Chapter - IV EDUCATIONAL REFORMS - Shodhganga

Chapter - IV EDUCATIONAL REFORMS

Chapter - IV

EDUCATIONAL REFORMS Education is no longer a privilege, it is considered as a birth right of every citizen in a civilized society. The great progress made by science and technology and the complexities of modem life have necessitated universal education of a reasonably good standard.' Education especially higher education is a powerful and pervasive agency of change. Indeed higher education holds the key for social transformation and national development. It remains the most vital catalyzing agency of change. There was a time when education of Kerala was under the strong grip of the communal organizations. The educational scenarios of the state became a most complex and complicated area of administration. The education sector was mostly controlled and regulated by the private sector. The Christian managements had the monopoly over the education in the state of Kerala. In normal course no one would be daring enough to touch the vital problems pertaining to education because of the complexities involved in it. But E.M.S who had been trained in the vortex of radicalism displayed a rare courage to undertake the responsibility of correcting the flaws he found in the educational system. He had to face many challenges when he attempted to rectify some severe fauhs that affected the entire system. In the ministry under

1. 2.

Dr. Antony Puduchery, A Challenge to Educational Rights in Kerala State, Emakulam, 1962, p. 54. Marine Pinto, Federalism and Higher Education, the Indian Experience, p.l

154 the leadership of E.M.S Professor Joseph Mundassery an eminent educationist was given the portfolio of education.^ In the field of education Kerala stood at the forefront among the states of India.'* According to the statistics provided by the Government of Kerala, in 1957 more than 20% of Kerala's population attended the 10000 institutions with well over 80000 teachers. Apart from the qualitative problem of standardization and diversification towards more technical training, the government felt that the most acute problems were those of regulating the working and the juridical powers of the various institutions under the ministry of education. Whatever be the extent of scandals, corruption and grievances, there was no possibility of redressal since there was no legal basis for enforcing governmental orders. The major department of education had only the power to spend money. The school system worked favourably for the Brahmins, Syrian Christians, Jacobites, Marathamites, Nairs and even for the Backward Christians, but worked very unfavourably for the Ezhavas, Muslims, Scheduled Castes and Kanimates, who constituted 65% of the population, but were proportionately

heavily

underrepresented in the educational system. The teachers were appointed not on the merit, ability and character but on the bases of their caste, religion and similar other considerations. Once they were appointed they were treated almost like slaves. The injustice towards teachers was facilitated by the rising educated unemployment, a direct

3. 4.

Kerala State Administration Report, State Archives, Trivandrum, 1957- 58, p.l. Antony Pudicherry,^ Challenge to Educational Rights in Kerala State, India,1962, p.l61.

155 consequence of the educational structure. In the early thirties nobody less than C.P. Ramaswamy Aiyar had warned that one could "foresee that middle class unemployment which is every day on the increase, will necessarily lead to a situation which will be intolerable. There is therefore a great political necessity for reorganising our system of education".^ The responsibility for the payment of teachers and many other expenses paid through the managers was taken over by the government. The cost per pupil particularly in private elementary schools rose sharply. Consequently, direct expenditure, given to the private managements without any possibility of supervision or verification, totaled between 6 and 7 crores.^ The ratio of government schools to private institutions was 2: 7 in 1957. The perceptible change towards a 3 to 5 ratio during the years of the E.M.S government was mainly due to the takeover of 1200 schools run by the Malabar District Board. Of the nearly 6000 private schools 2200 were run by the Church.^ The system of education had become private business enterprises. The ability and the qualification of teachers were only subordinate conditions in the appointment of teachers. The teachers were treated as slaves by the managers who acted as masters. The Kerala Education Bill in 1957 was not a product of the so-called Communist strategy of subversion and regimentation which was

5. 6.

7.

T.K. Velu Pillai, op. cit., p.749. Government of Kerala, Kerala State Administrative Report 1958-59 p. 122, and, Statistical Abstract of Kerala 1959-60 p. 85. Of their official expenditure of 756 lakhs in 1959, the managements received674 directly from the government. Opposition sources invariably estimated the number of private schools much higher K.P. Pillai 1959 p. 98 put their number at 7798. The Malabar District Board Schools, though not yet directly turn by the government were not private schools as such.

156 ascribed to it, but was merely a reedition of previous attempts in Kerala and in other states to implement some bourgeois-democratic measures. Nobody less than Her Highness Parvathi Bai of Travancore had, as early as 1817, had issued prescripts directing that the state should defray the entire cost of education of its people and that the schools and managements should remain under the supervision of the state. The early recognition of the principle that "the cost of education is a charge on public funds and the supervision thereof is the legitimate function of the state",^ was partially implemented in the vernacular schools from 1875 onwards. The policy of grants-in-aid jumped up the number of private schools from 20 to 440 in one decade. The departmental control on the efficiency and powers of the managements, however, was only introduced in 1910, resulting in a sudden drastic drop in schools. It was reviewed 5 years later leading towards the restoration of the old policy of encouraging private schools without too much supervision. In most of the Catholic schools nuns and priest were appointed as headmistresses and headmasters. The priests demanded a complete obedience and loyalty on the part of the teachers.^ Educational Reforms Committee Following the findings of the Travancore Unemployment Enquiry Committee, and Educational Reforms Committee were established in 1933. The committee arrived at a conclusion on state control: "Such a policy would largely increase the cost of education, would do serious damage to long standing vested

8. 9.

T.K. Velu Pillai, op. cit., p. 700. S.C. Joseph, Kerala : the Communist State, Madras, pp. 150-151.

157 interests and would not necessarily ensure better and efficient education".^*' At the same time, the controversial debate was raging in the Cochin Assembly as well. To a motion objecting to the unnecessary interference in the matter of appointments, the education minister replied that some interference was necessary "in view of the liberal grant by the government and the complaints received from the teaching staff .*^ The Travancore government tried again in 1945 to introduce educational reforms, but the reaction of the Church was sudden and forceful, threatening that if "the primary rights of the individuals are affected to the slightest extent as a result of the socialist policy of government, the church will be angry with the government, and will rouse up all the forces under the sun to wipe out from the face of the earth the unjust authors of nationalization".*^ The attack by the Catholic Bishop of Changanacherry in a pastoral letter was directed against C.P. Ramaswami Aiyer, the last Dewan of Travancore, who subsequently was forced to make peace.

