Crises and Economic Dynamics in Traditional Societies. VICTOR A. SHNIRELMAN. Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology, Leninskiy Prospect 32-A,. Moscow ...
JOURNAL
OF ANTHROFOLOGICAL
ARCHAEOLOGY
Crises and Economic
11,
Dynamics
25-46 (1992)
in Traditional
Societies
VICTOR A. SHNIRELMAN Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology, Leninskiy Prospect 32-A, Moscow 117334, USSR Received April 22, 1991 The problem of cause-and-effect in the transition to a food-producing economy is still under sharp debate’**. It is useful to treat this matter in a much broader context, considering the transformation of subsistence economy in general. Ethnographic data at hand are of much importance for this purpose, permitting the treatment of different, well-described situations and allowing the analysis of the various factors involved. It is argued that a single-factor approach to causation is fruitless, as are attempts to put forward any general model that explains the emergence of food-producing economy all over the world. Crisis was one of the most important stimuli for the transformation of traditional economies, but one should distinguish between several different hinds of crises when discussing their roles in economic changes. In addition, there were also some particular stimuli for change in noncrisis circumstances which are also discussed in the present paper. 0 1992 Academic Press, Inc.
INTRODUCTION:
PRIME-MOVERS AS EXPLANATION SUBSISTENCE CHANGES
FOR
The causes for a transition from one kind of subsistence economy to another one are still poorly understood. Sharp debates on the problem in question, mainly among archaeologists, are fruitless more often than not because of the fragmentary and obscure nature of archaeological data. Ethnographic materials seem to be more relevant, at least for the initial step of the analytical procedure. To put it another way, the method of controlled comparison (Eggan 1954) seems to be of value for studying various interacting factors in well-known historical-cultural settings. The models obtained through this kind of investigation may help archaeologists to put forward preliminary hypotheses and to interpret the results of their testing. The present paper is an attempt to describe and to classify some of these models and if possible to verify some popular hypotheses. Many scholars have attempted recently to explain the shift to a foodproducing economy (Shnirelman 1987). Some of them treat it as a literally * See Notes section at end of paper for all footnotes. 25 0278-4165192 $3.00 Copyright 0 1992 by Academic Press. Inc. All rights of reprduction in my form reserved.
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inevitable, almost automatic trend embedded in human evolutionary process. Others understand it in terms of chance that could or could not happen depending on various accidental circumstances. There are a number of scholars who support the idea of crisis or stress as a prime mover, resulting in a transition from one subsistence system to quite another one. However, there are still problems with the latter approach. What kinds of crises can result in the emergence of food-producing economy, and under what circumstances? What prerequisites promoted the transition in question under a situation of crisis? Is crisis actually inevitable for economic transformation, or is the latter possible also under noncrisis situations? If the latter is true then are there any peculiarities exhibited by economic transformation under noncrisis conditions? A great majority of modern scholars are inclined to explain the transformations in question primarily in terms of a crisis paradigm. However, their notions of what kind of stress was responsible for any particular effect differ significantly. Some are convinced that, for instance, a shift to a food-producing economy was strictly interconnected with environmental changes in the Terminal Pleistocene or Early Holocene periods (Raikes 1967; Wright 1976, 1977; Gerasimov and Velichko 1974:14-U; Dolukhanov 1979: 112-l 13; Stank0 198284-88; Zalizniak 1989: 103; Byrne 1987), or somewhat later (Rowley-Conwy 1984). Others treat it as a response to stress induced by population pressure (Binford 1%8; Cohen 1977; Rosenberg 1990; Novikov 1959:35; Khlopin 1968:102-103; Gladilin 1974:77) or to certain changes in social environment (Bender 1978; Vincent 1979). For Braidwood (1957, 1960) it was mainly technological progress that led to the Neolithic Revolution, thus without any essential crisis. On the other hand, according to L. White (1959:283-285) an economic transformation could be stimulated by either population pressure or climatic change. Flannery (1969) put forward a more complicated hypothesis stressing the interrelationships among several variables-technological, environmental, demographic, and, more recently (1973), social. An interplay of ecological and demographic factors was emphasized also by Redding (1988) among others. The Soviet archaeologist Vadim Masson (1970, 1971:135) also attempted to formulate a more opportunistic approach, considering the transition in question as a result of demographic stress in some regions and as an effect of “hunting economy” crisis in still others. He (Masson 1976:32-33; cf. Budyko 1977:239 ff.) is inclined to regard the latter as a result of natural constraints for further evolution of hunting rather than to relate it to any climatic deterioration. Indeed, single-factor paradigms seem to be insufficient and should be rejected in favor of the notion of the variability of crisis phenomena
