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Theoretical and Indigenous Perception of ‘Community’ and ‘Development’: A Case Study of Punjabi Cultural Context Dr. Abid Ghafoor Chaudhry In-charge, Department of Anthropology, PMAS-Arid Agriculture University Rawalpindi-Pakistan Aftab Ahmed (Corresponding Author) Anthropologist, Pakistan Association of Anthropology (PAA) Islamabad-Pakistan Office #2, Lower Ground, Faysal Bank, Atta Arcade, Main PWD Road Islamabad-Pakistan +92-345-974-0985,
[email protected] Haris Farooq Department of Anthropology, PMAS-Arid Agriculture University Rawalpindi-Pakistan Abstract The term community has long been defined by various scholars in their respective works. The aim of the paper is to highlight the indigenous view of native Punjabis on the term community which brings forth the reality that the social setup and folk-perception kept the nature friendly apprehensions regarding the community that included natural environment, wild life and natural habitat. This paper explores the indigenous interpreting of society as a concept that has to include two essential components which are the sustainable population as dependent variable reckoning for sustainable natural resources that is the independent variable. The native notion of balanced social life and sustainability very much comprised human and non-human resources as well as organic and inorganic resources. Key Words: Community, Resources, Sustainability, Cultural Perception, Indigenous Knowledge, Traditional Farming, Development, 1. Introduction Pakistan like other third world countries is mostly the recipient of non-local products, technology and development bound brain set. It is also a known fact that whatever passed in the name of development was merely imported from Western countries commonly famous as the First World in case of Pakistan. The case of Pakistan after winning independence as indicated by Chaudhry (2013), Chaudhry and Chaudhry (2012) and Saif (2010: 206) that ‘Frailness and feebleness of Pakistan’s economic independence as well as destroying of ‘the traditional and indigenous institutions and left behind a legacy of colonial capitalism’. The development planning of Pakistan has its historical roots in Washington DC where the Harvard Advisory Group (HAG) initiated the same on behalf of Pakistan’s government and its colonial brained bureaucracy (ibid). The main aims of the paper are to contend that the word ‘Development’ and ‘community’ have been wrongly defined. It is therefore that there has always been a conceptual lag between what the recipient population felt about their needs and the development agencies whether private and public wanted to bring on ground. In the name of development of the country particularly the rural areas the recipient target population was merely thought to be the ‘beneficiaries’ (a term borrowed from the Western Schools of Development and Development Policy). Instead the cultural set up and make up of the Punjabi villages from the Mughal reign have been independent enough to manage their affairs at the local level while putting an optimal utilization of available resources. These historical practices were closely linked with arousing the feelings of selfsufficiency among the rural masses. This is also historically known to us that villages in historical times were
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independent enough to look after their social, economic, political and eco-geographical matters. This was also done while empowering the true representative body of the masses that was the ‘Punchayat’ to officiate such issues at local level. Unfortunately, what we see through the three frail experiments of local government system in Pakistan i.e., Basic Democracies (General Ayub Khan), Local Government System (General Zia ul Haq) and Devolution of Power (General Pervaiz Musharraf) that the local populations were treated as ‘clients’ instead of being thought as the owners of their local fate. This was not the only thing happened to the development history of Pakistan rather the civic facilities (including health, basic and higher education, employment, business opportunities, and better infra-structure were mostly monopolized by the urban centers). This unjust planning bias resulted in the urban centers with more opportunities due to which unplanned rural-urban migration happened to start without keeping in view the natural balance of the eco-systems which further resulted in cities over crowded with rural flock, unemployed army of daily wage laborers, unplanned and unsupervised town planning, swift raising of urban slums and even squatter settlements). This rural-urban migration also ended in unprecedented crime rate in the cities in which the criminals were grouped and adopted a unified code of looting and plundering. The social problems also sky-rocketed that included beggary, street crimes, drug trafficking, human smuggling, prostitution, high suicide and divorce rates, and the direct outcomes of inflation. The ecological damage to the urban centers were not the priority in any political reign of the country but the gradual results have now been observed and transformed into a jinni out of bottle that is now threatening the healthy and hygienic profile of cities. The national situation mentioned above invited many researchers from within and outside the country to analyze what is happening in the development endeavors and why such efforts have not been successful enough. The contribution of such research chores referred to problems in quality of the change, a lineament of the products offered in the name of development, and the procedural defects in the launch of development. There has been a hot debate upon what was termed as development in the country especially for the rural areas. In fact the development strategies (growth approach, Welfare approach and Integrated Rural Development approach)as well as the developmental interventions (Prime Ministers’ Five Points Developmental Agenda, V-AID, Tameer-i-Watan I & II, Peoples Works Program, Rural Works Program, Peoples Program I & II, Social Action Program I & II, Khushaal Pakistan and Tawana Pakistan) have also been analyzed which confirm the conclusion that it was a result of bureaucratic bottle-up and socially alienated development planning (Chaudhry, 2013; Chaudhry and Chaudhry, 2012). Chaudhry and Chaudhry also reinforce that Pakistan development case history unveils the bureaucratic mind set up and largely done through pseudo and fake public representatives who were driven under their internal personalized drives. It is crystal clear to infer that most of those fake politicians were the products of military controlled political apparatus. Whereas on the other hand, the bureaucracy in post independence times retained their predecessors’ mind set as indicated by Khan (2009) as referred by Chaudhry and Chaudhry (2012). Ahmed and Rashid (2011) cited in Chaudhry and Chaudhry (2012) and Chaudhry (2013) that ‘lack of representative and responsive policy making results in disempowerment of the citizens undermining their entitlements’ (Ahmed and Rashid, 2011: 82). The authors in addition to it point out that ‘top-down, non participatory and executive oriented developmentalism’ that intentionally desires to maintain the status quo. This realm of affairs further compromises the capacity at national level to set up developmental preferences after receiving primary feedback obtained through original and carefully conducted research. Ahmed and Rashid (2011) have cited the findings of Haque (2010) who refers to the economists with the stereotypical thinking that they know insand-outs of development which not necessarily require the primary feed backs sought as a result of research.
