patie nt and the offe rings to the Lords of the Winds. In Classic time s, the ceiba tre e re pre se nte d the axis m un di in the iconography of ceremonial cente rs with monume ntal archite cture . Both rue and ceiba tree re fe r to the conne ctions betwee n the celestial world, the unde rworld and this world ’s work of re producing future ge ne rations (Faust, 1988, p. 391) . The structure and orientation of altars also re fe rs to the three compone nts of the Maya cosmos: this world (the first altar on the floor of the house ), the Ce le stial World (the elevate d outdoor altar on the square table for offe rings to the Winds) , and the Unde rworld (the burial pit altar) . This association was furthe r strengthe ned by re peate d re fe re nces to the numbe rs associate d with e ach of the se cosmic laye rs throughout the cere mony.
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The emphasis on pairing of cacao be ans and chili peppe rs is associate d with more than the onset of menarche , as this procedure is found in all he aling cere monie s done by Don Migue l. This repe ated pairing see ms to re fe r to a strong Maya belief that prope r orie ntation to one ’s own ge nde r, to the opposite ge nde r, and to past and future gene rations is necessary for any individual ’s he althy orie ntation to life . Those who have not had their own biological childre n are expe cted to participate in the cycle of generations by assisting with the care and instruction of the childre n of othe rs. This is ofte n institutionalize d in the formal role s of godfathe r and godmothe r.5 The symbolism of María’s cere mony provide d orientation to her adult role, the individual life cycle , and the cycle of ge nerations. Howe ver, these human ide ntitie s and cycle s were also firmly place d in a large r context. The y were e xplicitly conne cted through symbolism to unive rsal forces of life and cycle s of rege neration. The symbolic sexual pairs of cacao beans and chili pe ppe rs, were always pre se nte d at the critical points of the quin cun x, a structure uniting the three le ve ls of the unive rse, which are conne cted through their center. All these refere nces cle arly prese nt culturally specific ge nde r roles as though they were natural entitie s, based on biological diffe re nces that are part of the natural orde r of the unive rse . The y also provide a cognitive structure , a model of that unive rse (se e Gee rtz, 1973) in which the patie nt can “ place ” the spe cific tasks she must maste r to be a successful wife and mothe r on this e arth, using the re sources provide d by humans working with nature , with local resource s. This is conve ye d in part by the ritual importance give n to corn, squash see ds, copal incense, lucho ’ob, dome stic fowl, cacao be ans, and chili pe ppe rs: metonyms for the de pe nde ncy of human beings on the earth. The symbolic representation of the cosmos in he aling cere monie s is re plicate d in various agricultural rituals and a rain-calling cere mony (Faust, 1998, pp. 83-120) . The symbolism in all the se cere monie s functions as a he uristic device, de line ating the natural world that provide s re sources use d by the Maya to produce food, medicine , house s, furniture , and many use ful tools. Ceremonial re pre se ntation of the environme nt incorporate s and interprets the human life cycle, including the processes of both biological and social reproduction. The cere mony highlights both se xual pairing and the pairing of pare nt and child of the same se x, through which traditional gende r roles are taught by example and daily participation. The se role s include spe cialize d e xpe rtise in the use and manage ment of natural resource s and the re fore are logically tie d to represe ntations of the natural environme nt. Hanks (1990) has found that, “ a person ’s w íinklil 5
The discrete homosexual behavior of some unmarried persons is quietly acce pted.
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‘body’ is his or her lu ’um ‘earth.’ O ne ’s bre ath and animacy are one ’s iík’ ‘wind ’” (p. 86) . The he aling ceremony’s symbolic re pre sentation of ge nde r roles— as integral parts of a natural unive rse orde re d by the principal dire ctions, the suns path, and cycles of life and death — is consonant with the re ality of traditional gende r role s, e mbedde d in and depe nde nt upon the local environme nt. The ceremony symbolically represents the conne ctions be tween gende r, sexual pairing, pare nting, the natural orde r, and the life force . These conne ct with meanings implicit in eve ryday life and he nce carry a positive emotional charge , perhaps affecting e ndocrine leve ls sufficiently to stre ngthe n the immune system or regulate the autonomic ne rvous system (e .g., Cannon, 1942; Dow, 1986; Lex, 1977) , thus contributing to the healing of Mar ía. Through all its cultural variations, ancie nt ceremonial symbolism spe aks to enduring truths concerning human life and our de pe nde ncy on the natural world, including our own bodie s and their role in the survival of our spe cie s.
