African Identities
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Culture of sensationalism and indigenous language press in Zimbabwe: implications on language development Phillip Mpofu & Abiodun Salawu To cite this article: Phillip Mpofu & Abiodun Salawu (2018): Culture of sensationalism and indigenous language press in Zimbabwe: implications on language development, African Identities, DOI: 10.1080/14725843.2018.1473147 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/14725843.2018.1473147
Published online: 10 May 2018.
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African Identities, 2018 https://doi.org/10.1080/14725843.2018.1473147
Culture of sensationalism and indigenous language press in Zimbabwe: implications on language development Phillip Mpofu and Abiodun Salawu Indigenous Language Media in Africa, North West University, Mmabatho, South Africa
ABSTRACT
Indigenous language media are active spaces for the development, maintenance and renewal of indigenous languages in Africa. Juxtaposing Kwayedza and uMthunywa tabloids, which publish in Shona and Ndebele languages, alongside mainstream English language press, The Herald and The Chronicle, this study interrogates the implications of sensationalism on the structural and functional development of indigenous languages and the indigenous language press in Zimbabwe. This article is framed within the concepts of language development, diglossia and decolonial theory. This is an evaluative and comparative qualitative inquiry of headlines in 30 issues of uMthunywa and Kwayedza. Using interviews, data was gathered from a conveniently and purposively selected sample comprising of journalists, language and media academics, as well as readers and non-readers of Kwayedza and uMthunywa. The study exposes nuances of the marginalisation, folklorisation and corruption of indigenous languages in the press; and the inadvertent validation of English as the language of the media. However, this study ultimately shows that tabloidisation has ensured the survival of indigenous languages and indigenous language press in the context of the hegemony of English and competition from the English language press in Zimbabwe.
ARTICLE HISTORY
Received 27 July 2017 Accepted 25 April 2018 KEYWORDS
Indigenous language press; Kwayedza; uMthunywa; tabloidisation; language development
Introduction The imperative for promoting indigenous languages in public domains of post-independent African countries has been widely studied and underscored. The overall concern expressed by language specialists, academics and other stakeholders regards the restricted use of indigenous languages in public domains (Bamgbose, 2011). The use of indigenous languages as operational languages in public institutions is considered a noble investment and empowering to speech communities (wa Mberia, 2015). With specific reference to indigenous language media scholarship; the marginalisation of indigenous languages in print, electronic and digital media is intensely deplored (see Mpofu & Mutasa, 2014). Present studies on indigenous language media echo important arguments on the necessity for using indigenous languages in African media. Firstly, the use of indigenous languages enhances the expediency of media systems in disseminating information to ordinary people
CONTACT Phillip Mpofu
[email protected]
© 2018 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group
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as well as ensuring their participation (Kupe, 2016). Using indigenous languages improves the execution of the informative, educative and entertainment functions of the media. Secondly, promoting indigenous languages in media sustains and promotes regional and national cultural identities (wa Mberia, 2015). Thirdly, the use of indigenous languages is imperative in decolonising African media which are dominated by former colonial languages (Salawu, 2006). The fourth argument is that, indigenous language media are essential tools for conveying communication for development (wa Mberia, 2015). These assertions recount the contribution of indigenous languages towards enhancing the efficiency of African media to the cultural communities they serve. However, another view on the importance of indigenous language media in Africa is language-oriented, since it stresses on what the media does to indigenous languages. The argument is that the media actively participate in the development of languages (Bamgbose, 2011). In Moring’s (2007) terms, the media carry language, operate with language and develop language. At this juncture, it is necessary to state that the development of languages can either be positive or negative. This implies is that, media are dynamic platforms for language revitalisation and maintenance. They can standardise, consolidate and strengthen a language. Nonetheless, the media can also downgrade languages, either by exclusion or using them in disparaging ways. In simple terms, the media play an important role of keeping languages alive. Therefore, in the case of post-independent Zimbabwe, a country with more than 18 indigenous languages that include Shona, Ndebele, Kalanga, Nambya, Tonga, Sotho, Dombe, Xhosa, Tonga of Mudzi, Venda, Shangani, Tshwawo, Tswana, Barwe, Sena, Doma, Chikunda and Chewa (Hachipola, 1998), the indigenous language press can be active spaces for the development of local languages. However, Zimbabwean press is largely dominated by English language. There are only two indigenous language newspapers which are uMthunywa which publishes in Ndebele and Kwayedza which publishes in Shona (see Mabweazara, 2006; Machona, 2011; Mapara & Nyota, 2007). In terms of preferred subjects and reporting style, the indigenous language weekliesKwayedza and uMthunywa are idiosyncratically different from the mainstream English language press for they are tabloids which practice yellow journalism which is marked sensational reporting (Mabweazara, 2007). Unlike the English language tabloids HMetro and BMetro which exist in the context of many conventional public and private newspapers, Kwayedza and uMthunywa tabloids exist as the only indigenous language newspapers. Therefore, this article interrogates the discursive impact of sensational reporting style and the concomitant devices, which manifests in attention-grabbing and inconceivable front page headlines in these two newspapers to the structural and functional development of Shona and Ndebele. Juxtaposing Kwayedza and uMthunywa alongside mainstream English language dailies- The Herald and The Chronicle; we question the framing and expediency of the screaming headlines and the subsequent implications on the development of the indigenous languages in question. This study provides insights on the rebirth of colonial linguistic organisation in a post-independent situation, where language use in indigenous and English language press downgrades indigenous languages and underlines English as the language of the media. Inadvertently, English is projected as the language with the functional load to report contemporary political and socio-economic issues; while the indigenous language press dwells on trivial, sensational, localised and folkloric topics, often in corrupted language forms.
