(CLARK & YI, 1983; CHASE et at., 1994; STINER, 1994), we think that the explana- ..... STINER, M.e. (1994) : Honor among Thieves. ... and Hudson, London.
THE LAST NEANDERTALS, THE FIRST ANATOMICALLY MODERN HUMANS, 1996, p. 267-288
'TIlE NIII )DLE P. GION OF n I E SPAN ISH NI EDITER RANE CONII~RISONOFCOVA G P. • V. Villaverde Departament de Prehistoria y Arqueologfa. Universitat de Valencia. Av. Blasco Ibaiiez,28. 46010 Valencia, Spain.
R. Martinez- Valle Museu de la Valltorta. Generalitat Valenciana.
P.M. Guillem Departament de Prehistoria y Arqueologfa. Universitat de Valencia. Av. Blasco Ibanez, 28. 46010 Valencia, Spain.
M.P. Fumanal Departament de Geografia. Universitat de Valencia. Av. Blasco lbaiiez,28. 46010 Valencia, Spain.
INTRODUCTION This paper presents information concerning human occupation and mobility in the central Spanish Mediterranean zone during the Middle Paleolithic, and contrasts with Upper Paleolithic settlement data from the same region. The information presented here derives primarily from excavations at the Middle Paleolithic site of Cova Negra (XiHiva, Valencia) from 1981 to 1989. The limited lithic sample recovered in this work made it less useful for refining the chronostratigraphy of technological and typological variability of the Mousterian assemblages recovered in previous seasons (1928-1933 and 1950-1957). However, this most recent work is of considerable value for providing a detailed profile of the occupational character and economy represented in the Mousterian levels of the sites. The good preservation of the faunal remains carnivores and ungulates, as well as rodents and bats and the fact that they are from different zones in the cave, allowed us to carry out a detailed and integrated taphonomic study of these materials, to extract important data about the dynamics of human occupation through time. These data, along with information from another Mousterian locality (Cova Beneito) and from a group of Upper Paleolithic sites (Beneito, Cendres, Blaus, Mutatano and Tossal de la Roca) in the same region, allow us to contrast occupational and economic characteristics of the Mousterian components with those of the Upper Paleolithic. The significance of the information from Cova Negra results from the combined interpretation of macro- and microfaunal data. While recent literature contains frequent discussions about the alternation of human and carnivore occupations at Mousterian
\
268
MOBILITY AND THE ROLE OF SMALL GAME IN THE MIDDLE PALEOLITHlC ...
sites, noting patterns of mobility that differ from those observed in Upper Paleolithic contexts, there are few examples in which the interpretation is based on the integration of these two types of faunal data, and in which the temporal character of the occupations can be determined. Another notable character ofthese data are their unusual chronological depth for Middle Paleolithic contexts, including all of the early WOrm and the beginning of the late WOrm. Both Cova Negra and Cova Beneito contain evidence for a regional persistence of the Mousterian until the beginning of the WOrm III (VILLAVERDE & FUMANAL, 1990: ITURBE et a/., 1994). This late persistence also has been indicated for other Mousterian sites of southern Spain, including Cueva de la CarigOela (VEGA et al., 1990; VEGA, 1993) and Boquete de Zafarraya (HUBLIN, 1994). Thus, the transition at 40,000 B.P. seen elsewhere takes place here at about 30,000 B.P. the general date for the beginning of the regional Upper Paleolithic, as represented by the Aurignacian industries of Beneito and Malletes. Although fragmentary, evidence for the earliest part of the regional Upper Paleolithic sequence i.e., Aurignacian and Gravetian nevertheless suggests a contrast between the terminal Mousterian and the Upper Paleolithic.
OVERVIEW OF THE STRATIGRAPHY AT COVA NEGRA, AND THE LOCATION OF THE MATERIALS STUDIED The excavations carried out at Cova Negra from 1983 to 1989 have permitted the stratigraphic sequence obtained in previous years (the stratigraphic sondage excavated in 1981 and 1982) to be redefined (FUMANAL, 1986; FUMANAL & VILLAVERDE, 1988). In brief, the deposits at Cova Negra consist of fifteen stratigraphic units that begin with the Riss-WOrm, encompass all of the early Wtirm, and continue until the beginning of the Wtirm III (layers I to III) (VILLAVERDE & FUMANAL, 1990). These data summarize the information obtained in four different excavation sectors that, collectively, covered almost the entire surface of the cave. Thus, they appear to represent most of the depositional processes responsible for the sedimentary fill. The sedimentary-climatic sequence at Cova Negra and the strata on which it is based are summarized, from the bottom to top, in the following phases (VILLAVERDE & FUMANAL, 1990; FUMANAL, n.d.): Cava Negra A (level XV), the initial phase, was humid and temperate. It was characterized by the periodic floods of the Albaida River, which left fluvial deposits in the interior of the cave and formed levels of tufa by precipitation of CaC03 over vegetal material. This phase correlates with the Riss-WOrm interglacial, or oxygen isotope phase 5e. This is an archaeologically sterile phase, due to the impossibility of occupation within the cave. No more than 1 m of the level has been excavated, however, leaving its total potential largely unknown.
•
Cava Negra B (levels X to XIII), starts with a very humid and cool climate and ends with the onset of relatively rigorous conditions. Processes of physical weathering produce the first autochthonous elements in the sedimentary fill. The phase correlates with the WOrm I stadial and the isotopic phases 5b-d.
-
~
MOBILITY AND THE ROLE OF SMALL GAME IN THE MIDDLE PALEOLITHIC ...
269
Cava Negra C (level XII), is a temperate inter-phase characterized by seasonal precipitation that activated edaphic processes. It corresponds with the Wiirm I-II interstadial, or isotopic phase Sa. Cava Negra D (levels V to XI), is a phase predominated by relatively cold sedimentary manifestations, with processes of gellifraction, that alternate with more gentle pulsations. It corresponds to the Wiirm II stadial and isotopic phases 4 and 3. Cava Negra E (level IV), is a temperate phase, characterized by seasonal precipitation that again resulted in the formation of a soil during an interval of depositional stability. It coincides with isotopic phase 3 and the Wiirm II-III interstadial. Cava Negra F (levels I to III), the final phase of sedimentation, is characterized by a dry and relatively cold climate during which processes of mechanical weathering were again active. Stratigraphic levels I to III correlate with the initial Wiirm III, or isotopic phase 3, and may represent the most recent part of the isotopic phase 2 sequence. Its end coincides with a mixed surface level, that yielded both Upper Paleolithic materials and artifacts that are typologically Mousterian. In accordance with the theme of this volume, we focus here on the levels that correspond to Cova Negra phases E, F, and part of the D. Our intent is to examine the characteristics of the faunal assemblages that generally derive from the deposits corresponding to the end of the early Wiirm and the beginning of the late Wiirm, or around 40,000 B.P.
