Community, love, and culture: pedagogical insights

International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education

ISSN: 0951-8398 (Print) 1366-5898 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/tqse20

Community, love, and culture: pedagogical insights for Black students in White spaces V. Thandi Sulé, Tiffany Williams & Michelle Cade To cite this article: V. Thandi Sulé, Tiffany Williams & Michelle Cade (2018): Community, love, and culture: pedagogical insights for Black students in White spaces, International Journal of Qualitative Studies in Education, DOI: 10.1080/09518398.2018.1519202 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/09518398.2018.1519202

Published online: 07 Dec 2018.

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INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF QUALITATIVE STUDIES IN EDUCATION https://doi.org/10.1080/09518398.2018.1519202

ARTICLE

Community, love, and culture: pedagogical insights for Black students in White spaces V. Thandi Sule, Tiffany Williams and Michelle Cade Department of Organizational Leadership, Oakland University, Rochester, Michigan, USA ABSTRACT

ARTICLE HISTORY

To address the tension between public education norms and the lived experiences of racially marginalized students, this study examines how Brother to Sister (BTS), a community group, promotes sense of belonging and college access among Black high school students using the school as a primary dialogical space. Specifically, through qualitative assessment, this study interprets the pedagogy of Brother to Sister through narrative accounts of how the organization functioned in the lives of its members. As experienced by participants, BTS enacts culturally centered pedagogy and African-centered education to promote personal development and community enrichment outcomes.

Received 22 July 2016 Accepted 29 August 2018 KEYWORDS

Afrocentric education; asset-based education; community education; culturally relevant pedagogy

Introduction Public education, imbued with hegemonic norms and curricula standardization, is constrained in its ability to cultivate academic and personal development of racially marginalized students (Baszile, 2009; Cammarota & Romero, 2006). For instance, despite progress in high school completion and college matriculation rates, Black students still lag behind Whites. A recent study found that White students out-performed Black students even within predominantly Black schools (Bohrnstedt, Kitmitto, Ogut, Serman, & Chan, 2015). Other studies found that even when Black students demonstrate exceptional academic performance, teacher perception hinders their access to academically rigorous programs (Card & Giuliano, 2016; Faulkner, Crossland, & Stiff, 2013). Similarly, Black students are more likely to express dissatisfaction with school and they experience higher rates of suspensions and special education placements (Blanchett, 2006; Gregory, Skiba, & Noguera, 2010). Also, in comparison to White students, Black students are more likely to perceive their school experience to be discriminatory and uncaring (Bottiani, Bradshaw, & Mendelson, 2016). The reasons for these gaps and disparities include inequitable education, teacher ability, student tracking, and poverty (Bohrnstedt et al., 2015; Clotfelter, Ladd, & Bigdor, 2007; Figlio, 2005; Ladson-Billings, 2006). However, a compelling explanation for the disparities is that public education norms privilege dominant group members rather than embrace cultural and political heterogeneity (Baszile, 2009; Shockley & Frederick, 2010). Further, the homogenization of education through standardized curricula and high stakes testing further marginalizes students of color because it assumes equitable access to resources (Milner, 2013). Within this context, not only is individuality stunted, but also non-dominant lived experiences

CONTACT V. Thandi Sule [email protected] Department of Organizational Leadership, Higher Education Leadership Program, Oakland University, 480E Pawley Hall, Rochester, Michigan 48309-4401, USA. ß 2018 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group

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are silenced. Arguably, then, the academic and social potential of racially marginalized students are optimally realized outside of the school context—as a community project. Alternatively, asset pedagogies can facilitate academic success and personal empowerment (Paris & Alim, 2014). Specifically, culturally centered pedagogies, introduced as a strategy to successfully engage Black and other racialized students, utilizes the culture of students as a resource for learning school content and issues related to U.S. race-based social hierarchy. Using students’ cultures as filters for school content and instructional methods is assumed to heighten their academic engagement and performance (Gay, 2010). Thus, this study examines the impact of Brother to Sister (BTS), an after-school, community-based program employing pedagogy steeped in Black history and culture to encourage unity, sense of belonging, and college matriculation among Black students at a predominantly White high school. Specifically, we seek a nuanced understanding of BTS’ pedagogical approach through the participants’ descriptions of how BTS affected their lives.