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However, this article demonstrates that, in the face of stiff competition from the English language press, the existence and survival of Kwayedza and uMthunywa has been sustained by tabloidisation. The deployment of language in these newspapers also shows the mutability and versatility of Shona and Ndebele towards addressing the varying modern needs and communicating to various target audiences which include the youth. The article is organised into seven sections. This introduction is followed by the methodology section which confers the structure of the inquiry, as well as the methods that were employed in the study. The conceptual framework section discusses the study’s theoretical gaze. This is followed by the discussion of existing literature on indigenous language press and yellow journalism in Zimbabwe. The findings of this study are presented in the penultimate section where implications of sensational reporting in aforementioned newspapers to language development are discussed. As a final point, the conclusion shows how the study has contributed to the meagre scholarship on indigenous language media and language development in Zimbabwe in particular and Africa in general.
Methodology The structure and purpose of this qualitative inquiry is twofold. Firstly, it is evaluative; since it appraises the implications of sensational reporting in Kwayedza and uMthunywa to the development of indigenous languages. Evaluation research is defined by Powell (2006) as a study that uses standard qualitative research methods for evaluative purposes. Secondly, the study is comparative in nature. The underlying objective of comparative enquiry is to explore elements of similarity and difference to uncover the unique aspects of a particular entity (Mills, van de Bunt, & de Bruijn, 2006). In this study, Kwayedza and uMthunywa’s headlines are contrasted with those of mainstream English language newspapers- The Herald and The Chronicle. The selected newspapers are all printed by one organisation (Zimbabwe Newspapers). Therefore, it is logical to critique the headlines of newspapers that are published by the same company, but in different languages. Focus was on the headlines for they are an interesting bypass to the contents of newspapers (Ifantidou, 2008). We conducted a textual and thematic analysis of archival material comprising of thirty issues of uMthunywa and Kwayedza stretching from December 2016 to December 2017, with the purpose of unearthing nuanced peculiarities in the framing of headlines and how that suggests to the structural and functional development of indigenous languages. Using unstructured interviews, data were gathered from a conveniently and purposively selected sample of 38 participants comprising of 2 journalists, 6 language and media academics, as well as 15 readers and 15 non-readers of Kwayedza and uMthunywa. Thematic analysis and critical discourse analysis allowed us to logically explore the preferred subjects in the headlines as well as exposing the embedded connotations and the overall implications to the development of indigenous languages. The overall analysis of the findings of the study was done within the theoretical lens of this study which is presented and discussed in the next section.
Conceptual framework This article is framed within the concepts of language development, diglossia and decolonial theory. Generally, the use of indigenous languages in the media is applauded and regarded
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as an indication of language development (Crystal, 2000; Mapara & Nyota, 2007; Moring, 2007; Bamgbose, 2011; ). From a purely linguistic perspective, the development of a language primarily refers to language standardisation. This involves the designing and development of a language’s orthography (alphabet, rules of spellings and word division), and lexicographic works such as dictionaries, among other issues of corpus development (Chabata, 2007). Following the standardisation of a language, the development of a language is demonstrated by its use in the public domain. Thus, the use of Shona and Ndebele in the Zimbabwean press is a momentous demonstration of the development of these languages. Focusing on language use in Kwayedza and uMthunywa, this article interrogates the implications of sensational reporting on the structural and functional development of Shona and Ndebele. Given that, the indigenous language press exists side by side with established English language press, against the background of the entrenched English language hegemony, this article deploys aspects of Ferguson’s (1959, 1996) concept of diglossia. Diglossia explains and demonstrates the view of functional differentiation of languages in order to explain patterns of language use and choice. It relates to a situation where two languages or language varieties exist side by side in a speech community, with each having clearly different designated functions. On the one hand, there is the prestigious high variety which is used in official settings; while the low variety is used in informal settings, such as home conversations (Ferguson, 1959). In diglossic situations, there is a belief that the high variety with a rich literary tradition is more beautiful, logical, and sophisticated than the low variety (Ferguson, 1996). Therefore, this article unravels how subject and language use in headlines of indigenous languages and English language newspapers display functional and stylistic variations in ways which reproduce English as a high variety and indigenous languages as low varieties. Against the background that, the media in Zimbabwe is a replication of its colonial making, as shown by its organisation, ownership and operation which to a large extent, resemble the colonial pattern (Mpofu & Mutasa, 2014), and the established English hegemony in Africa, this article is also guided by decolonial thinking. Central to the decolonial concept is the notion of decolonisation which is basically the transformation that colonised countries must go through after attaining political