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The reality is that due to instable political process in the country, the bureaucratic structures of Pakistan have become so powerful that denies accountability (Khan, 2009: 575). In the same manner the army controlled governments of 1958, 1969, and 1977 had to depend on civil bureaucracy that further multiplied its power (ibid: 576). As a result, the term development confused its original meanings that was to benefit the masses and then the nation which was to be actualized by effective and efficient governmental planning. The on-ground outcome was infact the opposite in which the politicians used their public offices and power to maximise their selfmotivated interests and left the masses in total chaos. The confused orientation on the term ‘development’ further confused that role of politicians and planners in the development exercise. The arithmatic addition of infra-structure was merely handed over to the politicians who used the developmental funds to bestow political benefits upon their electoral supporters. This political factionalization of development not only widened the gulf between rural and urban areas but also left the rural masses stupefied. The lack of proper political socialization made the masses think that development is only possible if they manage to elect their public representatives (by hook or by crook). 2. Review of Literature It is my personal conviction and professional predilection that the development of the country can be possible if we as a nation shun the Western developmental thinking as well as avoid the colonial schema of development that is through bureaucracy. As a matter of fact, there is no problem with bureaucratic structure to monitor the developmental process in the country but that role has to be supervisory or monitoring without the capacity to influence the transparent delivery development target that ensure the nation building in the country. A number of Scholars who worked on various social, economic, political issues of Pakistan have signaled towards the manipulative character of the public offices that is responsible to create a gap among the masses which further gives birth to manifold problems for the country. The development of the country shall only mean development from the grass roots. The local development shall be for all the masses irrespective of the political affiliations, caste influences, and other basis of discrimination. The case of Pakistan clearly speaks of total absence of the spirit that is ‘development for all’ rather it is region, caste and political party based. This leads to the mishandling of resources and funds invested in the development which concludes that development is not comprehensive when it comes to the masses. Similarly, the inconsistent policy shifts and governmental priorities also affect the development which demonstrates the severe waste of national resources that are already meager to comply with the resource-population equation. Now is the time to encourage the primary research tradition that facilitates the government and development agencies of the country to plan according to the needs of the country in which preference shall be given to the masses. The masses ought to come first in national development process. The Marxist paradigm on development as well as the off-shoot of Dependency theory clearly speaks of the development that is perceived as an instrument of creating dependency among the masses to expect obedience instead of liberating them to handle their life and developmental priorities. This is also solidified by Ted Lewellen who opines that the colonial times witnessed the client states only responsible for provision of human labor instead of enjoying the direct benefits of development chores (Lewellen, 2003). It is to enunciate and ascertain that the traditional thinking on development (Rostow, 1960, 1962 & 1978 and Eisenstadt, 1964, 1967 & 1970) has ceased to be responsive to the unheard and unseen diverse cultural and historical factors responsible for purposeful development of the respective countries. These factors are vital because they could accelerate or slow down the development of any nation of the world. In a scene so, the total ignorance of the indigenous knowledge and practices played its role in hampering the development process. If the same would
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have been done, the developing nations would have the right idea to see the desired way and direction to seek self-sufficiency and self reliance. In case of dependency theory, L. R. Stavrianos (1981: 34-35) as discussed by Lewellen (2003) states: The underdevelopment of the Third World and the development of the First World are not isolated and discrete phenomena. Rather they are organically and functionally interrelated. Underdevelopment is not a primal or original condition, to be outgrown by following the industrialization course pioneered by Western nations. The latter are overdeveloped today to the same degree that the peripheral lands are underdeveloped. The states of developedness and underdevelopedness. The states of developedness and underdevelopedness are two side of the same coin. The creation of biased developmental terminology of first, second and third world as well as the core peripheral and semi peripheral countries (Immannuel Wallerstein, 1974, 1979, 1980, 1986) have put the world into an unending debate of who shall come first. It has also become a race between the nations with advanced technology as well as the ones with rich natural resource base. It is beyond any doubt that the Western nations have remarkably progressed in the fields of research and technological advancements that have put them into a patron-client relation with the so-called nations of the third world. The current state of affairs demands to involve the active role of social sciences that plead the normative aspect of development like Anthropology (Barnard, 2004; and Barnard & Spencer, 2005). It is so because development anthropology has seriously questioned the single-sided development dimension that is economic (Ferraro, 2008). To speak the truth is that the simple term ‘development’ is a mainly used by the stakeholders in fashions that suited their vested interests. To date there is no single definition of development upon which one can expect a unanimous consensus. As the conceptual clarity shakes so are the pro rata of public policy, directions, plans, and interventions framed for it. There is no hiding of the fact that this term has been used with political agenda not for the real target populations and localities. It is therefore the situation in Pakistan witnesses the huge provincial and regional disparities in the country. This is imperative to mention that the constitutional promise to revitalize the local government system under the constitutional umbrella has never been actualized. If this would have been allowed by the post 1973 governmental setups, the nation would have been trained to govern their affairs at the local level, elect the capable public representative and eventually politically socialized with democratic norms and values. And, in addition to it the country would have earned truly trained and dedicated flock of politicians from the local level. It was expected so that they would have been aware of the true masses feelings and needs. Another closely connected idea with the term ‘development’ is the ‘community’ which is again a debatable term and largely used in the same style and mode as ‘development’ did. The Cambridge Dictionary of Sociology (2006) cited various scholars like renowned scholar Amitai Etzioni who refers to the term community as critiqued by critics that it is of questionable value because it is so ill defined. In the same way Margaret Stacey emphasized that the solution to this problem is to avoid the term altogether (cited in Colin Bell and Howard Newby’s edited The Myth of Community Studies (1974). Moreover, Bell and Newby declare that, ‘There has never been a theory of community, nor even a satisfactory definition of what community is’ (1974: xliii). The Encyclopedia of Social Problems (2008) states that the Theorists do not agreed on the precise definition of community. What is broadly agreed upon is that community is a locus of social interaction where people share common interests have a sense of belonging, experience solidarity, and can expect mutual assistance.
