Cultural, Media, and Peer Influences on Body Beauty ...

594424 research-article2015

JARXXX10.1177/0743558415594424Journal of Adolescent ResearchRomo et al.

Article

Cultural, Media, and Peer Influences on Body Beauty Perceptions of Mexican American Adolescent Girls

Journal of Adolescent Research 1–28 © The Author(s) 2015 Reprints and permissions: sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0743558415594424 jar.sagepub.com

Laura F. Romo1, Rebeca Mireles-Rios1, and Aida Hurtado1

Abstract Social and cultural values are believed to play a role in the types of bodies that adolescent girls consider beautiful and desirable. In this article, the authors analyzed qualitative interviews from 27 Latina mid-adolescent girls (ages 14 to 16) regarding their perceptions of what body shapes and sizes are valued in Latino culture and European American culture, the nature of their conversations with friends about appearance, and whether boys and the larger community consider large body sizes to be acceptable. There was an overwhelming consensus that a slender but curvy figure is the ideal body type in Latino culture and that European Americans value unnaturally thin physiques. Themes drawn from the adolescents’ responses point to their friends’ opinions, perceptions of boys’ dating preferences, norms in their communities, and body shapes of female celebrities in Latino media outlets as sources of beauty and desirability. These findings have implications for body image intervention programs that expose Latina girls to multiple possibilities of beauty when their physical body shapes exclude them from attaining the ideal that they perceive is appreciated in Latino culture.

1University

of California, Santa Barbara, USA

Corresponding Author: Laura F. Romo, Gevirtz Graduate School of Education, University of California, Santa Barbara, Santa Barbara, CA 93106-9490, USA. Email: [email protected]

Downloaded from jar.sagepub.com at UNIV CALIFORNIA SANTA BARBARA on July 17, 2015

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Journal of Adolescent Research

Keywords Mexican American, Latinas, adolescent girls, body image, self-esteem, appearance

An overemphasis on physical appearance has become prevalent in Western culture, potentially affecting the development of negative body image. The sociocultural theory framework posits that current societal standards for female beauty emphasize the desirability of thinness, and these ideals are transmitted by sociocultural influences, such as peers, media, and the family (Tiggemann, 2011). According to this theory, these factors contribute to pressures to attain a slender prepubescent-like body, which explains the emergence of body dissatisfaction (Tiggemann, 2011). When girls perceive themselves as having a lessthan-ideal body type, they may become vulnerable to these unrealistic standards of desirability. Body dissatisfaction can lead to the unintended consequence of the development of health conditions that significantly impair young people’s well-being. Body image is also shaped by one’s cultural background (e.g., Cachelin, Rebeck, Chung, & Pelayo, 2002; Snooks & Hall, 2002), and therefore, more research is needed on what factors contribute to body image perceptions among adolescents from various ethnic backgrounds. The general goal of this study was to examine Mexican American adolescent girls’ perceptions of the ideal body image and dimensions of appearance culture that shape their perceptions.1 A novel aspect of this study was that it focused solely on girls of Mexican descent. Existing research related to Latina adolescents’ body image tends to aggregate Latino subgroups (e.g., Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, Central and South Americans) into one homogeneous group despite differences in national origin (e.g., Rivadeneyra, Ward, & Gordon, 2007; Schooler, 2008). Girls’ body ideals may differ by Latino subgroup, but small sample sizes have often limited the ability of researchers to examine differences and make generalizable inferences. In addition, the 2002 Census Bureau estimates that Latinos of Mexican descent tend to live mostly in the West, with a smaller proportion living in the South; Puerto Ricans and Dominicans tend to live in the Northeast; and Central and South Americans are about equally concentrated in the West, Northeast, and the South (Ramirez & de la Cruz, 2003). Girls’ body ideals may differ by region. Although Mexican Americans make up more than one third of the population in California, there are almost no studies focused solely on this population. Cultural values that are believed to play a role in the types of bodies that girls consider beautiful and desirable may be different for Mexican Americans living in California because of influences related to its West Coast geographical location and proximity to Mexico.


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In addition, this study focused on mid-adolescent girls (ages 14 to 16 years), a group that has been mostly ignored in studies conducted with Latinas. This age group was selected to ensure a participant sample in which body dissatisfaction and weight concerns are prevalent (Jones, 2004a), and tend to remain stable over time (Crespo, Kielpikowski, Jose, & Pryor, 2010). The majority of existing body image studies have focused on Latina college students (e.g., Demarest & Allen, 2000; Goodman, 2002; Rubin, Fitts, & Becker, 2003) and adult women (Cachelin et al., 2002; Pompper & Koenig, 2004), which limits the generalizability of relevant findings to adolescents younger than 18 years of age.

Perceived Latino Cultural Appearance Norms Research suggests that Latino culture values curvy female figures as attractive (Gil-Kashiwabara, 2002; Viladrich, Yeh, Bruning, & Weiss, 2009). Consequently, researchers have speculated that Latinas are less influenced by mainstream U.S. beauty standards of extreme thinness. In one study, Latina adolescents exhibited less internalization of the thin ideal compared with European American adolescents, suggesting that Latinas do not value thinness as much as European Americans (Shaw, Ramirez, Trost, Randall, & Stice, 2004). Comparing a group of European American college students with Mexican American students, Warren, Gleaves, Cepeda-Benito, Fernandez, and Rodriguez-Ruiz (2005) found a positive association between an awareness of a cultural emphasis on thinness and subsequent internalization of that ideal, especially for the European American students. In addition, for European American students in comparison with the Mexican American group, there was a greater relationship between internalization of the idealized thin body type and body dissatisfaction. Hence, Mexican American adolescents may be less driven to pursue thinness because they are members of a culture that reportedly does not overvalue a thin physique. However, some research suggests that Latina adolescents report the same levels of body dissatisfaction as their European American peers, and they are just as critical of their body sizes (Gillen & Lefkowitz, 2006; Nishina, Ammon, Bellmore, & Graham, 2006; Shaw et al., 2004). However, comparable survey scores or figure rating scales that measure participants’ dissatisfaction with their body sizes do not necessarily imply similarities in desired bodily traits. Questionnaires focusing on weight may fail to capture specific appearance concerns or preferences. For example, relying on a figure rating scale, Altabe and Thompson (1996) found that both European American and Latina college women were similarly dissatisfied with their body size, in that they reported they were larger than what they preferred to be. However, in


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their interviews, the Latina women spontaneously mentioned that they desired larger breasts. Hence, there are mixed findings with respect to how Latinas perceive physical appearance beauty standards. In the present study, we tapped into Mexican American adolescent girls’ specific notions of ideal body sizes and shapes to fill in the gap in the literature related to what they perceive to be attractive and desirable.