independence (Oelofsen, 2015). This process embraces the overhaul of structures, institutions and peoples’ minds, that is, emotionally and epistemically disengaging them from the colonial organisation of society (Tlostanova & Mignolo, 2009). Decolonisation analysis involves deconstruction and reconstruction processes, thus deconstructing the administrative, structural and cultural effects of colonisation and reconstructing institutions and people’s minds on the basis of indigenous knowledge systems. With regards to language, Mignolo (2011, p. xii) argues that the systems of knowledge in colonised countries were cast and generated in what he calls a ‘Western code’ referring to the English as the ‘language that preserves and hides the code’. This is what Phillipson (1992) famously label linguistic imperialism. In the linguistic imperialism thesis, English has a dominant position in the public domain, as well as a key medium of Americanisation and Westernisation. English’s ‘functional load’ is demonstrated by its dominant position in science, medicine, books, modern technologies, education systems and many other domains (Phillipson, 1992, p.6). Therefore, a decolonial approach to language of the press seeks to dismantle and overturn the dominance of English language. The linguistic practices that are associated with colonial
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rule in Africa played an influential role in assigning low status to indigenous languages and in creating a superior role for colonial languages. However, though many of the formally colonised countries attained political independence, linguistic decolonisation is hardly complete (Leglise & Migge, 2007). English is still the dominant language, which is believed to be more advanced to express key and modern aspects; without recognising the full potential of indigenous languages. A belief exist that, some languages, such as English are more precise and expressive than other languages (Papapavlou, 1998). This situation of linguistic coloniality can be countered by the process of linguistic decolonisation. Therefore, linguistic decolonisation refers to the disengagements of social, political, and cultural postcolonial settings which valorise colonial languages. Linguistic decolonisation involves processes aimed at legitimating indigenous languages in a postcolonial situation. Such processes include language revitalisation, resistance and maintenance. The media are significant tools for resisting, maintaining, and documenting indigenous languages. Using this theoretical lens, the article critiques the culture of sensationalism in Kwayedza and uMthunywa’s headlines and its implications to the development of Shona and Ndebele.
Indigenous language press: from colonial to post-independent Zimbabwe Understanding the place of indigenous languages in post-independent Zimbabwean press is enhanced by tracing its beginnings and development from the colonial period. The evolution of the print media in Zimbabwe is closely connected to the Rhodesian settlercolonial ideology and a split society characterised with colonial interests antagonising with black resistance (Moyo, 2003; Mukasa, 2003). As a result, the print media was exclusively dominated by the white colonial settlers who safeguarded newspaper content which conveyed their ideology, and helped them consolidate control on the political and economic infrastructure. Mukasa (2003) provides a detailed description of the print media landscape during the colonial period, from the arrival of colonial settlers and the establishment of first newspapers – The Mashonaland Herald, Zambesian Times, The Rhodesian Herald and The Bulawayo Chronicle, all by 1894. This was followed by the founding of The Sunday Mail and The Sunday News in 1934 and 1935, respectively. All these papers were exclusively white owned and defensive of colonial interests. On the other hand, the rise of activist black politics, connected with black journalism gave rise to the development of the African press to cater for the secluded black population. These newspapers included The Bantu Mirror and The African Daily News. While the usual bone of contention in existent scholarship on the evils of the Rhodesian press is focused on the biased content, our interest here is on the exclusionary linguistic choices which favoured English language. It is disconcerting to note that, while the majority of the population were the black Africans; the language of the print media during the colonial period, including in the so called ‘African’ press was predominantly English (Mpofu & Mutasa, 2014). More so, it is appalling to note that there was no clear and written language policy of the press. The development of the media in Zimbabwe since the colonial era demonstrates how history has inclined to repeat itself over the years. As a result, the structural organisation and output of post-independent press generally reflect the interests of the new black elite (Moyo,
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2003; Mukasa, 2003). Ultimately, the language of the print media after 1980 remained predominantly English. Presently, the print media is dominated by the state controlled newspapers which include daily papers – The Herald and The Chronicle, weekly papers– The Sunday Mail, The Sunday News, The Manica Post, and the indigenous language weeklies – Kwayedza and uMthunywa. These compete with the independent and community press which all publish in the English language. The founding of the two indigenous language weeklies, Kwayedza and uMthunywa in 1986 and 2004, respectively, followed well after the main English language dailies The Herald (established 1891) and The Chronicle (established 1893) were assumed from the colonial administration. Whilst the inception of Kwayedza in 1986 was followed by constant presence in the market, uMthunywa’s road to uninterrupted existence as from 2004 was a shaky one. According to Mabweazara (2006), uMthunywa was initially established in 1985 to cater for the Ndebele audience. However, the newspaper encountered viability problems connected to low