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Encyclopedia of Social Work (2008) defines that ‘Communities are one of the many social systems that touch people’s lives and shape their individual and group identities.’ Brueggemann (2006) contends that community needs to be embodied to have existence. By that he means that community must be identified with a physical space that symbolizes the community for its members, and for those who are not part of the community. This might be a territory with clearly defined boundaries, such as a town or municipality-sometimes referred to as a locality based community. Joseph (2002) has suggested that community is less about social identity and more related to practices of production and consumption under capitalism. Community is frequently used to connote a scale at which people can easily interact and recognize one another, although as Anderson (1991a [1983]) argued in relation to nations, community can be ‘imagined’ and actualized through media and culture rather than interpersonal. Ferdinand Tonnies envisioned community (Gemeinschaft) as one’s family and intimate life, while society (Gesellschaft) was an ‘imaginary and mechanical structure’ (Tonnies, 1955 [1887], p. 37). Tonnies’ (2001 [1887]) conceptualization of community as a traditional ‘rural’ phenomenon sets it in opposition to or predating industrial capitalism (Bender, 1978; Joseph, 2002). Various scholars see community as missing from, or left behind by, modernity. They seek a return to mutual support and responsibility, which, they argue, form the basis of community and social values (Bellah, Madsen, Sullivan, Swidler and Tipton, 1985). The Penguin Dictionary of Sociology edited by Nicholas Abercrombie, Stephen Hill and Bryan S. Turner (1994) talk about the term that ‘community is one of the most elusive and vague in Sociology and is by now largely without specific meaning.’ It is only after a long survey of relevant literature that a branch of Applied Psychology known as Community Psychology that focuses on person-environment interactions usually at the level of the community and is aimed at improving the general quality of life within a community (The Cambridge Dictionary of Psychology, 2009). Similarly, another dictionary of Psychology defines Community psychology as ‘a combination of applied Clinical and Social Psychology that attempts to foster the well-being of psychologically disturbed people by intervening in their social environment and utilizing the resources of their community to help them adapt. Modern Dictionary of Geography (2001) defines Community as ‘a set of interacting but often diverse groups of people found in a particular locality. Although the term implies groups bound together by common ties and in harmony, a significant aspect of many communities is of strongly differentiated groups, whose particular interests and values may conflict’ (Dictionary of Geography, 2001). The sociology of community has been a dominant source of sociological inquiry since the earliest days of the discipline. Each of the three most influential nineteenth century sociologists (Marx, Durkheim, and Weber) regarded the social transformation of community in its various forms to be a fundamental problem of sociology and sociological theory. Thomas Bender (1978) suggests that as early social thinkers observed the disruption of the traditional social order and traditional patterns of social life associated with industrialization, urbanization, and the rise of capitalism, significant attention was focused on the social transformation of community and communal life. It should be emphasized that contemporary sociology remains, at its core, a discipline largely concerned with the definition and persistence of community as a form of social organization, social existence, and social experience. The definition of community in sociology has been problematic for several reasons, not the least of which has been nostalgic attachment to the idealized notion that community is embodied in the village or small town where human associations are characterized as Gemeinschaft: that is, associations that are intimate, familiar, sympathetic, mutually interdependent, and reflective of a shared social consciousness (in contrast to relationships that are Gesellschaft—casual, transitory, without emotional investment, and based on self interest). This leads to the conclusion that
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‘according to this traditional concept of community, the requirements of community or communal existence can be met only in the context of a certain quality of human association occurring within the confines of limited, shared physical territory.’ (Encyclopedia of Sociology, 2000). In the Encyclopedia of Community, David E. Pearson stated, “To earn the appellation ‘community,’ it seems to me, groups must be able to exert moral suasion and extract a measure of compliance from their members. That is, communities are necessarily, indeed, by definition, coercive as well as moral, threatening their members with the stick of sanctions if they stray, offering them the carrot of certainty and stability if they don’t” (Pearson 1995, p. 47). International Encyclopedia of the Social and Behavioral Sciences (2001) cites Sassen who says that ‘Community denotes first a local government (village, town, city). Second it conveys social integration—actual, or desired by the speaker—as in ‘the global community.’ Community sociology was shaped by Tonnies, Weber, and Durkheim in the late nineteenth century over concerns for rural decline, industrialization, and urbanization. They held that small communities generated more social integration. These concerns continue today, but in the post-industrial word, globalization is reshaping the basic contours of social life, via global capitalism, worldwide migration, mass communication, and the Internet (Sassen 1991). Louis Herns Marcelin (2006) in the Encyclopedia of Anthropology narrates that ‘concept of community developed mostly in sociology to refer to an organic whole whose components are tied together by a common and innate moral order.’ He states that ‘Classical literature on community emphasizes its homogeneity in terms of the beliefs and activities of its members, who are interrelated in face-to-face relationships and whose allegiance and belonging are clearly defined.’ He says ‘while the nature of modernity is presented as impersonal and bureaucratic. Anthropology, to a certain extent, has contributed to this view because of anthropologists’ strategic insertion and approach to the field as a unified and self-contained whole.’ He further adds ‘from the rise of anthropology as a discipline in the 19th century until recently, the most privileged areas carved for ethnographic investigation remained the “exotic others” living in non-Western societies, where ecology and social organization combined with research interests to generate a particular unit of analysis conceived of as “community,” endowed with a quasi-ontology.’ He finally elaborates that ‘it is within this paradigm that after World War II, community studies in Latin America, the Caribbean, Africa, Southeast Asia, and even in the United States became popular among anthropologists in their quest to grasp discrete worlds (communities) that could escape the capillary power of the nation-state. During the end of the 1960s through the mid-1970s, the rising voice of multiple currents within anthropology and cultural studies culminated in the concept being reevaluated. This reevaluation resulted from the effect of sociopolitical movements that gave voices to different segments of society and expression of identities.’ The concept of community has been one of the widest and most frequently used in social science; its examination has been a focus of attention for at least the past 200 years. At the same time a precise definition of the term has proved elusive. Among the more renowned attempts remains that of Robert Redfield (1960 [1949]: 4), who identified four key qualities in community: a smallness of social scale; a homogeneity of activities and states of mind of members; a consciousness of distinctiveness; and a self-sufficiency across a broad range of needs and through time. Frankenberg (1966) suggests that it is common interests in achievable things (economic, religious, or whatever) that give members of a community a common interest in one another. For Minar and Greer (1969), physical concentration (living and working) in one geographical territory is the key. For Warner (1941), meanwhile, a community is essentially a socially functioning whole: a body of people bound to a common social structure which functions as a specific organism, and which is distinguishable from other such organisms. Consciousness of this distinction (the fact that they live with the same norms and within the same social organization) then gives community members a sense of belonging.