EVIDENCE FOR HUMAN AND CARNIVORE ACTIVITY. The data analyzed in this work come from the West Sector, one of the few zones in the cave in which the uppermost sedimentary deposits were still preserved. Because of the unequal aerial exposure of the different levels, significant samples of ungulate and carnivore remains were only recovered from stratigraphic units II to IV. Exposures of 8 to 12 m 2 were excavated for these levels; units V and VI were exposed in much smaller 2 areas of 2 to 4 m (Tab. 1). In any case, it is important to note that the uppermost strata of the Cova Negra sequence contain the highest density of archaeological materials. Furthermore, the general decrease in the number of ungulate and carnivore remains observed below stratum IV is in accord with the quantity of material recovered in the 1950-57 excavation, and constitutes a pattern that extends to the density of lithic artifacts. It seems reasonable to deduce that the end of Wiirm II and beginning of Wiirm III are associated with an increase in the deposition of archaeological materials, indicating a change in the nature of occupation the source of the materials. Turning in more detail to the species represented, the different levels of Cova Negra reflect a considerably greater degree of faunal diversity than that observed in most of the regional Upper Paleolithic assemblages, especially with respect to the carnivores and large ungulates such as Equids and Bovids (Fig. 1). Nevertheless, the number of different carnivore species and their relative importance with respect to the number of ungulate remains at Cova Negra and in the Spanish Mediterranean environment in general suggests a pattern distinct from those represented by contemporaneous depo-
270
MOBILITY AND THE ROLE OF SMALL GAME IN THE MIDDLE PALEOLITHIC ...
.
II
IlIA
IlIB
IV
V
VI
57 (17,27)
8 (5,88)
74 ( 13,53)
28 (5,19)
6 (6,19)
2 ( 1,63)
2(0,61)
I (0,74)
1 (0,18)
-
-
-
70(21,21)
13 (9,56)
58 ( 10,60)
24 (4,54)
2 (2,06)
2 (1,63)
Cervidae
10(3,030
8 (5,88)
12 (2, 19)
36 (6,68)
12(12,37)
5 (4,07)
Cervus elaphus
2 (0,61)
2 (1,47)
4 (0,73)
13 (2,4 10
7 (7,22)
1 (0,8 10
-
-
2 (0,37)
-
-
-
Dama sp.
2 (0,6 10
I (0,740
2 (0,37)
11 (2,04)
8 (8,25)
6 (4,88)
Bovinae
1 (0,30)
I (0,74)
6 ( I , I 0)
8 (1,48)
4(4,12)
5 (4,07)
Bas primigenius
-
-
-
-
1 (1,03)
-
Equus cabal/us
9 (2,73)
2 ( 1,47)
37 (6,76)
38 (7,05)
12 (12,37)
23 (18,70)
-
2 (0,37)
1 (1,030
I (0,74)
-
-
I (0,740
I (0, 18)
-
Sus scropha
-
-
2 (0,37)
1 (0, 19)
1 (1,030
Camivorae
-
-
2 (0,61)
-
-
2 (2,06)
Caninae
-
-
Canis lupus
6 (1,82)
-
5 (0,9 10
8 (1,48)
1 ( 1,81 )
Vulpes vulpes
1 (0,30)
I (0,74)
3 (0,550
Cuon alpinus
4 (1,210
-
-
Lynx pardina
1 (0,30)
2 (0,37)
-
-
-
I (0,74)
-
1 (0,8 1)
3 (0,910
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
2 (0,37)
-
-
-
-
-
-
Caprinae Capra pyrenaica Hemitragus sp.
Capreolus capreolus
Equus sp. Dicerhinus hemitoechus Dicerhinus sp.
Panthera pardus Felis silvestris
-
-
-
Ursus arctos
6 (1,82)
Ursus sp.
I (0,30)
-
Castor fiver
2 (0,6 1)
2 (1,47)
-
151 (45,76)
94 (69, 12)
337 (61,6 1)
368 (68,27)
4 1 (42,27)
75 (60,98)
Lepus sp.
-
-
I (0,8 1)
-
-
-
Erinaceus
-
-
-
1 (0,8 1)
330
136
547
539
97
123
Hianinae
OriclOlgus cuniculus
Total
1 (0, 180
-
Table J. Species from the upper levels of Cava Negra. Number of specimens and their relative frequency.
sits in the Cantabrian region or more northern zones (STRAUS, 1982; GAMBLE, 1986). In general, high carnivore to ungulate ratios are absent at Cova Negra, except for a few levels, and do not differ significantly from the regional Upper Paleolithic (Fig. 2). Such • low values should not be interpreted as suggesting a lack of carnivore-derived materials in the cave, however, which on the contrary must have constituted a focus for the activities of Canids and hyenas at some stages in the sequence. Middle Paleolithic assemblages are especially difficult to characterize with respect to the identification of carnivore activity. To deal with this problem, we integrate data from the most recent excavations at Cova Negra to augment ideas derived from previous fieldwork and already in the literature (LINDLY, 1988; VILLAVERDE & MAR-
271
MOBILITY AND THE ROLE OF SMALL GAM IN THE MIDDLE PALEOLITHIC ...
100
80
o
Cp+Cv
ffiJ
E+Bv
o 60
40
20 ..
0
,.-.
2: >-
1-4
~
~ ....... Vl ~
~
'"0
s::
~
..-..
..-.. R I
10-4
....... .......
~ '-"
-
•
0
IZ)
~ > ..... '-'" • ~
0
C/.)
8
~
C/.)
....co
V)
~
(1)
ccs M
r:>.O
IU
z z ~
;>
0
u
~
;> 0
u
~
"""' b.O 0
Z ~
;>
0
U
0
u
~
to
Z C':S ;>
0
u
.-
= ~
..- 1-4 -. 1-4 H
~
~
'-"
~
~ ~
t-
oo
~
~
->
bb
IU
~
~
1-4
"'""""
\.0
'-"
-.
~ ~ 6'h
th IU
~
«S
0
0
z ~ Z z Zco > zccs > > (1)
~
;> 0
u
0
u
;> 0
u
u
u
Figure 1. Relative frequencies of the primary ungulate species from Middle and Upper Paleolithic sites in Mediterranean Spain. Cv: Cervids; Cp: Caprids; Bv: Bovids; E: Equids; 0: Others.
25,-------------------------------------------------------------------------------ratio u/e
20
•
nUl'TIbcr of species of carnivores
15
10
5
o 0\0
Z -
Uo
~t::f>
-('.~~ I"""! _ _
UBo
..-I
zU
Z Z Z
uuu
U U
Figure 2. Comparison of the different number of species of carnivores and the ratio betvveen the remain of ungulates/carnivores in different levels of the Middle and Upper Paleolithic. CN: Cova Negra, Middle Paleolithic; BD: Cova Beneito, Middle Paleolithic; BB: Cova Beneito, Upper Paleolithic (Aurignacian to Solutreo-Gravettian); and C: Cava de les Cendres, Upper Paleolithic (Magdalenian).
MOBILITY AND THE ROLE OF SMALL GAME IN THE MIDDLE PALEOLITHIC .. .