The Protestants

surrendered meekly.''* But the Catholics fought stoutly. The Catholics throughout the country solidly stood with the Catholics of Travancore. Finally Dewan C.P. Ramaswami Aiyer compromised with the Catholic.'^ Also a new compromise was reached by the government of Travancore-Cochin in 1951-52 to increase the salaries of private school teachers, with the accompanying

10. 11. 12. 13.

E.K. Zachariah, op.cit., p. 49, Also Velu Pillai, op. cit., p. 722. Cochin Legislative Council 7th August 1933. Quoted by V.K.S Nayer, in Donald Smith 1959 p. 188. The Dewan introduced compulsory primary education. As there was opposition, the Dewan first introduced the scheme at Thovalai and Agasteeswaram taluks. 14. J.H. Villavarayan, The Diocese ofKottar, Nagercoil, 1956, pp. 57-62. 15. /6/t/., pp. 59-62.

158 requirement that 80 percent of the school fees be remitted to the government, and the appointment of teachers be done from the list approved by the state. Previous University Education Before, Kerala State was formed, in 1956, until 1937 the colleges in Travancore had been affiliated to the Madras University. This had caused great hardships to the people of Travancore. Madras University was established at Chelpauk, which was one and a half day's travel from Travancore. The people of Travancore had also suffered because their voice was not heard. '^ Further the existing colleges could not satisfy the demands of the people. In an attempt to satisfy the demands of the people the then Travancore Government established the University of Travancore in 1937. ^^ Dewan's Order Before the introduction of the Education Bill in the Kerala Assembly, the education scenario was under Travancore. During that time C.P. Ramaswami Aiyer, the Dewan of Travancore introduced certain reforms in the primary education sector because the education scenario had been riddled certain problems. Mostly, the schools were run by the religious organizations like, the Catholics, LMS and the CMS. The Dewan wanted the universalization of education. Hence, he issued an order on 12 March 1946. The Catholics opposed

16. Interim Report of the Travancore University Committee, 1927, p. 430. 17. A. Sreedhara Menon, A Social and Cultural History of Kerala, New Delhi, 1979, p. 308.

159 this. There was universal opposition to this. At last Dewan compromised with them and the universalization of education did not materialize. ^^ Soon after this fight, the teachers of the secondary schools started their struggle for higher pay, security of services, promotion on the basis of seniority and other favours which were being enjoyed by their colleagues in public schools. In August 1950, the struggle came to after prolonged negotiations. '^ Even then the problems in the field of education continued to wax and wane. The teachers clamoured for the redressal of their grievances. E.M.S resolved to introduce certain checks and controls upon the private managements. The tendency towards increasing state control over private schools, and even nationalization, was evident. Some enacted clauses, moreover, were questionable on constitutional grounds.^*' Even the Catholic Bishop's Conference of India reported in 1958 that "such steps are not inspired by any prejudice against our schools, but (are) merely the result of the present climate in the country which is less favourable to private enterprise and would rather, encourage the public sector". The Kerala University Act passed by the Government of Kerala under E.M.S was intended to introduce reforms in the higher education field.

The

18. B. Suresh Kumar, EMS Namboodiripad - A Political Study, Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, Calicut University, 2003, p. 487. 19. Ibid.,'pA%9. 20. Donald E. Smith, p. 368 gives the example of the U.P. Intermediate Education (Amendment) Act 1958, granting the power to take over recognized institutions not receiving aid as well (p. 368). Also: Department of Public Relations 1959c. 21. Quoted in Donald E. Smith, p. 364-5. Also B.T. Ranadive refers to the Niyogi Committee which made an official investigation in 1955 after the foreign church missions had made charges against the Indian Congress government (New Age Monthly September 1959). The charges were proved to be false. 22. Proceedings of the Kerala State Assembly, Vol.11, No.4, Trivandrum, 1957, p369.

160 Act transformed the University of Travancore into the University of Kerala and brought all the private colleges under the control of the University in matters of syllabus, admission of students and qualification of the teachers. There after the E.M.S Ministry proceeded for the enactment of a comprehensive Bill to correct the abuses that existed in the education sector of Kerala. Kerala Education Bill of 1957 The schools in the state suffered with other problems too. In the election manifesto, Namboodiripad aimounced the rectification of the bills of education. When the Communist Party came to power he initiated the introduction of the Kerala Education Bill. The direction of the educational system, as was promised by the CPI in Kerala as one of the major points in the election platform, had thus become historically necessary. Soon after coming to power, the government under E.M.S announced that the statutory basis for the improvement of general education and of the plight of the teachers was in active preparation.^^ As early as July 7, 1957 the Kerala Education Bill was introduced and was published as an extra ordinary Gazatte. ^'* The Bill was introduced in the Assembly on 13 July 1957 with the following major objectives. ^^ 1.

To give legal sanctions to the departmental rules and practices, so that

the department would be in a position to enforce its order and see that reasonable protection is afforded to teachers. 23. The Hindu, Madras, 12 April 1957. 24. Antony Pudichery, op. cit, p. p. 174. 25. Proceedings of the Kerala State Assembly, Vol.1, No.2, First Session, Trivandrum, 13 August 1957, pp. 683-684.

2.

161 To regulate the choice, appointment conditions of service etc. of

teachers in private schools without the supervisory powers of the Managers. 3.

To secure authority for Government to proceed effectively against

glossy mismanaged schools. 4.

To take over any category of schools at any area if the Government is

convinced of the desirability of such action in the interest of education. 5.

To set up a high level Advisory Board to guide Government in the

matter of framing educational policies and to constitute at district level local educational authorities comprising elected representatives of local educational interests to assist the Department for the better conduct of educational affairs. It was the conviction of Kerala that it had not done anything unprecedented. Whatever it did was within this frame work of the constitution rights and not violation of the fundamental rights guaranteed in the Indian Constitution. It was a piece of protective legislation intended to safeguard the interests of the teachers employed in schools under private managements in Kerala. The religious interest of certain religious groups will not be affected. The Kerala Education Bill initiated by E.M.S was discussed for ten and half hours in the Assembly, participated by twenty three persons.^^ The divided opposition started with defying maneuvers. The government at first refused to circulate the Bill in order to elicit public opinion and ordered the Assembly 26. Gazette Extra-ordinary, Kerala Legislative Assembly Library, Trivandrum, July 1957. 27. Jitendra Singh, Communist Rule in Kerala, New Delhi, (nd), p. 39. 28. Jose Chander, The Legislative Process in Kerala 1957-59, Trivandrum, p.78.

