Dhaka: A Mega City of Persistence and Change

Dhaka: A Mega City of Persistence and Change 343

12 Dhaka: A Mega City of Persistence and Change Qazi Azizul Mowla

Dhaka epitomises a long history of urbanisation influenced by various natural and cultural phases, at times hostile to its natural trend of evolutionary journey. Natural environment, the local culture, and the way of life of the people living there have together modified the urban landscape by adopting, adapting and innovating in response to chall enges posed and opportu nities throw n open. A seri es of superimposed or juxtaposed layers of interventions due to these responses, sometimes beyond recognition, when unfolded, reveal an archetype deep beneath. In order to understand the contemporary urban morphology of Dhaka or to predict its future, it is essential to understand the process and context of its evolution.

Geo-ecological Setting The geography of a place has a profound effect on the settlement pattern, architecture, society and thinking of the people living there. In the case of the People’s Republic of Bangladesh this is more pronounced perhaps due to a low technological development and weak natural resources base, w hich have combined to force urban and traditional architectural developments along strictly modern and functional.1 The monsoon climate prevails all over Bangladesh. It is known for heavy rainfall and a high level of humidity. Average maximum and minimum temperatures in winter are in the range of 8°–15°C with

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Urbanisation in South Asia

relative humidity of about 60-80 per cent, while in summer it varies betw een 25o to 35o C, and the relative humidity is betw een 80 to 100 per cent. Shade and ventilation is, therefore, an important consideration for achieving comfort in the built environment2 and also in the life style of the people. The greater part of Bangladesh is formed by the alluvial soil brought down by the mighty rivers. Into the delta flow a number of major rivers, the Ganges/ the Padma, Jamuna, Teesta, Brahmaputra, Surma, Meghna, etc. Their different branches, channels and distributaries that flow dow n to the Bay of Bengal in the South, provide some 230 significant waterways w ith a combined total length of about 250,000 km.3 Cyclones, tidal surges and floods take a heavy toll of life and property practically every year. Water channels l ike the Dhol ai K hal, the Gerani Khal , the Segunbagicha Khal or the Begun Bari Khal have played an important role in the indigenous city life of Dhaka. M ost of these Khals stretch east-west; besides other needs, they used to serve an important purpose of intra-city communication. The prong of flood free terrace averages about 6 km in w idth and the growth has generally been northw ards from the old nucleus along the Buriganga River. Boats were the primary means of commuting through numerous Khals within Dhaka. N arrow alleys and roads w ere laid during the Mughal period to accommodate animal drawn carts.4 The influence of physiography is more telling on the settlement pattern than on building structu res. Ri v er and w ater bod ies bei ng the main source of transportation and communication line, the settlement pattern is linear 5 (Fig. 12.1). The geo-climatic circumstances do impose certain restraints but more often than not, man crosses the limits and imposes his ow n choices. These localised choices and values underlying them may be interpreted as culture of a place. Throughout the world, settlements develop as the products of a long evolution, and like other elements of material culture, they are susceptible to external influences and borrowings.6 Dhaka too has experienced changes in morphology through time, at times replacing the old, but more often, the tw o forms – the older organic or more popular pattern and the planned or the Government sponsored typology, co-exist to form a collage.


Fig.12.1: Dhaka-Location on River Buriganga

The art and architecture of Bangladesh is essentially an expression of an agricultural society that eked out its living from the soil. “The land being essentially deltaic and riverine, a rich deposit of alluvium is readily available annually for the manufacture of abundant brick. Besides, this cheap but excellent plastic medium logically encouraged the development of terracotta art.”7 Geo-climatic forces compelled the buildings to be of a transient type; largely composed of w ood and bamboo and so constructed that they could be readily replaced or removed in times of emergency. A special form of curved roof and ventilated facade w as evolved in response to the torrential rains and the extreme humidity and become, in course of time, a fixed convention; almost all buildings of w hatever material display this feature, or at least contain in their composition, the curved cornice w hich represent it. Likew ise, the requirement of openness and ventilation encouraged the extension of household and social activities outdoors. A natural outcome w as the socialisation spaces like uthan, gali, morh, chouk and bazar.8