circulation which led to the paper being reduced from a 12-paged tabloid to four pages in 1987. In 1988, uMthunywa was combined with Kwayedza, resulting in the name of the newspaper changing to Kwayedza-uMthunywa. The year 1993 marked the end of uMthunywa since the Ndebele section of Kwayedza-uMthunywa disappeared. The demise of uMthunywa was attributed to its failure to establish itself as an alternative source of information since it was a mere Ndebele translation of English language newspapers at Zimpapers (Saunders, 1999 quoted in Mabweazara, 2006). Direct political meddling by making the newspaper a propaganda channel further contributed to its collapse (Mabweazara, 2006). This demonstrates that indigenous language newspapers have always struggled to compete and survive when they exist as mere translations of English language newspapers. Because the embedded English language hegemony in the nation, with the same stylistic and subject content, indigenous language newspapers will not stand the competition from the English language newspapers in the market. This substantiates Salawu’s (2015) observation that tabloidisation is the reality of African language newspapers which is driven by the corporate mentality of making profits. Thus, the re-emergence of uMthunywa in 2004, and its survival thereafter was ensured by the innovative and market driven tabloid format (Mabweazara, 2005, 2006). Statistics in the Zimbabwe Advertising Research Foundation Report (ZARFR, 2017) show that, as tabloids, indigenous language newspapers can out-compete some English language newspapers. According to this survey of the circulation of weekly newspapers, Kwayedza has 15% of total readership and is ranked second behind The Sunday Mail with 27%. The weekly circulation figures of Kwayedza and uMthunywa are 5000 and 2000, respectively, which is far below the weekly circulation figures of The Sunday Mail and The Sunday News which are estimated at 60 000 and 18 000 in that order. Of course this is the general trend; indigenous language publications are fewer than English language publications. This section has indicated that indigenous languages have not received much support and coverage in print media from colonial to present day Zimbabwe. In a country with many languages, only Shona and Ndebele are represented in the press. Given that, media are active spaces for language development, it is imperative to interrogate the implications of the culture of sensationalism in Kwayedza and uMthunywa on the development of Shona and Ndebele languages.
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Sensationalism in Kwayedza and uMthunywa Tabloids The findings of this study reveal that, generally the contents of Kwayedza and uMthunywa indicate substantial effort by the publishers to cover diverse forms of news comparable to The Herald and The Chronicle. At present, uMthunywa is organised into six main sections which are Ekhaya (local news), Ezakuleli (national news), Ezabalimi (farming news), Ezamasiko (arts and culture), Ezemfundo (education), Ezemidlalo (sports) and Ezempilakahle (health issues). Likewise, Kwayedza contains Nhau dzemuno (local news), Maonero edu (editorial), Tsika nemagariro (arts and culture) Denhe reruzivo (education), Nhau dzevarimi (farming news) and Nhau dzemitambo (sports news). However, the 30 issues which were studied confirm that there is noticeable avoidance of serious political, business and international news among other news which are major attractions in The Chronicle and The Herald. This is a confirmation that uMthunywa and Kwayedza are distinctly shaped and characterised by tabloidisation (see Mabweazara, 2007; Machona, 2011). There are three distinctive features of tabloids, and these are style, format and subject (Norris, 2000). Physically, tabloids are typically smaller in size and more convenient to handle than broadsheet papers. The reporting style of tabloids emphasises extensive use of photographs and dramatic headline stories which are conveyed in a vivid and direct style. The subject matter of tabloids is focused more on sensationalism, personalisation and the stress of private concerns (Gripsrud, 1992). This description befits Kwayedza and uMthunywa as typical tabloids in all respects. The findings of this study show that, as tabloids Kwayedza and uMthunywa thrive on yellow journalism in order to penetrate the newspaper market which is dominated by well-established English language press. According to Jackson (2005), the development of yellow journalism is credited to the writing tactics of Joseph Pulitzer and William Randolph Hearst of the New York World and New York Journal, respectively, who were bitter rival newspaper moguls in the United States in the 1920s. In competing for the market share, the two papers printed hyperbolic headlines and exaggerated stories. This shows that sensational or yellow journalism is dominated by business interests. Yellow journalism refers to casual and colourful style of reporting which is characterised by sensationalism which is achieved by screaming headlines (Jackson, 2005). In yellow journalism, interest is in gaining fame and making money by attracting readers and advertisers, and not primarily informing audience on serious ideas and developments in the country. The concept of sensationalism is connected with the idea of engaging audience’s emotions through attention grabbing tactics and content which evoke curiosity and exploit the extreme (Haskins, 1984). This is what Kwayedza and uMthunywa’s editors are good at. They select, package and cast headlines which are out of the ordinary to attract the interest of readers. Sensationalism creates an invitation for audiences to read the newspaper. Such headlines which evoke curiosity include: Injiva igncina unwabu emoteni [A Zimbabwean working in South Africa keeps a chameleon in car]. (uMthunywa, 29.12. 16) Ngadliswa ikhanda likafudu…ihloka lami aligamuli emzini [I ate a head of a tortoise…I have an erectile dysfunctional problem]. (uMthunywa, 23.02.17) Mashura! Katsi kuchema mufi [Mystery, as a cat mourns the deceased]. (Kwayedza, 17.02.17) Gudo vhu kusmall house [A baboon appears at the mistress’ house]. (Kwayedza, 5.5.17)