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CHANGES
caused by different factors in various particular contexts: climatic fluctuations, ecological changes because of human predatory activity, population pressure, social changes, and so on (Shnirelman 1978:261, 1986:271, 1987:33-45). Thus, subsistence changes can be of various character and intensity and their relations to crisis situations are far from simple and by no means automatic. First, the nature of changes under crisis conditions depends strongly on the type of crisis and its intensity. Second, the ways to resolve problems and hardship are deeply rooted in the state of the human group itself-its technological foundation and skill, social organization, demographic characteristics, psychological factors, and so on. The range of options available is of much importance as well. Third, there are specific stimuli to economic change that work under noncrisis situations, and they should be considered as well. It is impossible to discuss all these specific problems equally in a short paper, and I will focus primarily on the variability of crisis situations relevant to the present discussion and on some economic transformations induced by other than crisis stimuli. TYPES OF CRISIS
RELEVANT
TO ECONOMIC
PROBLEMS
An economic crisis is treated here as a specific state of subsistence economy in which the latter becomes unable to satisfy vital human nutritional requirements, leading to a declining standard of living, eventually threatening malnutrition or even famine. Thus, while taking into account a variety of crisis situations, one may distinguish between several types of crises, depending on the factors acting: I. Ecological crises as a result of environmental changes. Several subtypes may be distinguished between them: Ia. Ecological crises rooted in natural causes. One should distinguish between macroclimatic changes influencing the natural environmental in general, which entail natural species habitat shifts (Berg 1935) and cyclical fluctuations in the populations of particular biological species. These latter were of much importance, especially for those groups that occupied themselves with highly specialized subsistence economy (Smirnov 1947:38). Ib. Ecological crises of anthropogenetic character, i.e., because of overhunting or overfishing, intensive tree felling, soil exhaustion or overgrazing, and so on. Crises related to sharp decrease of the occupied territory size as a result of human activity are of this very nature as well. Ic. Ecological crises caused by human resettlement in new, formerly unknown ecological settings where traditional subsistence economy does not work efficiently.
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II. Demographic crises may arise from changes in population size, density, or structure. For instance, a subsistence system based on traditional means and methods may meet difficulties under both population increase and depopulation, which are strictly connected with birth and death rates, mating practices, epidemiological factors, migrations, warfare, and so on. III. Technological crises may accompany crises of types I and II if former technology does not allow the subsistence economy to work efficiently under new environmental conditions. IV. Exchange crises may develop from the destruction of a traditional exchange system that was previously one of the principal sources of life-giving resources (mainly, foodstuffs). V. Epizootic factors may stimulate crises among pastoralists. VI. Social and fiscal factors have their own effects on the development of subsistence economy: initially through the evolution of prestige economies, and later through taxes, tributes, or alienation of certain parts of appropriated products for social needs in general. Moreover, a struggle for power may result in the obtaining of eminent position by one group at the expense of another one and the departure of those discontented to a new habitat. The latter may entail Ib and Ic types of crises as an effect. VII. Warfare activity may have serious economic consequences as well. Sometimes it causes crises of types Ic, II, III, IV, and VI, and it may also stimulate significant changes in the settlement system. It leads to an emergence of large, densely populated settlements, in particular, that are unfavorable for those subsistence activities that demand high seasonal or year-round mobility (hunting, gathering, slash-and-burn farming, pastoralism) . It is clear that crises of types Ia, Ic, II, III, and sometimes, possibly, Ib characterized the situation among nomadic hunter-gatherers and, partly, complex hunter-gatherers, as well as groups that practiced less evolved types of food-producing economy. Crises of types IV, V, VI, and VII came into being among more advanced populations side by side with the types mentioned previously. And the role of crises of types IV, VI, and VII increased in importance through time. Crises could be short- or long-lived. Some crises of type Ia and crises of types III, IV, V, VI, and VII were among the former, and mainly types 1 and II among the latter. Correspondingly, the subsistence changes could be either of a temporary or a constant, irreversible nature. In fact, the classification proposed above somewhat idealizes and simplifies the real situation since various factors could work simultaneously, affecting each other in one or another combination. The relationships between various crises are far from simple, and sometimes some crises could lead to other ones. For instance, type I crises could stimulate types