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Anthony Cohen has applied these ideas perhaps most fruitfully to the concept of community (1985). Community, he argues, must be seen as a symbolic construct and a contrastive one; it derives from the situational perception of a boundary which marks off one social group from another: awareness of community depends on consciousness of boundary. The earlier works on ‘community can be seen to imbue the evolutionary schemas of such nineteenth-century visionaries as Maine, Durkheim and Marx. In particular they are associated with the work of German sociologist Ferdinand Tönnies who, in 1887, posited the transcendence of ‘community’ (Gemeinschaft) by ‘society’ (Gesellschaft). What he hypothesized (1957 [1887]) was that the traditional, static, ‘naturally’ developed forms of social organization (such as kinship, friendship, neighbourhood and ‘folk’) would everywhere be superseded (in zero-sum fashion) by associations expressly invented for the rational achievement of mutual goals (economic corporations, political parties, trades unions). Azarya (1984) cited in The Social Science Encyclopedia (2005) defines ‘Community, in the sense of type of collectivity, usually refers to a group sharing a defined physical space or geographical area such as a neighborhood, city, village or hamlet; a community can also be a group sharing common traits, a sense of belonging and/or maintaining social ties and interactions which shape it into a distinctive social entity, such as an ethnic, religious, academic or professional community. The differences are between what may be called territorial and non-territorial approaches.’ The Encyclopedia of Social History (1994) describes that ‘Social historians of Europe first expressed their interest in community through studies of collective protest activities (from food riots to working-class political mobilization); more recently they have focused on popular culture and leisure activities. For many authors, “community” in Europe equaled the village, parish, or other bounded unit of pre-modern society.’ Sandria (1990) has been cited in the Encyclopedia of Social History who iterates that ‘By contrast, the scholarly discussion for other parts of the world—particularly the Third World areas subject to imperialism— has focused on other forms of social organization as the basis of pre-modern community, most notably caste or tribe or— reflecting the vast agrarian societies these imperial structures ruled—villages. (Analysts are only now beginning to delineate the extent to which these ostensibly ethnographic categories were, in fact, colonial constructions that served central political purposes in the ideology of rule.) For historians of India, for instance, the concept of community has provided a fundamental mode of analysis. Conditioned by anthropologists and 19thcentury administrators alike, community in the South Asian context has continued to refer to village or caste or to their urban equivalents, such as identities relating to region of origin (and, hence, linguistic identity), caste status, or religious belief. More recent studies have broadened their horizons, examining popular protest and cultural activities in terms similar to those used by scholars of Europe, but often still focusing on caste, region, and religion. Marxist scholars have attempted, without great success, to interpolate class identity into this array of community identities. To date, only a handful of studies have moved beyond caste and religion to discuss other forms of local organization and identity that could constitute the basis for community, such as neighborhood or voluntary association. Indeed, the most dramatic event of recent history—the division of the subcontinent in 1947 into two separate postcolonial states ostensibly along lines of religious identity—has often, if implicitly, dominated these analyses.’ 3. Materials and Methods 3.1 Locale The current study was conducted in the Union Council of Sacha Soda in the Tehsil and district of Sheikhupura district of the Punjab province. The district lies roughly between North latitudes 31.0 degree and 32.5 degree and East longitudes 73.5 and 74.42 degree. The village Sacha Soda is 18 km from Sheikhupura.