272
,
TINEZ-VALLE, 1992). We focus especially on situations where data points to a significant presence of bone materials of non-anthropogenic origin and to a rhythm of human occupation that, even in the phases that appear to show the most evidence of human activity, alternated with the use of the cave by certain kinds of carnivores. The presence of different skeletal elements, estimates of age at death, and the identification of anthropogenic and carnivore marks on bone constitute the primary types of data for characterizing the origin of bone materials found in the archaeological beds. In the following sections, we organize the discussion according to species, giving special importance to the analysis of bone marks, since the other two types of evidence are available to only a more limited extent.
DETERMINING THE ORIGIN OF CERVID BONES Here we are concerned with remains of deer, including red deer (Cervus elaphus), fallow deer (Dama sp.), and roe deer (Capreolus capreolus), as well as specimens that, because of their fragmentary state can only be identified generically as 'deer' (i.e. Cervidae). With respect to the anatomical elements present, Tab. 2 indicates that, in the majority of levels, there is a predominance of cranial and foot elements, and a relative lack elements from fore- and hind limbs. There little variation that can be noted among levels, except perhaps that the remains of Cervids from stratum IlIA appear to show greater diversity in the elements represented. This observation may be important because, as also the case with stratum II, it coincides with a period in which traces of human activities are absent. This greater element diversity characterizes the rest of the ungulates, as well as Cervids (Tab. 3). The opposite occurs with materials derived from strata IlIB to VI, where cut marks of human origin are more numerous than those of carnivores. Finally, with respect to the age of death for Cervids (Tab. 4), the reduced sample size makes meaningful interpretation difficult, and we simply note that there is a higher representation of adults and individuals between 21 and 32 months of age in level IV. As we have noted, carnivore marks on bones are nonexistent during this period, while marks derived from human activity are notable (constituting 14.5% of the analyzed bone remains from the level). On the other hand, levels associated with a predominance of carnivore marks appear to show a greater representation of old individuals and infants.
VI
V
IV
IIIB
rnA
II
3 (25)
2 1 (77,8)
39 (62,9)
8 (44,4)
2 ( 18,2)
8(57,1)
-
-
-
I (9, I)
Forelimbs
-
4 (6,4)
1 (5,6)
3 (27,3)
Hind limbs
3 (25)
-
5 (8, I)
2(11,1)
2 (18,2)
-
Feet
6 (50)
6 (22,2)
14 (22,6)
7 (38,9)
3 (27,3)
6 (42,9)
Total
12
27
62
18
II
14
Cranial Axial
Table 2. Distribution of anatomical units of the bone remains of the Cervids from the upper levels of Cova Negra.
,
MOB ILITY AND THE ROLE OF SMALL GAME IN THE MIDDLE PALEOLITHIC '"
273
II
IlIA
urn
IV
v
VI
129 4 (3, 10)
22 2 (9,09)
133 6 (4,5 1)
52 2 (3,84)
8
4 -
-
-
7 (5,26)
-
-
14
II
20
62
27
12
2(14,8)
2 (18,8)
I (5)
-
-
-
-
-
2 ( 10)
9(14,51)
9( 11 , 11 )
3 (25)
9
2
37
40
13
23
1 ( 11,11 )
I (2,70)
-
-
-
-
-
6 ( 16,2 1)
4 (10)
5 (38,46)
2 (8,69)
151
94
337
368
41
76
15 (9,93)
9 (9,57)
43 ( 12,75)
27 (7,33)
6 ( 14,63)
7 (9,21)
I (0,66)
I ( I ,06)
5 (1,48)
3 (0,81)
-
-
Caprids NR Carnivore marks
Antropogenic cut marks
-
Cervids
NR Carnivore marks Antropogenic cut marks Equids NR
Carnivore marks Antropogenic cut marks Lagomopha NR
Carnivore marks Antropogenic cut marks
Table 3, Number of remains (NR) of the primary mammal species at Cova Negra, indicating those exhibiting marks produced by carnivores and humans,
All of this seems to indicate that, with respect to the remains of Cervids in upper levels of Cova Negra, there may be a correlation in levels II and IlIA between the predominance of carnivore marks, more complete skeletal representation especially of axial elements and the age of death being skewed toward very young and old individuals. On the other hand, we note the relationship in levels IIIB to VI between the abundance of anthropogenic cut marks, the predominance of cranial parts and extremities, and the age of death being more centered on adult and well-developed juveniles between two and three years old. Level IIIB appears to reflect an interval during which faunal material of both human and carnivore origin seem to co-exist, even though it is one of the most important phases of human occupation in the sequence with respect to the archaeological evidence (including abundant traces of fire as ash and burned rock the number of burned bones, and the density of lithic artifacts). These observations are in partial agreement with those presented by Lindly (1988). In a global analysis of deer remain's from the levels at Cova Negra excavated in the 1950's, using minimum numbers of individuals ), he assessed the extent of human origins for these materials. While they do not show the same variability in human/carnivore contributions identified here through the detailed study of cut marks and, importantly, are not organized according to the stratigraphic units distinguished in the most recent excavations, they still suggest both human and carnivore sources for faunal assemblages corresponding to those from levels II, IlIA, and including IIIB as described here. The strong representation of carnivore remains in the levels that we have analyzed, especially of wolf (Canis lupus) and dhole (Cuon alpinus), suggests that these animals may have been responsible for introducing the deer remains. As we will see below, this observation also applies to the remains of Caprids,
274
MOBiLITY AND THE ROLE OF SMALL GAME IN THE MIDDLE PALEOLITfllC ...
DETERMINING THE ORIGIN OF CAPRID BONES Included in this group are the remains of tahr (Hemitragus sp.) and ibex (Capra pyrenaica), as well as those that, because of their fragmentary state, can not be identified more precisely than to Caprine (Caprinae). Together they form one of the best represented faunal groups in the upper levels of the Cova Negra sequence. In the distribution of anthropogenic and carnivore marks that appear on bone surfaces within this group (Tab. 3), what stands out is the absence of anthropogenic cut marks in all the levels except IIIB., where these appear along with, and in equivalent numbers to, carnivore-produced marks. These data indicate the important role of carnivores in the introduction of Caprid remains into levels II, IIIA, IV, and the more diverse origin for materials in level IIIB. Levels V and VI, with an absence of marks of any kind and notably fewer materials, remain more poorly defined in this respect. Considering anatomical elements, and taking into account the earlier data, we can group on the one hand levels without anthropogenic marks and with evidence of carnivorous marks (II, IIIA and IV), and on the other level IIIB with both kinds of evidence, leaving out levels V and VI (Tab. 5). The first group is characterized by the presence of cranial remains and hind limb elements, with the foot parts being more poorly represented. The IIIB assemblage, where both carnivore and anthropogenic traces are present, is characterized by a smaller proportion of cranial parts, and an increase in elements from hind limbs and feet. The IIIB assemblage and the group dominated by the carnivore marks also differ when analyzed in terms of minimal animal units (MAU). The carnivore dominated group is very similar to the pattern typical of a modern wolf burrow (Fig. 3), according to data provided by Binford (1981), while the IIIB assemblage is distinct. Considering the ages of death (Tab. 6), and taking into account once more the limitations of the reduced sample size, we found distributions to be very similar to the those observed for Cervids remains. In the levels in which only carnivore marks were 120 Caprids II-Illa-N Wolf
100
Caprijs lib
80 60
40 20
Cr
M
Vc
Vt
VI
Co
E
f1> H::1 R4> RUd
ca
Mcp Mcd Pe
Fp
Fd
Tp
Td
ACTa Mtp Mtd Fa
Figure 3. Comparison of minimal animal unit values for Cap rids in levels II, lIlA and IV of Cova Negra, with those de rived from a modern wolf burrow, the latter after Binford (1981).