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II, III, VI, and VII, and type II could stimulate types Ib, Ic, II, and VII. On the other hand, type VI and VII crises could lead to types Ib, Ic, II, and IV under other circumstances, and so on. Thus one should consider feedback mechanisms when dealing with interrelationships between different crisis types. That is why it is not easy to establish any general scheme of relationships among various crisis types, and I deliberately avoid this approach here. On the other hand, it should be taken into account that particular crises could even occur in hierarchical order in certain contexts and situations but not in some other ones. A SURVEY Crises
OF VARIOUS
TYPES OF CRISIS
of Type la
The crises of type Ia and their economic consequences were recently analyzed by I. I. Krupnik (1989), who demonstrated convincingly that whaling was of much importance of Arctic coastal populations in periods of climatic amelioration, whereas sea mammal and caribou hunting became more effective in colder periods (Krupnik 1989:172). On the other hand, large-herd reindeer herding emerged during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries among those northern hunters who formerly kept only a few tamed reindeer, since that was a cold period favorable for reindeer population increase (Krupnik 1989: 154-155). The fluctuations between settled and mobile ways of life among pastoralists of steppe, semidesert, and desert zones, which are well-known archaeologically and anthropologically (Zhdanko 1961, 1%8), could at least partly be a result of long-term climatic shifts as well. Another case of this type of crisis was observed in the Torres Strait region in the mid-nineteenth century (Moore 1979:279). Traditional subsistence there included fishing, turtle catching, and wild yam gathering. In addition, some men grew cultivated yam as a prestigious or “exotic” plant that was of no economic value. However, a poor catch of turtles and insufficient yield of wild yam caused a severe economic crisis in 18481849. This resulted in a trend to plant local wild yam, and a shift toward farming manifested itself in 1849. It is worth noting that in some cases mentioned above plant cultivation and animal keeping were practiced long before the crisis, but played no important subsistence role. The transition to farming or pastoralism began at that very time when ecological changes made it difficult to live by traditional economy on the one hand, yet simultaneously produced a favorable natural setting for the development of a food-production economy on the other hand. It seems also important that people had time for
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gradual changes in their traditional economic practices since the climatic changes were gradual as well. (cf. Krupnik 1989:154-M). In the cases analyzed above, people stayed in their former habitats and attempted to adapt themselves to new environmental settings. Other cases are known as well in which the inhabitants of the margins of particular ecological zones followed their former habitats when these moved because of climatic fluctuations. Invasions, sometimes in the form of armed expansions, could be a result. Recently, A. Cardich (1985) described such shifts in settlement pattern among farmers and llama breeders in the Andean Highlands caused by long-term climatic fluctuations. Invasions of nomadic pastoralists, well known in Eurasia in the past, were possibly caused at least partly by similar factors as well. Crises related to cyclical fluctuations in the populations of biological species that were staples for particular specialized subsistence systems may result in different consequences. Insufficient salmon yields that occurred in the Kamchatka peninsula once every several years led to famines among local fishermen and a sharply increased death rate. On the other hand, population size reestablished itself in favorable years due to a high birth rate. Economic orientation did not change under aboriginal conditions there (Shnirelman 1990) since there were not any other promising alternatives, due to the peculiarities of local environment. However, the local inhabitants began to borrow horticultural practices from Russian peasants during the contact period. Thus, the situation was somewhat similar to that reconstructed by Rowley-Conwy (1984) for the terminal Ertebolle population in Denmark. Crises
of Type Ib
Crises of type Ib may be illustrated with the data at hand on some regions of Africa. In the past, colonial authorities declared certain territories as national parks or banned all hunting there in attempts to stop predatory extermination of local wild animals. Ik hunters, occupying the borderlands of Uganda, Kenya, and Sudan, were forced to borrow farming from their neighbors under precisely such harsh conditions when they lost a large part of their traditional territory in this manner. It is worth noting that the local environment was less favorable for farming than for pastoralism, owing to periodic droughts. Consequently, the Ik occupied themselves primarily with hunting in times of scarcity. Why then did they not become pastoralists? Their pastoral neighbors accused them of having a barbaric attitude toward domestic animals since they killed them immediately after they got them. Indeed, Ik themselves used to say that “a cow in the stomach was much better than 10 cows in the enclosure.” However, in fact it was the social environment that caused the situation in