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Front page headlines of this standard will always incite anxiety in people, thereby enticing them to buy the newspapers. Looking at these headlines, who would not desire to get full details of what actually happened when a mysterious baboon appeared at the mistress’ house? Or get finer details of a juice story of a man who developed erectile dysfunctional problem after eating a tortoise? These are human interest stories which attract readers’ attention. Sensationalism deals with both form and content (Grabe, Zhou, & Barnett, 2010). Kwayedza and uMthunywa’s content, focuses on sensational issues which are eccentric human-interest stories. The stories also bear resemblance to oral tradition rooted in the folk narrative and are largely drawn from the people who live in the rural areas and in urban high-density areas (Mabweazara, 2007). Though Mabweazara (2005) considers uMthunywa and Kwayedza as alternative ways of knowing about the world that is not offered in the mainstream media, it is important to note that the newspapers evade topical political and socio-economic development topics. For instance, the headlines above are centred on dramatic issues which can easily appeal to the emotions of readers. This is unlike The Herald’s headlines ‘Typhoid under control’ (29.12.16) and The Chronicle’s ‘Economic growth revised to 3.7pc’ (10.03.17) which are less dramatic, but capture essential and modern-day health and economic issues, respectively. The studied news headlines Kwayedza and uMthunywa’s headlines also confirm that the stories adopt the folk narrative. For example, the headlines ‘Ndine 100 Zvombo zvevarume, nekii dzinosunga pfambi’ (I have 100 weapons for men and keys to lock up prostitutesKwayedza, 1.2.17) and Mashura! Katsi kuchema mufi’ (mystery, as a cat mourns the deceasedKwayedza, 17.02.17) are unconventional stories which appear more fictional than real, typical of folktales that were recited to children in traditional Shona and Ndebele societies. Similarly, the headline ‘Umsindo bhe kubangwa amazambane’ (A fight over groundnuts- uMthunywa, 9.3.17)), and ‘Ngadliswa ikhanda likafudu…ihloka lami aligamuli emzini’ (I ate head of a tortoise… I have an erectile dysfunctional problem- uMthunywa, 23.02.17) are difficult to imagine as non-fictional stories, for they capture the unthinkable and unexpected. This contradicts with what obtains in conventional English language newspapers whose headlines generally cover the familiar, expected and contemporary issues. With regards to form, Kwayedza and uMthunywa’s headlines are identified by techniques of writing which complement the newspapers’ sensational style. Generally, English language newspapers’ headlines employ conventional and Standard English. The headlines conspicuously use colloquial expressions and casual speech which are generally reserved for spoken rather than written communication. Lexical borrowings, code-switching and code-mixing are linguistic strategies which are customarily deployed in the headlines. Hence, there is need to examine the implications of such linguistic practices to the development of Shona and Ndebele.
Sensationalism in Kwayedza and uMthunywa: implications on development of Shona and Ndebele languages This section discusses and analyses the major findings of this study. The existence of Kwayedza and uMthunywa which employ Shona and Ndebele as working languages respectively is generally a landmark development towards promoting indigenous languages in Zimbabwe’s print media. Three linguists we interviewed maintained that, the use of Shona and Ndebele
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in the press demonstrates their development in terms of having a distinctive code of writing. These are the two main indigenous languages with a relatively long writing tradition, sustained by established orthographies, and lexicographic works, as well as perceptible use in the public domain. Otherwise, some indigenous languages that include Sotho, Kalanga and Tonga are still at their infancy in terms of having a consistent and accepted writing system, while Chewa, Barwe Shangani and Xhosa are yet to be subjected to serious work of developing indigenous orthographies. The contingent plan of importing orthographies and lexicographic material from neighbouring countries such as South Africa and Zambia in the case of Sotho and Tonga, poses problems since the imported material do not represent the languages’ peculiarities as they are spoken in Zimbabwe. Thus, with expedient levels of standardisation, combined with relatively large number of speakers and political support from the colonial and post-independent governments, Shona and Ndebele are now used as efficient communicative tools in the press. In Crystal’s (2000) terms, this is an indication of language development. Disregarding the culture of sensationalism which epitomises Kwayedza and uMthunywa, 21 readers which were interviewed indicated and applauded the regular educative language sections Denhe Reruzivo (archive of knowledge) and Ezemfundo (education) respectively which offer valuable Shona and Ndebele language education. Denhe Reruzivo section in Kwayedza contains episodic teachings on several aspects of Shona language education which include among others Uvaranomwe (literary criticism), Rondedzero (essay writing), Nhetembo (poems), and ChiShona Chakanaka (Shona writing skills). Likewise, uMthunywa’s parallel section Ezemfundo provides critical analysis of Ndebele literature, as well as, specific lessons aimed at improving language skills at different levels. Though not many students have access, or care about reading these newspapers, they are relevant reference material in the teaching and learning of these languages. This endorses Salawu’s (2006) view that, newspapers are useful tools for promoting literate communities and the survival of African languages. However, confirming what was mentioned in the previous section, thirty issues of uMthunywa and Kwayedza which were studied