MOBILITY AND THE ROLE OF SMALL GAME IN THE MIDDLE PALEOLITIDC ...
-
275
present (II, IIIA and IV), we found a increased presence of individuals with ages either younger or older. In contrast, the age at death in level IIIB tend to emphasize adults and well developed juveniles between 33 and 48 months . . The combined evidence from bone marks, estimations of the age at death, and the identification of specific anatomical elements, again suggests two different assemblage groups (although these differences may be less marked than in for Cervids) undoubtedly as a consequence of the duality of the agents responsible for the faunal assemblage of level IIIB. However, the nature of the marks on Caprid remains from levels with predominantly carnivore marks differs from those on Cervids, indicating differences in the prey selections of carnivores and humans. The mixed origin of Caprid remains in level IIIB, in which a greater quantity of anthropogenic materials is concentrated, allows us to propose a model in which the cave was alternately occupied by carnivores and humans. This, in turn, suggests a model of human behavior characterized by elevated mobility. The correlation between the abundance of wolf remains (and to a lesser extent, dhoIe), and the marks present on the remains of Caprids appears even more striking than in the case of Cervids. This makes it possible to identify scrapes and bites that appear to correspond to different ways of treating bones, especially those produced by young animals. In this respect, it is worth noting that one of the few specimens recovered during the recent excavations of Cova Negra in which anthropogenic and carni vore marks were combined (a distal fragment of a left Caprinae scapula) was found in the same level (III B) and provides additional evidence for alternate human and carnivore occupations of the site . •
The anthropogenic cut marks a series of short and shallow incisions located on the posterior border of the medial'surface appear to reflect the disarticulation of the front limb, while the carnivore modifications are confined to indentations made by incisors on opposing surfaces of the scapula, as well as scrapes. These can be attributed to the action of young animals, reflecting the use of the cave as a wolf den subsequent to a human occupation. The anthropogenic cut marks on this specimen, and others at Cova Negra, appear to reflect primary processes of butchering or bone disarticulation, prior to defleshing or bone cracking, similar to that observed in assemblages of the regional Upper Paleolithic , , (PEREZ-RIPOLL, 1987; VILLAVERDE & MARTINEZ-VALLE, 1992; 1995). This seems to contradict an interpretation of human scavenging of Caprids that might be derived from this specimen (or based on body parts represented in the faunal assemblage). Nevertheless, the general pattern, which can be extended to the faunal assemblage data of these levels and which suggests a predominance of food obtained by hunting, does not eliminate the possibility that some of the faunal remains could have come from scavenging. More detailed study of the faunal data collected by the projects in the 1950's would probably generate more precise information about this matter. Clearly, the conclusions reached by Lindly in his analysis of the materials recovered by earlier excavations are confirmed with respect to the role played by wolves in bringing Caprid remains into the cave. However, the analysis presented here, especially clear in level IIIB, shows that the situation was more complex, with a mixture of material from human and non-human carnivore activities.
276
MOBILITY AND THE ROLE OF SMALL GAME I THE MIDDLE PALEOLITHIC ...
DETERMINING THE ORIGIN OF EQUID BONES Here we are concerned primarily with the remains of Equus caballus, with only two possible elements of Equus hydruntinus from strata IV and V. With respect to the presence of anthropogenic and carnivore marks (Tab. 3), the remains of Equid bones at Cava Negra show patterns very similar to those presented by the Cervids: the former dominate the assemblages in levels IIIB to VI, while only the latter are present in levels II and IlIA. Bones with anthropogenic marks, moreover, are more numerous than those w'th carnivore marks for these herbivores. A comparison of these data with respect to the presence of specific anatomical elements is difficult because we are dealing with small assemblages in all levels, This makes it necessary to combine different levels, with the concomitant reduction in precision with regard to chronostratigraphic patterning. We are unable to do much more than point out that there appears to be a better representation of axial parts during periods for which anthropogenic evidence is more scarce (strata IlIA and II, Tab. 7). The small number of individuals for whom ages could be determined also limits our conclusions with respect to age at death. Also, age was determined not only by means of dentition, but also by considering the degree of epiphysial fusing. The latter technique only allowed us to distinguish very young, young adult, and adult animals. The data available do not suggest different patterns for the assemblages dominated by carnivore marks and those dominated by anthropogenic marks; in general terms, individuals from the three age groups appear to be equally distributed among both assemblage groups. It is clear that conclusions reached with respect to Cervids apply here: humans appear to be responsible for introducing the majority of the Equid remains into the site. Carnivore predation played a relatively limited role, apparently confined to the upper levels.
DETERMINING THE ORIGIN OF REMAINING SPECIES OF UNGULATES Because of their limited numbers, we combine in this section the remaining species of ungulates documented in the excavation of the West Sector of Cova Negra: wild boar (Sus scropha), the Aurochs (Bas primigenus), the steppe rhinoceros (Dicerorhinus hemitoechus) and other unidentified rhinoceri. Our discussion will concentrate on anthropogenic marks, which are located on a fragment of a Bovinae humerus (one of five documented in stratum V) and on a radius of a wild boar (the only example of this taxon in stratum IV). The fact that these two specimens were found in the same stratigraphic units in which anthropogenic marks on specimens of other taxa are concentrated strengthens our argument for the importance of human activity in these periods. The exclusive appearance of carnivore marks in the remaining strata (on Castor fiber femur from stratum II, a rhinoceros humerus and a beaver ulna from level IliA and a wolf radius from level IIIB) supports important role that carnivores must have played in the creation of the faunal record of the upper levels, including IIIB.
277
MOBILITY AND THE ROLE OF SMALL GAME IN THE MIDDLE PALEOLITHIC ...
VI-I
I
m·
IliA-II
o (0-7 months)
4 (17,4)
I (8-20 months)
4 (17,4)
1 (14,3)
II (21-32 months)
5 (21,7)
-
III (33-48 months)
-
-
9(39,1)
3 (42,8)
1 (4,4)
1 (14,3)
23
7
IV (Prime Adult) V (Old Adult)
Tota
I
,
2 (28,6)
Table 4. Ages of Ce rv ids from the upper levels of Cava Negra, based on tooth wear and the replacement of deciduous by permanent teeth. Counts are in MNI.
