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7 Chinese Graduate Students’ Adjustment to Academic Demands in American Universities Tian Tan and John C. Weidman

The number of international students on American college and university campuses has grown dramatically over the past decade, from 547,587 in 2000/01 to 723,277 in 2000/11 (IIE, 2011). In the 20 American universities with the most international students, enrolments ranged from 4,934 (Arizona State University) to 8,615 (University of Southern California). In terms of nationality, the largest number of international students in American higher education institutions in 2010/11 was Chinese, with 157,558 from Mainland China and an additional 24,818 from Taiwan. A distant second was India (103,895), followed by South Korea (73,351). The number of Mainland Chinese students also grew the fastest over the decade, increasing by 263%. Corresponding increases of Indian and South Korean students were 190% and 161%, respectively. By degree level, Mainland China was also the leading country of origin for international graduate students (76,830), followed by India (63,624) and South Korea (22,486). Graduate students from Taiwan numbered 13,269 (IIE, 2011). This trend of continuing increases in the numbers of Chinese students at both the graduate and undergraduate levels seeking admission to universities outside of China seems very likely to continue into the foreseeable future, in large part due to limitations on available places in Chinese universities. Hence, as the job market in China becomes more fiercely competitive and the demand for more advanced academic credentials beyond the Bachelors degree increases, more Chinese students are contemplating the possibility of seeking graduate degrees outside the country. This has been facilitated, to some extent, by a decline in the value of the US dollar and China’s booming economy so that an American graduate education is now in reach of middleclass Chinese families. Additionally, while colleges and universities in the USA have long welcomed students from China, there is even more incentive now to recruit Chinese students who are able to pay their own expenses 118

T. Coverdale-Jones (ed.), Transnational Higher Education in the Asian Context © Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited 2013

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because of institutional budgetary pressures resulting from decreased public funding of higher education. Because of these combined shifts, it is important to develop a fuller understanding of the problems encountered by both newly arrived graduate students and their receiving higher education institutions in order to facilitate the academic success of international students, not only from China but elsewhere. Given their already large and growing presence on American campuses, it seems reasonable to focus on academic adjustment of Chinese graduate students. This descriptive study is intended to enhance understanding of the adjustment processes that newly arrived Chinese graduate students undergo, focusing particularly on ways they adapt to differences in teaching and learning environments as well as student performance expectations between American and Chinese higher education institutions. Studies of international students suggest that the level of similarity of foreign students’ cultural and academic background to that of the host country is strongly related to success or failure in their adaptation to teaching and learning in the new environment (Hull, 1978). Cross-cultural studies also suggest that the American and Chinese educational experience represent extremes on a cultural continuum (Hofstede, 1997), thereby making the adjustment of newly arrived Chinese graduate students particularly problematic. It is a common phenomenon that visitors to a new place experience “culture shock” when their beliefs and experience (political, social, educational, etc.) clash with what is encountered in the host culture. Areas that have been identified as being particularly problematic for Chinese graduate students include English language ability, cultural awareness, structure of American academic programmes, and expectations for students (Sun & Chen, 1999; Yuan, 2011).

English language difficulties Facility with the host country language plays an essential role in the process of transition and integration into the new environment for international students. In China, the most common approach in the teaching and learning of the English language is to emphasise reading and writing rather than listening and speaking. Because the English language test most commonly required of international students seeking admission to American higher education institutions, TOEFL, also emphasises testing of reading and writing skills, many Chinese students are able to achieve a high score in the exam. However, a good TOEFL score does not guarantee sufficient English competency for living and strong academic performance in an American university because strong listening and speaking skills are also necessary (Sun & Chen, 1999). Because English language proficiency can be a significant barrier to classroom participation, some Chinese students may never

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The Culture of Asian Learners

feel themselves to be full-fledged participants in class. This can also generate great stress when Chinese students give oral presentations, participate in group activities, or simply ask a question (Yuan, 2011; Sun & Chen, 1999).