162 Select Committee to report back by 20th July. After discussions with the Central Government, however, the demand of the opposition was accommodated. After that the Kerala Education Bill was referred to the Select Committee. They had a thorough discussion at different levels. The Select Committee presented the report on 24 August 1957 with certain suggestions and modifications. E.M.S took keen interest in the course of the discussions and wanted to conclude the discussion on the same day.^^ One hundred and twenty amendments were moved in the course of the second reading. Finally the Bill was passed on 2 September 1957.^^ On September 20 the Bill got through its second reading, although the opposition, in collaboration with the Central Government was able to put off its implementation till June 1959. The Kerala Education Bill stood for the improvement of aided schools of the state by controlling the managements and improving the welfare of the teachers. The Objects and Reasons of the Bill were "to provide for the better organisation of general education", and more specifically to provide for a check on the payment of salaries and security of service to the teachers and on the •5 1

administration of the institutions.

Mundassery, replying to the discussion on

the Bill, said that the intention of the Bill was to protect the right of the teachers:

29. Proceedings of the Kerala State Assembly, Vol. II, No.7 Second Session, Trivandrum, 30 July 1957. 30. Ibid.'No. 9, p.92l. 31. Turlach 1970 p. 163; J. Singh 1959, p. 551; Kerala Gazette Extraordinary July 1957; Malaviya 1959 p. 31 ii'; K. PadmanabhaPillai in his40 pages on education deals in 4 short pages with the bill and its history, alleging that the real motive was the "vengeful determination of the education minister to reduce the Private school managers to the position of sweepers and water drawers" (Padmanabha Pillai, p. 137).

163 "their dependence on the sweet will of the manager should cease".

The Bill

stipulated that all payments of wages should be done to and by the government directly and that teachers could be appointed by the managements only from a district panel of qualified teachers, who, after appointment, could not be suspended on flimsy grounds.^^ The direct payment to the teachers had already come into force thorough an executive order. The most controversial clauses related to the takeover of aided schools: for a maximum period of 5 years, when necessary "in the interests of the pupils of the school, the government may, under clause 14, and without notice, take over the management of the school against payment of an objectively fixed rent. Within 3 months the educational agency may apply for a restoration". Clause 15 gave government the legal ground for the takeover of the school "for standardising general education in the state, or for improving the level of literacy in any area or for more effectively managing the aided educational institutions in any area or for bringing the education of any category under their direct control".^'* However, "no notification shall be issued unless supported by a resolution of the Legislative Assembly", and compensation should be paid on the basis of the market value. The Bill also specified that the administration of education should be carried on by the management, while inspection, control and supervision of their schools should be done by the Education Department. Under section 34 of the Bill the Government is empowered to regulate the service 32. The Hindu, Trivandrum, 21 July 1957. 33. Proceedings of the Kerala State Assembly, Vol.11, No.7 Second Session, 13 July 1957. 34. Kerala Legislative Assembly Library, Kerala Gazette Extraordinary, Trivandrum, July 1957 (Education Bill).

164 conditions of the teachers. The Bill provisioned that the teachers shall not be dismissed except for grave misconduct.^^ The opposition raised question not only of appointment of teachers but also of the provision of appointments from the 'State Register'. The Bill was hotly debated, before it was finally passed on 29 November 1957. They said that the provisions of the Kerala Education Bill were undemocratic and illegal. Most of the modifications introduced to it were of minor importance. One of the more important amendments was moved by the Congress leader of the Opposition, P.T. Chacko, who had close connections with the Church and the planters.

The amendment specified that "for the purpose of giving

representation to communities, appointments in private schools shall be deemed to be appointments in Government schools". He justified the principle involved for granting reservation in private schools as well, since "The entire salary of teachers is paid by government. Hence communal reservation should be made applicable in making appointments to all these vacancies".^^ The government welcomed this amendment. But one of the most outspoken spokesmen of the of the Syrian Church stood up for one of the most sensitive issues namely the reservation.

35. 36. 37. 38.

Proceedings of the Kerala State Assembly, Vol.1, Trivandrum, 1957, p.2263. Proceedings of the Kerala State Assembly, Vol. II, No. 8, Trivandrum, 1957, p. 908. Turlach 1978 p 169. Department of Public Relations 1959. p. 4-5. Also Synopsis of the Kerala Legislative Assembly Debates 13th July 1957. Chacko also proposed to delete the rule prohibiting forcible proselytisation in schools (Austin 1959 p. 35).

165 E.M.S was very suspicious about the caste organizations, since they, he believed encouraged by the reservation, would consolidate the caste separatism. Reservation had a potentially reactionary character, but the government notwithstanding some contrary recommendations by the Administrative Reforms Committee, decided to continue reservation "as a necessary arrangement only for such a period as would enable the socially and educationally backward communities to catch up with the rest of the population".

Chacko's amendment

was difficult to understand, unless it meant cutting of one's nose to spite the other: it would limit the teaching possibilities of the Nairs".'**' The Select Committee added a clause that nothing in the Kerala Education Bill should affect the rights of the minorities under the articles of the Constitution, and that, therefore, the provisions of the Act should not apply to schools other than government schools and schools aided by the government. Managements could thus opt out of the aid-system and continue as recognised schools. Kerala's education as measured by literacy levels, the rate of schoolleaving and college qualifications was the best in India. Its record could largely be attributed to the work of private, communally based institutions, led by the Catholic Church, and to the financial support of the government. On all sides it was conceded, however, that reform was necessary to eradicate corruption, communal bias, maladministration and malpractice, and to confer on the govem39. Department of Public Relations 1959 p. 7. E.M.S Namboodiripad 1976 p. 116; Link 12.10.1958 and 07.12.1958. TheSNDP wanted an indefinite continuation of the system, while the NSS wanted the end of communal ratio everywhere. 40. Simple arithmetic would illustrate that Nairs, much more dependent on government schools, and with the Christian Schools not taking in applicantsfromreserved communities, could only apply for a limited number of government jobs.