displayed blatant omission of business and classifieds news, legal and court news, politics among other forms of news. Instead, the headlines revolves around village, township, social and gossip like issues. This reawakens the enduring debate on the contrasting and diglossic functional roles of indigenous languages versus imported languages in postcolonial Africa. This dichotomy between the subjects and style of English and indigenous language newspapers’ headlines begets a diglossic situation, where English as a high variety which appear to have the functional load of reporting business, politics, science and other news relating to contemporary life at national and international levels; while indigenous languages as low varieties are used to convey localised village and township stories in a conformist mode. In this context, the omission of specialised news in uMthunywa and Kwayedza has got negative implications on the perceived functional load of Ndebele and Shona, respectively. It is argued that ‘undeveloped’ languages often fall short of advancing the causes of science and technology for they lack functional load in these areas (Benedikter, 2013). Therefore, the way in which Shona and Ndebele languages are used in headlines inadvertently suggests that the languages are inadequate to capture and convey specialised commercial, political, scientific or technological terms. Due to the colonial and post-independent socio-political dynamics which shape language use in Zimbabwe, English is the dominant language in the public domain. Though, the
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number of first language speakers of the language, English has acquired prestige and functional value as the country’s lingua franca, the language of politics and administration, education, business, media, science and technology among other key public domains. However, it is the political and economic elite who are fully versed in English and therefore disfavour indigenous languages. This is what Myres-Scotton (1993, p.149) label ‘elite closure’, where the elite employ language policies and language usage patterns that limit access of non-elite groups. It is the anticolonial elites’ decision to adopt English as the official language in an independent Zimbabwe which side-lined indigenous languages. However, we maintain that, the tabloidisation of Kwayedza and uMthunywa has made them popular, and therefore survive the prejudicial competition from the English language press. Responses from 15 respondents showed abhorrence of Kwayedza and uMthunywa, with their stories being contemptuously regarded as folktales and gossip. Seven of them actually derogatorily referred to the stories as ngano and inganekwane (folktales in Shona and Ndebele, respectively). While responding to the question on whether he reads Kwayedza or not, one interviewee ranted – ‘Handiverengi ngano’ (I do not read folktales). This demonstrates readers’ perceptions on the authenticity of the stories. This is because of the favoured subjects and reporting style which tends to locate the newspapers in a primordial past. Using indigenous languages to convey trivial issues in Kwayedza and uMthunywa, at the expense of key political and economic developmental happenings in the country is tantamount to what Fishman (1987) calls folklorisation of a language. Folklorisation begins when a language is only used for irrelevant or unimportant domains (Benedikter, 2013; Crystal, 2000). In Kwayedza and uMthunywa, Shona and Ndebele have been relegated to a folkloric position of reporting stories consistent to the traditional folk narratives. It is difficult to separate Kwayedza and uMthunywa’s headline themes from the epic folktales of ‘Hare and Baboon’ in the Shona and Ndebele traditional societies. When a language is relegated to communicating ‘folk stories’ in the press, it loses its vitality. The stories are too mystic and primordial, and tend to distance readers from important current affairs. This legitimates the claims that African languages are often pushed to the barbarian margins of folklores (Grosfoguel, 2007), and appropriated into the media only to reminisce about an African past (Kupe, 2016). While Salawu (2006) views the promotion of indigenous languages as important in decolonising the media, Kwayedza and uMthunywa fail to match the English language press in terms of covering burning issues of the day. This legitimises English as the language with the functional load to convey specialised matter in the media. From the facets of diglossia and linguistic imperialism, this relegates indigenous languages to the margins and legitimises the dominance of the English language, in the process suggesting that the indigenous languages are not as developed as English the ‘Western code’ (Mignolo, 2011, p. xii). We argue that, the colonial linguistic choices and practices which promoted English must be dismantled and permit indigenous languages to foreground media content, commensurate to the English language press. At present, the status of indigenous languages vis a vis English language in the press somewhat resemble the colonial linguistic organisation, where the adopted official English language was part of what Willems (2014) calls the civic public which was supposed to be informed of the up-to-date political and economic issues, while local African languages were treated as inferior and characteristic of the primordial public which was supposed to stay uninformed. In a post-independent situation, this dichotomy projects negatively on the functional development of indigenous languages and consolidates the position of English