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Dhaka through Time In 1765, James Rennel,9 the English Surveyor, w rote, “The Kingdom of Bengal, particularly the eastern part (Bangladesh), is naturally the most convenient for trade within itself of any country in the world; for the rivers divide into such a number of branches that the people have the convenience of water carriage to and from any principal place.” Situated at the centre, Dhaka w as able to command all these great w ater routes. This locational advantage gave rise to various urban settlements during v ari ou s poi nts i n hi story. “...the largest town being Dacca cit y (90,542)...there are ruins at Bikrampur, at one time, the head-quarters of the Sen Dynasty (ninth & tenth century AD), and at Sonargaon, the first capital of the M uhammadens in eastern Bengal; an ancient legend also attach to remains at Rampal, Durduria, Savar and elsewhere.”10 Dhaka was the seat of provincial Mughal administration for about one hundred years (from 1608 AD), and later the capital of the newly formed East Bengal-Assam province, during the British colonial period, for a couple of years. In 1947, Bengal w as partitioned betw een Indi a and Pakistan and subsequently, Pakistan’s portion of Bengal became independent in 1971 under the name of Bangladesh. Dhaka, being the major city in the area, was naturally chosen as the capital of the province and then the independent nation. There were political ups and downs, affecting the city’s size and morphology. But it never ceased to be an important urban centre in this region. A survey carried out by the Centre of Urban Studies (CUS)11 in 2006 shows the population of Dhaka City Corporation to be about 10 million. A preliminary survey carried out by the Asian Development Bank (ADB) in 1996 shows the population of Dhaka SM A to be 9.3 million, about half of w hich is living below the poverty line.12 A bout one million people live in slums and squatter settlements. 300,000 of Dhaka’s domestic servants live in high and middle class residential areas. About 75,000 are living in institutional buildings such as hostels/ schools, colleges and universities, mosques, temples and office buildings. Another 80,000 live in shopping areas, kutcha bazars and construction sites. According to the same report, nearly 90 per cent of the inhabitants of Dhaka live in a single room accommodation, and average per capita living space enjoyed by the poor of the city is about 3 sq m only. The existing overall gross urban density is 89 persons per acre (ppa). In the inner zones, densities average 179 ppa, reaching a high density of 323 ppa in the older quarters.13


The rate of grow th that has characterised recent urbanisation in Dhaka has offered very little opportunity to regulate the expansion with reference to an overall plan. Dhaka receives an estimated 40 per cent of all rural-urban migration.14 Physically, Dhaka’s (Dhaka City Corporation area) dominant feature is the small proportion of land, which is permanently flood-free, as brought home by a long history of floods.15 Virtually all the flood-free land close to Dhaka has already been settled. Dhaka has a recorded history of over 500 years. Figure 12.2 illustrates how Dhaka grew during the last 400 years (Fig. 12.2).

Fig. 12.2: Dhaka’s growth from a trading outpost to a mega city

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Ancient Times Not much is know n about this city before the Mughals ruled over India. A ccording to historians, Dhaka w as a defence outpost of Vikrampur, the capital of Sen Dynasty that ruled over Bengal during 1168-1204. Sometimes in the fourteenth century, Dhaka possibly grew at the present location as a centre where artisans and craftsmen settled down around the defence establishments to produce goods for the people living in the nearby capital city of Sonargaon. According a prevalent legend, there w ere 52 bazars and 53 lanes in the settlement; the most important among them being Sonargaon, Vikrampur and Bangalla.16 A ccording to Brit and Rudduck17 the Banglabazar of the pre-Mughal Dhaka was perhaps the legendary Bangalla. The Dholai Khal formed the north-eastern boundary of the town. The professional groups lived in very densely populated villages. Banglabazar, w hich was the centre and main shopping area before the M ughals, yielded its supremacy to Chouk of the M ughal period.

Mughal Times In the medieval times, especially during the seventeenth century, Dhaka had developed into a large manufacturing centre w here artisans, craftsmen and manufacturers came to settle, buying raw materials and selling finished goods for internal consumption and overseas exports. “The Mughal rulers encouraged these people (the artisans and craftsmen) by granting them rent free lands for habitation.”18 At its peak (1660 to 1690), Dhaka, with its suburbs, had a population of about 900,000.19 D’Oyly20 observed that the city proper stretched seven to ten miles along river Buriganga and up to two and a half miles inland. The suburbs extended from Buriganga to Tongi Bridge, fifteen miles to the north and from M irpur-Jafarabad in the w est to Postogola some ten miles to the east. Rennell 21 reported in 1765 that the city core had an estimated population of 450,000 and stretched nearly four miles along the river, and tw o and a half miles deep, signifying a decline of the city. Tw o main streets crossed each other at Chouk: one running east to west parallel to the river, and the other, from the river to the Tongri defence outpost in the north through Tejgaon. The city w as w ell connected and protected by a natural system of rivers and a network