Media Image Influences on Girls’ Beauty Assessments Media is an all-pervasive mechanism by which girls learn about beauty ideals prevalent in a culture. Thin models and actresses are seemingly the standard in current Western media. If curvaceous body sizes are indeed valued in Latino culture, Mexican American adolescents should engage in less social comparison with thin models and actresses compared with European American adolescents (Levine & Chapman, 2011). Mexican American adolescents may prefer to look like full-figured women who are featured in Spanish-language media and media produced for African American communities (Goodman, 2002), which may serve as a source for an alternative standard of beauty (Vargas, 2006). For example, Schooler (2008) found that frequent viewing of African American–oriented television, as opposed to mainstream media, was associated with Latina girls reporting greater body satisfaction, especially among those who were acculturated to mainstream American culture. However, other research suggests that, similar to European American girls, Latina girls value the slender ideal depicted in Westernized media (Schooler & Trinh, 2011), and rely on those images to evaluate their own bodies (Viladrich et al., 2009). In the current study, the girls spontaneously discussed cultural appearance norms that are commonly displayed in the media and how diverse media contributes to body shape ideals in both Latino and European American cultures. These comments afforded us the opportunity to address the mixed findings in the literature related to whether Mexican American adolescents have adopted European American thin beauty standards they see in mainstream American media, or whether they believe these images do not represent them.

Social Comparison and Peer Influences on Girls’ Beauty Assessments Peers potentially influence adolescent girls’ opinions about what constitutes a desirable bodily appearance. There is strong evidence that peer teasing has a negative impact on non-Latina girls’ body satisfaction (Hutchinson, Rapee,


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& Taylor, 2010; Paxton, Eisenberg, & Neumark-Sztainer, 2006). In addition, peers influence European American females’ body dissatisfaction by emphasizing thinness and the acceptance of dieting (Hutchinson et al., 2010; Presnell, Bearman, & Stice, 2004). Social comparison with peers also provokes body dissatisfaction. In two studies focusing on non-Latina adolescents, appearance-related social comparisons with peers were linked to girls’ negative body image (e.g., Halliwell & Harvey, 2006; Jones, Vigfusdottir, & Lee, 2004b). Mexican American girls also may be at elevated risk of acquiring a negative body image through appearance-related comparisons. In one study, Mexican American girls used negative words to describe themselves such as “short” and “fat,” and indicated comparing their bodies with those of other girls at school (Jean, Bondy, Wilkinson, & Forman, 2009). Apart from this literature, we know nothing about the prevalence of friend body comparison and its negative impact among Mexican American adolescent girls. As mentioned, most of the research linking peer input to girls’ body dissatisfaction has focused on its role in promoting a negative appearance culture. However, this work does not consider that peers can play a positive role in adolescents’ perceptions of their appearance. For example, Herbozo and Thompson (2006) found in a sample of mostly European American undergraduate women that positive comments from their peers about their weight and body shape were significantly associated with the participants having more positive views about their bodies and higher self-esteem. De Casanova (2004) observed through focus groups in Ecuador that adolescent peers engaged in supportive interactions in that the participants complimented each other and directly reassured one another that their appearance was acceptable. The paucity of findings related to positive peer influence may be attributed to the preponderance of studies in the body image literature focusing on messages from “peers” as opposed to “friends.” This distinction is important because, although critical comments from peers may be hurtful, the same types of comments from friends may not have the same impact. In this study, we examined the types of positive and negative messages that friends communicated to the participants about their body sizes and shapes and its emotional impact.

Cross-Gender Perceptions: Boys’ Acceptance of Their Girlfriends’ Weight Status An important aspect of adolescent development is their emerging sexuality. Adolescence is a time when young women and men begin the intense deciphering of what is attractive and desirable in romantic attachments—be it heterosexual or otherwise. One understudied aspect of girls’ perceptions of


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desirable body shapes is the assessment of heterosexual boys’ beauty perceptions. Studies conducted with women from diverse backgrounds suggest that they overestimate what levels of thinness men find attractive (e.g., Cachelin et al., 2002; Demarest & Allen, 2000). Utilizing focus groups, Goodman (2002) found that some Latina women perceived that Latino men would not pursue a woman who is heavy. The diversity in heterosexual boys’ assessments of body desirability and beauty becomes important in studying adolescent girls’ views of body image and self-acceptance.

The Present Study In the present study, we employed semi-structured interviewing techniques to explore Mexican American mid-adolescent girls’ (ages 14 to 16 years) perceptions of the ideal body image and sources of appearance culture that shape their perceptions. An advantage of qualitative data is the exploration of the nuances expressed by the participants as they literally become embodied within a set of expectations created in several cultural systems. Through interview methodology, we sought to unravel the complexities of the mixed findings in the literature related to Latino culture and body image through detailed experiences and perspectives of the participants. In general, the participants were asked to describe their perceptions of what body shapes and sizes are valued in Latino culture and in European American culture, the nature of their conversations with friends about appearance, body comparison with friends, and their perceptions of whether boys and the larger community consider large body sizes to be acceptable. The girls spontaneously discussed the role of media images as a source of beauty standards in both Latino and European American cultures. Along with quotes from the participants, the percentages of girls giving various responses are included in the results to show the prevalence of particular viewpoints.