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question, since war-like neighboring pastoralists did not miss a chance to capture cattle from those Ik who were unwise enough to keep them (Tumbull 1972:15&151). Some other hunter-gatherers of eastern Africa refrained from cattle keeping for this reason as well (Bemtsen 1976). All the factors in question acted in the case of Aasax hunter-gatherers who formerly lived in Northern Tanzania. It was at the very end of the nineteenth century that the Maasai lost a large part of their cattle because of epizootic factors, and many of them moved to Aasax and adapted themselves to their way of life. On the other hand, over-hunting resulted in a sharp decrease in the number of wild animals at the beginning of the twentieth century, and the German administration banned hunting and forcibly resettled the Massai and Aasax onto a reservation. At that time the Aasax began to keep cattle, facilitated by rigid administrative control guarding them from Maasai predatory raids, but when this territory came into the hands of British administration in 191C-1918 and administrative control weakened, intertribal wars broke out again, and the Aasax lost all their herds (Winter 1979). Crises
of Type Ic
Migrations into new ecological settings, resulting in crises of type Ic, usually make people change their traditional subsistence while adapting themselves to a new environment. It was much easier for people with an opportunistic generalized subsistence to accomplish this task than for those with specialized economy. Migrations of this type are well described among the groups with mixed farming-pastoral subsistence patterns in eastern Africa. Depending on the kind of natural environment, some newcomers intensified their farming activity, others shifted to pastoralism, and hunting became an important occupation for those who moved into especially arid regions (Spear 1981:101, 104-107; Andretta 1989). Sometimes the migrants facilitated the process of adaptation through borrowing from local inhabitants. The case of Kutchin Athabaskans demonstrates that they borrowed a lot from the local Eskimos’ technology while adapting themselves to new ecological conditions after resettling themselves far northward from their native lands (Nelson 1973:313-316). Sometimes former farmers returned to mainly hunting and gathering activities after resettlement. In some cases this occurred since foodgathering economy was much more effective in the new setting than was primitive farming. Such was the case of the Koriki-Papuans, who began to practice intensive sago gathering after moving to the coastal region of New Guinea from the interior (Maher 1961). A reverse transition to hunting and gathering could be stimulated by an especially inhospitable envi-
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ronment in cases where farming was inefficient. This happened with a group of Polynesians at Chatham Island (Sutton 1982). On the other hand, people could not exploit effectively a chance to occupy new free lands located in other ecological zones if they were not able to change their traditional subsistence economy or had no intention to do this. This situation was observed among some mountain groups in Papua, New Guinea, who avoided exploiting the lands of defeated groups that were located in quite different ecological settings because they had no appropriate subsistance technology and skills and could not resist new kinds of diseases (Morren 1984: 196-197). An important problem of health arises in cases of fast resettlement of people from one ecological zone into another. According to data at hand, these migrations resulted more frequently than not in worsening of diet and made the newcomers helpless in the face of the new kinds of illness (Alland 1968:66; Buzarbarua 1989; Grunberg and Steblin-Kamenski 1989:37). Poor health conditions were observed among some huntergatherers under these conditions (Turnbull 1963:37; Headland 1988). This might entail crises of type II. Crises of Type I1 One of the main factors stimulating type II crises was an increase in population and its density. It was under these conditions that the inhabitants of New Guinea began to move from hunting wild pigs to pig raising. Although Papuans tamed wild piglets in the lowlands where the population was scarce and wild animals were numerous, they preferred to appropriate meat through selective hunting there. However, a hunting crisis occurred in the Highlands, where a high population density and the exploitation of a large proportion of the territory for gardening created a problem of protein appropriation. Indeed, wild animals were scarce there, and local inhabitants practiced a generalized opportunistic hunting (Bulmer 1976). That is why the Highlanders began to pay special attention to the development of pig raising (Shnirelman 1980: 147 ff.; Simoons and Baldwin 1982:428-429). A decrease of wild reindeer population and the inability of hunting to satisfy increasing human demands for foodstuffs and other necessary resources also played a certain role in the development of large-herd reindeer herding in Arctic tundras (Krupnik 1989:155). A hunting crisis was strengthened by the factor of anxiety (Yurgenson 1973:23-24) that made wild animals move away from the territories that were frequently visited by people and domestic animals. Recently, L. Cronk (1989) described a specific sociodemographic situation that stimulated Mukogodo hunter-gatherers of Eastern Africa to