of canals and lowlands. It could be approached from the east by Dholai Khal along w hich a series of forts w ere built: two of these w ere at the entrance on either side of the Khal. A formal gate on the north marked the limits of the city core. Beyond the gate w ere the royal pleasure gardens and suburban settlements. In 1715–16, the capital of Bengal province w as shifted from Dhaka to M urshidabad. With the departure of some of the provincial offices and a large part of the army, the city lost a part of its population. The city, however, continued to be the main centre of trade and commerce in Bengal, a centre of revenue collection, and the headquarters of the Mughal N aval establishment in the east.

Dhaka of the British Days In 1757, the British East India Company (EIC) gained control of Bengal and took over its civil administration in 1765. H enceforth, Dhaka declined rapidly once the headquarters of EIC shifted to Calcutta. During 1801–1840, many densely populated localities22 close to the city, w ere abandoned. The 1838 census of the city show ed only 68,610 inhabitants. By 1840, its population had fallen to 30,000. Trevelyan23 testified before the select committee of House of Lords in 1853 that, “The jungle and malaria are fast encroaching ... Dacca, the Manchester of India, has fallen from a very flourishing town to a very poor and small town.” Earlier in 1772, William Bolt, an English merchant, w rote “... the oppression and monopolies imposed by the English (EIC) have been the cause of the decline of trade, the decrease of revenues, and the present ruinous condition of affairs in Bengal.” 24 A s local industry declined, Bengal w as converted to export agriculture; first indigo, then jute.25 Bangladesh produced over half the w orld’s crop of jute by 1900, but it did not have even a single mill for jute processing. As people deserted the tow n, many houses w ere left unoccupied and decaying, becoming health hazards. In about forty years, the city’s housing stock had fallen from 44,000 in 180126 to 16,279 in 1830 and 10,830 in 1838.27 With the increase in population by the close of the nineteenth century, many parts of the city became overcrowded. In 1840, a municipal committee, without any legal or financial powers or funds w as formally launched at the initiative of Russel M oreland Skinner, the M agistrate of Dhaka.28

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After 1857, the British government took over the administration of India from the East India Company (EIC). Soon the civil lines were created at a location closer to the river as w ell as to the British factories.29 The Bengal A ct-III of 1864, w hich led to the establishment of the Dhaka Municipality in A ugust 1864 was a significant event in the development of the city. At the same time, C.T. Buckland, the then Commissioner of Dhaka, decided to construct an embankment along the southern front of the city and also planned a promenade behind the embankment to beautify the water front and provide a pleasure w alk.30 A long the bank developed the Civil Lines where Europeans settled. Persistence of indigenous forms is one of the hallmarks of Dhaka. The city changed with time but certain morphological characteristics changed little, if at all. Prior to the arrival of the British, people lived in Mohalla31 (neighbourhoods) w hich were spatial-cum-socio-cultural units. Each mohalla had a sardar/ leader. The post was hereditary. Most of the mohallas were self-contained in terms of school, bazar, mosque/ temple and sometimes orphanage. With effect from 1890, the post became elective but for life. The shahar Kotwal (Sheriff) and Kazi (judge) were replaced by city magistrates. Other indigenous features of the city w ere katras and bazars. A katra is an enclosed market while bazar is a street market. Several streets were associated with the manufacture and sale of items of particular handicraft, e.g., Shankhari patti, and Kumartolli. Within the mohallas, there were retail and wholesale outlets, workshops and warehouses.32 M ost of the mohallas were thus selfcontained in terms of school, bazar, mosque/ temple and sometimes orphanage. Each mohalla had its punchayat, which engaged much of the people’s attention and drew on their community spirit, since all could participate in its deliberations.33 An informal committee of Sardars (mohalla leaders) was there to look after the matters concerning inter-mohalla interests. Once the British EIC w as granted dewani (power to collect and administer revenues) of Bengal, they established their headquarters in the old Mughal areas, but around 1820, the same w as moved to the indigenous core of Banglabazar/ Farashganj area.34 It was also close to their old factories and new cantonment in the Mill Barrack area.35 Soon new Civil Lines w ere constructed in the north. By 1866, the courts for the District Judge, M agistrate and Collector and other subordinate offices were built and shifted to this location.