Method Participants The participants were 27 Mexican American adolescent girls between the ages of 14 and 16 (M = 15.14. SD = 0.9) who were recruited from a predominantly Latino high school in Central California. The participants were asked to participate in a study focusing on body image. The majority of the participants were born in the United States (n = 24), and the rest were born in Mexico (n = 3). Eight of the participants were in 9th grade, 14 were in the 10th grade, and five were in the 11th grade. Body mass index (BMI) was


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calculated by self-reported weight and height. Nearly half of the girls were classified in the normal range, and the other half fell into the overweight or obese categories (4% underweight, 48% normal, 30% overweight, and 17% obese). The girls reported that 82% of their mothers were born in Mexico, and 18% were born in the United States. Of those mothers who were foreign born, years of residence in the United States ranged from 1 to 36, with 5% reporting that they had lived in the United States for less than 10 years, 24% reporting 10 to 15 years, 14% reporting 15 to 20 years, and 57% reporting more than 20 years.

Materials and Procedures The participants were recruited by a physical education teacher at their school to participate in a study about body image. They were asked to return signed parental consent forms, and the participants signed assent forms at the beginning of the research session. The interviews were conducted individually in a private room by Latina undergraduate research assistants who had previous experience interviewing adolescents. To ensure interactive dialogues, we employed interviewers from the same ethnic background of the participants and who grew up in similar environments (Peter & Lauf, 2002). Our assumption in recruiting young Latina research assistants was that this affinity would be helpful in establishing trust between the interviewer and the participant (Mulder & O’Dwyer, 2014). A US$5 gift card was given to thank the girls for their participation. All interviews were audiotaped. The interviews were conducted in the participants’ language of choice, which was English in all cases. Table 1 lists the specific interview questions. Demographics. Adolescents were asked to complete a questionnaire that included their age, birth place, grade, BMI, and the number of years that their mothers lived in the United States. Interview data analysis. All audiotaped interviews were transcribed. A content analysis was applied to uncover patterns in the text related to the frequency of occurrence of particular themes (Auer-Srnka & Koeszegi, 2007; Krippendorff, 2013). “Thought units” were used as the basis for coding and analysis. These units comprise one idea communicated regardless of whether it is expressed in one sentence or more. The authors (who had not gathered the data) created a category scheme by coding five transcripts jointly. Both the authors are Latina women who are skilled at content analysis. We used an inductive procedure, adapting the category scheme to the content of the data.


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Table 1. Interview Questions/Guide. 1. Do you think that in Latino culture, people prefer women with thin bodies or curvy bodies (e.g., large breasts, a small waist, and large buttocks)? 2. What about in White culture? 3. Do you think that in Latino culture, overweight women are considered attractive? 4. What about in White culture? 5. Do your friends ever talk about how they feel about their own bodies? If so, can you give me some examples of these comments? 6. Have your friends ever made comments to you about your body? If so, were the comments mostly positive, negative, or both? Can you give me some examples of these messages? How did these comments make you feel? 7. Have your friends ever teased you or made jokes about your body? If so, can you give me some examples? How did these comments make you feel? 8. Do you wish your body looked like that of your friends? If so, in what ways do you want your body to look more like your friends? 9. Do you think that boys would prefer not to have a girlfriend who is overweight? Why or why not?

Each question had two to four categories. After reaching a consensus regarding what categories to collapse, we and a Latina research assistant applied the coding rules to five additional transcripts, working separately. The most difficult question to code was the girls’ opinion about whether boys prefer not to have girlfriends who are overweight. Having achieved high agreement overall with a well-trained Latina undergraduate research assistant (88%), the authors both continued to code all remaining transcripts separately. About 10% of the coding was discrepant, meaning that they agreed on 90% of the thought units in the text overall. We resolved the discrepancies through discussion. All transcripts including the training interviews were included in the analysis.

Results Appearance Ideals of Mexican American Adolescent Girls Research assistants began the interviews by asking the girls whether women from Latino culture prefer to have thin bodies or curvy bodies. Over three fourths of the participants reported that curvy shapes are the preferred body shape, and only three participants stated otherwise. Several of the girls


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pointed to the immediate social environment as a determinant of what body shapes Mexican American adolescents find attractive. For example, Jessica (age 15) said, “I guess we grew up with standards that the meaning of pretty and beautiful means skinny, pretty, and a big cleavage and a big butt.” Similarly, Sara (age 15) said, “Kinda more curvy. From everything that I’ve heard and have seen related to Hispanas, that is how people see them. Because most of us are kinda fuller in the Latino culture.” A couple of the girls mentioned that a curvy body shape is preferred among adolescent girls because they perceived that Latino boys appreciate a voluptuous body form, consistent with opinions of older Latina women (Goodman, 2002). For example, the two participants shared these personal experiences: When I’m with my guy friends, and we are watching certain music videos or something, and when we see anyone from the Latino culture, I’m like, “Ooh she’s curvy.” Then they will talk about how Latina girls look like that, and that is what they expect from a Latina girl. (Briana, age 14) Yes, curvy [is preferred]. Because I can hear it from strangers, guys, when I am walking or something, them talking about big breasts and butts. Guys in school and in the city. (Alejandra, age 15)

It is well documented that Latina adolescents have higher BMI than European American girls and are more likely to be overweight (e.g., Ogden, Carroll, Kit, & Flegal, 2012). When asked whether women who are overweight are considered attractive in Latino culture, about one third of the participants replied yes. The girls expressed that Mexican girls and women tend to be comfortable with their large body sizes, promoting greater freedom from weight restrictions. For example, one girl expressed that large body sizes are acceptable because they are normative in Mexico. Another girl suggested that having a large body size can be advantageous because it provides one with more curves. These two participants shared the following opinions: I don’t really think that real skinny people are more liked [in Latino culture]. Thicker is better, women that are thicker. Because I don’t really see skinny girls when I go to Mexico. I see thicker girls. I think it is because they feel comfortable with their weight. They don’t care about losing weight. Overweight women are attractive. (Raquel, age 15) I think so [overweight women are attractive]. I think they have more in front and in the back. That is why they like it. I think they like girls that have big butts and big breasts. (Monica, age 15)