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borrow cattle and to begin a transition to pastoralism. Neighboring Maaspeaking pastoralists took a lot of Mukogodo girls as wives early in this century, endangering Mukogodo males with life-long celibacy. To avoid the latter, men had to search for brides among pastoralists who demanded high payment, mainly with cattle. Thus, the demand for bride-wealth became a strong stimulus for Mukogodo men to occupy themselves with pastoralism. There are numerous cases also in which an increase of the regional population reflected demographic trends among immigrant farmers and pastoralists rather than among local hunter-gatherers. An economic crisis among the latter could result, since their economic territory and the wild animal population decreased under these conditions. The process in question and its consequences have been well described for northeastern Luzon (Philippines). Philippine peasants expanded there gradually at the expense of local Agta hunter-gatherers. Some Agta began a transition to a farming economy, but only in those areas where the expansion was of moderate intensity and they maintained friendly relationships with the newcomers. However, as the pressure became especially strong, Agta expressed bad feelings toward the peasants, complained of the land shortage, and attempted to solve the problem through an intensification of fishing activity (Peterson 1978). J. Woodbum (1962) observed a similar situation in Tanzania, where Bantu-speaking farmers moved gradually through the territories that belonged formerly to Hadza hunter-gatherers. In this case farming was borrowed by those Hadza who were in close social and mating relationships with Izanu farmers. While speaking on the future perspectives of the process in question, Woodbum pointed out that all Hadza may turn to the agricultural way of life, the process being gradual and of moderate rate. However, they would trespass on farming plots and steal the harvest if they lost their own territories rapidly. This latter situation was observed among Babinga-Pygmies in Central Africa, who initially ravaged the plots of the alien farmers (Demesse 1978), and among some other huntergatherers (San of the Kalahari Desert, Selkam of Tierra de1 Fuego, etc.) who began to hunt domestic animals of immigrant farmers and pastoralists or to capture their herds (Stow 1905:155 ff., 236,248,455; Lee and DeVore 1968157; Borrero 1990; Wilson and Thompson 1969, Vol. 1:7& 71). Traditional San subsistence economy fell into a crisis especially during recent decades when a lot of their territories were turned into pastures, and numerous San groups shifted to farming or pastoral occupations. These processes were studied recently in detail (Hitchcock 1982; Brooks et al. 1984; Cashdan 1984; Hitchcock and Ebert 1984; Lee 1976). These data may serve to produce a possible model of how a food-producing
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economy can emerge in an arid zone among those hunter-gatherers who were in contact with farmers and pastoralists. The main feature of the food-producing sector of subsistence among modem San is its unstable nature, high dependence on fluctuations in the annual precipitation, which especially affects the farming sphere of food production. Thus, the roles of farming and livestock keeping increased in importance among !Kung San during periods of abundant precipitation (1967-1970 and 1975 1977), yet they practiced primarily hunting and gathering during drought years (1972-1973). It is worth noting that food-gathering activities were of much significance among Bantu-speaking farmers and pastoralists living in semiarid zones as compared to other Bantu-speaking groups. Farming proves to be a less reliable occupation under Kalahari natural conditions than hunting and gathering. Therefore, San used to move to the former only under severe regional population pressure or a decrease in staple wild resources. Yet, farming and livestock keeping provide them with less than 5-20% of their diet even under these circumstances. They cultivate plants in very small plots near their dwelling-houses, the digging stick or hoe being their main tool for tilling soil, and they clean plots with knives, axes, or even with their hands. Their domestic animals are goats as a rule because of the modest nature of the latter, which are well adapted to the conditions of the hunter-gatherers’ lifestyle. Sheep and cattle are much rarer among the San. They exploit donkeys to transport loads and use dogs and horses for hunting activities. Hunting prey is a main protein source for the great majority of San. They use goats for meals only under ritual occasions or in the case of their natural death. Milk is the main goal of goat keeping. Thus, hunter-gatherers can move to a food-producing economy under population pressure only providing that two additional factors come into being. The latter are, first, favorable natural conditions (ecological factor) and, second, a gradual nature of the process, allowing people enough time to transform their former economic orientations and traditional value system (social factor). In cases where these two factors are absent, a crisis may result in subsistence economy disintegration, aggressive behavior and the intensification of armed clashes, and even extinction of some groups under extreme conditions. Crises