Culturally centered pedagogies In an effort to respond to the needs of racially marginalized students, educators have advocated for pedagogical approaches that are aligned with their unique cultural backgrounds. Notably, culturally relevant pedagogy (CRP) employs the cultural background of racially marginalized students as a way to engage them in learning and to facilitate both academic and social engagement (Billings, 1995). Akin to the ethnic studies movement that began in the 1960s on college campuses, CRP recognizes that K-12 curricula are steeped in Eurocentric perspectives and worldviews (Cabrera, Milem, Jacquette, & Marx, 2014; Cammarota & Romero, 2006; Sleeter, 2011). Hence, CRP discourse has its roots in traditional K-12 education. As such, it focuses on the behavior and attitudes of teachers—how instructional methods and beliefs about students foster cultural integrity and academic success (Billings, 1995). Culturally relevant teachers view teaching as contextual, students as creators of knowledge, and knowledge as fluid and open to critique (Billings, 1995). As an asset-based approach, culturally relevant pedagogy situates “the linguistic, literate, and cultural practices of working-class communities—specifically poor communities of color—as resources and assets to honor, explore, and extend” (Paris & Alim, 2014, p. 87). More specifically, asset-based pedagogical approaches seek to identify, understand, and utilize the strengths of racially marginalized students. For instance, Yosso (2005) challenged the notion of White middleclass people as the standard for cultural capital (e.g. language, education, values) by naming forms of community cultural wealth among minoritized groups. Community cultural wealth encompasses dynamic types of capital: aspirational (hope despite barriers), linguistic (speaking more than one language or style), familial (community centeredness), social (community support), navigational (ability to maneuver through hostile spaces), and resistant (challenging injustice). Also, funds of knowledge is a concept introduced to identify the knowledge used by working class Latinx families. By identifying these funds, researchers and educators have proposed ways to incorporate the lived experiences of Latinx and other underrepresented students in the classroom (Gonzalez & Moll, 2002; Moll, Amanti, Neff, & Gonzalez, 1992). Similarly, culturally responsive pedagogy emphasizes building a culturally diverse curriculum, learning about student histories and cultures, using cultural knowledge to institute multicultural instructional strategies, and caring about diverse learners (Gay, 2010; Paris & Alim, 2014). For instance, as a critique of school curricula that avoids discussions on racial hegemony, features limited cultural figures from marginalized groups, and ignores the diversity of experiences of racially marginalized communities, culturally responsive pedagogy “reverses these trends by dealing directly with controversy; studying a wide range of ethnic individuals and groups; contextualizing issues within race, class, ethnicity, and gender; and including multiple kinds of knowledge

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and perspectives” (Gay, 2010, p. 108). A facet of responsive teaching is culturally responsive caring which entails an ethical and emotional investment in students’ cultural experiences to engender teacher–student pedagogical partnerships (Gay, 2010). Building upon cultural pedagogies, Paris and Alim (2014) advocate for culturally sustaining pedagogy (CSP). Accordingly, CSP focuses on embedding cultural pluralism within U.S. education in response to demographic changes and the evolving cultural movements within communities of color. Thus, CSP moves beyond culturally relevant pedagogy by both valuing non-dominant cultures and advocating for cross-cultural competence. Accordingly, CSP recognizes the cultural power of communities of color as their presence grows. Social power then derives from the ability to negotiate diverse race and ethnic communities. Also, a major facet of this conversation is recognizing the dynamic nature of cultural practices. In doing so, CSP incorporates cultural hybridity—identifying how communities of color adopt and reimagine cultural practices from each other (Paris & Alim, 2014). The research on culturally relevant pedagogy specifies discrete teaching practices. For instance, Howard (2001) conducted a qualitative research study that examined student perceptions of the instructional practices of culturally responsive teachers. Findings revealed that teachers embodied several culturally responsive characteristics, such as establishing a family atmosphere and instituting an intellectually stimulating environment. Students valued these approaches. Similarly, Ware (2006) determined that African American teachers in his study were warm demanders, teachers who set high expectations for Black students in a structured and culturally responsive manner. Warm demanders provide discipline, love, and pedagogy that incorporate elements of students’ cultures. Essentially, warm demanders foster a climate of academic excellence and serve as cultural bridges between the school and community. Lastly, Houchen (2013) found that students (mostly African American) participating in a culturally relevant test preparation course had a significantly higher test passage rate than the state average. Although more work is needed, the literature indicates that employing culturallycentered pedagogy can foster student success in K-12 settings.

Afrocentric education A significant pedagogical strategy employed to facilitate the holistic development of Black American students is Afrocentric education (Durden, 2007). Afrocentricity means placing African worldviews at the center of analysis and everyday living—believing that true liberation first comes from freedom of the mind. Thus, Black people without a sense of ancestral heritage cannot call upon history, tradition, spirituality, and values that are self-affirming (Asante, 1987). Afrocentric education, therefore, positions African culture and the experiences of the Black Diaspora at the center of instructional and curricular design. Utilizing this approach, Black people are both authors of knowledge and architects of knowledge standards. The goal is for Black students to be able to connect schooling with their experiences outside of school, including how they fit into the world. Hence, this endeavor extends beyond inspiring academic achievement to one that requires a deep investment in the culture of Black students (Harris, 1999; Lomotey, 1992). What distinguishes Afrocentric education from the broader culturally relevant pedagogy is that the focus of the entire curriculum (particularly for early learners) is on African values, approaches, and contributions (Lomotey, 1992). Also, there is an explicit agenda to rescue Black students from dilapidated schools and ineffective teachers through autonomous Black-led schools (Durden). However, like culturally relevant pedagogy, educators believe that cultural alignment will motivate students to excel because students are able to see themselves as agents of learning. Although there is recognition that Africans are not mono-cultural, Afrocentric educators understand that there is “an ontological foundation that remains constant” (Madhubuti, 1994, p. 17).