166 ment (which subsidized much of the private sector) a measure of control commensurate with its financial commitments. Successive governments from 1946 when Sir. C.P. Ramaswami Aiyar had sought to take over all primary schools

to 1955 when Panampilly Govinda Menon had introduced a private

secondary school scheme, had all been frustrated by the opposition of the Christian managers. By the time the communists came into power the broad shape of reform h,ad been outlined and its political difficulties were made plain. For the party there were three reasons for taking up the issue: its 'duty to Toddy Tappers,"*^ the educationally disadvantaged Ezhavas; the support enjoyed by the party among teachers; and the importance of shaping the minds of the young. The opposition also claimed that the Education Minister, Mundassery was motivated by personal animus against the Catholic managements because he had been dismissed from a Christian college after a visit to China, despite twentyseven years service. The draft bill presented to the Assembly on 13 July 1957 aimed to provide for the better organization and development of educational institutions in the state.'*^ For all its bitter reception by the Catholic Church it was a set of

41. The CPI had supported the Catholic lobby as a result of its desire-to build the widest coalition against the Dewan. 42. Zinkin, p. 158. 43. Gazette Extraordinary, 13* July, Legislative Library, Trivandrum, 1957.

167 modest enough set of proposals."*"* In thirty-six clauses-prepared in the Secretariat and later approved by the party-the government sought to regulate the appointment and conditions of teachers, ensure proper records, establish local education authorities with official, nominated, and elected members, and provide for temporary or permanent takeover of managements which failed to comply with the act where it became necessary in the public interest to do so and in exchange for compensation. Vaguely drafted some of the bill may have been, and though they threatened the vested interests of college managements, their general thrust may have worried non-communists only on the improbable assumption that the communists would govern Kerala for ever. Initially indeed the bill was welcomed by Ezhavas, Nairs, the PSP, and the Ivlalabar wing of the Congress party, on which the Christians had no influence. The sectional character of the opposition to the bill is indicated by the fact that the Select Committee, on which the communists did not have a majority, spent its time modifying and clarifying the clauses rather than rejecting them.'*^ Only one of the four notes of dissent attached to the report of the Select Committee emanated

44. Proceedings of the Kerala Legislative Assembly (Malayalam., hereafter PKLA), I (19), p. 1643; Towards a Better Education System: Two Years' Endeavour of Kerala Government (Trivandrum, Govt, of Kerala, 1959). New Age, 16 Mar. 1958 quoted the London Daily Telegraph correspondent's interview with the Roman Catholic Archbishop, Dr Paul Varghese, in whiCfis the Archbishop said that the Education Bill is an instrument by which the Communists hope ultimately to strangle all religious faiths here and Roman Catholicism first,' a line claimed to have been approved in Moscow. The Daily Telegraph's correspondent commented: The truth seems to be that the Bill contains sonic necessary, if unpalatable medicine . . . but wrong doctors are administering it. 45. Chander, op. cit., pp. 14647 For the ministry's account see J. Mundasscry, Kozhinja Ilakal, Vol. 2 , Trichur, 1965, p. 123.

168 from the six Congress members of the Committee. Hostility to the bill in principle was essentially extra parliamentary and Christian. The papacy of Pius XII was a period of conservative attitudes in the Roman Church and uncompromising attitudes towards communism, fuelled by the persecution of Christians in Eastern Europe. The complete control of children's education is, of course, jealously guarded. The Kerala church, itself highly traditionalistic, faithfully reflected this outlook. Within weeks Deepika, the main Catholic daily, urgently warned the ministry against to interfering with education after Mundassery had spoken of the disease found among church feaders of seeking to monopolize fundamental rights in education even by challenging the constitution."*^ On 28 May 1957 Catholic bishops met at Eranakulam to resolve to resist 'tooth and nail' any curtailment of the rights of school managements and any plan to 'nationalise education'.'*^ The Vicar General of the Archdiocese of Changanacherry, Mgr Chittoor, went further. Educational institutions were as sacred to Catholics as their churches and they were prepared to lay down their lives for the cause of educational freedom."*^ Given the entrenched attitudes of the Roman Church and the provocative tone of the minister, it was not surprising that no attempt was made to achieve a compromise. The bill's progress was rapid. The Select Committee report was presented on 24 August 1957 and the bill completed its stages on 2

46. Deepika, Thiruvananthapuram, 25 Apr. 1957. 47. Ibid., 30May 1957. 48. Speaking at Aruvithura (Kottayam), 16 June 1957. Deepika, Thiruvananthapuram, 18 June 1957.

169 September. The real struggle, however, was to take place in Delhi. The Christian contribution to the Congress party in Kerala was fully appreciated at the Centre: without the churches the KPCC would have been a sorry-organization. The point was driven home in organizational elections held in 1958-59 when the Catholic Church used its influence to secure pliant local officers and (April 1959) R. Sankar, a stalwart anti-Communist, as president of the KPCC. Central intervention was facilitated by the doubts widely expressed as to whether the bill infringed the rights of minorities as enshrined in the constitution. On the advice of the Union cabinet, the President took the unusual but legitimate course of referring the bill to the Supreme Court for an Opinion. On 17 May 1958 the Court reported that some clauses were, indeed, destructive of minority rights as defined in Article 30(1) of the constitution and that others came perilously near to violating them. The President, in returning the bill, made no specific recommendations but the ministry accepted of the Supreme Court's Opinion. A revised version was passed by the Assembly in November 1958 which secured presidential assent on 19 February 1959. Kuruvilla Committee A ftirther clash in the educational sphere was provoked by the ministry's decision to take over the preparation and the publication of textbooks, a course increasingly followed by non-communist state governments in order to check profiteering and to encourage uniformity of content and standards. The critics naturally raised charges of communist bias citing chapters and verses

170 from the first production.'*^ In response, the government appointed an Expert Committee under Kuruvilla Jacob in October 1958 to examine the allegations. In January 1959 the ministry published a brief summary of the Committee's report which Jacob found it necessary to 'clarify'.^*^ The Committee found that, there had been no concerted attempt to indoctrinate the pupils in anti-religious ideas or communist ideology, to the contrary, haste and the absence of adequate vetting had led to the expression of the opinions and prejudices of individuals (especially in the area of social studies), which turned out offensive to social, religious,

and political

sentiments, and

consequence

belittled

of the

achievements of India in comparison with those of China. Notwithstanding the criticism, the succeeding Kerala governments have persisted in supervising the publication of textbooks. Hostility of Catholic Church The Catholic Church's hostility to the educational reforms was so intense that it turned for support to its traditional rival, the NSS. Mannath, though primarily motivated by his fears of the impact of land reform on Nairs, also had grievances against the present system of education. He had calculated that one concrete reward for Nair support to the CPI at the 1957 election would be the approval of an NSS engineering college to be sited at Palghat. However,

49. DRS, KUC, pp. 46-9. The Bishops took particular exception to an abridged edition of Victor Hugo's Les Miserables, prescribed for the 9th school standard, as presenting a distorted and abusive account of convent life. Deepika, 19 August and 10 October 1958. For pro-government accounts sec Malaviya, p. 40; and Towards a Better Education System (Trivandrum, Govt, of Kerala, 1959). 50. DRS, KUC, pp. 47-9, and G.K. Lieten, 'Education, Ideology and :' Politics in Kerala 1957-59', Social Scientist (Trivandrum) 62, 1977, pp. 9-10. 75, Zinkin, p. 169.