APPENDIX OF SYMBOLS G ender6 Categories Cardinal directions Hands/sides Other worlds Locations of work Structure Celestial bodies Cycle of sun Water Colors
Male North/up, e ast Right-hand/side Celestial world Forest/fields Order Sun Day Rains White/gre en
Fe male South/down, west Left-hand/side Unde rworld House/yard Creative chaos Moon, earth Night Groundwater Re d/black
Colors 7 Black (Box in Maya.) : west, night, creation/fe rtility, chaos, dark, moon, female .
6
Source: Gossen (1974/1984, pp. 29-45) with minor modifications for Taj by Faust, 1988, pp.160-178) . 7 For an exanded discussion of color symbolism in contemporary Maya populations see Gossen (1974/1984, pp. 29-45) and Faust (1988, pp. 160-178) . Yellow was not used in this ceremony; however, it forms part of the context of symbolism in Taj; see Faust (1988, pp. 213-222, 386-97.)
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G reen (Ya ’x in Maya.) : conne ction be tween cele stial world and unde rworld, associate d with tree s and plants in ge neral, particularly the ya ’axche ’, or ceiba (Ceiba pen tan dra), which also translate s as “ gre en cross.” The gre en crosses found in churche s throughout the Yucatan Pe ninsula are also calle d ya ’axche’. (Se e rue, below). This color is ge ne rally associate d with growth and vitality. Red (Chak in Maya.) : east, birth of sun each morning (a re-birth from de ath at sunse t), childbirth, menstruation, fertility. Also, in more ge ne ral terms, re d is a re fe rence to blood as life force and sacrifice , as well as to the heart. Classic and Postclassic offerings to the gods include d re d hematite as well as blood sacrifice s by kings, que ens, and priests— in addition to the human sacrifice that involve d the re moval of the he art (Freide l e t al., 1993) . White (Sak in Maya.): north, day, structure/stasis, order, light, sun, male.
Num bers Three: the numbe r of laye rs of the unive rse , with the Ce le stial World as one laye r (internally compose d of se ve n laye rs with thirte e n ste ps, se e “ thirte e n” ), the Unde rworld be ing anothe r (inte rnally compose d of five laye rs with nine steps, se e “ nine ” ) and this flat Earth upon which humans live being a third. All three laye rs share four side s and a central point through which an animating spirit flows, in a conne cting channe l, the u hol gloriyah (glory hole ) (Freide l et al., 1993, p. 51; Sosa, 1985). Four/five: re fe rs to the qu incun x, a design consisting of four points which form a square , plus a central point. This is the basic plan of the world upon which we walk with the central point indicating vertical direction, and thus, pointing to both the Cele stial World above and the Unde rworld below. The qu incun x with four exte rnal points and a central fifth is a flat represe ntation of a thre e-dimensional unive rse . This is a common figure in ancie nt Maya iconography associate d with the earth and more generally with the unive rse including the three basic laye rs. Nine/five: there are nine “ ste ps ” in the Underworld. The sun, moon and othe r cele stial be ings trave l down an inve rte d pyramid, unde r the ground, during their daily cycle ; le aving the Ce le stial World and returning back up the pyramid through the water which surrounds the square e arth. The re are five diffe re nt laye rs to the Underworld, or four ste ps down, a fifth bottom platform and four ste ps up, totaling nine ste ps. This is an inve rse image of the Ce le stial World but with fe wer steps (see be low). Thirteen/seven: the re are thirte en “ steps ” in the Ce le stial World. The sun, moon and othe r celestial be ings trave l up and down a pyramid in the
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sky during the ir daily cycle , leaving the Unde rworld through the wate r which surrounds the square earth. There are seve n differe nt laye rs to the Celestial World, or six ste ps up, a se ve nth top platform, and six steps down, an inve rse image of the Unde rworld, but with thirte e n steps instead of nine . The Celestial World ’s thirte en ste ps have to do with eve nts that can be read in the stars, according to Don Migue l of contemporary Taj. Thirte en Maya conste llations formed the basis of Classic and Postclassic Maya cosmology (Freide l e t al., 1993, pp. 59-122) . Twenty: Don Migue l make s re fe rence to twenty as being the numbe r of a comple te human being, which is relate d to ancie nt Maya associations. According to Landa (1566/1978, p. 38) , in the sixte enth century the normal swidde n plot which would fe ed a Maya man, his wife and childre n was calle d a hun vin ik, which he translate s as “ one man” ; it was measure d using a staff of 20 “ fe et” twenty times on e ach side of a square . The Diccionario Maya (Barre ra, 1991, p. 923) give s win ik (often written vinik in colonial texts) for both man and a unit of measuring land. The re late d term “ winal ” is the name of the twenty-day, pre -Columbian month, thirte en of which made the ritual cale ndar cycle and e ighte e n of which made the solar year whe n combine d with the uayeb, a dange rous five-day period of transition. Thus there is a comple x association of the numbe r twenty with a man, cycles of time, and agriculture . Twenty was also significant as the basis for the mathematical syste m of Classic Maya culture , a vige simal one (compare d with the de cimal system of modern societie s). Cosm ology Ax: According to Don Migue l of Taj, the small stone axe s that are sometimes found in the fore st or swidde n fie lds are thrown down by lighting, from the Winds.
