CULTURAL ECONOMY OF LANDSCAPE: DEVELOPMENT ...

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CULTURAL ECONOMY OF LANDSCAPE: DEVELOPMENT PATHWAYS IN THE ENGLISH LAKE DISTRICT

Allen Scott

Dipartimento di Economia “S. Cognetti de Martiis” International Centre for Research on the Economics of Culture, Institutions, and Creativity (EBLA) Centro Studi Silvia Santagata (CSS)

Working paper No. 15/2010

Università di Torino

CULTURAL ECONOMY OF LANDSCAPE: DEVELOPMENT PATHWAYS IN THE ENGLISH LAKE DISTRICT

Allen J. Scott, Distinguished Professor, Department of Geography and Department of Public Policy, University of California – Los Angeles. E-mail: [email protected]

Keywords : Cultural economy ; heritage; Lake District ; landscape; regional policy; rural development; tourism

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Abstract A brief characterization of the cultural economy of landscape is provided, with special reference to the English Lake District. The early development of tourism in the region in relation to its natural, literary, and artistic assets is described. I examine the cultural economy of landscape in relation to three critical social groups, namely, producers of local goods and services, residents, and visitors/tourists. The special role of institutions of collective order in managing the cultural economy is alluded to. After a short statistical description of social and economic conditions in the Lake District today, I offer a detailed account of the main elements of the tourist experience. Here, attention is devoted to (a) the natural environment and its attractions, (b) the historical-artistic patrimony of the region, and (c) the growing importance of food, cuisine, and crafts within the local economy. I show, in addition, how these elements of the cultural economy combine with a complex institutional milieu to generate a path-dependent trajectory of development. In the conclusion I present a few remarks on the concept of creative regions and the senses in which the English Lake District might and might not be associated with this concept.

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“STAY, bold Adventurer; … Know … That on the summit whither thou art bound, A geographic labourer pitched his tent, With books supplied and instruments of art.” William Wordsworth, Written with a Slate Pencil on a Stone, on the Side of the Mountain of Black Comb (1813).

1. Introduction Much has been made in late years of the ever-intensifying convergence of economy and culture in modern society (e.g. Lash and Urry 1994; Molotch 2002; Philo and Kearns 1993; Scott 2008). The literature on this issue is marked by many sub-themes, and considerable disagreement, but one of the more vigorous avenues of research that has emerged over the last couple of decades has been concerned with extensive theoretical and empirical descriptions of regional production complexes devoted to the creation and commercialization of cultural outputs, from film and music to fashion and furniture (Scott and Power 2004). This particular line of scholarship draws heavily on classical marshallian concepts of industrial district development and regional growth, with their emphasis on agglomerations of specialized but complementary firms, associated local labor markets, and innovative activity (Cooke and Morgan 1998; Scott 1988; Storper 1997). An allied but rather less developed line of investigation revolves around situations where economy and culture also converge together into regional complexes of activity, but where (in contrast to the normal marshallian case) the outputs are essentially immobile and can therefore only be consumed in situ (Scott 2004). These sorts of situations often involve quite narrowly restricted phenomena, such as a sporting event, a

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temporary exhibition, a historical monument, and so on, but they also coincide with more complex arenas of cultural and economic activity in which many different consumer attractions combine synergistically together to form a distinctive geographic venue or place. The point can be illustrated by certain kinds of specialized precincts in large cities, or regions endowed with a dense heritage of historical and artistic relics, or resort areas marked by points of natural and ecological interest. Such venues often coincide with urban areas, but they are found in a great diversity of rural environments as well. Indeed, many rural areas all over the world are now seeking to promote local economic development on the basis of their natural or cultural heritage. Ray (1998, p. 3) writes that this sort of heritage includes “traditional foods, regional languages, crafts, folklore, local visual arts and drama, literary references, historical and prehistorical sites, landscape systems and their associated flora and fauna.” Marshallian concepts often have some pertinence to developmental dynamics in areas like these especially where economic exploitation has proceeded beyond the elementary stage of selling admission tickets to a restricted site. These dynamics also tend to be subject to path-dependent evolutionary patterns (cf. Boschma and Lambooy 1999). However, any endogenous trend to “creative destruction” is apt to have severely negative impacts on regional heritage and hence on the viability of the entire local economy. The present analysis is focused on the case of the English Lake District, which is precisely a situation where a relatively inviolable natural and symbolic heritage constitutes the foundation of a regional economic development process. We might formally describe the nature of this heritage as an extensive, immobile, non-metropolitan, and emphatically fragile residue of common-pool resources constituting a unique regional

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conglomerate, or compage. 1 The Lake District is celebrated for the outstanding beauty of its natural landscape as well as for the literary and other cultural references that adhere to specific locations within it. These resources have long attracted a large and growing number of tourists to the region, with the consequence that a complementary economic order has emerged facilitating access to the landscape and providing a growing body of auxiliary consumer services. Inevitably, a delicate balance exists between the many and various facets (natural, cultural, economic) of the region, and conflicts occur persistently between different interest groups with their often colliding visions about the region’s future. These conflicts are typically channeled through a dense network of institutions whose function is both to work out strategic alternatives for action and to provide managerial services in the interests of regional harmonization. All of these elements combine to form a peculiar kind of cultural economy, i.e. a system of production and consumption comprising goods and services (including access to otherwise free resources) whose value to the consumer resides in the recreational, aesthetic, and semiotic pleasures that they induce. As such, the English Lake District is but one instance of a much wider phenomenon, namely, the formation of distinctive cultural economies in peripheral non-metropolitan regions articulated with the overall system of contemporary capitalism. Observe that I say “articulated with” rather than “resistant to” or “opposed to” in this context. Capitalism as a whole today appears to be moving into what we may call a cognitive-cultural configuration as the world of work comes to