171 Mundasscry, on behalf of the party informed Mannam late in 1958 that money was needed for promoting Ezhava education and so the government would not be able to lend support to a Nair college.^^ Further, as an after effect of the revision of the Education Bill with a view to safeguard the rights of the minorities the NSS educational institutions were likely to lose their due. Anyhow, faced with the possibility of an alliance between Christian and Nair communities the ministry indicated its readiness to make concessions.^^ A common friend of Mundassery and the Archbishop of Changanacherry arranged a meeting in March 1959 but no compromise emerged out of the meeting and the Catholic Church then decided to close its schools until the Education Act and its rules were amended. The churches were prepared to defy the rule of law, the very crime of which they had accused the communists earlier. Deepika, semi-official organ of the Catholics, quoted the Biblical reference from an earlier pastoral letter directed at Sir C.P.'s plan to take over the primary schools: 'he that hath a purse, let him take it. and he that hath not, let CO

him sell his coat and buy a sword.

Congress kept its distance, partly because

many shared Nehru's own reservations about the constitutional propriety of such agitations against a duly elected government, partly because of anxiety about alligning with the communal forces, and partly because of internal party divisions. When the KPCC sought guidance from the central leadership, it was Mrs Gandhi who visited Kerala in early May and openly endorsed the demands 51. Zinkin, op. c/Y., p.l58. 52. Ibid., p. 100. 53. Deepika, Thiruvananthapuram, 17 May 1959, quoting the Revd J. Kalacherry's Pastoral Letter no. 123 of 15 A ug. 1945 in which he quotes from St. Luke: 22: 36-8.

172 of the private school managements and the right of the people to seek to thwart the legislation of the duly elected govemment.^"* This was the very stance which the communists had at least temporarily foresworn in adopting the parliamentary road. The Reaction to the Bill The attempted steps of E.M.S in the field of educational reforms attracted the immediate attention of the various groups and interests who found a risk in the existing system. The opposition parties in Kerala alleged that in the field of education, the government was trying to bring about a hidden 'qualitative change' through an open 'quantitative change'. In the words of the Kerala Pradesh Congress Committee, "what they did was to cover up their innovations in the field of education by adopting the universally accepted ideals and behind it lay the foundation for a communist dictatorship. The surest way to regimentation is the brainwashing of the future generation".^^ This logic was repeated again and again in vociferous writings and speeches and it an enraging effect upon the common people. It gave communal orientation to the whole problem. E.M.S soon fell into whirlpool of severe opposition. The Congress leaders were well-known for their deliberately anti-communist propaganda which was in no relation to the relatively minor issue at stake. Earlier, when the Education Bill was under discussion, the KPCC launched a dishonest attack on 44. Ibid. 55. K. Padmanabha Pillai, op. cit., p. 205.

173 the newly introduced textbooks. It alleged that the communists had a minister motive which was "seen in full nakedness in the preparation and prescription of textbooks" intended "to enslave the minds of the students to the ideology of the rulers by a rigorous control over syllabus common to all totalitarian governments".^^ The Government under E.M.S constituted various committees to prepare new textbooks for the primary classes, to be introduced from the next school year onwards. The charge made by the Church and the KPCC evoked Joseph Mundassery to make the remark that 'this is ironic to the extreme, coming as it does from spokesmen for a world religion which has sought, through the centuries to enforce the dogmas and punish those who question or challenge them, besides forbidding the Faithfiil from reading books arbitrarily put on the index".^^ Nevertheless, the Government appointed a committee of enquiry. The occurrence of inadequate passages was attributed to the absence of an adequate machinery of supervision. The main conclusion of the report, however, read that "there has not been any concerted attempt on the part of the authorities to indoctrinate the pupils in anti-religious ideas", or "at indoctrination of communist ideology, or an intention to belittle the achievements of India".^^ A comparison of some passages in the old and new textbooks revealed that the old version contained unhistorical facts, value judgments and a slandering

56. KPCC Memorandum 1959 p. 22; K. Padmanabha Pillai 1959 p. 117. 57. Department of Public Relations 1959P, p. 14. 58. CPI1955-4 pp. 43-4. Further: K. Padmanabha Pillai 1959 pp. 117-24, and The Hindu 3 October 1958, for catholic attack on "canons of materialistic Hedonism".

174 misrepresentation of communism.^^ Although the report by Kuruvilla Jacob rejecting their case was submitted in January 1959. The committee found that though there was no intentional attempt to indoctrinate communism and anti religious ideas, some portions in the text books around social, religious and political sentiments and also belittled of the achievements of India in comparison with those of China. The Bishop's Conference The opposition continued to gather momentum. Four Archbishops and thirteen Bishops met in a conference to take exception to the assumption of the government that primary education was the responsibility of the state,^*' and sometime later the Malabar Catholic Association and the Protestant Christian Association in their resolution against the reform proposals stated that the government "wanted to effect a thorough change in the educational system, with the ulterior aim of injecting into the children atheism and other aspects of communism".^' Joseph Mundassery made it clear after the introduction of the Bill, that the government did not want to discourage private agencies in the field of education or take away their rights, and indeed in practice the new government had already sanctioned the opening of 16 private high schools.^^ Nevertheless,

59. One example, actually cited by the private school management in (heir memo to the President in support of their allegation against the communist ministry, was the following textfroman old textbook: "Communism encouraged violence and does not believe in an omnipotent God. The communists forget that man has a soul." See Economic Weekly July 1959 p. 892. 60. The Hindu, Trivandrum, 4 June 1957,16 July 1957 and 29 July 1957. 61. The Hindu, Trivandrum, 4 July 1957. 62. The Hindu, Trivandrum, 14 July 1957 and 13 May 1957.