Different academic structures In China, professors are viewed as respected authorities who are not meant to be doubted or questioned, and students are taught to be quiet listeners who follow the rules set by professors, while in the USA, classes are interactive and informal (Zhang & Xu, 2007). Consequently, Chinese students seldom ask questions in class. They tend not to challenge their teacher for fear of embarrassment and making a negative impression. This can also be a major obstacle to professor–student interaction (Weidman, Twale & Stein, 2001). Most Chinese students have not had the experience of following a course syllabus, nor did they have access to what would be taught in any single class during a whole semester (Zhang & Xu, 2007). Participants in this study reported that in China, the professor told students what they were to do as the class progressed and did not provide a plan for the course in advance (Zhang & Xu, 2007). While Chinese students note the presence of the course syllabus, they may not use the syllabus efficiently. To some Chinese students, a course syllabus does not seem worthy of much attention. Many assume all syllabi are similar and, hence, not very important. For many Chinese students, it took until the end of the first semester to learn they needed to be very serious with the course syllabus in order to be clear on the expectations of the professors (Zhang & Xu, 2007). Many Chinese graduate students are also unaware of reference formatting styles required for academic papers (Sun & Chen, 1999).

Cultural differences According to Hofstede’s (1997, p. 270) definition, culture is “the collective programming of the mind which distinguishes the members of one group or category of people from another.” He claims that nations “are the source of a considerable amount of common mental programming of their citizens” (Hofstede, 1997, p. 12). He also pointed out that on a continuum of cultural dimensions, Chinese culture and American culture could be located at the totally opposite poles. Hofstede’s (1997) framework is useful for understanding the experiences of Chinese university students learning in American institutions because national and cultural differences tend to be reflected in education – in this case university teaching environments (Zhang & Xu, 2007). From Hofstede’s point of view: different value patterns in the cultures from which the teacher and the students have come are one source of the problem. They (the national


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cultural differences) usually affect the relationships between teacher and students, among students, and between teacher and parents. (1997, p. 216) Hofstede’s (1997) findings of cultural differences indicate that in order to be successful in the host culture (which is very distinct from their own culture), foreign students must experience a process of adaptation to new teaching and learning systems. Hull (1978) did a systematic survey of overall adaptation of foreign students within the American educational environment. The study suggested that students from various cultural backgrounds apparently differed in their adjustment and the similarity of their backgrounds to the American culture seemed to affect the relationship. Though many studies report upon difficulties that are often encountered by Chinese students while studying in the USA, several studies on Chinese international students have reflected that most Chinese international students are successful in the USA (Huang, 1997; Orleans, 1988). Sun & Chen (1999) explored the distinct dimensions of difficulties Chinese students came across in the process of adjusting to American culture. Ten in-depth interviews of Chinese students who were enrolled in a mid-size public university were conducted. One dimension of the difficulties encountered by the Chinese students was related to concerns about their academic performance, primarily due to the differences in teaching and learning styles between Chinese and American academic settings. In the existing literature, we found that Chinese students’ difficulties, cross-cultural adjustment, cultural differences, and strategies are most frequently discussed. However, by focusing too much on the differences between Chinese students and their counterparts in America, the researchers may have over-emphasised adjustment problems. What is more, within this very group, different subgroups of Chinese students exist based on their ages, marriage status, visa status, study levels, and so forth. Since these factors will determine students’ specific difficulties, needs and goals, more efforts are required to explore practical and specialised strategies suited to various subgroups of Chinese students. Hence, the purpose of this study is to provide additional insight into the academic adjustment of Chinese graduate students studying at American universities in order to extend our knowledge and contribute to the understanding of ways to facilitate student’s adaptation to their new academic environments.