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Data collection was done through the exploratory method while using main techniques of participant observation, informal interviews via key informants, focused group discussions and community meetings. 3.2 Informal Interviews There were situations during information gathering when the researcher needed to interact with my respondents in more informal way to get more information in a face to face situation. It was difficult for me however to conduct these informal interviews with the respondents because of fact that most of time respondents were busy in looking after their daily chores due to which researcher had to wait long hours to converse with my respondents in person for a detailed discussion. During the first phase of data collection, researcher came across problems of communicating with the respondents especially whenever he tried to collect information from respondents in relation to the framework of study. Later on during second phase of data collection, researcher shifted his focus to informal chats with respondents due to which loads of valuable information was gathered. This method was useful because as compared to the administration of Socioeconomic survey forms, this method kept people at ease and instigated a volunteer response among respondents regarding information sharing process. 3.3 Focused Group Discussions Most of the time, researcher had to rely on this technique especially in early days because respondents in day time were stuck with their work and other routine matters whereas in evening times people used to gather in smaller groups at their respective men’s rooms. This method was helpful in a way that it used to obtain loads of information in short span of time as compared to other techniques. During the data collection, there were times when researcher also needed to conduct a focused group interview in order to help senior respondents to recall their past experiences which in a group form better recalled their memories as one respondent helped the other to remember the details of an event especially the past development experiences, previous local governments’ aftermath as well as the social and economic condition of the area. Usually, researcher happened to conduct group interviews on common topics like to discuss the role of local markets in agriculture, staff behavior of agriculture, irrigation and revenue departments, implementation of devolution plan through union councils, and role of power factions in local political life. It was mostly observed that response of one respondent also encouraged others to participate in the discussion. The researchers mostly conducted the group interviews through pre-determined set of questions but at the same time during my work on indigenous farming practices, the researcher mostly used the unstructured format. 3.4 Community Meetings In initial days of my interaction with respondents during community meetings, this was only method that was used because it was hard to judge that out of my respondents who were most appropriate to contact. Later, it developed as a technique that before start of any new area of inquiry in my research work, the researcher used to conduct focused group discussion to find out most knowledgeable respondents for further interaction with them in a more personalized way. This method was very helpful when researcher was compiling details of indigenous model of development (IMD). The way of conducting focused group discussion was very interactive in which members were very keen to participate. In a sense, it also provided a forum to the senior people of the village to socialize with their age fellows with an idea in mind that they were contributing something. This method served four important functions which were as under: 1. Firstly identification of the respondents who had been practicing IK related agricultural activities;
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2. Secondly, the preference was given to respondents, who were somehow politically aware; 3. Thirdly, the necessity of knowledge about development and community organization in their local terms; and, 4. Fourthly, their willingness to share their experiences was the basic condition during core group operation. This focused group technique was termed by the researcher as ‘Core Group’ in the sense that the members of the group were the people who shared valuable information on the social, economic and climatic suitability of the traditional methods of agriculture. 4. Results 4.1 Basti or Pindthan: The Community A commonsensical approach to apprehend the term ‘Community’ is to lookup the most vernacular usage of the said term in the daily diction, psycho-social perception or common use dictionary. As per the vision of the Word Web dictionary on the term in question defines it as ‘A group of people living in a particular local area’ or ‘Common ownership’. The definitional confusion was raised during the conduct of ethnography of a Punjabi village that aimed to explore the indigenous farming practices and possibly seek holistic understandings as well as indigenous cognitive and ecological discernments regarding the traditional farming methods. The villagers view abaadi as a living unit comprised of people having their needs dependent on one another. The word basti communicates the sense of people gathered to live together in mutual cooperation. Community for the villagers is inclusive of the domestic unit along with wasaael including agriculture land particularly communal land called shamilat. It also includes local flora and fauna with which people have a utility based relation. Respondents in village shared their views on community in words below: Abaadkaran nay is zamin nu abaad kita jadon nehraan banian tay bailay khatam hoay. Lookan nu zaminan milian tay unha nay apnay khuttam tay kunbay apnian zamina tay wasaey. Zamindar di shan hai wai-beiji. Zamin maah hai tay maah di izzat day wastay kuch banda kuch vi ker sakda ay. Translation: The settlers inhabited this land. Because before that it was a huge forest area, people after getting their lands preferred to live by their lands while bringing their extended families and relatives. A landholder’s respect is due to his familial land which is like mother because it feeds them. Like mother, a landowner can go to any extent to save it. The villagers cited example of Mecca city that grew around a water spring. People inhabited the place due to availability of water. The same pattern was repeated in canal colonies of Punjab where people established their communities due to the agricultural land that was main source of their livelihood. According to villagers, community is the teacher that establishes means of socialization in which people learn methods of survival. Community comprises agents of socialization like wadkay or sianay (visionary elders) as a big source of learning methods of livelihood. Social institutions of Tabbar (nuclear family), kunba (extended family) and biraderi (brethren/caste) also play important role in socialization of youth. The institutions like parya and punchayat at community level organize indigenous knowledge and practices. Normally, a matter related to village level is heard in parya in which elders dispose cases in the light of
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evidences from known history of village as well as expert opinion of specialists in relative fields like alims (religious specialists), peers (spiritual guides), hakeem (herbalist), wadkay or sianay (visionary elders who also act as opinion leaders), etc. The parya is an appropriate forum where youth observe their elders dealing with various matters related to village. Parya is a democratic forum where people are given equal chances to speak and participate in various village issues. A matter concerning two or more villages is dealt at punchayat in which the jury comprises opinion leaders from all member villages so that equal representation is ensured. The decisions of both parya and punchayat have to be accepted by people because of the members of both forums due to their respect and good fame. Failure to comply with decisions of both bodies results in social dislike and disapproval of non-complying parties in the area. It is rarely heard that somebody denied accepting the decisions of both levels of these bodies even the influential landlord have to come and witness the proceedings if they are summoned. Both parya and punchayat are informal social organizations that ensure disposal of issues related to villages at local level. Both bodies possess effective control and implementation mechanism in favor of its decisions. Third important feature of basti is the local experts or specialists in various fields like agriculture, livestock management, herbalists who are specialist of herbs and trees to give advice on medicinal as well as commercial values, and experts from various other guilds. The presence of experts in a punchayat largely depends of the nature of issue under consideration of jury of punchayat. For example if a case of theft is under consideration of parya or punchayat, then village elders would surely call khoji (traditional foot print reader). These foot print readers are known for their adept skills of chasing the right directions of escape of criminals after incidence. So far as the second half of basti is concerned, wasaael constitute the resources necessary to sustain human life. It includes agricultural land, water sources, forest area, communal land and livestock. 4.2 Taraqqi (Development) To conceptualize the term ‘taraqqi’, a senior respondent summed up that ‘taraqqi bunyadi tur tey wasaael day khatmay day naal, wasaael dey barhaway da naa ay’ (development is basically to utilize resources to ensure its best use without fearing its exhaustion). People of village think that collective efforts can bring positive results and can also help community organize for a joint social cause. Village community is more concerned about their surrounding circumstances in terms of social cohesiveness. The population is segregated in various caste groups which are united at parya level. Matters related to village are dealt by seeking social consensus which is the only mean to plan or launch any intervention. People compare their experience with previous developmental efforts in village and state that development should not be something that puts people in negative competition. This negative competition was experienced by people during running of Agronomic Research Project (ARP), Second Scarp Transition Project (SSTP), Water Management Program (WMP) and Devolution of Power. People view that the projects had weaknesses in its implementation phases. Moreover, the project staff was not trained to cope with the potential hurdles. Many hindrances were oversimplified or ignored by staff and planners which later on turned devastative. Village community thought that these weaknesses were manipulated by influential landlords to increase their hegemonic control over people. According to them, projects were not democratic in functioning therefore people who did not have any link or support from village power factions were excluded from beneficiaries list. It was due to this pressure that turned people to join these factions just to take benefits from project offerings.