Cranial Axial
I
fiB
IV-IlIA-II
33 (24,8)
78 (38 4)
12(9,1)
23 (1],3) ,
Forelimbs
10(7,5)
] 8 (8,9)
I ,
Hind limbs
27 (20,3)
20 (9,8)
Feet
51 (38,3)
64 (31,5)
Total
133
203
,
Table 5. The distribution of anatomical units of the skeletal remains of Cap rids from the upper levels of Cava Negra. ,
THE ANALYSIS OF BATS, RODENTS AND INSECTIVORES: SUPPORT FOR THE BRIEF NATURE OF HUMAN OCCUPATIONS. Taphonomic analysis of ungulate remains suggests a model of high mobility for the Middle Paleolithic at Cova Negra especially considering the proportion of faunal elements introduced by mediu -sized carnivores in the 11pper levels. The complementary analysis of microfauna also supports the conclusion that the periods of human occupation in the cave must have been short, episodic in nature, and separated by intervals of non human use!. There several lines of evidence that support this conclusion. In the first place, the presence of very young individuals in numerous species of bats (identified on the basis of the presence of milk teeth, unfused distal epiphyses, and fetal specimens) indicates that the cave was used as a place of hibernation or breeding, since these are the p,eriods at which natural mortality would affect that particular age (Tab. 8). For species such as Myotis myotis, Myotis nattereri, Rhinolophusferrumequinum, Rhinolophus euryale and Miniopterus schreibersi, direct human disturbance constitutes one of the causes of abandonment of modern breeding and hibernation colonies of these species (DE PAZ et al.,
1 The
data for bats, rodent ,and insectivore used here come from a pecial column, excavated in the East Sector, 0.25 m 2 in area and repre enting strata I-VI.
278
MOBILITY AND THE ROLE OF SMALL GAME IN THE MIDDLE PALEOLITIDC ...
1990; BENZAL & DE PAZ, 1991). Hence, the breeding colonies indicated by the faunal assemblages could only have existed during periods of minimal human presence, at least in the summer during the early development of the young. Furthermore, the mortality of adult individuals from a wide variety of species indicate a frequent use of the cave for hibernation 2 • Only stratum IV lacks remains of very young individuals, coinciding in general with periods at which the evidence for carnivores in the cave appears to be restricted to introductions of Caprids and lagomorphs. This observation does not apply to other levels with archaeological evidence for human activities (IIIB or V), or with evidence for both carnivores and humans, similar to that observed in strata and VI. Additionally, it is interesting that, despite the concentration of anthropogenic evidence in level IIIB, the bat mortality profile emphasizes very young animals, indicating the existence of breeding colonies (although the number of relevant specimens is small, Tab. 9). Moreover, MNI values from the strata noted above come from a sector of the cave in which fluvial size-sorting may have selectively removed small bones (including those of bat, rodents, and insectivores), reducing their density in remaining sediments. In fact, a careful examination of the microfauna counts (distinguishing among bats, rodents and insectivore) in relation to the volume of associated fill, suggests a gradual increase in microfaunal remains through time in the West Sector (in spite of possible bone loss from fluvial activity) compared with the other two investigated in more recent seasons (the Central and South sectors, where strata I to VI have not been excavated). In the second place, the identification of the agents responsible for introducing a large proportion of the rodent and insectivore remains into the cave is based on studies of behavior patterns of raptors and carnivores, extrapolating the results to the fossil , assemblages of Cova Negra (GUILLEM, in preparation). The result of this work has been the identification, throughout the sequence, of the activities of fox (VuLpes vuLpes), marten (Martesfoina), the royal owl (Bubo bubo), and tawny owl (Strix aLueo). The fox appears to have been especially important in stratum II, and the marten in stratum III, periods in which erosion caused by their gastric juices are detected on bone surfaces. The role of the owl in introducing microfauna to the upper levels (and even in stratum III, to an major extent), is confirmed by the remains of rabbits. The differential preservation of rabbit molars in the fossil assemblage (caused by their resistance to gastric juices) appears similar to that observed in the modern assemblages of raptor pellets (70% and 82% respectively). Such values are much greater than those produced by other carnivores, which barely exceed 50%. These data allow us to argue again for an important occupation of the cave by carnivores in levels II and III, which, when associated with the fox, an accumulator of remains during denning, indicates the unlikelihood of a human presence in the cave during those episodes. While noted in the literature (Bauer, 1956; Dwyer, 1964; Ruprecht, 1979; Silva Taboada, 1979 and Lesinski, 1983), the possibility that bat remains were introduced to the site through opportunistic predation of bats, with concentrations similar to those produced by natural mortality, does not appear to provide an explanation for the remains recovered from Cova Negra.
2
279
MOBILITY AND THE ROLE OF SMALL GAME IN THE MIDDLE PALEOLITHJC .. .
100
80
o
lagomorphs ungulates
60
40
20
.,.. .
o
Fig. 4. Relative frequency of lagomorphs, and other ungulates in the deposits of the Middle and Upper Paleolithic of the central region of the Spanish Mediterranean. CN: Cova Negra, Middle Paleolithic; B-D: Cava Beneito, Middle Paleolithic; B-B: Cova Beneito, Upper Paleolithic (Aurignacian to Solutreo-Gravettian); C: Cava de les Cendres, Upper Paleolithic (Magdalenian); Bl: Cova dels B/aus, Upper Paleolithic (Magdalenian); and M: Cova de Matutano, Upper Paleolithic (Magdalenian).
SMALL GAME: SUGGESTING DISTINCT MOBILITY PATTERNS FOR TIlE UPPER AND MIDDLE PALEOLITIDC We have previously noted difference between faunal assemblages from Middle Paleolithic and Upper Paleolithic sites in the central Spanish Mediterranean zone for large ungulates. For the Middle Paleolithic, they are present in significant proportions and associated with a somewhat diversified fauna; at Upper Paleolithic sites they play more limited roles in assemblages that are usually dominated by one or two species of medium size: , deer and/or goat (VILLAVERDE & MARTINEZ-VALLE, 1995). These evolutionary characteristics of the economy agree with comparable data from Cantabria (ALTUNA, 1989; STRAUS, 1982; 1992; GONZALEZ SAINZ & GONZALEZ MORALES, 1986).
•
A similar difference, limited to the Mediterranean environment, also is reflected in the role played by small game in both periods, especially lagomorphs. In all of the Upper Paleolithic sites of Mediterranean Spain, especially if we consider the central and southern regions, rabbit is the most numerous species represented. The importance of rabbits must be assessed in relation to a variety considerations, such as: the weight of rabbit meat relative to that of medium and large-sized ungulates; the possibility that much of the rabbit bone could derive from the natural mortality of recent or prehistoric lagomorph popUlations that may have used the caves as burrows; and the role of medium or small-sized carnivores (foxes, raptors, etc.). These factors underlie the attention given to this topic in recent archaeozoologicalliterature dealing with deposits from this environment (DAVIDSON, 1989; PEREZ RIPOLL, 1987; GUII.LEM & MARTINEZ-VALLE, 1991; MARTINEZV ALLE, in preparation), especially those focused on taphonomy.
280
MOBILITY AND THE ROLE OF SMALL GAME IN THE MIDDLE PALEOLITHIC ...