of Type IZZ
Technological crisis may result either in economic depression or in economic intensification, depending on the character and interrelationships of the natural and cultural factors at work. Thus, a failure of traditional farming to adapt itself to harsh natural conditions made newcomers return to a hunter-gatherer way of life at Chatham Island, as mentioned
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above. On the other hand, E. Boserup (1965) fairly argued that an intensification of farming, a transition to arable agriculture in particular, may be stimulated by population pressure and shortening of fallow periods. For instance, the Karens of northern Thailand borrowed wet-rice growing with all the corresponding technologies and changed their former lifestyle, value system, and social organization when their own lands were exhausted by slash-and-burn farming methods and land shortage became a problem under strong population pressure (Iijima 1970). Indeed, technological crises are strictly connected with and even induced by some other crisis types (for instance, types I and II). But since some specific technological problems are involved, these crises should be segregated into a separate category. Crises
of Type IV
In some cases, hunter-gatherers changed their former nutritional pattern and gave up their traditional economic techniques when they obtained more effective tools from more advanced neighbors. This kind of process could be observed among those hunter-gatherers who were in close contact with adjacent farmers or pastoralists (Shnirelman 1982a, 1982b). Some of the former could become “commercial hunters” (Fox 1969) who appropriated game and other forest products mainly to exchange with neighboring farmers for agricultural foodstuffs. Cultivated plants could become their staples more frequently than not under these conditions, and in fact they could not live without them. Maniac played this very role among Maku hunter-gatherers in northwestern Amazonia (Milton 1984), and among Babinga Pygmies in central Africa (Demesse 1978). While in close contact with their more advanced neighbors, hunter-gatherers not infrequently helped them in agricultural tasks and obtained necessary skills and experience. Therefore, a high demand for agricultural products could stimulate their gradual transition to farming if the exchange system were broken for any reason (crisis of type IV). Crises
of Type V
Crises of type V were characteristic most of all for nomadic pastoralists. Mass cattle plagues among the pastoralists of eastern Africa during the late nineteenth century made them disperse among neighboring peoples and turn to fishing (Spencer 1973:214), hunting, or farming (Berntsen 1976:3-6). Those who succeeded later in restoring their herds returned to a pastoral way of life again, in contrast to those who failed and, thus, were compelled to continue to practice hunting, fishing, or farming.
36 Crises
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of Type VI
A social factor expressed itself through an extraordinary development of prestige economy, sometimes even at the expense of an ordinary subsistence economy in the early stages of the social differentiation process. Thus, pig raising developed through specific cycles in a great many New Guinea regions where pigs were treated as wealth and exploited primarily for prestige feasts. To put it another way, pigs were slaughtered in large numbers once every several years to provide feasts with enormous volumes of food, up to gluttony, whereas people lived on a mainly vegetable diet in ordinary times, and protein deficiency and even temporary hardships were not infrequent phenomena among the Papuans (Shnirelman 1980: 151-152). Traditional Kamchatka fishermen suffered the same difficulties in former times when they wasted a lot of stored foodstuffs for feeding guests and starved subsequently (Shnirelman 1990). Pastoralists and reindeer herders met with the same problems when particular owners were sometimes forced to slaughter a lot of animals to pay their social obligations. This could result in the undermining of the reproductive abilities of the herd and, thus, a disappearance of the former pastoral way of life. This is just what occurred with Aasax who slaughtered all their cattle to organize a feast for their Maasai allies (Winter 1979:188-189). A subsistence crisis and the subsequent economic transformation could be stimulated artiticially by state fiscal policy. Thus, since 1602 the Swedish authorities demanded that Saami should pay taxes with live reindeer and dry fish rather than with skins and furs as formerly. Yet, population density increased greatly among the Saami at that time, and their hunting economy could not sustain these taxes. Therefore, they began to keep reindeer and moved to large-herd reindeer herding by the midseventeenth century (Wheelersburg 1990). Crises
of Type VZZ