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Taraqqi is independence from externalities not an addiction. The beneficiaries have to take their independent decisions in order to exert better and effective control over their livelihoods and available resources at community level. According to local notion, development in terms of mechanical technology as experienced by village farmers has even worsened the situation and led to many problems in village. Firstly, it created an army of unemployed laborers; secondly, it compelled people to migrate to adjacent towns and especially to neighboring districts in search of jobs; thirdly, it caused a trend in favor of international migration especially in Gujranwala district; fourthly, the cities currently experiencing pressed economic crisis were not able to provide work opportunities to all migrants. The bulk of unemployed laborers were frustrated and their idleness raised incidences of conflict and violence within households as well as in village’s social life. The negative impacts were more over the middleclass of village that lost its interests in work diligently. Villagers referred to rise in cases of adultery, drinking, theft, money and cell phone snatching. Upon further probing, respondents replied that it is the village youth that is indulged in such criminal acts. Few cases of elopement and consequent fights were also cited. Elders of village responded that unplanned and overwhelming shout for mechanization instead of helping rural people resulted in problems. Majority of villagers who experienced farm mechanization are again shifting back to their traditional farming practices. The case of economic factors was main reason due to which farmers thought to reap more benefits and the same resulted in the rejoin of traditional practices. The modern agriculture methods became economically infeasible for the subsistence level farmers to keep their pace with it. The process of mechanization only suited wealthy and big landlords who had resources to join commercial agriculture. Their economic cushion provided them a shelter to transform their agriculture chores into a profitable business activity. A core group of key informants of village were comparing their experience with previous projects in which planners and project officials were under influence of powerful factions of village. This core group was critical of ‘naukar-shahi’ approach (top-down) adopted by development experts and agencies. Whereas, the core group opined that instead of launching a real grass root development opportunity, the bureaucratic styled development approach only favored power holders of village. It simply excluded the laymen from development process. The local strategy adopted by lay men was that they also decided to join the factions run by power groups of village to be a part of this exercise. The core group of villagers insisted upon the local skills to be employed as featuring village level development process while utilizing the local resources. These resources whether they are natural or human have to be locally available so that traditional independence of rural areas is reinstated. This thing could in turn also result positive in favor of controlling overwhelming rural-urban migration. Respondents shared that for long lasting effects of development initiatives, masses have to be the first to receive the benefits. Villagers were critical of public offices because they thought that a layman cannot consult them at his own will. There is no mechanism to assist layman in these departments. Political influence has turned the delivery system to be weak to address a common man’s needs. The core group also added their views on why the system in Pakistan stopped responding to the need of people of Pakistan. The views included instability of political office and inefficient delivery system to reply to social needs of people. It is due to which the social institution of family, caste and personal support networks are still influential and operational. People have more faith in their local patron who though exerts power but also helps in cases especially related to dealing with police and other important district offices like agriculture, irrigation, revenue, rural development, community development, education and health.
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Baba Waris (an elder from core group) commented that basti serves two purposes. Firstly, it responds to the individual needs of persons and secondly it serves the collective social needs of community. Baba Waris divided village community into five classes according to their role and functions in social change process and community work in village. Development is evidently a process of increasing the efficiency of social institutions to respond fruitfully to folks’ needs. The classifications propounded by Baba Waris are as under: 1. Jantey Nahin (a group of people who have no access to information. They are simply ignorant); 2. Jantey Hain, Maantey Nahin (a group of people who possess knowledge and know how to take initiatives but they do not take risk and therefore refrain from accepting change); 3. Maantey Hain, Amal Nahin Kertey (group of people who know worth of collective efforts for development but they do not become a part of development practice); 4. Amal Kertey Hain, Kayam Nahin Rehtey (a group of people who do accept change and practice but they do not assume the change on sustainable basis); and, 5. Amal Kertey Hain, Kayam Rehtey Hain (a group of people who accept and practice change on sustainable basis). Unlike conventional styles of development, indigenous development notion is erected upon the sustainable utilization of both abaadi and wasaael. The top-down approach and its immediate opposite bottom-up approaches are directly exclusive of its opponent. The indigenous styled development approach is inclusive of encouragement of self reliance over available human and natural resources. The basti approach is the best carrier of indigenous development. It makes a usage of working for the people through people and by the people. The resources are best utilized without the commercial harvest of natural resources. People of village cite examples of shamilat (communal land) to be best source of animal pasture during fodder dearth. It also served a source of fire material and provided certain medicinal plants and herbs to the village community. The disappearance of communal lands due to seize of power groups and manipulations of other influential factors (discussed in ARP history in chapter four), the community lost its traditional source of animal pasture, fuel source and medicinal plants. The deforestation of forest also affected the aesthetics, medical as well as environmental resources of village. 5. Discussion 5.1 Native Perspective On The Term Community And Linkages With Development As per the views of the respondents of the village Sacha Soda of the District Sheikhupura of the Pakistani Punjab, the term ‘Community’ can best be denoted as ‘Pindthan’ or ‘Basti’. The question why I got interested in studying the concept of community in detail was the conceptual lag between what the term community was taught to me during the student days. This perceptual learning via the taught term was again reinforced by the existing literature and the so-called intelligentsia as well as development champions in Pakistan. My student life understanding regarding the term was then focused on its Urdu synonym ‘Abaadi’. And this initial learning went on concretizing itself as I took a start in Social Research in Pakistan under the banners of various development agencies. It was only when I was working in my study locale for the sake of collecting field data and information from the native respondents for my doctoral research that I noticed this definitional lag. Most importantly this is a recognized fact that there is no consensus upon the definition of the word ‘community’ in relevant social and natural sciences especially political science, social work, sociology, psychology, ecology, geography, geology, demography, environmental sciences and social history. What is commonly perceived in terms of defining community leads to the specific mind sets of each subject