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as a sophisticated language. Whilst the existence of indigenous languages in the Zimbabwean press is thought to be signposting the language development (Mapara & Nyota, 2007), we argue that Kwayedza and uMthunywa’s headlines, legitimise English as a dominant and developed language, while pushing indigenous languages into marginality as inadequate. The vitality of a language is not only indicated by its existence in the print media, but also its functional load. To some extent, the indigenous language newspapers indirectly participate in degrading the languages. Kwayedza and uMthunywa must appropriately use Shona and Ndebele in ways which standardise and fortify them. The design of sensationalised headlines in uMthunywa and Kwayedza is also achieved by excessive and frenzied code-switching and code-mixing practices which produce what ten participants in this study referred to as corrupted forms of Shona and Ndebele languages. At times, Kwayedza and uMthunywa’s headlines embrace slang, direct borrowings and combinations English and Shona or English and Ndebele drawn from everyday speech or from the world of business, science or technology, in ways which do not conform to Shona and Ndebele’s linguistic structures. Though lexical borrowing is a productive process in the expansion of a language’s lexicon, it is not an indiscriminate or unsystematic linguistic practice; instead it must operate within the rules of a language (Mheta, 2007). However, in Kwayedza and uMthunywa headlines some of the adopted English language words are not even subjected to the linguistic structures of Shona and Ndebele. For example, ‘Mwana (5) ane njere dzegrade 3’ [A five-year-old’s intelligence matches that of a Grade 3 student] (Kwayedza, 3.2.17). The numbers ‘3’ and ‘5’, as well as ‘grade’ have been appropriated into a supposedly Shona sentence without respecting the phonological and morphological structures of the language. In another example, the hypothetically Shona headline in Kwayedza of 14 April 2014 which reads New Curriculum Makeke (the new curriculum is noble); sounds more English than Shona. While the borrowed word ‘makeke’ (cakes) has been rephonoligised to suite the phonological structure of Shona, the phrase ‘new curriculum’ is uncorrupted English in a Shona newspaper. In this case, direct lexical borrowing has cogently subjected Shona to the structural and conceptual formulations of English. This continued bastardisation of indigenous languages results in them losing vocabulary, discourse patterns and stylistic collection. Kwayedza and uMthunywa’s headlines are also dotted with slang and colloquial terminologies. Slang and colloquial forms of language are extremely informal and common in speech, and inappropriate on a platform that must participate in language development. Ultimately, the corruption of Shona and Ndebele in the indigenous language press results in grotesque linguistic decay of the linguistic structures of these languages. This view is engrained in the linguistic purism perspective, and is motivated by the idea of patriotic protection of languages and cultural pride, and not essentially by linguistic reasons. The idea is to resist change and keep languages pure by avoiding the overpopulation of their lexicon by exotic words, especially English a language which hails from colonial history. However, the other view that emerged from this study is that, sensationalism in Kwayedza and uMthunywa is expedient for the survival of indigenous language and indigenous language press in the face of unwavering competition from English and the English language press. With regards to the eccentric stories and hyperbolic expressions in these newspapers, two linguists we interviewed reasoned that, the philosophy of sensationalism must be understood from an indigenous knowledge perspective. One of them stated that ‘…zvinoitika mukurarama mevaShona, uye mutauro weChiShona zvagara zvinozipa…’ (Events in the Shona
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people’s lives, together with the Shona language are fascinating). This is reinforced by twelve avid readers of Kwayedza and uMthunywa who claimed that, one aspect that attracts them in these newspapers is the use of embellished and captivating language. In African cultures, the mastery of language, and use of language decorated by proverbs, idiomatic or metaphoric expressions is highly regarded in different oral literary forms, and in everyday discourses. This implies that African languages are inherently sensational, and sensationalism is part of African culture. The Igbo culture of Nigeria is an example, with Chinua Achebe’s seminal work Things Fall Apart being a testimony to that avowal. The density of African languages is enhanced by the use of colourful devices. Certainly, the media can provide the best example of how best to use indigenous languages in Africa. Salawu (2004) affirms that, except for some deviations in language use in certain indigenous language newspapers, there is a beautiful portrayal of mastery of language. Thus, journalists and editors of uMthunywa and Kwayedza simply tap elements of sensationalism from the rich oral traditions of Shona and Ndebele cultures to achieve the goal of sensationalism; in the process contributing to the survival and maintenance of Shona and Ndebele languages and traditions. Therefore, we argue that sensationalism in indigenous language newspapers is profitable in reactivating and sustaining the linguistic and cultural ideals in Shona and Ndebele communities. In the face of firm competition from the English and English language newspapers with a competitive advantage they derive from historical and economic dynamics, sensationalised headlines of Kwayedza and uMthunywa tabloids have ensured their sustenance and survival. This is demonstrated by Kwayedza’s second place ranking behind The Sunday Mail in terms of circulation in 2017 (ZARFR, 2017). Likewise, despite turbulent beginnings, uMthunywa has survived ever since it adopted the tabloid form in 2004 (Mabweazara, 2006). While Salawu (2006) maintains that codeswitching cannot be regarded as an aspect of the standard use of any language, there is a wide scholarship which suggests that, the so called corruption of a language is a linguistically productive process. Code switching for example, can be adopted to expand an idea which may be understood better by recipients when put in another language. It is a process which can also prove to be functional when, in a conversation a participant switches the language in order to fit in a