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The participants expressed that mainstream European American culture offers a specific ideal of femininity that stands in counter to the curvy ideal held in Latino culture. When asked whether women from White culture prefer to have thin bodies or curvy bodies, over three fourths of the girls stated that a thin physique is the ideal body shape. In one participant’s opinion, thin shapes among European American girls are glorified. She stated, Someone who is just really skinny, because that is how all of them perceive themselves. That is what they want. That is why guys talk about them being skinny and being toothpicks. That is just what they expect from themselves. There are a couple of my White friends who always talk about having that perfect body that is really thin. They’ll talk to other people in the White culture about how they’re thin. (Briana, age 14)

Research suggests that, among European American adolescent girls, a thin ideal can be transmitted and reinforced through parental pressure (Gardner, Stark, Friedman, & Jackson, 2000; Stice & Whitenton, 2002). One participant perceived that European American parents are very explicit in their preferences that their daughters be thin. As suggested by the following quote, she assumes that European American parents care more than Latino parents do about having daughters measure up to these expectations: They [White girls] are mostly all skinny. I think so because mostly blonde girls have thin bodies. They prefer to be thin. I think White parents would get mad at you or tell you that you need to lose weight because they care more about looks. (Cristina, age 16)

Moreover, none of the participants perceived that European Americans consider women who are overweight to be attractive. In fact, a few girls expressed concerns that such women experience discrimination from their communities. For example, Raquel (age 15) said, “I think that overweight White women are probably discouraged. They don’t get treated like they are beautiful or something.” Marisa (age 15) said, “Overweight women in White culture get made fun of more often. And people try to separate themselves from them and I don’t think that’s right.” Therefore, not only do the participants perceive that European Americans espouse unnaturally thin beauty ideals for women, but they also perceive that European Americans uphold a narrow standard for what it means for bodies to be beautiful. In their opinions, European American women with overweight status may be vulnerable to discrimination in a way that Latina women are not.


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Media Images as Sources of Body Ideals Media images of women who are unnaturally thin have been targeted by researchers as a possible cause or contributing factor of widespread body dissatisfaction. Spontaneous comments from the participants enabled us to examine their perceptions of the role that media culture plays in constructing ideals of body beauty. Nearly two thirds (63%) of the participants spontaneously mentioned that media is an important source for the images that inform the most admired body types. Ten of these participants (59%) stated that thinness is a valued trait among European American adolescents and women because of their exposure to skinny models and actresses in movies, television, and advertisements. One participant in particular expressed the following opinion: In White culture basically you just have to be skinny. Because you see it on TV, you see it on magazines, you see it everywhere. Everywhere you go, you basically hear that you are supposed to be like that. You see people talking about it, you see technology. You see them in beauty pageants, too. And you see that they are just thin, that they walk in a little bikini, and it is just fine. (Andrea, age 16)

In relation to this comment, more than one participant mentioned that fashion sizes do not represent Mexican American girls and are designed for the thin shapes of European American girls as the default. They expressed that they are frustrated with a fashion culture that caters to the body sizes and shapes of their European American clientele, and hence, does not provide Latina girls with well-fitting garments. She commented, Most definitely White people prefer thin bodies like models. I saw this brand of clothes that was trying to get really skinny people [to buy them]. They didn’t want their clothes to fit bigger girls because that is not the image they were going for. (Raquel, age 15)

Mexican American girls may maintain a separate view of body desirability if there is exposure to alternative beauty standards provided by media produced in Mexico, Latin America, and by African Americans and Latinos in the United States. About two thirds of the participants stated that curvy body shapes on television such as Spanish-language soap operas and music videos influence their perceptions of the ideal body shape. They also admire fullfigured celebrities. For example, three participants remarked, We have extra meat on our skin and we want to look more like people on TV and stuff. Like Beyoncé, she has an amazing body. I think someone like her. (Gabriela, age 15)


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Because mostly all the Latinas want a curvy body like Selena. Because the Whites, they mostly just want to be skinny and Latinas want to be bigger. (Erica, age 15) Have you seen Kim Kardashian’s body? It’s so nice and I say to my friends “I wish I had what she has.” (Jessica, age 15)

Although Beyoncé and Kim Kardashian are not Latinas, studies have shown that African American women in pop culture are an alternative standard of beauty for Latina girls (Vargas, 2006). The participants did not express any desire to emulate overly thin European American models or celebrities.

Conversations With Friends About Their Own Appearance All of the participants with the exception of two reported having conversations with close friends in which their friends expressed how they felt about their own bodies. Of these 25 participants, 22 (88%) stated that their friends complain about being “fat.” Four participants stated that their friends want a flatter stomach. Not surprisingly, their friends’ perceptions that they were overweight was associated with their friends having lower self-esteem, consistent with findings in other studies conducted with Latina adolescents (e.g., Ge, Elder, Regnerus, & Cox, 2001; Nieri, Kulis, Keith, & Hurdle, 2005). Two girls remarked, She [my friend] doesn’t feel comfortable or anything. She says that she is too fat for anything. She just has really low self-esteem all the time. One time she was really sad. She was mad at herself because she thought that she was really fat. She just got really mad at herself, upset. (Lupe, age 15) My friend is large for a kid and she’s been the kind of girl who has been made fun of and stuff. I’ve been in that position—I have always been made fun of, so that is why I’m always there for her. She has cried with me, I’ve cried with her. It’s really great, because she is the kind of person who is able to say, “I’m a fat person.” She’s ok with that. (Laura, age 15)

Other participants mentioned that their friends cope with negative feelings about their overweight status through self-deprecation humor. From one participant’s perspective, humor is a strategy that her friend relies on to hide her pain. Another participant held the opinion that girls with large silhouettes experience less guilt about overeating, because they feel hopeless that they can change their body sizes. The two girls gave the following personal accounts:


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Yeah she [my friend] wants to lose weight. She says, “I need to go running,” but she mostly says it jokingly, not seriously. I mean, she is serious about it, but she doesn’t say, “Oh my goodness, I’m going to go diet!” She just says, “I need to go running and I need to lose this tummy. Look at this tummy.” And she just laughs. (Alejandra, age 15) Well my best friend she is big boned, and my other friend is big boned too. They are always joking around and saying “Well I am fat already so I might as well just eat.” I guess they make fun of it but you can tell that they feel another way. You can just tell on their faces. (Veronica, age 16)