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The term “compage,” although obsolete, is particularly apposite to my purposes, for it conveys directly the sense of a system of formally conjoined elements. An analogous and less contrived term is “platform”, but this has already been specifically appropriated in the literature to mean a geographic framework for the management of innovation (cf. Asheim, Boschma, and Cooke 2007; Harmaakorpi 2006; Lazzeretti, Capone, and Cinti 2008). This meaning overlaps with but is not identical to the way in which I employ the term compage. The idea of the compage was first introduced in geography by Whittelsey (1954) who used it to designate a unique but open-ended assemblage of regional relata, though few if any subsequent scholars appear to have pursued this notion further.

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depend more and more on the capacities of the labor force for independent decisionmaking, interpersonal interaction, and the deployment of specialized forms of cultural sensibility (Scott 2008). In these circumstances, there is no longer the same tension as formerly between spaces of work and spaces of leisure, but rather a continuity or interpenetration that reflects their increasing functional convergence in terms of production practices, forms of output, and modes of consumption.

2. A Brief View of the English Lake District and its Early Development The Lake District is situated in the county of Cumbria 2 in the far northwest corner of England, and since 1951 the region has been designated as a National Park (see Figure 1). This is an area of mountains and fells, valleys and lakes, offering numerous recreational opportunities and stirring vistas. The region is also marked by many literary and artistic associations, and its scenery has been widely celebrated in poetry and painting over the course of the last two centuries. The rich natural and symbolic landscape that emerges out of these sundry elements constitutes the basis of a now vibrant cultural economy. The rest of the county, around this core region, is physically less dramatic, but nonetheless has much to commend it to tourists, and it can be said to participate, as a sort of adjunct area, in the contemporary cultural economy of the Lake District proper. For most of its history, the Lake District, and the county of Cumbria more generally, remained remarkably isolated from the main sweep of events in the rest of England, and it is scarcely surprising to note that a distinctive regional culture took root in the area (Bouch and Jones 1961; Bragg 1983; Wyatt 2004). Traditional livelihoods in the Lake

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The current county of Cumbria was formed in 1974 by amalgamation of the old counties of Cumberland and Westmorland together with the Furness District of Lancashire.

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District, as such, were for centuries dominated by an economy given over largely to sheep farming and a small amount of mineral extraction, while the surrounding lowlands were marked by somewhat more varied but still relatively unproductive agricultural pursuits. Until the eighteenth century, human settlement in the entire county consisted largely of scattered farms and villages and a few small market centers together with the city of Carlisle guarding the western marches of the Scottish border. In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries the northern, western, and southern fringes of the region experienced a degree of industrialization and urbanization, especially in the coalfield area of West Cumbria, but the Lake District itself escaped almost entirely from the depredations of the Industrial Revolution. Today, only vestiges of this old economy remain, and much of Cumbria -- especially the Lake District -- now draws its livelihood mainly from services. Over the course of the eighteenth century a series of highly influential travel books and guides extolling the picturesque qualities of the Lake District made their appearance. These publications helped to initiate a fashion for visiting the region and for viewing its varied landscapes (Nicholson 1955). Among the more noteworthy of these publications are Thomas Gray’s Journal in the Lakes (1769), Thomas West’s A Guide to the Lakes (1778), and William Gilpin’s Observations Relative Chiefly to Picturesque Beauty in the Mountains and Lakes of Cumberland and Westmorland (1786). Wordsworth’s widelycirculated Guide to the Lakes, first published in 1810, did much to consolidate the reputation of the region as a supreme exemplar of the picturesque and to boost yet further the influx of fashionable visitors (see Whyte 2000). With the integration of the region into the British railway system after 1847 (much to Wordsworth’s dismay) the influx of

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visitors continued to expand, and the region’s character as a tourist hub was now well assured (Marshall and Walton 1981). In parallel with these developments through the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the Lake District was also acquiring a cachet as a center of literary and artistic activity. In 1817, an article in the Edinburgh Review identified Wordsworth, Coleridge and Southey as forming a so-called “Lake School” of poetry. Wordsworth himself is the towering figure of this school and his poems resonate with images of the landscape and its people. De Quincy, who had gone to live in the region in 1809, is also usually counted as a member of the Lake School. Other celebrated literary figures who spent time in the region at this period were Byron, Hazlitt, Keats, and Shelley. Harriet Martineau, the writer and philosopher, lived at Ambleside from to 1846 until her death in 1876. In 1871, Ruskin took up residence at Brantwood on Lake Coniston where he continued to produce a stream of writing. Ruskin’s influence was also partly felt in the formation of a small outpost of the Arts and Crafts Movement in the Lake District from the 1880s to the 1920s (Brunton 2001; Haslam 2004). Beatrix Potter first visited the Lakes in 1882, and later settled at Hill Top Farm near the village of Sawrey (Squire 1993, 1994). The lives and works of these writers have left imprints throughout the Lake District, both in regard to the places where they lived and the topographic features that they commemorated in their work (see Whitehead 1968; and especially Lindop 1993). The reputation of the Lake District as a center of aesthetic creation was further reinforced by the numerous painters who found inspiration in the ever-varying forms and moods of the landscape. In particular, Constable and Turner travelled to the region at the turn of the nineteenth century and left striking visual records of their visits (see, for example, figure 2).