Among the contributions made by this work has been the identification of butchering marks and bone fracture patterns that indicate anthropogenic activity, and the traces from beaks and claws, and surface etching associated with the action of carnivores. These are based on an assessment of the types assemblages created by foxes and nocturnal raptors, and on the ages at death typical of different agents that produce accumulations of lagomorph remains. Applying these methods of analysis to archaeological assemblages indicates that Middle Paleolithic assemblages show a predominance of non-anthropogenic material (Fig. 4). This pattern is seen at the sites of Cova Negra and Beneito, both of which have dates for the final Middle Paleolithic that are more recent than those of early Upper Paleolithic sequences in Catalufia and Cantabria. One of these sites, Beneito, also has early Upper Paleolithic levels that follow the Mousterian. At Cova Negra, carnivore marks on lagomorph remains from levels VI to II are either present exclusively, or greatly outnumber those bearing anthropogenic marks. Surface etching and fracture patterns also indicate an important role for the royal owl as an agent responsible for a large proportion of these remains. These data are not incompatible with the presence of anthropogenic marks in a small group of specimens, which simply reflects the occasional consumption of these animals by Neanderthals. The bones on which they appear (the femur and tibia) are so few that processing patterns cannot be differentiated from those observed in Upper Paleolithic sites. However, the frequency of lagomorph specimens with anthropogenic marks is much lower than in Upper Paleolithic contexts, which is characterized, from the beginning of the sequence (corresponding to the Aurignacian), by a quantitative change in lagomorph use that suggests a corresponding signicant change in hunting patterns associated with intensive processing of these remains. This is reflected even in its systematic fracturing of bone, which tends decidedly toward adult and young, but well developed animals a different pattern than that observed for the royal owl, where very young individuals are relatively abundant. The data from Beneito are supportive in this regard. For the Mousterian components, even those of the late Wiirm, the proportions oflagomorph bones and the number of anthropogenic marks reproduce patterns seen at Cova Negra. There are high frequencies of Equid remains and an abundance of carnivore marks on Caprid remains. Anthropogenic marks are practically confined to remains of horse and deer (with only two carnivore marks of in Middle Paleolithic level D4). Independently of percentage values, the Beneito data suggests a human presence that is both scarce and diversified. From the Aurignacian and Gravetian levels onwards, the number of lagomorph remains and anthropogenic marks reaches the higher level typical the rest of the regional Upper Paleolithic. These changes are associated as well with a new faunal spectrum that includes medium and large-sized ungulates. There is a lower incidence of the carnivore marks in levels of the initial Upper Paleolithic, and assemblages are notably inclined toward deer and goat (ITURBE et at., 1993). The elevated presence of lagomorph remains in the Upper Paleolithic, along with an abundance of marks related to butchering and bone fracturing activities, must be considered in relation to the important role played by this species, whose flesh must have been preserved ,through filleting, and the reduced quantity of available marrow (VILLAVERDE & MARTINEZ-VALLE, 1995). In the Upper Paleolithic, lagomorphs constituted a re-
MOBILITY AND THE ROLE OF SMALL GAME IN THE MIDDLE PALEOLITHIC ...
281
source that was hunted in abundance, and must have played a complementary role in diets that were highly specialized towards medium-size ungulates. Their territoriality, gregarious character, and high rate of reproduction may explain this phenomenon in relation to human groups who appear to have hunted species with a reduced migratory radius, within a geographical area characterized by limited space and important altitudinal variation, and may thus have been characterized themselves by a certain degree of territoriality. Such differences in the role of small game between these two periods can not be attributed to differences in hunting technology (as is indicated, for example, by the fact that Lepus capensis constitutes one of the basic species hunted by baboons [TELEKI, 1975]3 ). Hence, no other explanation has occurred to us for its different role in the economies of the Middle and Upper Paleolithic than that which relates it to differences in the structure of territory and the different kinds of mobility that characterized human groups in these two periods. In other words, and as has been noted by other workers (CLARK & YI, 1983; CHASE et at., 1994; STINER, 1994), we think that the explanation lies in the relationship between the time needed to hunt and process small game, and the quantity of meat and other products obtained, in contrast to the same relationships that exist for game of large and medium size, whether as a result of hunting or of scavenging activity, in a economic model that is based on access to a variety of resources facilitated by a pattern of elevated mobility. In periods characterized by a low level of technology and a strategy based on elevated mobility, as is the case of the Middle Paleolithic, that relationship must constitute the explanation of the reduced focus on small game. It is interesting to note that, as soon as evidence for less diversified hunting practices appears in association with a new form of territorial occupation, lagomorphs come to playa substantially different role, and with such notable economic effect. These differences are not observed in such a striking way in other, more northern zones of Europe until the end of the Upper Paleolithic, when the remains of birds and other small game appear in archaeological contexts. This undoubtedly explains the greater emphasis given to taphonomic analyses of lagomorphs in Mediterranean Spain, given their valuable contribution to such an important topic as the mobility of human groups during the Middle Paleolithic and their marking of a change in subsistence economy that relates to the very beginning of the Upper Paleolithic in this area.
THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN EVIDENCE FOR HUMAN OCCUPATION AND DATA PRESENTED ABOVE As it was pointed out at the beginning of this work, the excavation in the West Sector of Cova Negra was characterized throughout its levels by a notable paucity of lithic remains. In fact, lithic artifacts were only found in strata III and V, and the assemblages were small in both cases. Nevertheless, other archaeological evidence indicates a
It would be interesting to assess the different role of small game hunting by both chimpanzees and baboons, in relation to tbe patterns of social organization and the type of resources available to them, since, as in our case, the explanation lies in a realm that has nothing to do with technology
3
MOBILITY AND THE ROLE OF SMALL GAME IN THE MIDDLE PALEOLITHIC ...
282
II
IlIA
IIIE
IV
V
0
-
1
-
-
-
I
2
-
-
-
-
VI
BIB
II-IlIA-IV
-
-
I (8,33)
-
-
-
2 (16,66)
-
1
-
, ,
I
I
II
I
-
-
!
.
1 (8,33) , , , ,
III
-
-
2
-
-
-
2 (50)
-
IV
2
-
2
I
I
-
2 (50)
3 (25)
3
1
-
2
-
-
-
5 (41,66)
1
4
12
,
V
I
Total
,
2
8
1
3
4 I
Table 6. Ages of Cap rids from the upper levels of Cava Negra, as established by wear and the substitution of deciduous.for permanent teeth. Counts are in MNI. .
VI-IIIB Cranial
IlIA-II
, ,
48 (42,1)
5 (45,5)
Axial
2 (1,8)
1 (9, 1)
Forelimbs
II (9,6)
-
Hind limbs
17(14,9)
1 (9,1)
Feet
36 (31,6)
4 (36,4)
Total
114
11 ,
Table 7. The distribution oj'anatomical units of the skeletal remains ofEquids from the upper levels of Cava Negra.