Although the majority of the girls stated that their friends make negative comments about their own bodies, four girls mentioned that their friends feel positive. Specifically, their friends are satisfied with curves that give them a shapely look. A couple of these participants mentioned that they admire the “pear-shaped” silhouette, which consists of large hips, thighs, and buttocks. For example, one girl commented, Well they [my friends] say “Look at my curves.” They say it because it makes them have a better shape and they say “Oh it gives me a pear shape.” If you do not feel confident, it helps you feel skinnier. Since your body curves out and your hips look wider, your upper body looks thinner. (Monica, age 15)

Although body dissatisfaction certainly exists in early adolescence, its relation to negative well-being may be attenuated by a degree of hopefulness that physical maturation will eventuate in a physical appearance that is closer to one’s physical ideals. However, the resulting sexual maturation associated with the changes after the onset of puberty may make some adolescents feel self-conscious and awkward. Negative emotions may be exacerbated if girls who have overdeveloped breasts are mortified by their appearance. One participant shared a brief account of a friend with an ample bust line and her discomfort wearing clothes that accentuated her shape: One of my friends has really big boobs. And she hates it because the guys stare at her. And then she says that she hates it because she feels fatter. And especially during swimming, you see other girls wearing bikinis and you can’t wear that, you just can’t. (Liliana, age 16)

Physical changes such as premature development of secondary sexual characteristics may catapult Mexican American girls in the spotlight before they are developmentally ready (Rierdan & Koff, 1993), fostering embarrassment from unwanted attention and teasing because they stand out from their peers.


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Input From Friends About the Girls’ Appearance There is strong support in the literature that non-Latina peers transmit body ideals in a way that negatively influences the development of body image. We asked the participants about whether they had ever received comments from their friends about their body sizes and shapes. About one fourth of the girls (26%) mentioned that their friends had made negative evaluative statements. For example, two participants mentioned that their friends had mildly criticized them, one in the context of seeking reassurance about her weight, and the other in the context of teasing. They stated, Well sometimes, I look at myself and I just laugh, and sometimes they [my friends] say “Why are you laughing?” I’m just like, “Because I’m fat.” And then they’re like “You’re not fat, you’re just a little bit. You could be skinnier, but you’re fine.” (Daniela, age 16) Well, they tease me just about my flab. They say, “Let me see your arm.” And then they start playing with the flab underneath, and I’m just like “No” and they are like “You need to do more of this and that.” (Jessica, age 15)

Most of the participants who were teased or criticized revealed that these comments were hurtful. In a study conducted with preadolescent Mexican American girls, the participants reported that they did not talk much with their friends about their growing and changing bodies to avoid putting themselves in a position where friends could hurt their feelings (Jean et al., 2009). In our own study, one participant’s strategy for dealing with negative statements was to reason that these comments are normative among friends. Another participant downplayed the negative emotional impact of these messages by rationalizing that the critiques are warranted in her situation, and even beneficial. Specifically, the girls stated, They [negative comments] make me feel kind of sad but mad at the same time. I think those comments are unnecessary. But you know how friends are, so it is just like whatever. (Jessica, age 15) It [criticism] makes me feel good because they are telling me the truth. I mean, I would rather them tell me the truth than lie to me. (Alicia, age 14)

There is scant research depicting the positive ways that youths influence each other’s body image. Over half of the participants (58%) in our study expressed that their friends had conveyed positive messages to them, which was more than double the amount of the girls who had received negative


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messages. Specifically, these participants stated that their friends had either complimented them or reassured them that their bodies were acceptable when they expressed self-doubts. Three of the girls gave the following personal accounts: Because I dance and the outfits show off my hips. And they’ll be like “Oh, well your hips look nice in that outfit.” (Raquel, age 15) They’ll talk to me when I don’t feel so good about myself or something. They’ll try to encourage me that I’m fine and that I don’t look bad. (Rosa, age 14) I would say “Oh, I am fat” and they would tell me “You’re not fat, stop saying that. You know you are not. You are not overweight, you are skinny.” When I would say bad comments about myself, they would say “Don’t start, don’t start.” (Monica, age 15)

Not surprisingly, most of the girls who had received compliments or reassurance from their friends expressed that such comments contribute positively to their body esteem. For example, Marisela (age 15) said, “It makes me feel good because at least it tells me that what I feel about myself isn’t always true.” Reassuring one another can instill a feeling of camaraderie among the girls as they help each other reduce negative self-talk. An open question is to what extent this type of reassurance from friends is a central part of Mexican American culture and other less individualistic cultures. Latina girls report that their friendships provide a great deal of social and emotional support (Way, Cowal, Gingold, Pahl, & Bissessar, 2001; Way & Greene, 2006), particularly in relation to their mental health (Stanton-Salazar & Spina, 2005). Whether compliments positively affect girls’ body image perceptions may depend on how these messages are interpreted. Jean et al. (2009) found that Mexican American girls enjoy having other girls tell them that they are pretty and skinny. In our study, Amalia (age 15) mentioned that although she is pleased that her friends admire her body shape, she feels uncomfortable because their compliments convey to her that they are dissatisfied with their own physical appearance. Subtle envious comments, although unintentional, make her feel uncomfortable but she is also sympathetic toward her friends’ feelings. She said, “It makes me feel good but it makes me feel bad at the same time for them because I know they are not big. They are not big at all but they just feel unhappy.” It may be easier for Mexican American girls to appreciate compliments if they know that their friends have high body esteem. Rosa (age 14), another participant, expressed doubts about the sincerity of compliments from her friends, believing that her friends are just


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being nice. She stated, “Well it makes me feel good but then I look at it the other way. Maybe they feel forced to say that. So, I do not know. I can see it both ways, I guess.” Rosa’s doubt about the authenticity of her friends’ compliments may be linked to her personal view that her bodily traits are not worthy of praise. That is, compliments can make girls with low body esteem feel uncomfortable because they contradict their own self-views.