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respectively (to a larger extent that totally makes sense). My career in practicing Anthropology has sewed an inclination of perceiving things and objects in holistic fashion. There was confusion between what was taught to me and what I observed during the field work in a village of Sheikhupura district of the Punjab. The residents of the village took the words Basti or Pindthan into holistic and comprehensive manner. The aim of this paper was to understand the unique way of the village people in which they categorized the word ‘community’. As I supplicated that this term in Punjabi language served two purposes which were studied in detail in order to learn why is the term ‘community’ not relevant to apprehensions of the villagers of Sacha Soda. I would now describe the etymology of both the local terms Pindthan and Basti: Basti: This term is derived from the Punjabi language that denotes Population that is sustainably prolonging itself. In its comprehensive way it means to refer to the human settlement that is capable enough of procreation as well as prolonging. The sense of procreation signifies that the man has developed an understanding of his surrounding vicinity. This learning about the locus where he has been living for centuries is the truth speaking secrete of his successful survival in face of many hardships and challenges. And this overtime understanding is now helpful for evolving methods and techniques that are deemed necessary for the continuation of the human life in a particular region. The word Basti communicates two hidden meanings of this umbrella argot. First it tells us about the humans who are the main constituent of this term. Second, it conveys a pointer towards the resources that are significant for the longevity of human life particularly the natural resources including water, land, flora and fauna. This term perfectly makes sense that continuation of life can only be possible if any particular geographic region is replete with resources that are just mentioned above to support the life continuation mechanism. Similarly, the human that inhibit the land or a specific geographic territory are not only searching the sources and resources for seeking assurance of their survival but also receiving the stimuli for refining their techniques and methods of survival in terms of improving the capacity and efficiency of their tools. In this way, the human beings stimulate their survival mechanism in a desired direction that further ensures continuity of human life. Upon this very standard, we can see the digging stick getting transformed into wooden plough and then into the wave of highly efficient tractors in all over the world. Thus, Basti also communicates its inseparable connection with the sustainability of the sources and resources that has to be ascertained for prolongation of life. This exactly coincides with the concept of sustainability that speaks of harvesting of resources in a way that they remain available for the future generations. This indigenous Punjabi term largely resembles the sister terms of ‘sustainable development’ and other related but distinct terms like ‘sustainable communities,’ ’sustainable resource management,’ ‘sustainable livelihoods,’ or ‘sustainable societies’ as defined by Willis Jenkins in his edited works of Berkshire Encyclopedia of Sustainability (Vol, 1, page 380-388). The Berkshire Encyclopedia of Sustainability defines that the root concept of sustainability refers to the ‘ability of an activity to endure without undermining the conditions on which it depends’ (XXI-XXII). The encyclopedia further elaborates that ‘In its increasingly common use, the concept of sustainability frames the ways in which environmental problems jeopardize the conditions of healthy economic, ecological, and social systems’ (ibid: 380). The term ‘sustainable’ though keeps its intellectual background in the natural sciences especially ecology but now this term has many connotations in social sciences particularly economics and anthropology.
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The term ‘sustainable development’ won international attention via report of the World Commission on Environment and Development, Our Common Future in 1987. The report is also famous as ‘Brundtland Report’ presented by the then Norwegian Prime Minister Gro Harlem Brundtland. The report defined ‘Sustainable development is development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs’ (WCED 1987:43; Jenkins & Bauman, 2010; Chaudhry, 2013; Chaudhry & Chaudhry, 2011). Similarly, the cultural construct of the word ‘Pindthan’ (another synonym for the term ‘community’) also carries two hidden signifiers that further denote ‘Pind’ that is the population and the ‘than’ that is the land and prerequisite resources to perpetuate the social and cultural life. Again both terms Pind and Than communicate the prerequisites of human social life without which the life can neither sustain itself nor can it support the natural habitat. During the course of study, it was noted with grave concern that village people had main four expectations by growing trees regarding coming future. Firstly they related the tree growth to their dead ancestors to serve a religious preaching that is to benefit the dead ancestors by dedicating the blessings of Allah. Secondly, villagers grow trees for the economic compensation on the occasion of daughter’s marriage by selling the trees, using them for dowry items and fire fuel. Thirdly, in order to control the soil and land erosion respectively. Fourthly, the villagers grew tree in order to erect a fence against the unexpected flood during raining seasons or any out of the blue and unforeseen damage in the two huge canals that passed through their vicinity. This utility approach not only engaged them in tree plantation rather knitted them in a nature friendly relation. Similarly the land that served the main source of livelihood was also culturally symbolizing the mother image for the village people. The folks believed that their agricultural land is just like their mother. The cultural meaning of relating land to mother can be understood that mother is the most concerned figure in a man’s life regarding all material and non material needs of her children similarly land upon tilling brings fruits, vegetables, edible and cash crops for the farmers and upon digging it brings fresh and clean water for them. The second feature of man-land bond is when the villagers related land to a mother’s lap. They believed that after death they will be buried in their graves which are also resting place of man after life. It is so if someone does good deeds the same is the result otherwise the grave and its connected Islamic concept of trial after death brings land and grave the focal concepts to pay off old scores, wrong doings and evil deeds. It is thus the two fold idea that acts as a binding force and creates a humane link between man and land. The views of the villagers about linking the concepts of Pindthan or Basti with the sustainable Development and modernization are also worth noticing. The Villagers use the term Zamindar (land holder) for a person who owns his land (either inherited from forefathers or purchased). The Zamindar is generally a respectable person in the rural life. Similarly the one who sells his ancestral land is taken as rootless and he does not enjoy a social respect among his fellows. It is due to the belief of the villagers that ‘land is mother’ and he who sells land is just like selling one’s own mother. And the one who sells his mother cannot be trusted to be beneficial for his fellowmen in the village. If God forbid someone sells or has to sell his land, he usually moves to some urban area because the only bond that connected him to the village had vanished. The selling of land is normally done for the sake of overcoming some economic challenges or to move to any urban center for the sake of education or better urban amenities. Among such migrants, the normal trend is that they prefer to be buried in their native land in order to satisfy their innate belief of getting buried in one’s own soil. The idea of land inheritance is also worth mentioning the cultural set up of the village where the villagers attach a sense of abhorrence with the one who sells his own ancestral land. The people interpret such act with