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Afrocentric schools, then, are premised upon an African worldview that sees humans as both extensions of the divine and as representations of other humans. Hence, a collective orientation, as opposed to an individualistic orientation, is valued. In being accountable to self and others, students aspire to live by African virtues rooted in Ma’at (truth, justice, harmony, balance, order, reciprocity, and propriety), a feature of an ancient African philosophy (Durden, 2007). By living Ma’at, students are accountable to themselves and their community; they are given the support to develop their talents and they are expected to use their talents to “uplift the community and family and strive towards being excellent or Godlike” (Durden, 2007, p. 26). Given its very specific target population and philosophical underpinnings, formal Afrocentric educational settings are arguably most suited for independent schools and community-based programs. However, there are alternative Afrocentric schools housed within the public education system, particularly as charter schools. Charter schools are tax supported public schools that operate independently from conventional public schools. Nevertheless, these schools are still expected to meet state student achievement goals (Teasley, Crutchfield, Jennings, Clayton, & Okilwa, 2016). The 1990s saw a dramatic increase in Afrocentric charter schools from under 20 to more than 400 (Murrell, 1999). The curricula within Afrocentric schools vary. For instance, a study of 27 Afrocentric schools found that some Africanized the standard public school curriculum while others created a new curriculum aligned with African culture (Teasley et al., 2016). Nevertheless, many Afrocentric schools use Nguzo Saba (or similar principles) to inspire students to manifest their cultural lineage (Lomotey, 1992; Murrell, 1999). As the defining value system of Kwanzaa, Nguzo Saba serves as an explicit guide for excellence: Umoja or unity; Kujichagulia or self-determination; Ujima or collective work and responsibility; Ujamma or cooperative economics; Nia or purpose; Kumba or creativity, and Imani or faith (Harris, 1999; Karenga, 1997). These principles reflect a belief in Black excellence and high standards for Black students through strong collectivism. Studies on Afrocentric schools have revealed other common core values. For instance, many of these students place a high value on family, with teachers embracing students as if they were their progeny. Additionally, a pan-African perspective is heralded as students are taught to embrace a collective African culture that connects African people throughout the globe (Lomotey, 1992). Dynamic, high stimuli instructional strategies reflective of cultural affinities for visual, audio, and kinesthetic engagement are also valued (Durden, 2007). In all, African history (sans Eurocentric perspectives) as the locus for self-understanding underpins Afrocentric educational values. Much of the literature on culturally relevant pedagogies and Afrocentric education is based on their implementation within traditional education systems. However, communitybased organizations have employed similar pedagogical practices in their work with racially and ethnically marginalized youth (Harvey & Hill, 2004; Kuttner, 2016; Wong, 2010).

Brother to Sister In response to the academic and social floundering of Black students at a predominantly White high school, a ninth-grader and his father founded Brother to Sister (BTS) in 2008. According to the school principal, during this period, Black students comprised 90% of school suspensions (though only 17% of the student population), trailed behind their peers in college enrollment, and were lacking a sense of belonging at school. In response, the father and son (Diop and Marcus [pseudonyms]) team received permission from the Principal to establish an after-school enrichment program for Black students. The group met weekly at the school for approximately 4 hours (including 2 hours for homework). The initial focus of the group was to promote unity among Blacks, particularly Black males. Their purpose evolved to include college matriculation and retention.


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Based on reviewing documents (videos, social media posts) and interviews, we determined that BTS engages students in four significant ways. First, the group meets weekly for dialogue sessions on topics related to “community, love, and culture.” According to Marcus, community, love, and culture means sharing social-historical information to promote “unity and selfdetermination among young men and women of color in order to provide a sense of servant leadership dedicated to solving local, national, and global issues.” During these sessions, the founders take the lead in introducing the topic and providing discussion prompts (e.g. resources). Discussion prompts include, but are not limited to mini-history lectures, a song, a video, a news story, or a school event. Among the prompts, popular culture (e.g. “hip-hop”) is heavily employed as a means to elicit conversation about relationships and Black community development. Another form of engagement is a private rites of passage experience designed to instill a sense of African American history and culture. Participants who complete the rites of passage are considered official members of the group. Social media functions as the third form of engagement. In particular, senior members (college students) use social media to mentor junior members. The last form of engagement is home-centered. Members are invited into the home of the founding members and treated as extended family. For instance, the elders (Marcus’s parents) offer advice on school and relationships. Members eat meals at the home and participate in family holidays. The elders use personal funds to assist members experiencing hardships and accompany them to celebrate milestones like birthdays and graduation ceremonies. After 6 years, the BTS membership grew from 15 to 97, and over 90% of the members who graduated from high school were in college. By early 2018, BTS expanded to welcome middle school students bringing their membership to 168 including 52 college graduates. What undergirds the organization’s engagement model is a strong belief in individual development as a means to facilitate economic and political power within the Black community.