Classic Maya references: axe s we re “ wie lde d by the god Chak (Rain) when he dance d as axwie lding exe cutione r . . . (to rele ase ) the ch ’ulel, the ‘soul stuff ’ of the unive rse that sacrifice brought forth (Freide l e t al., 1993, p. 217). ” Classic iconography has an ax in the middle of the fore head of the god K’awil who is associated with lightning as communicatio n from the divine (Figure 4.15 in Freide l et al., 1993, p. 198). K’awil in Yucatec Maya re fe rs to a “ pre cious substance . . . give n as thanks for the suste nance provide d by the divine . . . . (It) re pre se nts the contractual obligation bonding people and gods, for the gods receive from people that which the y provide d in the first place — maize and wate r transforme d into fle sh and blood (Freidel et al., 1993, p. 194).
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Con temporary K’iche ’ Maya references: priest-shamans are give n their divining powers when K’oxol strikes the m all ove r with a re d ax. K’oxol is himself a “ K’awil-born Pe rson ” (Freide l et al., 1993, p. 201). Afte r be ing thus initiate d with the ax, the K’iche ’ prie st-sham ans are able to re ad the “ lightning ” in the ir own blood, through which the intentions of the ance stors are reveale d conce rning the ir patie nts ’ conditions (B. Te dlock as quote d in Freide l et al., 1993, p. 200.)
Axis m undi: originally the ceiba tre e (Ceiba pen tan dra, or Ya ’axche’ in Maya) , as the cente r of the world, holding up the sky. It has a straight trunk with horizontal branche s at the top and is re fe rre d to in Maya as “ the gre e n tre e .” Se e “ gre en ” and “ rue.” Also associate d with the center of the qu in cun x. Ritual actions sugge st rue as a substitute in this cere mony. Quincun x: see “ four/five ” above . Ritual m ovem ent: include counte r-clockwise circle s, refle cting the path of the sun, from East to North (also up) to West to South (also down) and crosses which go from e ast to west and north to south, creating a central point. Foods Cacao bean (kakaw in Maya) : vulva? (Sugge stion base d on a longitudinal crease found within the oval surface of the be an. O the r indications: Cacao pod: similaritie s to e ars of corn and to papaya fruits, both of which are commonly associate d with the vulva (see se ction, “ Inte rpretation of Symbols ” ). Also, Hot chocolate as beverage: 1. pre paration involve s agitation of chocolate by special stick (pe nis) in woode n containe r, which action is said to rese mble sexual activity (common joke s). 2. give n to women afte r birth (in Taj) . 3. drun k in association with the Day( s) of the Dead and an nive rsarie s of death , as we ll as arrange me nts be twe e n par e nts an d godpar e nts for ba ptism and those be twe e n pare nts of bride and groom be fore m arriage. (in Taj, also Sosa, 1985, pp. 269-80; Redfield & V illa Rojas 1934/1962, pp. 40, 152, 185-88, 193-94) . Souls are said to be “ re born ” afte r de ath and marriage arrange me nts re fe r to fe rtility and the birth of childre n. Baptism arrange s for godpare nts to he lp socializ e and care for childre n.