Methodology This is a qualitative study using open-ended personal or phone interviews. In addition to demographic information and plans following graduation, interviews covered: a) academic expectations before coming to the USA,

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b) changes in expectations after completing a semester of graduate study, c) academic adjustment problems, including class participation, d) ways in which respondents coped with problems, e) cultural issues related to adjustment, and f) types of help and support that would facilitate adjustment. Because the primary purpose of the study was to learn about the academic adjustment experiences of newly arrived graduate students from Mainland China, eight students who were in the second semester of their first year of study were selected for the present descriptive research. They were identified through personal networks of this study’s first author and chosen to represent diversity by academic field of study and gender. All respondents were visiting the USA for the first time and had completed degrees in China immediately before they came to study. Respondents did their undergraduate degrees at highly regarded Chinese universities, including Tsinghua, Xi’an Jiao Tong, Hunan, Hunan Agricultural, and Southwest. All but one was enrolled in a research intensive, American university. Among the interviewees, four were studying in two different universities in the same city and four were studying in different cities. Respondents came from different backgrounds and birthplaces in China. Table 7.1 shows their distribution by gender, marital status and field of study. All respondents living in the same city were interviewed in person. The other four respondents were interviewed on the phone. Each interview lasted around 60 minutes and was tape-recorded. All interviews were conducted by the first author in Chinese (her native language), translated into English, and transcribed. To fully ensure authenticity as well as accuracy in the research, each of the respondents was sent his or her corresponding translated statements or descriptions for review and approval. This was done to avoid biases and incorrect nuances that could have been introduced in the process of interpretation and translation. Analysis of the interviews followed the “constant comparative” method described by Bogdan and Biklen (2003). Transcripts were read several times, identifying key points and themes that were then organised into categories

Table 7.1 Respondent characteristics Student A B C D E F G H

Gender

Marital status

M M M F M F M F

S M S S S S S S

Field of study Civil Engineering Physics Mathematics Education Psychology Educational Policy Risk Management Cello Human Resources


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related to central issues identified in the literature review. Stories of the respondents relating to their academic adjustment were identified that would illustrate key points. Special attention was paid to those who changed their majors after they came to the US and who were majoring in an unusual field among Chinese graduate students (i.e. music). Notes on tentative findings were sent to three Chinese graduate students who had been in the USA for more than a year for further review and verification of interpretations.

Findings During the interviews, all respondents indicated that the values, culture and environment they encountered here were considerably different from their university learning experiences in China. The most common academic adjustment concerns expressed during the interviews were problems with written and spoken English; problems due to different teaching models and teaching tools (e.g. syllabus and student-centred instruction); problems pertaining to different curriculum and course arrangement; problems in interacting with professors; and problems in finishing assignments on time. Each of these concerns is described in the following sections of the chapter. English language problems Among the eight Chinese graduate students interviewed, seven said they considered English language as the biggest challenge and barrier for them. The first few weeks and months were viewed as the most difficult time by many of them. Some commented that speaking English was the most challenging, while the others perceived reading, writing or understanding spoken English to be most difficult. Some admitted that their English language problems affected their part-time jobs as teaching or library assistants. The following are their statements toward this problem. For example, Student C said that: Listening to common lecture in my field is not a problem, but one related to popular culture is much harder. Reading can be a problem when I have to read hundreds of pages in a single semester. This intense experience of reading just did not happen before, even reading in Chinese. Expressing my own ideas can be most difficult. When talking to people in person, body language and interactive responses can help, but these are not too helpful when I have to talk on the phone. It is also a problem when the dialogue includes some words or phrases that reflect the US culture. Since academic writing was not an emphasis in my study in China, it seems that I have to put in a great amount of extra effort in order to keep up with all the writing assignments.