The purpose Pedagogy is the theory and practice of transferring knowledge in educational spaces (Inglis & Lesley, 2008; Pedagogy, 2008). However, it also entails a body of work (both theoretical and practical) that reflects how entities engage the world. Thus, ways of being that typify the mundane, spiritual, cerebral, and emotional can be received and coded as pedagogy (Chavez & Soep, 2005; Holmes, 2007; Kirylo, 2013; McCray, Grant, & Beachum, 2010; Williams, 2015). As such, several studies have entailed examination of lived experiences as a way to define and assess the pedagogy of individuals, groups, and cultures (see Chavez & Soep, 2005; Hale, 2016; Hughey, 2007; Ntiri, 2014; Soderman & Sernhede, 2016). Similarly, our objective was to interpret the pedagogy of BTS through the participants’ descriptions of how BTS affected their lives. Privileging the voice of students is aligned with critical understanding of how pedagogy influences learning experiences. Furthermore, lived experiences act as a counter-oppressive analytic tool because stories among the oppressed challenge hegemonic constructions of reality (Crenshaw, Gotanda, Peller, & Thomas, 1995; Fernandez, 2002). Thus, narratives that foreground the experiences of Black students participating in a culturally affirming program within a predominantly White educational space can tell us much about how to configure inclusive learning environments.

Data collection and analysis Using phenomenological epistemology, this study seeks to understand the pedagogical strategies of BTS through the participants’ descriptions of how BTS affected their lives. The goal of phenomenological research is to capture the essence of experiences and the meaning individuals give to those experiences (Heidegger, 1962; Husserl, 1931). The epistemological foundation, then,

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is based on interpersonal and interactional aspects of living (Dowling, 2007; Van Manen, 2007). Researchers attempt (through data collection and analysis) to examine and translate the defining characteristics of experiences (Dowling, 2007). Using this methodology, researchers describe and interpret the meaning people apply to a phenomenon, recognizing both the uniqueness and commonalities across individuals (Husserl, 1931). In this study, we used interviews because they provide contextual information about how participants interpret their experiences. Interviewing aligns with the phenomenological approach because it facilitates the capturing of how students make meaning of their subjective realities (Creswell, 2013; Englander, 2012). We recruited participants from the membership of Brother to Sister with the assistance of the founding members who made announcements at their meetings. We used a semi-structured interview protocol to collect information about the purpose of BTS, BTS activities, educational aspirations, school engagement, transition to college, and racial identity. The interviews averaged 75 minutes and they were transcribed verbatim. To broaden our understanding of BTS and to enhance trustworthiness of the analysis, we watched two video recorded meetings and read BTS social media posts. We coded the transcripts using three stages of analysis: (a) initial coding using a preliminary code list derived from the literature; (b) descriptive coding using words that summarize the topic of a passage; and (c) pattern coding by grouping and summarizing codes into smaller constructs (Creswell, 2013; Saldana, 2009). After the descriptive coding of the data, we engaged in peer debriefing by reviewing each other’s codes and providing a rationale for our code choices. Then, we collectively worked on developing pattern codes. Lastly, to facilitate qualitative validity (i.e. accuracy from the standpoint of the researcher, participant, and reader), we used triangulation (i.e. different data sources such as interviews and document review) and thick description or a detailed account of findings and context (Patton, 2001). An aspect of phenomenological methodology is bracketing or holding in abeyance one’s beliefs and knowledge about a phenomenon (Dowling, 2007; Gearing, 2004). However, reflexivity has been championed as an alternative approach to the exploration of lived-experiences (Enosh, Ben-Ari, & Buchbinder, 2008; Heidegger, 1962). Reflexivity accounts for the researcher’s perspectives and background by embracing transparency (Patton, 2001). Therefore, reflexivity recognizes that experiences are translated through the researcher and thereby co-constructed through this funneling process. Researchers, then, express their social positioning (e.g. experiences, assumptions, and identity) to provide insight into how their being might factor both in access to participants and how data are shaped (Berger, 2015; Finlay, 2002; Macbeth, 2001). Hence, to promote transparency, we provide an account of our involvement with BTS through the narrative of the principal investigator and first author.

Relationship with BTS My introduction to BTS came through my friendship with the parents of the founding son. Our friendship is partly based on our collective experience as initiates in an African-centered rites of passage program 16 years ago. As our friendship developed, I was kept abreast of my friends’ community service endeavors, which ultimately focused on BTS. A few years after initiating BTS, my friends discussed their desire to have the group empirically assessed. Given that BTS is aligned with my work on critical pedagogy, sense of belonging, and educational access, we agreed that I should initiate a research project. Thus, my involvement in this study is aligned with the assertion that phenomenological research should be deeply connected to the researcher’s interests and commitments (Van Manen, 1997). My history with key members of the group facilitated trust, thereby allowing me intimate access to participants and the group’s documents. Not only was I able to interview all of the participants, but also I was privy to the everyday interactions among group members. Because of my relationship with the founding


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family, the participants treated me as a member of their community. They seemed at ease and freely discussed all elements of their BTS involvement (except the details of their rites of passage experience) and how it influenced their trajectories and perspectives. I believe that my knowledge of and experience with culturally centered pedagogy similar to that experienced by BTS members enriches this analysis. Nevertheless, our assessment ultimately derives from how the participants made meaning of their experiences as expressed through their narratives.