Friend Body Comparison As Mexican American adolescent girls struggle to fit into their environment, they may compare their bodies with those of other girls at school (Jean et al., 2009). Our sample was split on the question of whether the participants wished that their bodies looked like those of their friends, with half of the participants responding yes and the other half responding no. Altogether, one fourth of the sample (26%) expressed desires to be as thin as their friends. According to one participant, this is because looking attractive in clothes depends on having slim, balanced body proportions. She stated, [I wish my body looked like that of my friends] because they are skinny, and most importantly, you go to the store and you cannot find anything. You are just like “It is too tight or it is too high, I cannot wear this.” And then you see everyone wearing whatever they want. I want to be skinnier. (Lupe, age 15)

An additional four participants wished that they had small waists or flat stomachs like those of their friends, and five participants wanted to be as curvy (i.e., large breasts and buttocks). For example, Rosa (age 14) said, “I just compare myself to other girls and I’m like, ‘Oh I wish that I was like them.’ Because she’s skinnier than me or has a bigger butt.” This comment suggests that some Mexican American adolescents experience “beauty ambivalence” in that they desire to have the thin physique valued in Western culture, but at the same time appreciate a pear-like shape. However, the combination of these two bodily features incorporates elements of beauty related to a Mexican American cultural identity. As Schooler and Lowry (2011) have stated, the idealized body shape in Latino culture is considered to be a “slender but curvy body, with a thin waist” (p. 238). Mexican American youth can develop a negative body image when comparing their physical appearance with others (Guinn, Semper, Jorgensen, & Skaggs, 1997). In our study, the negative psychological consequences of friend body comparisons did not go unnoticed. Peer comparisons can be most damaging for girls, especially those who perceive that they are heavier than their peers (Halliwell & Harvey, 2006). One participant expressed,


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As girls I guess we compare ourselves to other girls. That is what I notice—a lot of girls compare. I can see one friend and she will say, “Oh my gosh, I got chubbier this year!” And that makes me think, “Did I get chubbier this year?” I guess with every comment there is always a question you ask yourself, “Did I get like that?” It makes you feel so insecure. I guess they do it unintentionally but it is the insecurity that gets you. (Jessica, age 15)

Cross-Gender Perceptions: Boys’ Acceptance of Girls’ Overweight Status Over half of the girls could not provide a clear-cut answer to the question of whether boys prefer not to have overweight girlfriends. Forty-one percent of the participants expressed uncertainty (e.g., “It depends”), and another 11% stated that they did not know. Of the remaining participants, 30% clearly stated yes and 19% stated no. For the most part, the majority of the girls had a positive impression of boys’ preferences, perceiving that most were non-judgmental about weight. They reported that they had many cross-gender friendships adding to the closing of the “empathy divide” between them and boys around them. In their opinions, these cross-gender relationships prevent boys from completely objectifying girls purely on their looks. One of the girls shared this personal account: I have a lot of guy friends who are Latino and American. They treat me the same, like a cousin. I’ve seen a couple of guys go with girls and some of them are friends. The guy has a nice body and the girl isn’t what an average guy would want. And then I ask them what they saw in her, and they say “When you like someone, you don’t look at what they’re wearing. You don’t look at what they look like, you just look at them.” (Beatriz, age 14)

Several of the girls expressed that some boys indeed preferred not to have overweight girlfriends, but for other boys, it did not matter. One participant stated, I don’t think so, it depends. Because some of them do and some of them don’t really care. Because I’ve seen some Latinos with chunkier girls and he doesn’t care and then I’ve seen some that don’t really like the chunky ones. (Lupe, age 15)

Another participant expressed a similar opinion but also perceived that girls who are overweight have personality characteristics that contribute to their rejection from boys. She remarked, I don’t think they really care because you see couples walking around and they’re all different sizes. But I think you rarely see anybody going out with an


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overweight girl. You mainly see thick and skinny. Because the overweight girls are more shy and insecure. (Ana, age 15)

A small minority of the girls were certain that boys preferred not to have overweight girlfriends. Many suggested that girls who are thin have much better dating potential than girls who are overweight. One participant in particular perceived that boys are not romantically interested in girls who are overweight and prefer being friends with them instead. Accordingly, she stated, Yeah, I hear them talk and they don’t say good things about them [overweight girls]. With thinner girls, they will be like “Hey, you look cute” and talk to them nicely. For girls that are chunky, if they know her and she is chunky, they are just a friend. But if they have a friend and she is a girl, and she is skinny and pretty, they try to get at them. (Eva, age 16)

A few of the girls stated that boys are criticized for having girlfriends who are overweight. They pointed to peer teasing as a potential factor that played into boys’ preferences. Three girls expressed the following opinions: I think yeah, because if they have an overweight girl, they might get teased for it. They would say, “Oh your girlfriend is really big, she’s bigger than you.” (Ines, age 16) I think it is important for them to go out with someone who is not overweight because that way they don’t get made fun of. I guess the boys can get compliments like “Ooh your girl is cute,” or “You guys make a cute couple.” I haven’t seen a chunky girl go out with a cute guy and get nice compliments. (Jessica, age 15) I don’t know. They’re probably too worried about what everyone else is worried about. They think “You cannot be with her.” I don’t know. (Ana, age 15)

Finally, a couple of the girls noted that some boys prefer to have “cute” and “thin” girls as their potential girlfriends as part of increasing their “social stock” among their male peers. Briana (age 14) stated that a girl’s weight status would affect the way that boys think about themselves. She said, “It might be important [to boys] and it might not be. I guess, it just depends on what the guys think or if he wants that self-image where he has to have the best.”