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By the end of the nineteenth century, then, the English Lake District had clearly emerged on the wider national stage as a region of surpassing interest in regard to its physical geography and its aesthetic associations, and hence as an alluring destination for discerning visitors. Then, as now, the energies of the region’s tourists were largely invested in outdoor recreational pursuits such as climbing, walking, and boating, though many also sought out more reflective distractions concerned with the contemplation of scenery and visits to literary landmarks. As these trends intensified over the twentieth century, the old farming economy of the region steadily gave way to alternative forms of enterprise answering to the needs and impulses of the ever-growing numbers of tourists. With the advance of the century, then, the local economy expanded steadily if slowly, and the variety of services available to visitors increased greatly. Today, the region is overlain with an irregular web of tourist facilities, which, above and beyond supplying basics like food and lodgings, range from museums and exhibitions, through historic houses and gardens, to craft industry outlets and culinary offerings of many different kinds. In short, a complex cultural economy rooted in the region’s landscape appeal, and playing on an ethos of the outdoors, quietude, and close scrutiny, has come gradually into being, and now functions as a multifaceted compage of natural, symbolic, and commercial interests. The substantive details of this system will be discussed later. In the interim, we must deal with a number of conceptual questions in order to steer the discussion into tighter analytical focus.

3. Schematic Representation of a Cultural Economy of Landscape

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As Ray (1998) has suggested, we can frequently characterize rural development situations in terms of a distinctive territory, a set of symbolic signifiers, and a structure of economic synergies. These elements form spatial units that are subject to certain kinds of endogenous developmental dynamics, but that are simultaneously and invariably open to extra-local influences. The English Lake District, with its raw scenic assets, its literary and artistic vestiges, and its tourist trade, can be quite effectively described in the same terms. But how, we might ask, is this cultural-economic order organized and what are its evolutionary tendencies? At the outset, of course, we are concerned here with a regional or clustered economy marked by many internal interdependencies that by and large generate agglomeration economies or increasing returns to scale. However, in contrast to many kinds of regional clusters especially those that are commonly invoked to illustrate marshallian principles (e.g. Silicon Valley, Hollywood, or the City of London), the economy of the Lake District has little in the way of extended social divisions of labor. The region, in other words, is generally deficient in networks of specialized and vertically interrelated firms forming a structure of input-output relations, though the food sector might be taken as a minor exception to this remark (Murdoch 2000). Instead, local units of production (including retailers) are primarily related to one another in a system of conglomerate interdependency, meaning that they derive competitive advantages from the circumstance that they exert a kind of collective magnetism through their joint supply of a range of suitably-matched goods and services. These units of production consist of both private firms and public or semipublic bodies with outputs like accommodation, culinary products, art and craft objects, site visits, guided tours, boat rides, encounters with

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Lakeland bird and animal life, and so on. Spatial aggregation of activities like these will tend to generate increasing returns effects in the sense alluded to above, though decreasing returns are also presumably likely to appear when the size and overall scope of the conglomerate production system reaches certain outer bounds. More specifically, and given that consumption for probably a majority of visitors to the Lake District is fundamentally directed to experiential empathy with the physical and symbolic landscape, there are clearly limits as to how far and in what directions purely economic development initiatives can go without compromising the continued appeal of the region to outsiders. The cultural economy of the Lake District thus has affinities with a marshallian system in that it is made up of a constellation of production units with strong overall synergies, though these units are not as tightly agglomerated as would tend to be the case if they were bound together in the well-defined networks of transactional relations typical of the classical model. Rather, the geographic form of the Lakeland economy resembles what we might call a diffuse cluster, that is, a scattered but regionalized congeries of miscellaneous activity with occasional and minor bunching effects in the villages and towns of the region. Equally, the regional economy can be distinguished from some (though not all) kinds of marshallian systems in that it is certainly something less than a hotbed of innovation, even if some upgrading of service activities has occurred of late years, as, for example, in the domain of food and cuisine. The deficit of informationintensive transactional relations between local firms almost certainly accounts in large degree for the restricted innovative capacities of the region. One symptom of this deficit is the low rate of entrepreneurship in the Lake District compared with the rest of the

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country (Kalantaridis and Bika 2006a, 2006b). Moreover, the local economy is subject to considerable inertia on account of political constraints designed to preserve the region’s essential heritage. Figure 3 helps us to carry the argument forward by providing additional information about the main structural features of the economy relative to the landscape features that constitute the anchor of the whole system. Note, at the outset, that this landscape can never be reduced to the status of frozen dead nature, but is at least in part a constantly changing structure of human perceptions and undertakings that come and go as the cultural economy evolves through time. 3 Three principal groups of socio-economic actors are designated in figure 3, i.e. (a) producers of goods and services, (b) visitors, and (c) residents. All three groups of actors are incessantly involved in readings, interpretations, and projects with respect to the landscape, and, consequently, all of them are caught up in transforming the landscape as an object of consumption. One way in which this transformative mechanism operates is by means of a modest but definite evolutionary process of symbolic change based on the accumulation of new cultural meanings on the landscape as older cultural assets are recycled and reinterpreted and further meanings are created. 4 For example, over the decades Hill Top Farm has become invested with multiple meanings deriving from the circumstance that Beatrix Potter lived there for the greater part of her life. Squire (1993) refers to the area around the farm as “Peter Rabbit country.” Subsequently, the film “Miss Potter,” released in 2006, has created new cinematic images of Beatrix Potter and the local countryside that are assimilated into the 3

We might say of the mountains of the Lake District, as Blanchard (1925, p. 212) says of the French Alps “Si elles offrent le spectacle d’une nature restée farouche, elles n’en sont pas moins des montagnes éminemment humaines.” (“If they offer the spectacle of a still fierce nature, these mountains are nonetheless eminently human”). 4 A similar recursive process can be identified in the landscape of Hollywood (Scott 2005).