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Similarly, Student F also reported that she had a hard time understanding student peers as well as professors in the classroom for the first few weeks. Reading assignments were another challenge at the beginning because she read too slowly to finish all the assigned readings. Student B also shared a similar story. In the first two months, he had listening problems in understanding professors’ lectures. He would even miss out on the most important parts of the lectures by focusing too much on certain phrases or sentences. Another issue he mentioned is that there are various kinds of accents used by English speakers in the US, both regional and international, which make it more difficult to understand what people mean. Hence, he had to ask people to repeat again and again till he could totally understand. When it came to speaking, he easily got nervous when talking to a native or sharing opinions in a class in the first half year. Due to the nervousness, he tended to speak English faster and somewhat incoherently, which led to his listeners being confused. All Student F could do was to try to speak more often. Only student A didn’t consider English language to be a great barrier: In general, technical terminologies can sometimes get in the way of the communication with my adviser and American colleagues. But the teaching language in Hong Kong is English, so this barrier existed for only a short while. I think it might be due to the fact I changed my subject of research from hydraulic/geotechnical to pavement/highway engineering. However, I’ve gotten over it pretty quick. What Student A said reflects the contribution of the previous English language education in China to the language adjustment in American. Since he had studied at the University of Hong Kong, where English is widely used not only in teaching but also in daily life, language became less of a concern for his academic adjustment in the USA. However, though he enjoys the advantages that his previous education has provided, he still encounters some specific English language difficulties related to his laboratory work: We used a lot of tools in our lab. Things as small as screwdrivers can include so many different specific types, which I had no clue at all what I should call them in English. This made my adviser and colleagues pretty frustrated at first. We got over it, since again, I was self-motivated to ask what I didn’t know and the Americans have also been nice enough to explain to me by understanding that I am a foreigner after all. Because the other seven students are from the mainland, where English was studied as a separate course, they did not have as many chances to use English as the students in Hong Kong do. Those students reflected that even in their English courses in China, they seldom got a chance to polish


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their listening skills, let alone speak in class or do group work with their classmates. All they were expected to do in their Chinese higher education institutions was to sit quietly in class and take notes of what the teacher instructed. Memorising the notes would virtually guarantee achieving a high score in the exams. Problems with different teaching models and course structure Although at the beginning of their first semester in the USA, these Chinese graduate students attended the orientations that were conducted by their respective universities, they were given very little information about the teaching models and course structures they would encounter. During the international student orientations, the students would be informed about ID and bank card applications, immigration and visa information, tax issues, and various campus resources, and so on. However, there was very little information about the academic expectations that international students might encounter. For example, expected in-class discussions, interaction with professors, and having to follow a course syllabus tended not to be familiar to the Chinese respondents. As student B pointed out: A large amount of discussion is required in my classes. Since I have many Chinese classmates here, I prefer to discuss the topics with them instead of my American classmates. And my American classmates tend to discuss by themselves as well. What’s more, my teachers always encourage us to raise questions and share comments in class. However, by having to spend too much time and energy in understanding what the speakers say, I had little time left to come up with questions and comments. Even if I finally made up my mind to speak, I would go over the sentences silently for several times before I said them in public. Since an array of unfamiliar teaching methods suddenly appear before the Chinese graduate students, it can make sitting in the classroom uncomfortable for them. As student F complained: The group projects also overwhelmed me. During my undergraduate study in China, we rarely had group projects. In fact, the only group projects we had were assigned by American teachers because I majored in English. When I started my Masters’ programme in the United States, I felt that the group projects were challenging because sometimes I could not understand what my group members were talking about, and I could hardly contribute to our teamwork. I felt so embarrassed. With regard to course structure, the most unfamiliar aspect encountered by these Chinese graduate students was the daily use of a syllabus to make sure

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the instructors’ requirements were satisfied. Many respondents described their adjustment to using the syllabus. For example, student F mentioned: Everything in a course (reading, homework, group projects, and exams) was planned out at the very beginning of a semester, which really overwhelmed me. When I saw the detailed plans, I thought I was never going to complete them in time. Similarly, student H recalled that she would refer to the syllabus as people told her to do, but she did not strictly adhere to it since she didn’t realise how important the guidance it provided could be for her learning at an American university. In China, students are not informed of the teacher’s detailed plan for the whole semester at the beginning of a course. The Chinese professor may only tell students what is to be done in a general sense in the next class and leave the assignment on the blackboard just before the class ends. In contrast, instructors in America don’t always talk about and remind the students of all the assignments during class, so students must check the syllabus frequently for the readings and assignments. Once, student H didn’t notice an assignment that would be due the next morning until very late the night before when she scanned the syllabus in preparation for the next class. She had to stay up all night to finish the assignment and submit it on time. After that, she always paid close attention to the syllabus. Another problem that occurred was inadequate attention to communication by email. Student G recalled that: At the start of my degree programme, I didn’t realise the importance of the email system. In America, people tend to communicate with each other through emails for courses much more frequently than we do in China. Actually, in China people seldom use email unless they have some documents to upload or exchange. So due to my underestimation of the email system here, I missed some assignments and assignment requirements in the first semester here. Problems with expectations for students Unfamiliar expectations also hindered the adjustment of these Chinese graduate students to the academic demands of their universities. One area has to do with expectations for the work of teaching and research assistants. As we can see from Student F: I got a graduate student assistantship for my Masters’ programme before I came to my university. It was really hard for me to balance between my work and my study, because I need to contribute 20 hours per week to this job, which can be hardly imagined in China. Although we also