175 the leaders of the Congress Party joined the Church authorities: while the former education minister L.M. Pylee evaluated the Bill as a "blatant manifestation of Totalitarianism", the KPCC and the Legislative Congress Party condemned it as "ill-conceived, ill-drafted and totalitarian in its approach" and warned that it was likely to open up avenues "for the regimentation of educational activities". Even before the debates in the Assembly could start. Father Vadakkan had, in a circular to the religious heads, called for a crusade against the communist regime, proposing to the parish priests to "form 2000 small units of youths, well informed and active against the communists...".^'* Such a call for a violent struggle in 1957 was not yet echoed by the Congress MLA's. It appeared that during the first reading the party did not have a coherent approach, and certainly did not resort to the violent language it used during the Vimochana Samaram. The Congress Opposition The general line of the Congress leaders, as represented in the dissenting minutes to the Report of the Select Committee, attacked only 3 clauses of the Bill. The first was the provision for the appointment of teachers from (he district-list (clause 11), which was regarded as "bad and objectionable". Instead, appointment from a state list was suggested. Secondly, the power to acquire schools (clause 15) should only be made use of in cases of gross mismanagement. Thirdly, clauses 17and 18, relating to the constitution of a Local Educational Authority, which might "become a menace to proper 63. The Hindu, Trivandrum, 13 July 1957 (L.M. Pylee) and 14 July 1957 (KPCC). 64. See the government press release with a copy of the original in The Hindu of 17 July 1957. Vadakkan later denied (The Hindu 21 July) having called fora crusade.

176 administration", were objected to. Similar dissenting minutes were added by C.U Mohammed Koya, Muslim League, and P. Thanu Pillai, PSP. However, the Congress dissent went further beyond the actual wording of the clauses: "We feel that one of the objects of the Bill notwithstanding public utterances to the contrary is to make education a monopoly of the State... We are definitely of the opinion that in the field of education private agencies should be encouraged. The Bill discourages such non-official efforts".^^ In the separate statements in the Assembly, three divergent opinions could be observed among the Congress delegates, reflecting the division between the Christian and non-Christian community. S.N.D.P. Support On the one hand, K.R. Narayanan, the general secretary of the declared that he saw no efforts to introduce communist ideology into the educational system. He appreciated the Education Bill as a welcome initiative and asked for the fullest collaboration from all sides in order to better the lot of the teachers.^^ His view was closely akin to that of the independent Umesh Rao, who felt that not the implementation but the obstruction of the Bill would turn almost all the teachers in the private schools towards communism.

65. Kerala, Gazette Extraordinary, Kerala Legislative Assembly Library, 24 August 1957. 66. Synopsis of the Kerala Legislative Assembly Debates 20 July 1957. During the final liberation struggle K.P. Narayanan even resigned from the executive of the Pradesh Congress. 67. Proceedings of the Kerala Legislative Assembly, Trivandrum, 20 July 1957 p. 223.

177 However, in his approach Narayanan stood almost alone in the Congress Party, though the more moderate group supported him in some respects, possibly out of tactical considerations, since one could not very well attack the essence of the Bill without being characterised as anti-teacher and anti-progressive. This middle group, as a matter of fact, consisted of the more mature politicians who were "not going to plead that those private agencies who militated against the progress of the State should be retained or tolerated"^^, and who realized that "all Communities cannot have equal representation if the major part of the educational institutions was in the hands of certain sections of the community".^^ Both the deputy leader of the opposition, P.P. Ummer Koya and the leader of the opposition, P.T. Chacko, called for eliciting the public opinion and for a conference of all interested parties. This view was also defended by Smt. Leela Damodara Menon, who said: "The provisions in the Bill for supervision and control are really to be welcomed. But at the same time, I feel that to consider all the managers of private institutions as criminals is going too far. Again 1 repeat that it is very necessary to severely deal with a manager who breaks the rule or does not maintain proper standards in schools or goes against the interests and welfare of the teachers".^^ She only asked that the 'Sword of 71

Damocles' should be removed, but others in her party went much further : the Bill was stigmatised as totalitarian in its approach, on a par with the general 68. 69. 70. 71.

P.P. Ummar Koya, in Synopsis of the Assembly Debates 13 August 1957. P.T. Chacko, In Synopsis of the Assembly Debates 13 August 1957. Proceedings of the Kerala Legislative Assembly Debates 20 July 1957 p. 2268. C.A. Mathew, K.C. Abrahams, Alexander Parambithara, K.M. George during the debates in the assembly.

178 policy of dictators like Hitler, it treated the managers as criminals, giving them rigorous penalities as reward for their pioneering enterprise, and so on. In the end the radicals in the party, following the successes of the anti-Education Bill struggle on the central and local level, were joined by the more cautious politicians in the state Congress Party.^^ But the split in the Congress ranks remained. The national newspapers generally gave a qualified critical support to the Bill, and among the local newspapers at least two pro-Congress dailies, the Mathrubhumi and the Kerala Kaumudi, did not support the campaign. Still less support came from Malabar where the Christian representation in the INC was uninfluential: "The agitation against the Education Bill is not very strong in Malabar.lt is centered around Christian missionary schools and the PSP and Congress are not very keen". ^"^ The same PSP source reported that Christian leaders had to come from Travancore-Cochin to mobilize the disagreement. In Kozhikode, INC members openly supported the Bill. For instance K.V. BCrishnan, a leading Congress advocate exhorted the government "not to allow

72. Four days before the Bill wasfinallyaccepted in its third reading, E.P. Poulouse had the audacity to ask for the deletion of the clause on direct payment of wages to teachers, for "it may be argued that the right to administer schools had been curtailed", whereupon law minister Krishna lyar reacted: "Clause 9here undoubtedly has made most unhappy the 'holy men' in charge of our educational institutions and brought a hopeful smile of the hungry pedagogues working in those institutions" (Proceedings of the Kerala Legislative Assembly Debates 26 November 1958). 73. Malaviya, op. cit, pp. 34-36, and stray copies of The Times of India and Indian Express. The Hindu also gave qualified support though sometimes more critical as e.g. in the Editorial of 17.7.1957, quoting Archbishop Mathia: "The teachers may benefit financially but thefinalresult will be iron control and politics will enter." 74. Malayalam Rajyam 29 July 1957, reporting from Kozhikode.