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landscape, and then become elements of a refashioned tourist encounter. As a result of this symbolic intensification, Hill Top Farm and its environs have experienced a significant surge of visitors in the last few years, particularly from Japan where Beatrix Potter’s books find a wide audience. In this manner, a deepening sedimentation of aesthetic and semiotic references accumulates on the physical landscape, offering opportunities for the further development of local cultural and economic values and the enrichment of the region as a spatially concentrated sign system. All elements of the regional compage are subject to a regulatory framework (see figure 3) composed of public and semi-public bodies dealing with essential tasks of overall coordination and management. These bodies are subject to numerous political cross-currents as producers, visitors, and residents pursue their various goals, and interact with one another in shifting conflicts and alliances. Thus, like any economically functional region, the Lake District is endowed with forums of collective decisionmaking and action, both local and extra-local, in which competing political demands are adjudicated, general planning problems are dealt with, and attempts to identify long-run strategic needs are worked out. In the Lake District, the decision-making processes in these forums are generally modulated by an overarching caution that puts a high premium on conservation of the physical and symbolic heritage. The same caution, in turn, tends to dampen down the internal dynamism of the region and to ensure that any advances made do little to compromise the inherited stock of resources that are the foundation of the local economy. In its own slow-moving manner, then, the cultural economy of the Lake District is locked into a highly constrained path-dependent pattern of evolution, in which the past

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weighs heavily on the present, and in which spontaneous forward advances are almost always kept well in check. The net effect is that the physical landscape and its associated sign system are generally well protected from deterioration due to socially undesirable intrusions, which means in turn that the region’s advantages regarding its capacity to compete monopolistically [à la Chamberlin (1933)] in the steadily globalizing tourist trade remain at a high level.

4. Economy and Culture in the English Lake District A statistical overview. The county of Cumbria covers an area of 2,612 square miles, of which some 34% is taken up by the core region of the Lake District National Park (see figure 1). In 2001, the county as a whole had a population of 487,608 and the National Park had a population of 41,650 (table 1). Overall population growth in the county is slow, amounting to no more than 1.93% from 2001 to 2008. Table 2 provides employment statistics by sector for Cumbria and the Lake District in 2006. Manufacturing is of some importance in the county as a whole, but is largely absent from the area of the National Park, where the dominant sectors of employment are represented by service activities, notably, hotels and restaurants, wholesale and retail trade, and to a lesser extent, business services. Table 2 does not refer to agriculture and forestry, but employment in these sectors (mainly the former) is small and decreasing. Average earnings in the county are relatively low, and are estimated by Regeneris Consulting (2005) to be 12.3% below the national average. In the National Park area, by far the greater part of the economy is based on serving the tourist trade, but even in the rest of Cumbria, tourism makes a significant contribution

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to local prosperity. The county as a whole had 15.3 million visitors in 2008, generating revenue of £1.17 billion or $2.14 billion (Cumbria Tourism 2008). In the same year, the National Park had 8.3 million visitors generating revenue of £677.2 million or $1.24 billion, though the vast majority of these visitors (i.e. 71.1%) passed not more than one day in the area. Also, and despite the widening national and international appeal of the region, over 50% of all visitors to the National Park still come from the north of England, and just 8% come from other countries. A growing part of the region’s economy is sustained by retirees, and as shown in table 1, as much as 28.7% of the population of the National Park is composed of people aged sixty and over. At the same time, over 9% of the Lake District’s housing stock is represented by second homes owned by individuals who live and work elsewhere but who spend significant amounts of time in the region and who contribute to the waves of rural and urban gentrification that are evident throughout the core area and its environs (Regeneris Consulting 2004; see also Clark 1982). The Lakeland tourist experience in general. The ideal Lakeland tourist experience is preeminently one that entails self-locomotion, tranquillity, and visual contemplation, though this quasi-normative description is by no means always respected. According to the Lake District National Park Authority, the leading reasons given by surveyed individuals for visiting the Park in 2001 were walking (48%), sightseeing (22%), climbing (7%), and cycling (4%). 5 In short, tourism in the Lake District is focused primarily on engagement with the landscape through various forms of physical exertion and by internalizing its natural and symbolic attributes via the sense of sight. As Urry

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(1992b; 1995) suggests, in a more general context, it is the primacy of the visual that regulates so much of the tourist’s experience, and in the Lake District this feature is paramount. It is, furthermore, intensified by the literary and artistic traditions of the region, and the ways in which they surge through the natural landscape in the guise of locales and vistas associated with this or that writer or painter. If open scenery and countryside represent the fundamental objective of the Lakeland tourist, the many villages and small towns of the area nonetheless hold their own as attractions in their own right. Increasing numbers of visitors now focus their activities on these places (Whyte 2007), and notably on the main service centers of Ambleside, Coniston, Grasmere, Hawkshead, Kendal, Keswick, and Windermere where concentrations of historic buildings, museums, monuments, restaurants, and shops selling local products are to be found. The quality of the tourist experience, both in the countryside and in the towns, is significantly bound up with the demand for authenticity, even if the purity of the experience is always compromised to at least some degree by staging strategies, like museumization and/or re-packaging for commercial purposes (MacCannell 1976). In a few cases, the staging frankly comes close to assuming features more characteristic of a mass tourist center than of a decorous and secluded retreat. Thus, the two most popular attractions in the region today are the extremely businesslike Lake Windermere Cruises (with 1,199,181 visitors in 2008) and the Rheged Center (with 480,513 visitors in the same year), a theme park-cum-exhibition facility close to Penrith

just outside the National Park The natural environment and the tourist economy. The scenic backdrop of fells and lakes is omnipresent in the English Lake District, and is the source of the physical and