Phulbaria w as selected as the site for Dhaka’s first railway station in 1885. The station and the rail line practically demarcated the old (indigenous) and the new (European) developments.36 A new Civil Station was established north of the railway line, close to the Ramna Race Course in 190555 and over the former Bagh-e-Badshahi (Royal garden) of the Mughals. The Governor’s house (present H igh Court), the secretariat (present Dhaka Medical College) and Tow n Hall/ the Curzon H all (once the library building of Dhaka College) formed the core of the new tow nship. After the partition of India in 1947, East Pakistan government took possession of about tw o-thirds of the Ramna area or old Civil Station. Gardens were important elements for Mughal settlements, as the Race Course w as for English settlements, and these were alw ays exclusive to the ruling elite. M any new buildings have infiltrated into this area since then, but the basic morphology of the area from the Mughal period till this day has remained largely unchanged. The area w as and still is a major recreational area of the city with large open spaces containing parks, playing areas and clubs. Another addition to the old Dhaka carried out by the British w as the Cantonment just beyond the Nawabpur and Thatari Bazar to the north-w est of the city. It w as how ever abandoned in 185337 and transferred to the Municipal Committee to maintain it as an open space.

Post-Colonial Dhaka In the post-colonial period, Bangladesh entered into another era of political subjugation. Socio-culturally, East and West Pakistan w ere as much apart as they were physically.38 The concept of segregation w as further extended in this phase. Even in contemporary Bangladesh, names of the residential areas indicate the position of the residents in terms of their financial and social status. This Euro-centric mentality, along with the image of the buildings and spaces of European typology, formed the standard definition of an acceptable architecture and urban grow th. This attitude still prevails in the official circles. Bengali cities are pluralistic in nature and scope. There are usually many different local traditions, and the decision as to w hich of the traditions to elevate into buildings and settlement morphology, that is meant to serve as a symbol of a modern state, is never arbitrary. What

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morphology we w itness today is transcended through natural multidimensional screening. Diverse economic and political circumstances have affected each phase of Dhaka’s development contributing to a distinct typology of urban built form. Until now , ci ti es w ere essenti al l y l i nked to the system of administration and their growth was conditioned by the size and range of government establishments. The social life of the cities w as accordingly dominated by the service elites until the gradual emergence of professional classes as social leaders towards the last quarter of the nineteenth century.39 Cities of the past w ere marked by uniformity amidst diversity and a legible urban environment. Within the bazar area, services, tertiary functions, residences, retail trade, w hole-sale and ‘back yard’ small industries all freely intermingle, even within single buildings, producing a combination of intensive and diverse land-use functions,40 and a typically South Asian economic landscape, not readily found in Western urban counterparts. Individuals and groups of buildings or spaces interacted among themselves to define and redefine urban spaces and accommodate lifestyles. The physical artefacts were based on aesthetics and principles shared in common, and sanctioned by the community. The contemporary city is in a chaotic state due to ever increasing internal convulsions and external influences. Doshi,41 observing the blind imitation of certain artefacts from old examples, commented that, “We live in an atmosphere of contradictions because we like w hat w e had, but do not know well how to improve the present and ensure a better future. A s a result, w e attempt superficially certain measures in tow n and city planning, house design and housing layouts.” We need to understand the meaning of these artefacts, and why certain things evolved. What w as the context? “If half of the `modern’ city in south Asia or elsew here results from the application of ‘culturally - neutral’technology and half from the cultural values of the society in w hich it exists, w e w ould go a long way to understanding both the city, as well as its problems, if we know `which half was w hich?” 42