179 Slate money contributed by Hindus, Muslims, Christians; and other communities to be spent for spreading religious faiths of the minorities''.^^ The Indian National Congress and the Muslim League stood firmly behind the emerging anti-Education Bill campaign, though their efforts to come to an understanding with the PSP and to form an all-party platform did not succeed. At Kottayam, on 18th July 1957, while the Bill was being debated in the Assembly, the opposition parties could not agree on the necessity to start a campaign for the overthrow of the Communist Govemment.^^ The unwillingness of the PSP to join in any campaign reflected the generous spirit with which its members welcomed the Education Bill in the Assembly. M. Narayana Kurup stated that the Bill was necessary in order to protect the teachers from exploitation by the management, that the provision to take over schools was in consonance with the directive principles embodied in the constitution, and that the freedom to propagate religion should not mean the liberty to teach religion in schools aided by government. His party colleague Kunhiraman Nair went even further and expected that the Bill would "eliminate the management system 77

altogether, for it had been amply proved that the system lent itself to abuse". However, Christians in the PSP, as K.A. Thomas and Joseph Chazhikatt, opposed the Bill consistently. P. Thanu Pillai was thus attacked from both sides and two MLA's resigned temporarily from the party.^^ 75. 76. 77. 78.

The Hindu, Trivandrum, 17 July 1957. Malayalam Rajyam, Thiruvananthapuram, 21 July 1957. Synopsis of the Kerala Legislative Assembly Debates 13 June 1957. The Hindu of 31 August and 3 September 1957 for the resignations of C.C. Jawardhanan and K.A. Thomas respectively. Compare also the inner row in the select committee, as reported in The Hindu 25 August 1959.

180 Communal Organizations and the Education Bill Two communal organisations, the SNDP and the NSS came out in support of the Bill. Mannath Padmanabhan, the leader of the NSS, was impressed by the progressive character of the Bill. He felt that only vested interests were attempting to reject it,^^ and a resolution of the NSS council appreciated the main clauses of the Bill, an appreciation which it recanted 18 months later. His most laudable support to the government was given at a press conference on the 28th August 1957, abusing the small minority of Christians who did not support the Bill: "It is quite clear that these ecclesiastics are frantically running about on account of the fear that, once the Bill is passed, they will not be able to continue their usual exaction from job seekers. Those who support them are leaders belonging to certain political parties and their leaders who were ousted from power. Their only interest lies in sabotaging the Communist regime at the earliest opportunity. In my opinion this useless threat which may sow the seeds of unrest should be stopped". A similar attitude was taken by SNDP leader, K.R. Narayanan. The educational reforms were backed by some Church leaders as well, mainly of the Protestant Churches. Indeed, the findings of the Alwaye Study Conference, August 1957, were very pronounced in this respect. The general conclusion was that it would be unfair to make the Bill a pawn in the political game in the state. It maintained that the "present education Bill expresses the 79. Malayalam Rajyam, Thiruvananthapuram, 15 July 1957. 80. Desabandhu, Kozhicode , 28 August 1957 (as quoted in Department of Public Relations) 1959, p. 3.

181 state's increasing sense of responsibility in the matter of education. We also see in the Bill the possibility of reducing the communal bias prevalent in the present system and the malpractices that have become common among a section of the management of schools have made the introduction of some legislation inevitable".*^ A Christian businessman, A.K. Thampy, in his paper at the conference, referred to the advocacy by the Metropolitan of Mar Thoma Church and the Roman Catholic Church of violent revolt as the emergence of fascist tendencies. He concluded: "Unwillingly though, this has betrayed the class nature of the leadership of the Church".*^ By and large the Church authorities were in active opposition to the educational reforms. This opposition was one more step further in the constant war the Church had been fighting against the so-called Communist danger. Many instances reveal the active part the ecclesiastical dignitaries and pastors had played in the election campaigns. The famous communist peasant leader, A. K. Gopalan, recalled: "The Christian fathers called all the Christian voters, especially the women, to the Churches and told them that those who voted for the Communists would go to hell, and those who voted for Congress to heaven. They were asked to swear, touching the cross of the Christ that they would not vote for the Communist candidates".*^ No doubt the Church had a major influence and the characterisation of communism as a satanic evil still found a fertile breading ground. Only a few days after the publication of the Kerala

81. Alwaye Study Conference 1957 p. 11. 82. Alwaye Study Conference, 1957, p.45. 83. A.K. Gopalan, op. cit., p.94.

182 Education Bill, the Church was able to organise mile-long processions in Emakulam, Quilon, Changanacherry, Alwaye, AUeppey, Palaiand and other centres. It was claimed that a petition requesting the withdrawal of the Bill received one million signatures by the beginning of August 1957. In that month the Catholic-led reaction raised the movement to its fever-pitch. Stormy demonstrations took place in many places on 26th August, among others in Trivandrum where 50000 demonstrators (hooted at by almost as many counterdemonstrators) were spearheaded by 3000 blue-uniformed Christophers.^'* In the midst of opposition E.M.S submitted the Kerala Education Bill to the Governor for his assent. As per Article 200 of the constitution he forwarded the same to the approval of the President of India. Dr.S. Rajendra Prasad, the President of India sought the advice of the Supreme Court of India. The opposition camp continued their struggle with added spirit and enthusiasm. The churches alleged that the Bill was a planned attempt to break the private managements, and that as such it was contrary to the rights of the minorities as guaranteed by article 30 of the Constitution. The Advocate-General rejected the relevance of this article: "An Institution under Article 30 cannot be said to be recognised or aided; it is a school run of the manager's own choice. No school, aided or recognised, can be conducted by a manager as of his own choice. State-aided institutions are run by the managers...in accordance with

84. The Hindu, Trivandrum, 27 August, 1957.

183 regulations and rules laid down by the state".^^ While the Bill was waiting its approval by the President in New Delhi, an official delegation of the anti-Bill agitation went there. Their plea that the Bill was anti-constitutional*^ convinced the Central Government, and in early 1958, after several months of hesitation, on

the Bill was referred to the Supreme Court.