Discussion This study examined the nature of appearance culture as a source of girls’ perceived beauty standards among a sample of Mexican American adolescent


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girls living in Central California. A substantial number of the girls expressed that body appearance standards in Latino culture differ from those of European American culture, in that European American women mostly value unnaturally thin bodies and Latinas mostly value curvy bodies. The girls discussed several factors that contributed to Latinas’ appreciation of a curvaceous body shape. First, acceptance of full-figured bodies stems from girls’ and women’s upbringing in Latino communities where they observe that typical females tend to have full bodies. This may contribute to why one third of the participants perceived that Latinos consider women who are overweight to be attractive. The participants were adamant that European American women who are overweight experience more social pressure to conform to thin ideals than Latinas do and are vulnerable to rejection from their families and communities. In addition, the girls pointed to the media as a major source of beauty ideals. The girls were quite critical of European American girls and women who are attracted to unnaturally thin body shapes depicted in mainstream media. Instead, they admire thick, curvaceous bodies common among women of color in pop culture and Spanish-language media. Studies in the body image literature have paid little attention to this variation in media group exposure. Celebrities such as Jennifer Lopez and Beyoncé have promoted acceptance of large buttocks in the mainstream, a trait that has been long celebrated in Latino and African American communities (De Casanova, 2004). Our findings suggest that these attitudes are in place by mid-adolescence for Mexican American girls, and in all likelihood, at younger ages. Nonetheless, despite their acceptance of large body types, a majority of the participants had friends who expressed concerns about being “fat.” Nieri et al. (2005) suggest that it is not so much that Mexican American adolescents adopt American thinness ideals, but rather, girls who are large are vulnerable to negative body esteem due to a mainstream culture that devalues the characteristics of Latino appearance. Moreover, in a focus group study conducted by Viladrich et al. (2009), some Latina women expressed that what contributed to their desire to lose weight was the pressure they felt to emulate women in mainstream media, despite the fact that they too admired fuller body types of Latina celebrities. Goodman (2002) suggests that Latina women may be caught in a beauty trap in which they feel that they have to measure up to different standards of physical beauty in two cultures. If indeed this is the case, an open question is whether being conflicted between two cultures places Mexican American girls at risk of poor body image, or whether it is protective. Another possible explanation related to the girls’ friends’ desire to be less “fat” has to do with the slender waistline that is part of the hourglass shape.


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When Mexican American girls express that they are “fat,” they may be alluding to their dissatisfaction with having a “potbelly,” in which waist girth exceeds hip girth. Many of the girls expressed a desire for small waistlines and flat stomachs such as those of their friends. In a study conducted with Brazilian adolescent girls, the researchers found that the girls’ desire to reduce body size was associated with increased waist circumference (Pelegrini et al., 2014). Because we did not delve further into their responses, we do not know whether the participants’ friends are dissatisfied with their fat distribution as opposed to overall body size, and what levels of thinness they consider to be acceptable. Another potential source of the girls’ weight concerns is the prevalence of weight-related health consequences in Latino culture. Rubin et al. (2003) found among a sample of Latina college women that desires to exercise and eat healthy were motivated by their concerns about becoming diabetic rather than a desire to control body size or shape. The women also expressed that body weight was the subject of commentary and scrutiny in their families, particularly from their mothers, who were concerned about their daughters’ weight. Desire to minimize body fat may stem from maternal messages about the importance of achieving a healthy weight status to avoid obesity-related health consequences in the future. As suggested by the sociocultural framework theory, exposure to unrealistic thin ideals incites anxiety among European American girls when these ideals cannot be physically met (Tiggemann, 2011). The theory does not address how body dissatisfaction manifests itself when Latina girls cannot achieve an hourglass shape. Mexican American girls who have a “bananashape” (i.e., one that varies little in their shoulder, breasts, waist, and hip measurements) may perceive that they do not fit within culturally prescribed norms. Body dissatisfaction may develop because of perceptions that their physical differences exclude them from attaining the ideal that is appreciated in Latino culture. Because a voluptuous female form requires that excess body fat be distributed in specific areas, achieving this body ideal is just as unrealistic, if not more so, than achieving an ultra-thin body shape. Body image interventions should expose girls to multiple possibilities of beauty in order for them to feel that they are not being trapped into a binary of “curvaceous” versus “thinness” with not enough space for all the variations in between this dichotomy. Another promising start for providing a wider range of possibilities for being attractive is to expose Mexican American girls to larger fashion alternatives that are making inroads into mainstream fashion outlets (Petermon, 2014). Sizing options for female adolescents should conform to the body size and shape changes driven by puberty and weight of girls from different ethnic


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groups. Limited choices in clothing styles that make them feel attractive may contribute to Mexican American girls’ dissatisfaction with the way they look. A needed change facing the U.S. apparel industry is to create different attractive clothing lines with different sizing standards to enable Mexican American girls, who tend to have higher BMI than European American girls, to dress to embrace their shapes. At the same time, body image interventions can advise girls on how to dress in ways that highlight their best body features. The participants were quite vocal in their opinions that large breasts are attractive, a trait desirable in many cultures. However, some Mexican American mid-adolescent girls who develop above-average-size breasts may experience a difficult adjustment. One participant expressed that her friend was uncomfortable with her large breasts, indicating that instead of being a source of pride and affirmation, her breasts mortified her by the attention she drew from those around her. To our knowledge, the body image literature has not paid much attention to this phenomenon. The continuing decline in age of puberty onset among Mexican American girls may present major issues for these girls if their bodies are maturing at a faster rate than their same-age peers. Body image intervention programs can provide support to help rapidly maturing girls, and those who perceive that they are overdeveloped, embrace their womanly figures. Among our participants, friends certainly teased and made critical comments about the participants’ weight and appearance. Naturally, the participants found that being the recipient of negative feedback produces a negative feeling. However, one girl brushed off her friends’ comments, stating that such comments are a typical characteristic of friendships. Unfortunately, another girl expressed that the criticism is warranted. Body image intervention programs should help girls be honest with themselves about painful feelings related to negative friend input, instead of trying to downplay the impact of comments that contribute to their poor body esteem. Importantly, compared with the number of girls whose friends dole out negative comments, there were many more girls who have friends who reassure them that their bodies are attractive and acceptable. Perhaps because our study focused on input from friends as opposed to peers, we found that reassuring messages are common in the social environments of Mexican American girls. Friendships can be a source of support that counters self-criticism. The protective role of female friendships among Mexican American females is supported by Hurtado’s (2003) study with young educated Chicanas (Mexicandescent Latinas) between the ages of 20 and 30 years who consistently mentioned having lifelong female friendships that had always been a source of support in their educational endeavors and in life in general. Hurtado (2003) attributes these female friendships as a source of a nascent feminist