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Other ethnographic con texts: 1. Used by the Lacandon Maya ( formerly Yucate c Maya) in ritual offerings along with “ sak ha ’,” a ritual corn be ve rage (McGe e, 1990, pp. 47-48) . 2. Landa re fe rs to its use in a “ baptism ” which appe ars to be a 16th century rite of passage . The beans are used to adorn the clothing of the childre n participating and also used to pre pare a be verage (1566/1978, pp. 44-45) . Cacao in Classic Period associations: 1. Cacao pod on the sarcophagus in the crypt of the Temple of the Inscriptions at Pale nque is de picte d below the surface of the e arth, a positio n assoc iate d with sprouting and re ge ne ration (Barthe l, 1978, pp. 81-90) . 2. In the same sarcophagus, image s of cacao tre es are associate d only with image s of women and shown with fiftee n fruits, whose numbe r Barthe l (1978, p. 85) identifie d as the “ full moon numbe r.” In contrast fruit tree s with image s of men have twenty fruits (none of which is cacao), whose numbe r is associate d with the laying out of agricultural fie lds by men. (Ibid, footnote 4). 3. Cacao be ans were used as a medium of exchange , a form of money (Schele & Freidel, 1990, pp. 92-94) . Chicken: (rooste r) half-grown, pure , innoce nt, has not yet crowed, not be en with a he n. It is se en as the refore appropriate for sacrifice . It is use d in ceremonie s for curing othe rs, including se xually expe rie nced women. The re fore , it cannot be unde rstood as functionin g as a spe cific re pre se ntative of the innoce nt, pure girl in this particular cere mony. However, rooste rs are used e xclusive ly with fe male patie nts and hens with male patie nts. Both must be “ pure ,” the hen should not have yet laid an e gg (Redfie ld & Villa Rojas, 1962, p. 174) . Feet and wings: left and right referred to as equally important, but diffe rent. It is important that they be kept in their appropriate place s. This in context appears to be a reference to female (left) and male (right) and their equal importance in interde pendent roles within the family. See also section on gender in this appe ndix. Head and tail: contraste d but both said to be important in the ceremonial place ment. Tail is clearly associate d with human ge nitals in gene ral joking. It is said of a girl who has falle n in love , “ Her tail he ated up on he r.”
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Chili pepper: a common euphe mism for the penis in riddle s and joke s. (See se ction, “ Inte rpretation of Symbols. ” ) Em pan ada: a folde d-ove r tortilla stuffed with pepita m enu da m olida and cooke d. The shape when viewed from the side re se mble s the vulva, the crack fre quently opens a little in cooking, allowing the stuffing to ooze out. Reporte d by Redfie ld & V illa Rojas (1934/1962) as used for both curing (p. 174) and fixing a place for the hive s (p. 146) . K’ol: A white gravy made from chicken broth thickene d with ground corn. Luch: A gourd which grows on a tre e to approximate ly the size of the back of a human skull. In the Maya creation myth this gourd is the skull of the ancestor One Hunahpu, the fathe r of all subse que nt human beings. He spits into the hand of Little Blood, a daughte r of Blood Gathe rer, one of the Lords of Death in the ancie nt Maya Underworld. He te lls her, It is just a sign I have given you, my saliva, my spittle . . . when he (a man) dies, pe ople get frightened by his bones . . . the father does not disappear, but goes on being fulfilled . . . . Rather, he will leave his daughters and sons. So it is that I have done likewise through you. Now go up there on the face of the e arth; you will not die. Keep the word. So be it. (D. Tedlock, 1985, p. 114-115)
Pepita m enuda m olida: small squash see ds, toaste d and ground, which have a reddish-brown color, similar to menstrual blood (joke s spe cific to ceremony) . Rue ( Ru ta graveo len s, L., in Roys, 1976, p. 9) : a E urope an import, use d in this ce re mony for ble ssing ritual be ve rage , foods, and the patie nt. The ce iba is re fe rre d to as ya ’axche ’ the gre e n tre e or cross and the same word is use d for the thre e gre e n crosse s found in churche s througho ut the Yucatan Pe ninsula. Le ave s sprout from the branche s of the he rb rue in groups of thre e , re se mbling crosse s, gre e n crosse s. This is the re ason give n in Taj for why it is a “ sacre d he rb,” of use for ble ssing. This association with crosse s is similar to that of the ce iba, which re pre se nte d the axis m u ndi in the Classic Pe riod ( se e axis m un di, above ). In addition , the wate r in which rue has be e n soake d can be use d as a me dicine ; it can be use d for drinking or bathing. It is a common house hold re me dy in the Pe ninsula, with most house holds maintainin g a plant or two in pots. Sak-ha ’: a white be verage made of corn kernels cooke d with the e picarp, then ground and swee te ned with hone y to make a thick grue l.
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