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have teaching assistants, their work is as simple as collecting all the assignments for the professors and does not even include the grading part. The classes at my American university are so small, and require a lot of discussion and input from the students. I was very nervous about it because I didn’t feel I could contribute to the learning environment. In the undergraduate classrooms in China, students just attend lectures, and were seldom expected to contribute anything to the classroom. Another aspect which is totally new to the Chinese graduate students is the academic calendar, which includes long holidays and much shorter semesters compared with those in China. As student B illustrated, since each semester is so short, he felt especially stressed out with so much work squeezed together. At first he thought that there would be plenty of time to complete all of the work just as he was accustomed to in China. However, he could not finish the work within the amount of time given. He felt so overwhelmed that he had no choice but to stay up late to ensure completion of assignments before the deadline. The example also raises another, related issue. According to Student C’s story: Deadlines are very different between the higher education systems of China and the US. Ability to meet the deadline is a requirement for any student or any employee. It is also a social norm. Sometimes meeting deadlines is difficult, especially when I don’t have the confidence to finish a task well. Fortunately, many workshops about procrastination are available. In these workshops, I met many peer students, including native English speakers, who also face the same problem. Therefore, this is not just difficult for foreigners. Student G is majoring in cello, not very common in China. He recalled that in China, there was not too much homework to do after class, and passing an exam depended primarily on instrumental performance. In contrast, his American university places more emphasis on written theory, just the opposite of his experience in China. In addition, he is required to write all kinds of papers, which is not common in China where he gave more cello concerts to polish his playing skills. He thought that it was all right to pay attention to musical theories, but he still believed that he improved his cello skills to a larger extent under China’s teaching model than he does presently. Student C also indicated some frustration with the breadth of academic programme requirements: The courses offered in my American university compared with those in China are much more difficult at the graduate school level. It is reflected in the amount of time I spent on the homework that was assigned. It takes me over five hours on average to complete the assignment for one course

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only, which allows me less time to delve into the part I am really fond of in that course. Consequences of Chinese cultural background Respondents were asked about how they think their Chinese cultural background has contributed to or hindered their adjustment. The most frequently mentioned advantage was the ability to suffer hardship and difficulties. Since they have to get themselves accustomed rather quickly to the brand-new culture, another language, and people in a foreign country, Chinese graduate students must rely on themselves to cope with all kinds of setbacks and, sometimes, even emergencies. Another advantage is the confidence they expressed in their academic capacity, even though they are foreigners here with language disadvantages. Most of them feel that they could always perform at the same or much better level than the native Americans in academic tests or exams. They also suggested another advantage, diligence in studying, a common virtue among Chinese students that is instilled by their families from the time they were little children. When it comes to how a Chinese background has hindered their academic adjustment, respondents most often mentioned unwillingness to interact with people, especially strangers. They confessed they were inclined to be introverted when attempting to interact with people in America. This makes it difficult for the students to communicate with their professors and classmates in courses. It was also mentioned as a main reason why Chinese graduate students tend to keep quiet for most of the time in classes. Another reported disadvantage mentioned was that among Chinese friends, they are less likely to conduct conversations over academic issues than their American counterparts. Academic concerns are seldom discussed among the Chinese graduate students. Respondents also revealed that, as Chinese they are always too harsh on themselves and tend to set expectation that are too high, which may put more pressure on their academic adjustment. While this was the most common response, not every student agreed. Student C said: Although American classes are usually more interactive, I don’t have much problem about this because I would love to ask questions, and I was adept to it since I was brought up in Macau, China. Adjustment strategies Respondents mentioned a number of ways in which they sought to adjust to the demands of their graduate programmes. Student C recalled: I read aloud in order to practice my pronunciation. I forced myself to write in order to fight the “fear of writing.”