Participants Fifteen members (7 males and 8 females) participated in the study. The average length of membership was 4.7 years and the average age of the participants was 20 years old. Regarding their school status, two were in high school, nine were in college, and four were recent college graduates. Six students described their economic background as poor or working class, and the remaining students defined their backgrounds as middle class. Pseudonyms were used throughout the findings.

Findings Grounded in the belief that an understanding of Black culture and history generates a feeling of connectedness (community) which manifests as respect and devotion to others (love), the pedagogy of BTS exemplifies culturally relevant pedagogy. Essentially, BTS responds to the needs of its student members through a multi-prong, culturally relevant intervention model. The components of the intervention are neither linear nor mutually exclusive. Rather, BTS practices reflect a holistic approach—surrounding the members with culturally centered services ultimately designed to promote college enrollment and graduation. Our analysis identified four significant themes or representations of commonly held beliefs amongst participants: (a) guided agency; (b) Sankofa; (c) college habitus; and (d) love. The following narratives reflect some of the most illustrative examples of the participants’ perspectives shared among the members.

Guided agency Agency is the ability to identify and implement choices to achieve a self-defined goal (Author, 2014). Guided agency, however, recognizes that there are constraints, both structural and psychological, that hinder one’s ability to identify and implement choices that can lead to both personal development and community enrichment. Therefore, BTS guided the participants to make decisions and act in ways aligned with BTS values. Here, Fatimah, an 18-year-old, firstgeneration, college freshman talked about how group expectations meant little room for doubt about her educational trajectory: I didn’t really have a choice, graduating or not. If I even thought about slipping with my grades or not doing homework or studying, they were there like, “Okay, we’re about to do this together. We’re going to study together. We’re going to do this homework together … . Me personally, I don’t talk to anybody outside of Brother to Sister. They just don’t have the same mindset … They’re just going to take me off my track.”

Not only did BTS provide academic support, but also it served as an exclusive source for friendships because Fatimah valued the trajectory of its members. Similarly, conveying a sense of accountability along with high expectations is another facet of guided agency. For instance, Leya, a 22-year-old psychology major, shared an account of a meeting with “Ma,” a BTS elder. The narrative shows her realization of how her negative behaviors affected BTS: I had to realize, “Okay, it’s not just going to be all Leya anymore. It’s Leya who’s in BTS.” So how I portrayed myself had an effect on them. I couldn’t be going around smoking, drinking, hitting up clubs, cussing

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people out. First off, it’s not ladylike. I eventually learned that too. We would have meetings with Ma about princess qualities and young queens and stuff and certain things just should not be acceptable in society for females. That really got to me … I had good role models, so I wanted to be a good role model, especially for the high school kids who were coming after us.

Similar to Fatimah and Leya, Jennifer, a 17-year-old high school student who joined BTS as a freshman, named the group as integral to her personal development. By having high expectations for personal behavior and academics, Jennifer shared that she developed the ability to negotiate everyday issues with more maturity: Even before, you know, my uncles always told me. But the thing about BTS is it taught me that you don’t have to be violent about it. You know you can use your knowledge and your words to calm that down. Before I was violent, I hear that word and all I wanted to do was knuckle up. BTS gave me a little bit of knowledge on how to talk. Teachers, they talk about my smile a lot … .I’m a pretty good kid. A lot of teachers have said, especially this past year that I’ve grown up to be a pretty good kid.

According to the members of BTS, guided agency plays an integral part in their ability to make better decisions, direct personal behaviors, and meet the high standards that are affiliated with the organization. Guided agency is a support system that has led members to positive academic achievement and non-violent behavior. Essentially, guided agency is about a sense of personal and collective accountability.

Sankofa Sankofa is a concept from the Akan people in West Africa. In Akan, Sankofa means “se wo were fi na wosan kofa a yenki” or it is not forbidden to go back and fetch what you forgot (Department of African American Studies, 2015). Fundamentally, reclaiming the past is essential to growth. Accordingly, BTS immerses members in dialogue and study of history from an Afrocentric perspective, meaning the experiences and perspectives of Africans take precedent in shaping an understanding of history. Here, Cley, a 22-year-old architecture major, conveyed how culture and race are discussed in BTS: We’ve always been strong people. You can’t let what’s going on around you take you from that. That’s exactly what they want us to do. They want us to dwindle our culture, our self-worth, with us not really realizing how important we actually were to the creation of this country and then ultimately to the creation of the whole world because everything comes from Africa. Those things are really left out from the learning process in high school, so Brother to Sister really just follows up with that and fills in the gaps that high school really doesn’t talk to you about. So at that high school you get Black History Month, which is barely celebrated … . That’s basically Brother to Sister— it just fills in the gaps of what’s missing within our culture because we learn basically about every other culture but our own.