I
II
III
IV
V
VI
Total
R·ferrulnequinum
I
I
I
1
2
I
7
R. hipposide ros
2
2
1
I
0
0
6
R. euryale
0
0
0
0
I
1
2
0
1
2
,
R. mehelyi , R. euryale-mehelyi
1
0
0
0
4
1*
0
0
0
0
5
2
2
0
0
9
6*
4
8*
2*
38
I
,
M. nattereri
5
0
M. myotis
9*
9*
M. blythii
0
1
0
1
0
0
2
0
1
1
0
0
0
2
0
2
1
1
1
0
5
B. barbastellus
,
i
,
P. auritus-austriacus
I
,
M. schreibers
1
2
1
1
3
]
9
1
1
0
0
3
i
i
Pipistrellus sp
0
1
,
23
Total
20
14
12
15
6
90
Table 8. Distribution of MNI values for bats from the West Sector of Cava Negra. The asterix indicates the presence of young animals born at Cava Negra.
.
-
,
... ~.~=----------~
~------
-
--~-
283
MOBILITY AND THE ROLE OF SMALL GAME IN THE MIDDLE PALEOLITHIC .. .
human presence in the lower half of the stratum III, and its analysis permits us to describe certain aspects related to the manner in which space inside the cave was used.especially since similar evidence was exposed during excavation of other sectors. In both the West and the South Sectors, archaeological evidence for the use of fire is abundant. These include ash zones of a variety of sizes, some probably deriving from hearth cleaning or otherwise dispersed from hearths, and others associated with circular areas of reddened sediment 40-85 cm in diameter that are classifiable as true (although unprepared) hearths. These simple hearths, potentially defined by their characteristic lenticular cross-sections, 4-7 cm in thickness, appear to be associated with a large number of stones of fluvial origin, 7-12 cm in size, and sometimes forming clearly defined concentrations. In general, it can be noted that the different kinds of evidence for burning, sprinkled randomly on the surface of both sectors, and usually associated with burned bones and/or with an elevated fracture index, produced accumulations perhaps similar to those identified in the Mousterian levels of K6bara (MEIGNEN, BAR-YOSEF & GOLDBERG, 1989). In the West Sector, the spatial distribution of ashy sediment and hearths in level IIIB appeared associated with a large block, fallen from the cave roof, that marked with the limit of the ash dispersion. Sediments in this area were light yellow in color, and were characterized by fewer faunal remains, a lower fracture index, and in certain cases, bones in anatomical position. The zone of ash dispersion, terminated in two areas by old excavation sectors, was somewhat oblong in shape, with its edges more or less curved. Constrained by the large block, the form of the ash zone was maintained consistently throughout its depth. Thir ty complete or minimally fractured, rounded cobbles were found in the zone in which ash and fireplace remains were concentrated. The lithic industry, also totaling of 30 pieces, included the following: a harnmerstone, a core, a chunk, two chips, twelve flakes and thirteen retouched pieces. The retouched pieces included four simple sidescrapers, two transverse sidescrapers, two sidescrapers with a I I I
IV
V
VI
To t a I
I6
9
5
8
4
54
I
4
2
0
7
0
14
7
4
7
0
I
0
I9
46
107
64
17
52
5
291
Femur
5
6
3
I
2
0
I7
T ib ia
0
3
I
0
0
0
4
Humerus
I3
10
I
2
8
0
34
Radiu s
2
2
3
0
2
0
9
2 , 32
4, 1 0
0,3 I
0,15
1,00
I ,06
0,03
86
152
90
25
80
9
442
Level
I
Mandible
I2
Maxilla Inci s or Molar s
•
Index Total
II
Table 9. Distribution of anatomical units for bat remains from the West Sector of Cava Negra, with an indication of the density of remains (obtained from the volume of sediment from which the sample was derived) .
•
284
MOBILITY AND THE ROLE OF SMALL GAME IN THE MIDDLE PALEOLITHlC ...
thinned back, two naturally backed knives, two atypical backed knives, and one denticulate. The association of the cobbles, hearths, and lithic artifacts suggests that we are dealing an area devoted to maintenance activities or food processing. The correspondence in stratum III between the dispersion zone for evidence of the use of fire and the previously mentioned large block, and the absence in this same 12 2 m area of a similar concentration of anthropogenic evidence in the periods before and after that in which the presence of the block limited the available surface, suggests that the surface topography of the cave at this time encouraged occupation in this area (i.e., the West Sector), where level IIIB appears to be the result of multiple, separate use episodes of the cave associated with the consumption of deer, horse, and (perhaps in lesser quantities) Caprids. Further, as can be inferred from the traces of carnivores activities for all these taxa, this occupation alternated with use of the cave by different kinds of carnivores, such as the wolf or dhole. A close examination of profiles left by excavations of the 1920's and 1950's indicates that the tendency toward the localization of evidence for human-produced fire is a pattern that should be applicable across the cave surface throughout most of the occupation sequence. This reflects not only sporadic human use, as we have argued, but also of a zonal character of the occupation, in which a few inhabitants confined their activities to a restricted part of the available space. This model accords with the frequency of lithic artifacts recovered relative to the excavated area, the number of the faunal remains recovered, and the MNI values that can be extracted from them, especially since the conditions of preservation of the bone are notably good. In this respect, it is worth noting that stratum IIIB comprises an area of 12 m2 with a density of 17.5 bone specimens/m2 and 2 2.5 lithic artifacts/m ; level 3, excavated in the 1950's, comprised an area of about 110 2 2 m and yielded a density of 1.9 bone specimens/m2 and of 1.9 lithics/m . All of this appears to indicate that the groups that occasionally used the cave adapted to the changing architecture of its available surface, concentrating their residues in certain zones and alternating their presence with the one of the populations of other carnivores, who were responsible of the introduction of a large part of the bone remains. This model appears to agree with data from other Middle Paleolithic sites in the same environment (ULTRILLA & MONTES, 1989; UTRILLA, 1994; BLASCO, 1994; ALTUNA, 1989 and 1990) and with recent reconstructions for other cave sites in southwest Europe (OTTE & PATOU-MATHIS, 1992; STINER, 1994 and CHASE et at., 1994).
CONCLUSIONS Data that suggest the existence of dual sources for faunal materials, human and carnivore (the latter including a variety of specific agents), appear to constitute a counter argument to any excessively simple interpretation for the Cova Negra sequence that would posit a single, unique agent during large differentiated phases. On the other hand, one should not forget the palimpsest-like nature of the deposits left by the process of bone accumulation at Cova Negra, or the temporal dimension to which this stratigraphic
MOBILITY AND THE ROLE OF SMALL GAME IN THE MIDDLE PALEOLITlllC ...