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acute disgust because they believe that if someone who sells land inherited from his forefathers is like a rebel clutched into an evil deed just like infidelity. Culturally, people think that the family land is like a token from forefathers that has to be handed over to the younger generations to assure their prosperity in near future. The off-springs are found to be complainant of their parents in case if the parents had sold the family land. Selling of land automatically means reduction in social respect and severely compromised family’s social approval among the village community. Another connected inkling attached to the man-land bond in the rural context of the Punjab is that people opine about the people who sell their land is that they witnessed a downward intra-generational social mobility that is becoming a Hari (tenant) from the status of a Zamindar. This is so because villagers thought that people in a village with no land act a tenant of the big landholders. It is like deliberately losing one’s own social status and indeed respect. The village community thought that people preferring to migrate to cities are all Haris (plural of Hari) who seek employment and then act as per somebody else directions just like rural tenants instead of being the owner of one’s own fate while owning familial land. The high reverence and esteem associated with the land reveals the indigenous perception of the village people that for them land remains the focal of their socio-cultural and economic life. It is therefore, the land or the ‘Than’ remains shaping the schema of cultural uniqueness among the Punjabis. The importance of the land is also revealed in the poetic work of many Sufi poets of the Punjab like Waris Shah who talks high of the Ranjha and Sial clans due to their landholdings and progressive farming. 5.2 Analysis of Cultural Perception of Community and Development The folk society of Sacha Soda believes that both human and natural resources are valuable for progressive social life. The relationship of community with its resources is like something that is personal and intimate. People in terms of building a human-environment friendly relationship, bring a person near to nature to create a symbolic bond of unity. This bond as its details shall be discussed in later parts of the chapter is when a farming family starts engaging their off springs in various work chores in fields. This also allows observing how elders work by youngsters. It is strengthened when off springs are encouraged to grow their plants that become responsibility for off springs to take care of their plants in order to see who takes best care of plants. The same kind of relation is also observed when the household’s cattle are assigned among kids to see who cares more. Both exercises help bringing children nearer to non-human but living parts of their community. Cutting of a tree to be used as a fuel or slaughtering the goats or sheep from household’s cattle during Eid-ulAzha is normally observed with sobs. But cutting of tree grown by father or grandfather is usually mourned in the same way as if somebody within family has died. The slaughter of animals especially during religious festival of eid is preferred to be held in absence of the symbolic owner of animal. This symbolic bonding is common to majority of farming families. This normal family based ritual indirectly helps children to come nearer to their plants or domestic cattle that later allows them to understand the changes in them while maturing. Often a jovial laughter is passed when a kid is told to be even younger than a farm tree or buffalo. A farming family always grows their own trees in their fields to serve many important functions including fuel requirements, manufacturing of furniture, and a potential source of money in time of need. Similarly, this symbolic relation is also strengthened due to domestic pets including pigeons, quails, kittens, puppies, and lambs. Basti or Pindthan in local language denotes ‘something that is capable of sustaining itself’. It contains human part (population) as well as land (non-human part), forest, and livestock. Thus, in a broader sense, basti
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includes living part (abaadi) and non-living part (wasaael). Village population conceives ‘paidariat’ (sustainability) to be a feature of progressive life that further means to ensure that a resource is likely to be available in future for new generations. 6. Conclusion The term ‘Taraqqi’ in both Urdu and Punjabi languages substitutes ‘development’ that denotes the relationship between abaadi (population), and wasaael (resources). Taraqqi is a concept perceived by community of Sacha Soda as a continuous process in which people have definite roles and responsibilities towards long term survival mechanism of society while using the available resources (social and natural). Taraqqi is not a mere set of practices to make best use of resources by the community rather it is composite whole that binds Basti (Community), with its wasaael in a reciprocal relation that continues to progress due to a benignity. People of village think that development is possible through sustainable reaping of resources instead of its commercial harvest. Taraqqi requires community not people in the sense that people may have their individual objectives and motives due to which they may indulge in an exploitative mode which further poses threats for progressive survival of community. Basti is a more refined concept that speaks of people inhabiting a certain locality. The purpose is not just survival rather it is to develop the resources and putting a cultural value on them not only in terms of human aspects of life but also non-human environmental factors too. 7. References Abercrombie, N., Hill, S., & Turner, B. S. (Eds.). (1994). The Penguin Dictionary of Sociology (3rd ed.). London: Penguin Books. Ahmad, R., & Rashid, A. (2011). Discourse, Donors and Development: The Policy Conundrum in Pakistan. In S. S. Aneel, U. T. Haroon, & A. Salman (Eds.), Fostering Sustainable Development in South Asia: Responding to Challenges. Islamabad: Sang-e-Meel Publishers. Anderson, B. (1991 (1983)). Imagined Communities, rev. ed. London: Verso. Azarya, V. (1971). The Armenian Quarter of Jerusalem. In C. A. Berkeley, C. Bell, & H. Newby, Community Studies. London. Barnard, A. (2004). History and Theory in Anthropology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Barnard, A., & Spencer, J. (Eds.). (2010). Encyclopedia of Social and Cultural Anthropology. London: Routledge. Barnard, A., & Spencer, J. (Eds.). (2010). Encyclopedia of Social and Cultural Anthropology (2nd ed.). London: Routledge. Barnard, A., & Spencer, J. (Eds.). (2005). The Routledge Encyclopedia of Social and Cultural Anthropology. (2nd). New York: Routledge. Bellah, R., Madsen, R., Sullivan, W., Swidler, A., & Tipton, S. (1985). Habits of th eHeart: Individualism and Commitment in American Life. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press.
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