The Kerala Communist Party

strongly resented this action. According to M.N. Govindan Nair, the State Secretary of the CPI in Kerala, the reference was done "just to satisfy the objections of some private parties who happened to be supporters of the Congress".** The Court Order The decision of the Apex Court was generally seen as an encouraging success for the Syrian Christians and Latin Catholics, but the final verdict of the Supreme Court on 22nd May 1958 came as a shattering blow for them.*^ The President of India returned the Bill to the Governor for the reconsideration of the Assembly. The Kerala Legislative Assembly revised the Bill on 24 November 1958 with necessary modifications.^" In support of the Bill, the court pointed out

85. Proceedings of the Kerala Legislative Assembly 28th August 1957. See also clause 538, II of the Constitution. 86. Mainly contrary to 30 (1), giving rights to the minority to establish and administrate schools and 30 (2) prohibiting discrimination in the matter of grants-in-aid by government {The Hindu 08.10.1957). See also among others, The Hindu 9 August 1957, for the Memo sent by the Catholic Bishops Conference to the Union Minister for Education. 87. The Hindu, Trivandrum, 4 January 1955 and 29th April-24th May 1958 for the daily proceedings of the Supreme Court. Also: All India Reporter 1958 p. 956 ff. See also: Lok Sabha Debates of 17-18th March, when the Bill was finally sent to the Supreme Court. 88. Ibid 89. The Kerala Law Times, Supreme Court 465, p. 480. 90. Proceedings of the Kerala State Assembly, Vol.lIl,No.3 Third Session, 24 November 1958

184 that the right to administer schools would not mean the right to administer them inefficiently and if state aid was given to them, the state should have statutory rights to improve certain regulations. The framing of the rules of the Act in April 1959 gave cause to some uneasiness in the Communist camp as well. Not only was strict religious neutrality prescribed, but the proposed rules even prohibited students and teachers from taking part in agitations, which "may result in ill feeling between different sections of the people".^' Some other similar rules which reflected Government's desire to satisfy the wishes of the educational authorities were amended in the Assembly, although not all authoritarian practices were done away with.

The revised Act was calculated to the inherent interests of the

minorities. The preamble of the Act said that "where it is deemed necessary to provide for the better management and development of the educational institutions in the state providing a varied and comprehensive educational service throughout the state. The education reforms commenced by E.M.S in the course of his first Ministry were further carried out during the time of his second ministry from 1967-69. The Kerala University Bill was introduced on 1 August 1969. ^'^ The Bill was largely modeled after the Kerala University Act of 1957. It virtually 91.

The Hindu, Trivandrum, 18 April 1959; Link 26 May 1959, reporting a press conference by the secretary of KCPI affirming that the rules were not acceptable to his party 92. K. Padmanabha Pillai 1059 p. 138; The Hindu, Trivandrum, 16 April 1959. One of the deleted rules still stated that corporal punishment by the headmaster should not exceed six cuts on the palm at any time, and for the same offence, such as deliberate lying obesity of word or act, and flagrant insubordination. 93. The Kerala Education Act, Preamble, The Kerala Law Times, 1959, p. 59. 94. Proceedings of the Kerala State Assembly, Vol. XXI, No. 30, 1967, p.956.

185 incorporated the clauses 14 and 15 of the Kerala University Act of 1957 which dealt with the take over of the mismanaged educational institutions. Like the previous occasion the Bill was subjected to a rigorous discussion from different quarters. All Kerala Private College Management Association passed resolutions against the Bill and they threatened to close down their coUeges.^^ The Christian Bishops who met at Kottayam decided to oppose the Bill.^^ Similarly the leaders of NSS and SNDP also declared their opposition to the Bill.^^ Teachers in the private colleges extended a hearty welcome to the Bill. They wanted the inclusion of detailed provisions regarding the service conditions and the increased representation of teachers in the University bodies including Senate and Syndicate.^^ The teachers continued to organize a series of meetings and processions in order to insist upon their demands. Finally it resulted in an indefinite strike. At such a situation E.M.S promised the teachers to see that the Bill should be adopted without any more delay.^^ In the midst of the strikes and criticisms the Bill was passed without any changes. After the enactment of the Bill in the Assembly the Governor gave his assent on 26 February 1969 and promulgated it as a law after two days. Thus E.M.S succeeded to fiilfill the greatest legacy of liberating the education sector from the grip of caste and communal organizations though still they continue to exert their influence under one pretext or other. 95. 96. 97. 98. 99.

Mathrubhumi, Thiruvananthapuram, 30 January 1968. The Hindu, Trhi&nAmra, 8 August 1968. Georges Kristoffel Liten, The First Communist Ministry in Kerala, op. cit., p. 119. Ibid. Nambiar, P.K., Keralathile Adhyapaka Prasthanam, Prqjamandala Charithra Rachna Samithi, Kochi Rajya Praja Mandala, Cochin, 1985, p. 13.

186 Free Education During the second coalition Ministry of E.M.S he planned for free education in Kerala. He understood the economic education of Kerala. Since the Second World War time, the economy of the state had been deteriorating because of industrial struggles and lockouts. New industries could not be established. In an attempt to set right the economy, E.M.S constructed the State Planning Board. The Board made a thorough study of the economic problems of the state and suggested free education for all. Hence the E.M.S ministry introduced the scheme of free education upto SSLC. Formation of New Universities The existing University of Kerala, found it very difficult to manage the administration of the Kerala State from Parassala to Kasargod. A Committee was constituted for this purpose to bifurcate the Kerala University. The Committee recommended for the establishment of new Universities in the state for the convenience of the students and the general public. Hence the United Front Government started two Universities one at Cochin and other at Calicut. Further, the State language was formed for the language education. '"*' A more significant action was the enactment of the Kerala University Act 1969 to improve the working of the University. It was a milestone in the history of University reform. Thus, the two ministries of E.M.S, though short-Jived made memorable achievements.

"'°- S-i9"fi:„»^r7ft tfsT' '""""'^ '°"^""'^^' ^^"^ '•^"'^ •» ^^^

187 E.M.S ministry valuable service for educating the people of Kerala. The Kerala University Act of 1969 rectified the pit falls found in the previous Acts. The establishment of the University of Calicut and Cochin are the other two jewels in the education policy of EMS Namboodiripad's ministry in Kerala. When annualized the growth of education between 1959-1960 and afterwards the following statistics will prove the growth of education under communist regime.

Government Schools

Private Schools

Schools 1957

1960

1957

1960

High School

140

244

612

628

Upper Primary

225

500

1314

1300

Lower Primary

1627

2651

4999

3742

The educational statistics is a clear indication that Kerala progressed towards cent percent literacy in the years to come

101

101. Government of Kerala towards a better educational system 1960- Statistical Abstract of Kerala, 1957-1960.