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consciousness where women help other women and are always present when participants encountered professional and personal hurdles. The question about whether boys prefer not to have girlfriends who are overweight proved to be the most difficult question for the girls to answer. Many of the girls were perplexed by this question, perhaps because of limited dating experience. For the most part, the majority of the girls gave boys the benefit of the doubt. They expressed that their male friends do not choose partners solely for their looks because many boys view beauty in terms of personality traits as opposed to physical characteristics. Other girls stated boys’ preferences are flexible because they had personally observed that boys date girls of different body sizes. A small minority of the girls held a negative impression. In their opinions, boys view thin girls as prospective dating partners, but they view girls who are overweight merely as friends. A few of the girls insisted that boys will not date girls who are overweight because the boys will receive teasing and critical remarks from their peers. Clearly, there were varied opinions on this issue. As such, the time is ripe for intervention, because the idea that boys would likely reject overweight girls as dating partners is not cemented. Body interventions can introduce girls to the notion that it may not be weight that necessarily determines whom boys are or are not attracted to. Rather, it may be outgoing personality features of girls with high self-esteem that matter more. Girls who are thin may just exude more confidence and radiate more positive energy that is lacking in girls with large body sizes because of their negative body esteem. It is important to teach adolescents at young ages to appreciate and show off their best attributes, regardless of their body sizes, and to minimize self-criticism and accompanying negative affect.

Limitations There are limitations in this study to be considered. The question regarding whether Latinas (and White women) prefer curvy shapes or thin shapes was a forced-choice question, which was somewhat leading. Nonetheless, the participants were able to provide rationales that supported their judgments. Another limitation was that the sample size was small, due to limited time constraints imposed by the high school where the study was conducted. We further acknowledge that because acculturation was not a primary variable, we could not assess patterns related to generational differences among the girls. Acculturation is important to consider because high levels of identification with the mainstream Western culture may be associated with Mexican American girls’ adoption of ultra-thinness. Interesting questions for future research include how Mexican American boys would respond to similar


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questions and how the results of our study generalize to other Latino subgroups (e.g., Puerto Rican, Cuban), as well as to groups of Latina girls living in different U.S. geographical regions.

Conclusion In conclusion, beauty ideals are constructed in our society in such a way that it is virtually impossible for anyone to meet them. The appearance culture in their environment is a potential mechanism for creating a sense of ambivalence where many ethnic minority girls and women do not feel “good enough.” Scholars conclude that many studies “show us that pretty much everyone feels bad—Too fat, too thin, too busty, not busty enough, too tall, too white, too dark” (Kite & Kite, 2011, p. 1). The sense of beauty ambivalence is especially poignant among mid-adolescent girls who are at a stage of development when they are constructing their sense of self, including their assessments about their embodiment. However, it seems that some of the beauty ambivalence can be somewhat counterbalanced by the support of their friends, some of whom are boys, their communities, and the Latino media outlets, as well as other non-mainstream outlets providing them with wide views of beauty and desirability. Declaration of Conflicting Interests The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This research was supported in part by a William T. Grant Scholar’s Award to the first author.

Note 1.

The labels Latina and Mexican American are used throughout the article. We use “Latina” as an umbrella term when discussing issues or findings in the literature that are relevant to all subgroups of Latinos in the United States. We use the label of “Mexican American” when discussing issues and findings in the literature relevant to members of this specific subgroup, including the participants in the present study.

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Author Biographies Laura F. Romo is a professor in the Department of Education, at the University of California, Santa Barbara. She is trained as a developmental psychologist and specializes in child and adolescent development. Her research examines the impact of the mother-daughter relationship on Latina adolescent well-being. Topics include how mother-daughter communication is associated with dating and sexuality outcomes, body image, and academic achievement and aspirations. She has developed workshops designed to improve Latina mother-daughter communication about sexually transmitted infections (STIs), dating violence, and healthy adolescent partner relationships. This work was supported by a William T. Grant scholar award. She has undertaken a new project that involves collaboration with preschools that serve lowincome Latino children to teach them about health concepts in the context of science activities. The important implications of this work has been recognized and funded by a major grant from the National Institute of Health. Rebeca Mireles-Rios is an assistant professor in the Department of Education specializing in child and adolescent development. Her research examines the educational expectations of Latina/o students and the connection to parent and teacher support. She studies Latina/o adolescents’ perceptions of teacher support; the role of maternal expectations on education communication; and student trajectories into higher education. She looks at the inequalities in educational outcomes to understand the processes that can potentially increase Latina/o high school student college enrollment and retention rates.


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Aida Hurtado is the Luis Leal Endowed Professor, and studies resentations of race, ethnicity, sexuality, class, and gender. Her books include Relating to Privilege: Three Blasphemies on Race and Feminism (University of Michigan, 1996), Voicing Chicana Feminisms: Young Women Speak Out on Sexuality and Identity (2003, New York: New York University Press; this book received an honorable mention for the Myers Outstanding Book Awards given by the Gustavus Myers Center for the Study of Bigotry and Human Rights in North America), and Chicana/o Identity in a changing U.S. society. ¿Quién soy? ¿Quiénes somos? (2004, co-authored with Patricia Gurin, Tucson: The University of Arizona Press). She was also co-editor (with Pedro Noguera and Edward Fergus) of the book Invisible No More: Understanding the Disenfranchisement of Latino Men and Boys (2012, Routledge), and co-author of Beyond Machismo: Intersectional Understandings of Latinos’ Feminist Masculinities (2016, University of Texas Press). She is the recipient of the SAGE Award for Distinguished Contributions to Gender Equity in Education Research, granted by the American Educational Research Association (AERA), the Women of Color Psychologies Award granted by the Association of Women in Psychology, the Outstanding Latino/a Faculty in Higher Education: Research/Teaching in Higher Education (Research Institutions) Award granted by the American Association of Hispanics in Higher Education, and the Scholar of the Year Award granted by the National Association of Chicana and Chicano Studies.