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mental satisfactions that almost all visitors to the region seek out. The majority of Lakeland tourists are probably given only to fairly modest forms of physical activity involving a mix of walking and sight-seeing. For a smaller but still significant group, strenuous corporeal engagement with the landscape is by far the main objective. This latter group is composed primarily of the mountain and rock climbers and fell walkers -together with numbers of cyclists and boating enthusiasts – who form a sort of elite cadre of purists among devotees of the region. Climbers and walkers of all types are well served by the numerous guides and handbooks offering information and advice about navigating through the region’s often hazardous moorlands and uplands. Of all these publications, none is so authoritative or influential as those written by Alfred Wainright, one of the most celebrated guide-book writers of the last century. With their uncompromising emphasis on the arduous pursuit of fell walking and their quirky visual presentation and incidental commentary (see figure 4)¸ Wainright’s guides have contributed much to the discovery and the wider symbolic elaboration of the landscape (Palmer and Brady 2007). The 214 individual peaks that figure in his guidebooks are increasingly referred to simply as “the Wainrights,” and many climbers and walkers now engage in a kind of ritual involving an effort to accumulate successful ascents of all of them. Retail selling of Wainwright’s books (along with the multitude of other guide books on the Lake District) constitutes a small local industry in its own right, as did their actual publication until this was swallowed up some years ago by more muscular commercial concerns outside the region. The attractions of the Lakeland topography are complemented by a number of related environmental features, two of which merit special mention here. First, the region

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contains a number of outstanding natural history sites that allow for visitor participation. By far the most successful of these ventures is the Lake District Osprey Project on the shores of Lake Bassenthwaite, which, since the late 1990s has been devoted to encouraging wild ospreys to breed in the area. The project is overseen by a partnership of the Forestry Commission, the Lake District National Park Authority, and the Royal Society for the Protection of Birds, and attracts 100,000 visitors a year. Second, while active mining and quarrying activities have now virtually disappeared, many earlier efforts of this sort have left a widespread legacy of abandoned workings and equipment. Some of the more important historical mining sites and museums in the Lake District and adjacent areas are the Florence Mine Heritage Center (Egremont), Force Crag Mine (Keswick), Haig Colliery Mining Museum (Whitehaven), Honister Slate Mine (Borrowdale), Nenthead Mine Heritage Center (Alston), and Threlkeld Mining Museum (Keswick). We should add to this list the Pencil Museum at Keswick, commemorating a traditional industry originally based on local deposits of graphite. In addition, two old narrow-gauge railways formerly ferrying minerals and stone from the inner Lake District to the coast have been converted to serve the local tourist traffic. These two facilities, i.e. the Ravenglass and Eskdale Railway in the west of the region, and the Lakeside and Haverthwaite Railway in the south, use steam locomotives that so far from provoking the kind of indignation that Wordworth had expressed now generate a kind of romantic aura. Historical-artistic patrimony and associated commercial ventures. Prior to the eighteenth century, building activity in the Lake District was for the most part limited to rather modest efforts reflecting the poverty and isolation of the region, though by contrast, the surrounding lowlands of Cumbria are relatively well endowed with historic

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remains. Still, the core area possesses a number of prehistoric ruins (e.g. Castlerigg Stone Circle near Keswick) together with a quantity of subsequent constructions, including Roman forts and late medieval churches and pele towers. Some of these sites are managed by public bodies like the National Trust; others are in private hands though usually open to visitors. It is only after about 1750 that the main historical-artistic patrimony of the Lake District starts to materialize on the landscape. This patrimony includes the houses where different writers and painters lived (including Wordsworth’s birthplace in Cockermouth) and the places they frequented. It also includes an abundance of literary and artistic references that endow scattered topographic and other natural features with symbolic value. The historical accumulation of literary and artistic materials within and about the region continues in a more or less unbroken line down to the present day. Figure 5 displays a composite literary map of the Lake District and its surrounding area showing some of the main figures who have left a written record of their presence over the last two centuries. A scrutiny of the details shown in figure 5 reveals that several influential living writers continue to add to this record, and Cumbrian authors over the last few decades have done much to publicize the county’s charms and points of interest in the rest of the world. In recent years, indeed, an avalanche of books about the region has been published by writers of every stripe. The regular flow of novels, guide books, works of natural history, photographic albums, collections of poetry, memoirs, local historical studies, dialect stories, and so on, that celebrate various aspects of the Lake District and its life has done much to draw wide attention to the region. Since 1984, the Lakeland Book of the Year Prize has played an important role in encouraging this stream of work

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Just as writing in and about the Lake District is marked by a long tradition, so, too, a large body of work produced by painters of the region’s landscapes has built up over the last two centuries (Haslam 2004). Since Turner and Constable created their paintings and sketches of the area, successions of artists over the nineteenth and twentieth centuries have generated a copious visual record of the views and changing moods of the Lake District. In recent years, the record has become, if anything, increasingly dense and complex. Of modern Lakeland painters, Sheila Fell (1931-1979) and William Heaton Cooper (1903-1995) are perhaps the best known, the former for her brooding landscapes, and the latter for his impressionistic watercolors. William Heaton Cooper’s old studio and art shop in Grasmere continues as a family tradition. This is but one of the many galleries spread out across the region providing outlets for the work of local artists. An event of special importance is the summer exhibition of the Lake Artists Society (founded in 1904) held every year in Grasmere, and regularly attracting upwards of 10,000 visitors. In addition to diverse literary and arts shows, the Lake District is the site of numerous sporting events (including local pursuits such as Cumberland wrestling and fell running), as well as exhibitions devoted to different aspects of regional history, geography, and folk-life. Two performing arts festivals have risen to some significance of late, and have engendered echoes that have spread well beyond the borders of the Lake District as such. One is the Lake District Summer Music Festival, founded in 1984, which entails a series of ambitious musical events in different locales around the region over the month of August. The other is the Words by the Water Festival, a literary gathering, initiated in 2002, and held annually in Keswick over a ten-day period in