Warfare had variable effects. The best-known cases are those where former pastoralists who lost all their livestock during war had to move to other subsistence occupations-farming, fishing, or hunting and gathering (Spencer 1%5:282; Galaty 1981:9)., Sometimes exile from traditional habitat forced a group to change its subsistence orientations. Thus, when Baraguyu pastoralists suffered a defeat at the hands of the Maasai, they resettled themselves southward where the pastures were much poorer. Under these new conditions, they had either to occupy themselves with a degree of farming or to ask local farmers to till their plots for them (Berntsen 1976:6). A trend toward increasing settlement size was another effect
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of war that might be observed among both farmers (Shnirelman 1986:33 1; Ferguson 1989: 1) and pastoralists (Spencer 1973: 143). It harmed the functioning of the traditional economy, led to a decrease in its efficiency, and demanded its improvement or change. DISCUSSION
The cases surveyed above by no means represent the whole range of various effects related to different types of crisis. However, they seem to be sufficient to judge the huge variability of crisis situations and ways of their resolution. According to data at hand, a transition to food-producing economy under crisis circumstances could occur only providing at least two additional factors were at work. First, hunter-gatherers should be familiar with food-producing economy of some kind before the crisis broke out, and second, the crisis should not develop too fast for them to be able to reorient themselves economically, socially, and psychologically in good time. These conditions being absent, a society could decline and disintegrate, or aggressiveness could sharply increase and armed conflicts become more frequent. It seems logical to assume that a transition to fishing or farming was more probably under conditions of hunting crisis than direct transition from hunting to pastoralism. Indeed, the survivorship of caught and tamed animals seems to be less probable given protein scarcity in a predominantly hunting-gathering way of life. On the other hand, such animals could survive as pets under hunting crisis conditions if staple resources were appropriated through intensive food gathering, fishing, or farming rather than hunting. That is why wild animal taming occurred mainly among groups engaged in the former kinds of occupation (Shnirelman 1980:135-148). The idea of animal domestication among hunters in crisis (Stank0 1982) seems even more doubtful if one takes the following facts into account. According to data at hand, it was just individual animals rather than herds that were first domesticated, and their owners demonstrated a special emotional attitude toward them. The tamers and the owners of these animals used not to kill them themselves, as a rule, and at least did not eat their flesh, since they regarded them as a kind of relative or even identified them with their own children. Therefore, outsiders were asked frequently to slaughter them, and meat was distributed between friends and relatives (Shnirelman 1980:140, 142, 147; Simoons and Baldwin 1982:422, 425,428,429). This may explain why some modern hunter-gatherers who began recently to keep domestic animals used to sell them to adjacent farmers rather than to utilize their flesh for themselves (Peterson 1978: 124; Fiirer-Haimendorf 1943:73,74). It is clear that, with these cus-
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toms, it was impossible to keep herds of any size, and animal taming could not resolve a hunting-crisis problem. Also, as I. Krupnik (1989: 154) convincingly demonstrated, a transition from a primarily hunting subsistence economy to large-herd reindeer herding in northern Eurasia was stimulated by the establishment of a new ecological setting favorable for reindeer reproduction rather than by any hunting crisis. That is why a direct transition under crisis conditions from a huntinggathering way of life to pastoralism can be observed only rarely, and can occur only provided that the hunter-gatherers lived in close friendly contact with neighboring pastoralists and were able to borrow both livestock and pastoral skills from them. In general, a transition to pastoralism by both hunter-gatherers and farmers apparently was caused by other factors having nothing to do with any crisis. It was frequently a trend driven by social necessity and traditional value system. Indeed, livestock was usually the principal kind of wealth among animal-keeping peoples. It defined the prestige of the owner and played an important role in social rituals and ceremonies (Shnirelman 1979). This attitude toward domestic animals diffused frequently to adjacent nonpastoral peoples, and stimulated the latter to move to a pastoral way of life for social and prestige motives. I would like to argue that this was one of the ways for “secondary” nomadic societies to come into being, according to a model proposed elsewhere (Shnirelman 1988:49). For instance, Fur farmers of western Sudan who succeeded in obtaining several cows attempted to move to a nomadic way of life and to settle among nomadic Baggara pastoralists, although their living standards decreased as a result. But they exposed themselves to hardship consciously for the sake of the social esteem that they supposedly achieved through their cattle as a kind of wealth (Haaland 1%9:63-64). One can observe the same situation in some other regions of East Africa, for instance, where farmers and hunter-gatherers who had some cattle attempted to be adopted