Because, according to Cley, school does not adequately address Black history, BTS sessions act as a form of supplemental education. In addition to after-school dialogue sessions, BTS members also take part in rites of passage training. Imory, a 21-year-old college student with an interest in healthcare, discussed how his BTS involvement was the impetus for his commitment to school: The Rites, it just opened my eyes to a lot of stuff, like a lot of things I didn’t know about … .I never talked that much about my history, like Africa, and it was just a good opening. It makes you open your eyes to the world around you. You just know with all the things going on out there, you need to be focused. It helped me out a lot though. I became more focused in school … I had an awakening. You learn so much about what your ancestors have been through … .I feel like they fought so hard for us to get here that we need to focus a lot more and take it a lot more seriously. I was already doing well but I cracked down a little more.

Imory’s response reflects research that demonstrates a critical understanding of race and racism is accompanied by resilient adaptive behaviors employed to engender school success (Carter, 2008). Therefore, commitment to achievement is informed and possibly inspired by awareness of racial hostilities and race-based social hierarchies. Carter (2008) elaborates:


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This achievement ideology has, at its core, a critical understanding of the role race plays in one’s educational experiences and life outcomes and facilitates a psychological resistance to racism as a potential barrier to success. Their achievement ideology operates as a strategy to achieve traditional definitions of mainstream success while simultaneously aiding them in redefining success. (p. 478)

Similarly, Latasha, a 19-year-old college sophomore involved in several student leadership organizations, named the Rites as the most transformative part of her experience in BTS: The process definitely taught me about my history and myself and my strength and what I can overcome by myself, but also having others there for me and letting them be there for me. I would say that was the best experience. Going through the Rites, because it just opened up so many levels of self, self-love, working on you, making sure you’re together so you can help your community and get them together.

These members expressed that participating in dialogue about African American history as well as engaging in rites of passage training transformed what they knew about their culture. By filling a knowledge gap, BTS facilitated self-affirmation and sense of empowerment because members could reflect upon a distinct historical trajectory within the African American experience. Essentially, their rites of passage were described as a transformative experience that altered sense of self, enhanced self-love, and strengthened love for their culture and community.

Collegiate habitus Habitus is a durable, internalized system of definitions and dispositions that informs subsequent experiences (Bourdieu, 1986, 2004). BTS created a way of being and knowing that encouraged college attendance as the natural transition from high school. Latasha explained how the BTS cultural milieu normalized college-going practices: Brother to Sister was there. I had all the questions in the world about college. When we started to be honest, we always talked about college. That’s the main goal—to get all of us through college. Everybody that’s been in that group is in college so definitely [BTS].

Neddy, a 22-year-old college senior who served as president of a student organization, elaborated on BTS’ college expectations: The biggest thing now is just making sure we continue getting these grades and that was always the focus. The focus was always making sure that we achieved academically so even with that being at the forefront of everything, the community, the love, the culture all influenced the academic achievement because it gave you that fulfillment … Black people know that they can do certain things and when they feel like they can’t, they get scared. They doubt themselves on almost everything, so when you reassure the person and you help to erase that doubt, and you have people that can help you. I was good in math, so I help whoever needed help in math. We had that support for each other so it was just like, if you felt you were weak in an area, it’s not necessarily you being weak. It’s just you need to apply yourself more and that’s what we did. We just really helped each other.

Regarding reciprocal helping, Fatimah spoke about how BTS fortified her mother’s expectations of her college trajectory: My mom was there first. She had this vision for me from the very beginning because no one else in my family has done it. So she was one person who got me to college with her support. And then with me being in Brother to Sister actually education wise with my grades and stuff, they were the ones who helped me with the GPA part to get me where I wanted to go. Along with myself—I did the work and I didn’t shut anybody out who was trying to help me. So I give them all credit for me.

Watching members like Fatimah persevere inspired high school junior, Jordan to aspire to college: I see other people around me who graduated from high school and went to college and I was like, “I want to graduate from high school and I want to be the first in my family to go to college.” But outside of Brother to Sister, I see how much of an impact it made on other people. It made a big impact on me … . I talked to a lot of people and they didn’t have the best grades or their family didn’t have the best income.

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Just because they’re black doesn’t mean that they can’t get an education or an education that stops at high school. Being around people like that and talking with people and connecting with people, that helped me realize that’s something that I can accomplish.

Through role-modeling, advising, and academic support, BTS created a college-going and academic achievement culture among its members. Through on-going dialogue about college and exposure to college culture, BTS normalized college-going behavior as a way of life. Through this support system, members recognized the importance of academic achievement and college matriculation. BTS members also engaged in peer-to-peer academic support and confidence building as it related to their college aspirations.

Love and family What appears to undergird BTS’ culturally responsive pedagogy is creating a climate where love and family are valued. Hooks (2003) believes that love should be a central part of pedagogy for people who truly care about the well-being of participants in a teaching and learning environment. The love aspect of BTS is explained as sense of belonging or the feeling that one matters within a particular cultural space. Dionne, a 21-year-old creative artist who is considering going to law school because “it may benefit my people more” elaborated: So I think the education and the sense of family and the cohesion, that’s the most I have taken out of it and how it embraces you. It like gives you that feeling, like ok no matter what I do, I got people out there who got my back and they love me. And not only do they love me, they want to see me do good. They want to see me prosper … . It’s nothing you can do to pay for a feeling like that, there’s nothing you can do to buy it or, or recreate it or anything like that. This is a feeling that I have … . … .being able, stable emotionally, this is what this provided. It provided a sense of security and responsibility all in the same sense.