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March. Successful events like these might well contain the seeds of new rounds of cultural and economic dynamism in the region, portending yet more local arts initiatives over the coming years. In much the same vein, the recent upsurge of music festivals in non-metropolitan areas of Australia (notably in New South Wales, Victoria, and Tasmania) has evidently done much to foster local social and economic development, (Gibson 2007; Gibson and Connell 2004). Equally, Markusen (2007) has written about enhanced rural development in parts of Minnesota where active public support for artists is available. Food, cuisine, and crafts. In regional complexes outside of major metropolitan areas, significant development potentials are frequently to be found in local food traditions, and in customary craft activities more generally (see, for example, Bessière 1998; Binns and Nel 2002; Marsden and Smith 2005). In these matters, the Lake District has advanced to a perhaps surprising degree over the last few decades. Food has a special meaning in this context because it is so deeply intertwined both functionally and symbolically with landscape (Vergunst et al. 2009). To be sure, there is little in the Lake District by way of gastronomic achievements that can match those of, say, Italy or France. Even so, one of the more remarkable recent changes in the region has been the uneven but definite upgrading that has occurred in the sphere of food and cuisine. Traditional farming is now only a small segment of the local economy, though the farms that remain are increasingly capable of turning out high quality specialized products, and many are resorting to organic farming as demand by local residents and restaurateurs rises upward. Farm products from the Lake District that are increasingly entering both local and non-local markets include butter, eggs, game, and

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lamb of the local Herdwick variety. Among other things, these trends work in the direction of improved local sustainability and the reinvigoration of rural communities that would otherwise be under greatly intensified threat. Local sourcing of food products and the revival of traditional cuisine, moreover, help to reinforce the authenticity of the tourist experience, and to underline the cachet of the region as an iconic and multifaceted travel destination (Daugstad 2008; Leslie 2005; Sims 2009). Local culinary products that have seen a resurgence as tourism to the region has grown comprise items (with their distinctively earthy names) like Cumberland sausage, sticky toffee pudding, Cumberland rum nicky, apple tansey, Kendal mint cake, Grasmere gingerbread, and Cumberland rum butter, to mention only a few. We should also include in this list various preserves, above all damson jams from the Kendal area where the growing of damson plums (especially in the Lyth and Winster Valleys) is concentrated. Many of these food products have been incorporated into local festivals, and some of them are now included in the repertoires of local chefs. In addition, a wide spectrum of specialty beers is being produced in the 23 micro-breweries currently in existence in Cumbria as a whole. The region is, indeed, starting to earn a modest reputation as a center of specialty food products and culinary enterprise, and has certainly moved greatly forward on this front in recent years. In 1966, for example, the Good Food Guide gave 35 “full listings” to restaurants in what is now the county of Cumbria. Of these, 27 are graded A (“good plain cooking”), 7 are graded B (“more variety”), and 1 (Sharrow Bay at Ullswater) C (“fine individual cooking”). None is graded D (international menus). In 2009 there were …. restaurants in the Good Food Guide – not a lot perhaps, but a striking improvement since 1966. Three restaurants in the region currently hold one Michelin star,

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namely, Sharrow Bay by Ullswater, L’Enclume in Cartmel, and Holbeck Ghyll at Windermere. In parallel with the recent renaissance of culinary skills, there has also been a notable expansion of local craft activities in the region. These include masonry, boat building, pottery, basket weaving, jewelry, furniture making, and the spinning and weaving of woolen textiles. Some of these crafts are based on long-standing Lakeland traditions, while others are of more recent origin, but all of them are consistent with vocation of the region as a locus of a sustainable tourist-oriented production. Heritage and cultural economy in the Lakeland fringe. Most of the discussion thus far has concentrated on the Lake District proper as represented by the area of the National Park. Despite this emphasis on the core area, the rest of Cumbria is really inseparable from the Lake District as such, both for reasons of history and geography, as well as for the fact that there are strong potential synergies between the two that are capable of enhancing the tourist attractions of both. The peripheral zone in fact is extraordinarily rich in cultural associations and tourist spectacles. For these reasons, the Cumbria Tourist Board now seeks to promote the county as a whole (i.e. both the Lake District and the peripheral zone) as a premier tourist destination in the European Union. This peripheral zone falls naturally into three or four separate subareas. The northern part coincides with the Scottish Border and the Solway Firth Plain with their old reiver traditions and their fortified churches and farmsteads. The cathedral city of Carlisle is also located in this part of the peripheral zone. In the eastern part lie the scattered villages of the Vale of Eden and the former lead mining areas of the Pennines. To the west and south-west we find the old coal and iron mining districts with their rich residue

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of industrial remains and their maritime traditions. These districts have traditionally been seen as something of an alien presence in the perimeter of the Lake District (Chapman 1993), but since the economic collapse of the 1930s (especially in West Cumbria) even this part of the county has taken on something of the aura of bygone times and as a place that offers intriguing instances of industrial archeology (Davies-Shiel and Marshall 1969). The western and southern coasts of the county are also dotted with small sea-side resorts like Silloth, Allonby, St Bees, and Grange-over Sands that attract their quota of holidaymakers. The whole of this peripheral zone around the central mountainous area is distinguished yet more by a dense array of castles, abbeys, and other historic buildings. In the far south-east of the region, lies the small town of Sedbergh 6 which was designated as a book town in 2006. Sedbergh is an important local center for writers, book designers, publishers, and book sellers, and in keeping with this character, the town also hosts an annual Festival of Books and Drama. In addition, Cockermouth (lying to the north-west just outside the National Park) was admitted to the international Città Slow (“slow city”) network in 2008.