into the neighboring pastoral groups (Berntsen 1976: 1, 4-5; Spencer 1965:286). Thus, a transition from one subsistence system to another, especially pastoralism, could occur, at least in some cases, without any crisis under traditional conditions. Intensification of a subsistence economy could be also observed in noncrisis circumstances. For instance, hunter-gatherers were inclined to borrow from more advanced neighboring groups those culture traits or devices that could make their traditional technology more effective. This concerned means of transport most of all, especially domestic animals (dogs, donkeys, horses, reindeer, camels) that could serve in hunting and for transporting heavy loads. Thus, Penans of Sarawak borrowed dogs and boats from the neighboring farmers, and San of South Africa made some effort to obtain dogs, donkeys, and horses from adja-
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cent peoples. It is worth mentioning that the Penans who used dogs in hunting and the San who had dogs and horses, hunted more successfully than those of them who acted in the old fashion (Nicolaisen 19741975:210-212; Cashdan 1984:315). These conditions could possibly stimulate the formation of some peculiar hunting groups well known today as Nemadi camel-riding hunters in Mali (Gabus 1977), Solubba hunters and craftsmen moving throughout the Arabian desert with their donkeys (Betts 1989), and a lot of horse-riding hunters on the Great Plains of North America (Averkieva 1970). Hunter-gatherers also could borrow some kinds of farming technologies under noncrisis situations. Yet they preferred to grow those cultivated plants that did not demand much care and did not contradict their hunting-gathering way of life. That is why the Agta of Luzon borrowed taro and yam, and the Penan of Sarawak borrowed maniac and banana, rather than rice from neighboring farmers, since rice-growing was a hard task demanding major changes in the way of life (Nicolaisen 19741975:422, 423). The data surveyed above demonstrate that the ways and causes of modification of traditional economies were highly variable. Some changes were brought about by different kinds of stresses and others occurred in noncrisis situations. It is apparent that it was much easier to overcome the problems caused by crises in those societies that practiced an opportunistic, broad-spectrum subsistence economy. In contrast, a rigidly specialized subsistence was less capable of transformation within a reasonable time. Moreover, it was easier to cope with crises that developed gradually than with those that broke out catastrophically. Modification or improvement of the subsistence system was one of the possible ways to overcome crises, the other ways being represented by migrations, wars, or development of systems of power, all of which could result in new pressures and stresses. An attempt to resolve crisis problems at the expense of outsiders, which can be observed more frequently than not, led to the intensification of interethnic contacts. A chain reaction could result, and events that took place in particular regions were able to affect other regions even at a great distance from the original ones. Noncrisis situations promoted continuous evolution of traditional subsistence technology rather than its transformation. Nevertheless, some innovations could emerge under these conditions, which, despite their original aim of intensifying traditional subsistence economy, were able to serve the development of new subsistence practices, especially under conditions of stress. A conscious change in subsistence orientation in the absence of any stress could come into being due to prestige considerations, a transition to pastoralism being such an example.
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Thus, subsistence transformations cannot be understood with a singlefactor perspective in mind. Instead, there was a great variability of causeand-effect relationships that requires special investigation. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I have greatly benefited from the discussion at the Institute of Archaeology of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR where I presented a preliminary version of this paper as a lecture on October 19, 1990. Robert Whallon, who read a drat? of the paper, provided me with useful comments. I also acknowledge valuable criticism from an anonymous reviewer. As for possible errors, they are mine.
NOTES i When discussing the problem of the emergence of food-producing economy, one should distinguish between two meanings of such terms as food production, agriculture, horticulture, and so on. On the one hand, they mean any kind of plant cultivation and domesticated animal keeping, even if these activities were of secondary importance to a main subsistence economy based on hunting, fishing, and gathering. Reindeer keeping by some indigenous Siberian peoples of the boreal forest zone is one of the numerous examples of this phenomenon. On the other hand, the terms in question are often used to define well-developed plant and animal growing that provide people with staple food and serve as a basis for their way of life (Shnirelman 1989:36&372). That is why I use the expression “an emergence of food-producing economy” and the like in both senses, but primarily for the process of the establishment of an agricultural way of life.
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