particular social identity (Mabule, 2015). Therefore, it is the use of these seemingly corrupted forms of Shona and Ndebele in the press which bridges the linguistic, cultural, and functional gaps existing between English, the high variety and indigenous languages which are the low varieties in this case. This validates Ferguson’s (1996, p.31) argument that, ‘the communicative tensions between the H (high) and L (low) varieties in diglossia may be resolved by the use of relatively uncodified, unstable, intermediate forms of the language’. Similarly, this study established that Kwayedza and uMthunywa employ indigenous languages in a linguistically dynamic way. Thus, in a way they play an important role towards expanding and popularising new Shona and Ndebele lexicon through various term creation strategies that include borrowing, semantic shift, coining and loan translation. Reporters create and promote new terms, in the process contributing to the addition, legitimisation and acceptance of vocabulary. Generally, a language develops through the creation of new terms in order to cover for the language and cultural gaps. While slang, colloquial terminology, direct lexical borrowing, code-switching and code-mixing have been viewed as contagions to indigenous language, in this article we view these strategies as cultural capital which helps indigenous language press’ adoption
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and adaptation strategies in contemporary and everyday discourses. Thus, Stadlbauer (2010) argue that, language use often embroils innovative and imaginative deployment of language features, where speakers use not only the language form appropriate for a given situation, rather they appropriate various language features to achieve a particular communicative goal. The linguistic prescriptive viewpoint extremely ignores the mutability of indigenous languages in the face of sociocultural, political, economic and technological changes, as well as perpetual contact with English. Newspapers strategically adopt English and colloquial borrowings ‘to fulfil their commercial, informational, and ideological goals’ (Pimentel, 2001, p. 2). These language forms are versatile enough to address changing modern needs, which include conveying new ideas and communicating to various target audiences which include the youth. Most lexical borrowing in Kwayedza and uMthunywa, the conservative speakers of languages castoff, generally designate new technologies such as cell phones and computers which were introduced from outside Zimbabwe. Through various term creation strategies, indigenous newspapers appropriate words and sayings spoken on regular basis by people of different age groups. It is fascinating that, though those words which are regarded as contaminating the indigenous languages, once they are used and popularised by the media, they easily permeate speech communities. Therefore, we argue that, though the culture of sensationalism in Kwayedza and uMthunywa appear to folklorise indigenous languages, to some extend it generates good profit to indigenous languages and indigenous language press, thereby ensuring their continued existence, in the face of stiff competition from English language and the English language press.
Conclusion This study is a momentous contribution to existing scholarship on the nexus that exist between indigenous languages and the media in Africa in general and Zimbabwe in particular. The study augments existing studies on the contribution of the indigenous language press to the development of indigenous languages. It shows the impact of sensationalism in Kwayedza and uMthunywa tabloids, and demonstrates the mutability of Shona and Ndebele in the press to address the changing modern language needs and various target audiences. The study established that language use and subject selection in Kwayedza and uMthunywa exhibits shades of marginalisation, folklorisation and corruption of indigenous languages, and legitimises English as the language of the media. However, the study also revealed that, the use of slang, colloquial terminology, direct lexical borrowing, and code-switching is cultural capital which assists indigenous language press adopt and adapt the contemporary and everyday discourses. More so, sensationalism in Kwayedza and uMthunywa is an extension of the rich Shona and Ndebele oral traditions which are inherently sensational and colourful. Journalists and editors simply tap elements of sensationalism from the cultures of the people to achieve the goal of sensationalism. The study argues that, in the face of stiff competition from the English and English language newspapers, tabloidisation and sensationalism have ensured the survival of indigenous languages and indigenous language newspapers in Zimbabwe.
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Disclosure statement No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
Notes on contributors Phillip Mpofu, PhD, is a senior lecturer in the Department of African Languages and Culture at Midlands State University, Gweru, Zimbabwe. He is currently a postdoctoral research fellow in the Indigenous Language Media in Africa research entity at North West University, Mafikeng Campus in South Africa. Abiodun Salawu, PhD, is professor of media and journalism studies and the Director of Indigenous Language Media in Africa (ILMA) research entity at North West University, Mafikeng Campus
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Newspaper Articles ‘Ndine 100 Zvombo zvevarume, nekii dzinosunga pfambi,’ Kwayedza, February 1, 2017. 1.2.17) ‘Ngadliswa ikhanda likafudu…ihloka lami aligamuli emzini,’ uMthunywa, February, 23.2017, pp 1. ‘Injiva igncina unwabu emoteni,’ uMthunywa, December 29, 2016, pp 1. ‘Typhoid under control,’ The Herald, December 29, 2016. ‘Mashura! Katsi kuchema mufi,’ Kwayedza, February, 17, 2017, pp 1. ‘Umsindo bhe kubangwa amazambane,’ uMthunywa, March 9, 2017. ‘New Curriculum Makeke,’ Kwayedza, April 14, 2017. ‘Gudo vhu kusmall house,’ Kwayedza, May 5, 2017, pp 1. ‘Economic growth revised to 3.7pc,’ The Chronicle, October 10, 2017.