As noted, the Rites component of BTS plays a very pivotal role for the participants as their history inspires them to do better. Jennifer added that the Rites was instrumental in cementing familial bonds: When I went through my process my (high school) freshman year that’s when I really began to see what type of person I am and what type of person I want to be that was probably one of the best experiences I had. I built relationships with people I didn’t even know. I felt like I have a support system and I felt growth in myself. When I came back from Rites, I felt like I was going to take over the world.

Brighid, a 22-year-old member, discussed how her college experience was enriched because of her extended family: I think my college experience would be different because I probably wouldn’t have that feeling of family that somebody cares for me just as much as I care for them. Somebody is looking out for me just as much as I’m looking out for them. I think that’s one of the biggest things.

Brother to Sister membership means more than just participating in an after-school club. The reflective dialogue from its members shows that their participation in BTS is akin to family membership. BTS members care for each other and feel a sense of belonging. Bonds are formed through membership and solidified by participation in rites of passage process. By experiencing the Rites together, BTS members are inspired to act as a collective and are motivated by love for their fellow member.

Limitations This study posed much strength and a few limitations. The purpose of this study was to understand BTS’ pedagogical approach through the participants’ description of how BTS affected their lives. Based upon the findings, BTS encouraged self-affirmation among Black students situated


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within a predominately White high school. However, these findings may not be able to translate to other environments based upon the situational context of the school and community. This qualitative study used a purposive sampling and secured a representative sample with the support from the founding members who made announcements at their meetings. Therefore, another limitation of this study may suggest participants who selected to participate may have already carried high regard as reflective of their commitment to the program. To promote transparency of the research study, the principal investigator/first author shared her relationship to Brother to Sister to ensure trustworthiness. To safeguard the interpretations, additional researchers engaged in peer debriefing to ensure the accuracy of the interpretations. Another limitation may suggest the lack of participant feedback on interpretations. To minimize the possibilities for limitations to occur, efforts were made such as (a) triangulation, (b) thick description, and (c) reflexivity.

Discussion Baszile (2009) argued that public education with its imposition of dominant values and curricula standardization cannot be a venue for educational strategies that cultivate and celebrate academic and personal development. Further, “the official school curriculum is not the embodiment of neutral knowledge; instead, it is the knowledge that is inescapably political in that it works to empower some groups … .while disempowering others … .” (Baszile, 2009, p. 10). Within this context, non-dominant lived experiences rest on the margins of normative pedagogical practice. Accordingly, true social justice education cannot occur within schools, but through a community project. Brother to Sister is a social justice education project that both challenges and expands upon the U.S. public school curricula by providing culturally centered education and support services which facilitate sense of belonging and a college-going culture among African American students attending a predominantly White high school. This study builds on research that shows Black students in White schools have lower selfesteem and perceive that teachers have low expectations of them (Berry, 2005; Diamond, 2006). Additionally, it speaks to the discovery that educators use deficit explanations to explain Black educational outcomes (Ford & Grantham, 2003; Garcia & Guerra, 2004) and employ colorblind practices driven by deficit assumptions to address demographic changes in suburban schools (Welton, Diem, & Holme, 2015), Correspondingly, research indicates that White teachers still engage in discriminatory practices or maintain racist beliefs about Black students (Hyland, 2005). Chapman (2014) notes: Teachers and counselors continue to set low expectations for students of color and interact with students in ways that reassert deficit notions of students of color. These interactions define rigorous curricular spaces as the privilege and property of White students; in these spaces students of color are viewed as unwelcome guests or interlopers. (p. 322)

Given the disconnect between students and adults within predominately White schools, BTS represents an oppositional educational strategy that fills a cultural gap—a gap associated with student achievement and connectedness. In response to challenges faced at these schools, students of color resist by creating racial counterspaces—spaces that allow students to fully enact their cultural identity by providing safety, acceptance, and bonding opportunities (Carter, 2007; Solorzano, Ceja, & Yosso, 2000). Similarly, BTS functions as a counterspace. BTS’s approach is instructional because it entails a series of intersecting pedagogical approaches. Guided Agency is about encouraging participants to define and employ their passions for personal development (e.g. college degree attainment) and community enrichment. Relatedly, Sankofa provides the socio-historical rational for personal and community betterment. Acting as the philosophical root for BTS, everything starts and ends with Sankofa. One of the ends for BTS is college completion. Therefore, a defining part of their Habitus is the