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Student D reported that it was really helpful to work extra hard and double or even triple her study time over what she usually did back home. She also brought up her attitude towards setbacks: First, I would say be patient: Rome was not built in one day; the adjustment process will take some time. Secondly, I think it’s important to prepare yourself mentally; this is not going to be easy. But don’t think it’s something extremely difficult; be prepared and be willing to do as the Romans do, and things will turn out to be all right. Student B suggested using the “Google Calendar” to input the entire course schedule, so that he would not miss any deadlines, important meetings and speeches. This really helped him finish all kinds of tasks on time and make good use of his time during the semester. He also recommended reading English language journals and newspapers to polish reading skills and get to know the latest news at the same time. Another suggestion he gave was to listen carefully to how the American students ask questions and share opinions, so the Chinese students can imitate the way they express their ideas. Student F recalled that she got an audio-recorder to record the class lectures, and listened to them after the class. When asked how their adjustment process has changed over the last several months, almost all responded that their situations are getting better and better. They also provided specific stories to illustrate their adjustment process. As student E said: My language improvement process was a typical adjustment story. I used to speak very awkward English so that almost nobody could understand me. That is awful and hinders me from effective learning. Therefore, I chose to keep talking (in English) to everyone I know no matter if they understood or not. And I found as many chances as possible to present and speak in public. That really worked. After one year, I became almost the best English speaker among our Chinese student cohort. Another interesting adjustment story was provided by Student D: When I first got here, I could not even call a taxi over the phone. I would write everything down and read them to the telephone receptionist, but still had a hard time to make myself understood. You can imagine that. And what about the situation now? I can argue with them over the phone. I took that as evidence that I am doing better right now. Apart from efforts made by Chinese students, respondents also suggested actions that could be taken by their higher education institutions to assist them with their adjustment process. Orientation programmes given to

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Chinese international students when they first came to an institution should include academic expectations as well as information about campus and community resources. Academic advisers could also be more available on campus so that the students can get more immediate help when they encounter problems with courses.

Discussion The Chinese international students interviewed for the present study reported a number of challenges that had to be overcome in order to adjust to the academic demands of their graduate degree programmes. Probably the greatest challenges involved English language facility, especially understanding spoken English as well as being able to write and speak fluently. American teaching models, course structures, and expectations for students were also reported as being very different from those in Chinese higher education institutions. Some respondents experienced problems in interacting with professors and finishing course assignments on time. Most were not familiar with having to follow course syllabi, as opposed to professors in class, who describe requirements and indicate deadlines for assignments. Nor are they familiar with having to take an active part in the instructional process in the classroom, including participating in a great deal of group work. Even those Chinese students who had, at one time or another, experienced an American teaching model also took quite a long time to adjust to their graduate programmes in the USA. While the present research confirms the existence of continuing adjustment problems for Chinese international students enrolling in American graduate programmes, it is based on a very small set of respondents. Studies should be conducted with larger samples in order to ascertain how pervasive these problems are and whether they apply similarly across different academic majors and more American universities. Differences by gender of the Chinese graduate student could also be addressed more systematically. While the present study focussed solely on Chinese graduate students, it must also be noted that graduate students from other countries experience similar problems (de Araujo, 2011). Given the continuing growth in graduate enrolment of international students in many countries around the world, it is well worth the effort to address the problems of academic and social adjustment of international students from different countries in order to facilitate degree completion.

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