285
formation refers, since these limit the hypotheses that could potentially account for the relation between the rhythms of occupation and the alternation of agents responsible for bone accumulations. A significant body of data is nevertheless consistent with the idea of short human occupations in those levels in which archaeological data and the anthropogenic evidence on bones appear most abundant. It is not possible to interpret in any other way for levellIIB the coexistence of materials introduced by the royal owl, marten and mediumsize carnivores such as the wolf and dhole, or the use of the cave as a breeding and hibernation site for bats, along with evidence for anthropogenic modification of Cervid and Equid bones, at a time when the evidence for fire and lithic material appear most abundant. These data indicate a model for occupation within the cave that is distinct from that known for the same region during the Upper Paleolithic. This model is not new, but is nevertheless of particular interest in its use of new arguments for demonstrating the short character of human occupations during the Middle Paleolithic by combining microfaunal data with knowledge of economical patterns and a definition of mobility. The limited exploitation of small game during the Middle Paleolithic constitutes new evidence in central Mediterranean Spain for the limitations imposed on the economic system of the Mousterian populations by mobility, rather than being explained in / terms of technical limitations or a lack of necessary demographic pressure (CLARK & STRAUS, 1983) as in models undoubtably developed with the terminal Upper Paleolithic in mind. At the regional level , the evidence and our explanatory model confirms the existence of discernible differences between the Middle Paleolithic and the initial stages of the Upper Paleolithic. The fact that these economic changes characterize the MiddlelUpper Paleolithic transition, in spite of its late occurrence in this region, undermines the explanations for the transition that are primarily chronological in nature, and supports those that focus more on the technological change._Although the absence of fossil human remains from the Mousterian period precludes any assessment that would take into account models of behavior based on different human forms, at least in the environment of Mediterranean Spain, the results presented here permit us to establish discernible differences of behavior between the populations responsible for the latest Mousterian industries and those associated with the initial part of the Upper Paleolithic. In the last few years much work has been done transforming the scavenging versus hunting controversy (which at one point dominated the literature of the Middle Paleolithic), toward a less polarized perspective in which, according to a more eclectic model (CHASE, 1986), food was obtained by a wide variety of strategies that could co-occur (OTTE & PATOU-MATHIS, 1992), and which were tremendously adaptable in the employment of hunting and scavenging (STINER & KHUN, 1992; STINER, 1994). Such strategies contrast sharply with those of the Upper Paleolithic, and suggest a model that differs also in terms of territorial occupation and mobility (STRINGER & GAMBLE, 1992). In regard to data that suggest short rhythms of human occupation in Cova Negra (microfauna, bone introductions by carnivores, etc.), the limited role of small game, and diversity in the types of fauna consumed, the Middle Paleolithic levels at this cave (and
286
MOBILITY AND THE ROLE OF SMALL GAME IN THE MIDDLE PALEOLITHIC ...
comparable data from Cova Beneito) confirm a pattern of elevated mobility that contrasts with that of the regional Upper Paleolithic. In no other way can we understand the construction of a strategy based on adaptabilitylflexibility that is characterized by a limited degree of specialized hunting.
•
Certainly this model, consistent with data from other cave sites from Spain (inclu, , ding Romani [SANCHEZ, 1989; CARBONELLetal., 1994], Arbreda [ESTEVEZ, 1980], Gabasa [UTRll ,LA & MONTES, 1989], Pena Miel [UTRILLA et ai., 1987], Boquete de Zafarraya [BARROSO, etal. 1984], Arnalda [ALTUNA, 1990], Lezetxiqui andAxor [ALTUNA, 1990] and Cueva Morin [ALTUNA, 1989]) and Italy (including San Agostino, Breuil, Moscerini and Guattari [STINER, 1994]), and is indicated as well for other deposits in more northern caves and shelters (as would be the case for the grotte du Renne [DAVID & POULANI, 1990], Cendres [DEFLEUR & CREGUT-BONNOURE, 1995], Vaufrey [RIGAUD, 1989], la Quina [CHASE et ai., 1994] , and Sclayn [OTTE & PATHOU, 1992]), could help to explain faunal evidence from assemblages characterized by the predominance of one species, whether in a context of open air (Mauran [FARIZI et ai., 1994], Biache-Saint-Vaast [AUGUSTE, 1994] and la Borde [JAUBERT et ai., 1990]) or cave sites (certain levels of Cambre Grenal [CHASE, 1986], Rescoundudou [JAUBER & BRUGAL, 1982], and Genay [PATOU, 1987]). With respect to the observations presented by Stiner (1992) concerning the interpretation of these faunal accumulations as a result of a specialized hunting activity, it must be added that the repetitive use of specific places (FAR~ZI & DAVID, 1992) for carrying out certain kinds of activities does not contradict a ( model of high mobility or an eclectic economic system. •
REFERENCES CITED ALTUNA,J.(1989):Subsistance d'origine animale pendant Ie Mousterien dan la region cantabrique (Espagne). L'Homme de Neandertal,voI.6, La subsistance,ERAUL,33:31-34. ALTUNA,J.( 1990):La caza de herbfvoros durante el Paleolftico y Mesolftico del Pafs Vasco.Munibe, 42:229-240. ALTUNA, J. (1990) : Caza y alimentaci6n procedente de Macromamfferos durante el Paleolftico de Arnalda. In J. ALTUNA, A. BALDE6N & K. MARIEZKURRENA : La Cueva de Amalda (Zestoa, Pais Vasco). Ocupaciones Paleolfticas y Postpaleolfticas, Editorial Eusko lkaskuntza : 149-192. AUGUSTE, P. (1995) : Chasse et carognage au Paleolithique moyen. L'apport du gisemente de Biache-SaintVaast (Pas-de-Calais). B.S.P.F., 92: 155-167. BARROSO RUIZ, C., MEDINA LARA, P., SANCHIDRIAN TORTI, J.L., RUIZ BUSTOS, A. & GARCIA SANCHEZ, M. (1984) : Le gisement mousterien de la Grottte du Boquete de Zafarraya (A1caucin- Andalousie). L'Anthropologie, 88 : 133-134. BAUER, R. (1956) : Scheleiereule (Tyto alba scop.) als Fledermausjager. Journal od Ornithology, 97 : 335-340. BENZAL, J., DE PAZ, O. & GISBERT, J. (1991) : Los murcielagos de la Peninsula Iberica y Baleares. Patrones biogeognificos de su distribuci6n. In Los murcielagos de Espana y Portugal (1. BENZAL & O. DE PAZ edts.). Colecci6n Tecnica. Ministerio de Agricultura, Pesca y Alimentaci6n. Icona. Madrid. BINFORD, L.R. (1981) : Bones, ancient men and modern myths. Academic Press. N. York. BLASCO, M.F. (1994) : El aprovechamiento de los recursos animales en el Musteriense del Valle Medio del Ebro. Estudio arqueozoologico y tafonomico de las Cuevas de los Moros de Gabasa y Pena Miel en Cameros .. Ph. D. Thesis. Universidad de Zaragoza. CARBONELL, E., GIRALT, S. & VAQUERO, M. (1994) : Abric Romani (Capellades, Barcelona, Espagne): une important sequence anthropisee du Pleistocene Superieur. B.S.P.F., 91: 47-55. CLARK. G. A & STRAUS. L.G. (1983): Late Pleistocene hunter-gatherer adaptations in Cantabrian Spain. In • Hunter-Gatherer Economy in Prehistory: a European Perspective (G. BAILEY edit.), Cambridge University Press: 131-148.
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•
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