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emphasis on college attendance. Lastly, love and family facilitate sense of belonging. Love cannot be divorced from Sankofa, and creating an atmosphere where participants are treated as family reinforces the notion of community. These findings are emblematic of culturally relevant pedagogies and African-centered education in two ways. First, they represent a value for collectivism. Individual betterment emphasized in guided agency, for instance, is championed because BTS believes strong individuals create strong communities. Second, the findings draw heavily upon their experience as African Americans—they viewed their experience and the experiences of their elders and ancestors as both motivational and instructional resources. Therefore, their worldview and experiences are a starting point from which they navigate the world. Among the findings, love and family stands out as the feature that maintains the cohesiveness of BTS. What undergirds many of the sentiments relating BTS’ impact reflect a sense of belongingness or how people interpret fit within an environment (Hurtado & Carter, 1997). Belongingness is essentially about feeling mattered, and mattering is the belief that others have considered us, are interested in us, and are concerned about us (Rosenberg & McCullough, 1981; Strayhorn, 2012). Research in education settings highlights the importance of students having indicators that they are welcomed (Gonzalez, 2002; Museus & Maramba, 2011; Nunez, 2009). Through a multi-prong framework, BTS was able to facilitate sense of belonging. Love and family is also similar to other-mothering, a concept born out of the practices of African American women assisting biological mothers with the care of their children. This approach includes (a) nurturing; (b) teaching; and (c) leading evoked by a personal accountability and commitment to the Black community, which is a form of social activism (Loder, 2005). The practice of female relatives and friends caring for one’s children is an African and African American cultural norm born out of the centrality of mothers in kinship bonds, necessity, and a social orientation based on communalism (Collins, 2000; Giddings, 1984). Within the context of urban school challenges, African American women leaders possess diverse approaches that respond both to the institution and the local community. Regarding African American female principals, Loder (2005) explains that “in the spirit of community other-mothering these African American women principals viewed teaching and leading as deliberate acts of love, nurturance, guidance, and community rebuilding” (p. 308). Particularly in the U.S., other-mothering is a conscious attempt to help Black children negotiate the path to adulthood in the face of racism. Arguably, as a collective, BTS acts as an other-mother. Additionally, the female elder (mother in the founding family) is significant in the group by acting as a leader in their rites of passage program, conducting dialogue sessions with female members, and being available to all members who need advice and assistance. Although other-mothering captures how BTS functions in the lives of members, we believe that the male elder figure and co-founder is significant. Thus, BTS as a representation of otherfathering is worthy of consideration. While African American children are disproportionately raised in female-headed households, fathering roles—enacted by biological fathers and other males—are present within the African American community (Connor & White, 2007; Jones & Mosher, 2013). Like mothers, fathers provide care and instill essential socialization skills that guide children into adulthood. Fatherhood includes expectations of financial provision, and teachings to help cultivate an identity, strength, and resiliency among Black children (Cartwright & Henriksen, 2012; Gordon, Nichter, & Henriksen, 2013; Wilkinson, Khurana, & Magora, 2013). Within BTS, other-fathering plays a role in creating a safe space to cultivate positive behavior and academic expectations. These relationships help to create experiences that expose participants to opportunities beyond both home and school contexts. For the participants, the combined emotional, cultural, and academic support facilitated a sense of belonging in educational spaces that might otherwise be alienating. Thus, schools should consider supporting community-based initiatives that provide a similar multiple-prong, culturally–nested approach. Such support could be as basic as providing meeting space and avenues for student recruitment (e.g.


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announcements). Most important is that groups similar to BTS have autonomy to implement their pedagogy and curriculum given that they may challenge traditional educational practices. Alternatively, the findings can help in-school educators reinforce a culture that promotes unity, self-enrichment, a sense of belonging, and college matriculation. Namely, educators can better recognize the importance of modeling and supporting behavior that facilitates academic and social development among Black students. Based on the findings, academic engagement can be operationalized beyond grades to include individual effort, self-reflexivity, and self-knowledge (e.g. culture, history). Similarly, social engagement would entail peer mentoring, collaborative study, and accountability to others. Most poignantly, this study should also encourage Black student educators to think critically about instituting instructional practices and content that embodies the history, experiences, and perspectives of Black students.

Conclusion Although BTS is not entirely divorced from the school system, it represents a model of how to engage students in educational endeavors to bring about personal and community development. In some ways, BTS challenges critical educators to consider if and how community projects can partner with the very institutions that impede social justice work. BTS has been able to maintain pedagogical autonomy despite having to work closely with school leadership to access students and meeting spaces. Through combined uses of culturally centered pedagogy and an Afrocentric framework, BTS has been able to both supplement and supplant traditional school curricula to achieve its community-oriented goals. Going forward, BTS can use this study as a springboard to expand the initiative into other schools and to partner with other organizations committed to the development of Black youth.

Disclosure statement No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Notes on contributors V. Thandi Sule is an Associate Professor of higher education and the Coordinator of the Masters in Higher Education Leadership program at Oakland University. Using critical theory frameworks, her research focuses on how marginalized students and faculty access, belong, and persist in higher education. Tiffany Williams has spent the last 8 years working in higher education as the Assistant Director of Pre-College Programs. Her current research focuses on college readiness, college access, equity and inclusion, and sense of belonging among underrepresented students. Michelle Cade has spent the last 13 years working in higher education as a professional staff and adjunct faculty. Her current research focuses on international education, student diversity, student success, and access to study abroad.

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