5. The Institutional Framework Any region that depends for its competitive advantages on fragile and partly irreplaceable resources -- like the Lake District and its fringe area -- is inevitably faced with the problem of how best to secure effective stewardship of these resources. The problem is accentuated where questions about the appropriateness of economic change in relation to the existing fabric of development are continually in the air. Regions like this

6

Sedbergh is actually located in the Yorkshire Dales National Park, but is nonetheless contained the county of Cumbria.

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are faced with the option of either establishing some viable form of collective order or of risking the eventual dissipation of their underlying competitive advantages, for markets alone can never be relied upon to secure the necessary tasks of conservation. In these situations, indeed, markets will regularly tend to generate continuing predicaments for markets by definition are not able to internalize the many externalities that proliferate in such regions or to regulate their public spaces. Thus, in the context of uncontrolled competitive markets we would expect to see deepening difficulties resulting from congestion, free rider dilemmas, negative overspill effects, and so on, and hence increasing threats to the natural and symbolic integrity of the entire system. The evident solution when such difficulties arise is to construct institutional arrangements that can deal with relevant issues of collective decision-making and action. Recall, as well, that these sorts of regions are invariably riven by political collisions over directions of development, and this circumstance generates a further need for some sort of institutional order directed to political mediation. A recent but by no means isolated example of this type of conflict may be found in the competing claims between power boat and water skiing enthusiasts on Lake Windermere and other users, resulting in 2005 in the imposition of strict speed limit on all lake traffic (cf. Bell 2000). Such conflicts recur scores of times each year across the length and breadth of the Lake District, and on occasions the stakes on either side can be extremely high, as illustrated most dramatically by the extended controversy over the creation of the Thirlmere reservoir in the 1890s to supply water to Manchester (cf. Berry and Beard 1980; Munton 1995).

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In view of these remarks, it is no surprise to note that many governmental agencies and other public bodies participate in one way or another in managing diverse environmental, social, and economic outcomes in the Lake District and surrounding areas. A preliminary enumeration of some of the more important of these organizations is offered directly: 1

Cumbria County Council. Like all similar councils in England, this is an elected administrative body with responsibility for county-wide functions such as education, social services, transportation, and planning.

2.

Northwest Regional Development Agency. The NRDA is a government-funded public organization, launched in 1999 (along with the rest of England’s regional development agencies). The NRDA’s mandate actually extends well beyond the county of Cumbria and covers both Lancashire and Cheshire too. The Agency seeks to promote regional economic growth by fostering investment, business opportunities, skills enhancement, and the like.

3. Lake District National Park Authority. The Authority was established in 1951 (under the aegis of the National Parks and Access to Countryside Act of 1949) as a local planning agency with special concern for management of the environment. The Authority works in close cooperation with the Cumbria County Council to ensure the sustainable development of the region. 4. National Trust. The National Trust owns 25% of the land in the Lake District, and plays a major role in preserving critical natural and historical sites in the area. The Trust is a national body, but is of special interest in the Lake District, not only on account of its numerous local activities, but also because Canon Hardwicke

26

Rawnsley, one of its three founders (in 1895) was a local philanthropist and writer. 5. Friends of the Lake District. This is an NGO founded in 1934 and whose mission is the conservation and enhancement of the Lakeland landscape by means of voluntary action and fund-raising. 6

Forestry Commission. Like the National Trust, the Forestry Commission is a national agency, but it plays a special role in the Lake District because of its responsibility for managing the region’s extensive forest lands (including its controversial conifer plantations) and for its part in helping to manage the local environment.

European Structure Funds filter into region through a number of these agencies. There are, of course, many less prominent but still noteworthy organizations and pressure groups operating in the region, including the Made in Cumbria agency, which is an economic development initiative established by the Cumbria County Council to provide support for local craftsworkers. Another is Distinctly Cumbrian, funded by the Northwest Regional Development Agency, and whose main concern is the enhancement of local agriculture and craft industries. Distinctly Cumbrian has recently set up a Food Technology Center in an effort to promote further improvement in the food industry. Lastly, mention should be made of Cumbria Tourism, a membership association with over 3,000 members, performing research and business support for the local tourist industry. All of these organizations, and others, play an important part in the path-dependent trajectory of evolution in the region by correcting market failures, by providing forums of

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public debate and decision-making, and by taking strategic initiatives to foster continued development without unduly threatening to undermine the region’s unique heritage. As such, they have helped to maneuver the region through a developmental course that has no doubt consistently veered to the conservative side but that has warded off many potential dangers. Without the expression of a decisive collective will, the siting of the nuclear power plant in 1947 at Sellafield on the coast of West Cumbria, may well have been followed by yet other unwelcome intrusions into the Lake District and its fringe areas. As it is, the Sellafield plant is now in the slow process of being decommissioned. Effective planning oversight has also certainly warded off more obtrusive forms of development of the type sometimes described as “disneyfication” (cf. Relph 1976; Terkenli 2006) or what Eco (1986) refers to as “hyper-reality.” The Lake District by and large lies at the opposite end of the pole from phenomena like these. The problem here, of course, as Urry (1992a) suggests, is how to reconcile the sometimes competing demands of conservation of the landscape with democratization of the tourist experience. Whatever political clashes and shifts of direction may affect the Lake District’s future destiny, there can be no doubt that the system of social regulation that has gradually been put into place in the region over the last century or so has protected it, with very few exceptions, from many ravages (see, for example, Berry and Beard 1980; LDNPA 2005). By the same token, the region’s institutional infrastructure has succeeded against numerous odds in helping to imbue the Lake District label with powerful brand-like resonances. In 1996, a partnership of several local and national organizations submitted a bid to UNESCO to declare the region a World Heritage Site. Obviously, if successful, this bid will consolidate yet further the region’s developmental pathway as a unique

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reserve of environmental and symbolic capital forming the bases of a high-quality cultural economy.

6. Final Comments In the end, we might visualize the English Lake District as a rather sedate theme park with discreetly staged presentations of the natural and human landscape for consumption by discriminating visitors. Despite the enormous inertia, or lock-in, that appears to be built into its developmental pathway, the cultural economy of the region remains a work in progress, subject to many different internal and external pressures. For one thing, continued economic growth in the region will assuredly be contested in various quarters, though a very viable future pathway can probably be charted out on the basis of carefully regulated investment in and upgrading of pursuits such as organic farming, high-end restaurants, arts and crafts, festivals (literary, musical etc.), conference and educational ventures, and so on. That said, the current low level of skills within the region’s labor force, according to Regeneris Consulting (2004), casts a shadow over future developmental prospects. For another thing, the region is intimately articulated with the wider cognitive-cultural economy that appears to be emerging in all of the advanced capitalist countries, and in the light of this trend, we can reasonably expect the special qualities of the Lake District as a haven of physical and mental renewal to become yet more highly valued in the future. Concomitantly, the region’s tourist appeal may be expected to widen significantly not only in the British market but in international markets as well.

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One final point. Just as there is currently considerable academic and policy interest in “creative cities” so is there, too, a growing awareness of the phenomenon of “creative regions,” i.e. extended territorial systems with strong capacities for innovation (Cooke and Schwartz 2007). Current research on such regions suggests that they draw their dynamism from vibrant knowledge-intensive production activities and associated processes of creative destruction, as exemplified by the advanced information and communications-technology industries of Finland (Raunio 2007) or the British biotechnology industry (Birch 2007). As it happens, the Lake District cannot readily be aligned with these kinds of creative regions, though we might just plausibly compare it with the creative art and food platform of Tuscany that Lazzeretti et al., (2008) have described. Nevertheless, there is a special sense in which the English Lake District might still be seen as a type of creative region. In a nutshell, the region’s cultural economy depends not so much on innovation in the narrow technical sense of the term, but on an overall atmosphere – and a facilitating grid of commercial activities -- that is endemically conducive to experiential discoveries on the part of those who take the time and trouble to become acquainted with its unique fund of natural and symbolic endowments and who allow these endowments to work on their faculties for “fancy, fantasy, and wishful thinking” (Shields 1991, p. 14). As we move into the twenty-first century, localized cultural economies based on intricately woven landscapes, like the regional compage system of the English Lake District, will certainly continue to generate fascinating analytical and policy questions of these sorts.

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Figure 1. Cumbria and the Lake District, with principal urban settlements.

31

Figure 2. J. M. W. Turner, Buttermere Lake, with Part of Cromackwater, Cumberland, a Shower, (1798), Tate Collection.

32

Figure 3. Some elements of the path-dependent structure of the Lake District’s cultural economy.

33

Figure 4. A characteristic page from one of Alfred Wainwright’s guide books showing details of the ascent of Glaramara from Langstrath. Source: Wainwright (1960)

34

Figure 5. A literary map of the Lake District and its environs. Nb.: The information presented on this map is far from being exhaustive.

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Table 1. Population of Cumbria and the Lake District National Park, 2001a

National Park Rest of Cumbria Cumbria a

Population 41,650 445,958 487,608

Population aged 60+ Percent 28.7 23.7 24.1

Population aged 60+ 11,958 105,528 117,486

Source: Land Use Consultants (2004)

Table 2. Employment of resident population by sector, Cumbria and the Lake District National Park, 2006a Mining & quarrying Manufacturing Electricity, gas, water supply Construction Wholesale & retail trade Hotels & restaurants Transport, storage & communication Financial services Business services Public administration and defense Education Health & social work Other services Total a

National Park 334 1,606 83 1,207 4,201 7,876 689 164 2,359 219 1,692 1,291 1,721

Percent 1.42 6.85 0.35 5.15 17.92 33.60 2.94 0.70 10.06 0.93 7.22 5.51 7.34

Rest of Cumbria 293 34250 843 11466 35159 16811 10396 2362 21246 8818 15350 25108 8682

Percent 0.15 17.95 0.44 6.01 18.43 8.81 5.45 1.24 11.14 4.62 8.05 13.16 4.55

Cumbria 627 35,856 926 12,673 39,360 24,687 11,085 2,526 23,605 9,037 17,042 26,399 10,403

Percent 0.29 16.74 0.43 5.92 18.37 11.52 5.17 1.18 11.02 4.22 7.96 12.32 4.86

23,442

100.00

190,784

100.00

214,226

100.00

Source: Roe (2008)

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