Context of Development Europeans left Bengal socio-culturally and geographically partitioned in 1947. Dhaka thus had to assume the role of a provincial capital from scratch. Paltan (from platoon), the abandoned British cantonment


area, and M oti jheel area became the hu b of new prov i nci al administration and business activities. Plassy and Azimpur area were developed to accommodate the influx of provincial government servants; public housing w as a new concept first realised at Azimpur. These three-storied buildings w ith apartments or flats, as they are popularly called, w ere self-contained flats corresponding to the extrovert character of the bungalow.43 Mohammedpur and M irpur, the Mughal suburbs were designated to rehabilitate non-Bengali refugees arriving from India. This w as the first introduction of the Western concept of ‘site and services’and the ‘core house’ for the general masses. Dhanmondi Residential A rea, Gulshan Model Tow n, and Banani M odel Town w ere influenced by the British post-World War I garden city movement and American suburban trends. A small central government administrative core w as first established near Segunbagicha with its residential accommodation besides new ly developed Motijheel commercial area. Construction of Sher-e-Banglanagar, a designed central government township, started in 60s at Tejgaon area adjacent to the site of pre-colonial British establishments. A new industrial area w as also laid at Tejgaon to seek industrialisation and to provide employment to basically non-Bengali immigrants.

Nature of Spatial Expansion These new physical developments, though piecemeal in their efforts, reflect European concepts of urban planning and design with functional zoning of land use. The cantonment, as a legacy of European rule, continued to be the single largest land eater at Dhaka city. During the post-European period, the cantonment shifted northw ard along the Tongi Road of the M ughal period. Previous cantonment lands were allotted to various security agencies. The location and shape of the cantonment had a profound effect on urban growth pattern in the past as w ell as in the present times. The newly laid formal areas, when compared to the spontaneous infills, show a striking difference in general texture and morphology. Although, present urbanisation follow s the pre-European tracts, the pattern of most of the existing development appears to follow colonial and quasi-colonial footsteps. H istorically, the main communication routes are in high demand for development, therefore, unplanned

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grow th and development is naturally along the communication channels, which trapped village enclaves or undeveloped land in various areas. On the one hand, it gives an image of a very compact development, and on the other, the people of these enclaves, stripped of their agricultural land, were forced to move elsew here or to change their profession. A similar situation is observed in other South A sian cities as documented by Breese.44 These enclaves characteristically lack urban amenities, but provide cheap accommodation. Their irregular roads developed along earlier w inding village paths (halot), became congested w ith traffic and seldom join w ell with the super-imposed street system of surrounding urban extensions. When densified, these settlements resemble mohallas of old tow ns indicating that the basic rural morphology is at the root of indigenous urban settlement at Dhaka.

Cultural Incongruence In the past, the components making an urban environment w ere consistent with each other. Every building w as an integral part of the city and not just a collection of parts that do not add up to a whole. Changes in physical language were affected to accommodate social changes and external stimuli of technology and learning. The urban crisis after independence had its roots in the w eakness that had emerged in the colonial period – agrarian crisis that squeezed the landless out of the countryside into the tow ns. The tendency tow ards over-urbanisation is a result of the concentration of most of the economic activities (w arehouses, industries, etc.) in a few tow ns. Internationalism, rapid urbanisation and expansion of technology perpetuated the process that began during colonialism. The deeper structures or organising principles of Bengali cities w ere distorted beyond control. The Ci ty Corporati on, w i thou t any organi c li nk w ith paras (indigenous blocks) and mohallas, has an impersonal character, w hich made urban regulation and urban services ineffectual or lacklustre, quite apart from their being constrained by limited finance. Dhaka’s recent grow th rate is highest among the top 30 cities of the w orld identified by UNCHS, growing at the rate of 6.2 per cent in the 1980s, tw o decades preceding the 2001 census, but the resources available to the local government w ere not adequate to provide even the minimal


level of many of the services for w hich they are charged. In 1991, Dhaka spent about US$ 2 per capita,45 indicating that the urban services are highly subsidised in Dhaka and consumes more than its share of resources. Dhaka is experiencing several conflicts due to the inability of its existing urban tissue to meet the requirements of fast urbanisation and population growth within the framework provided by the urban middle class. Besides its continuous expansion, the built environment of the city continues to change its texture at varying paces according to ongoing changes in social, cultural and economic factors and also political motives of the people w ho are in the helm of affairs.

Sources of Contemporary Urban Morphology Legacy of the Past The professional class or middle class, w hich emerged as the leader in society, was highly influenced by the colonial administration and w ay of life but, at the same time, could not shake off their indigenous characteristics. The opposite pull of oriental and occidental behaviour and activities forced the urban middle class to assume a dual lifestyle. A boundary was drawn between the formal and informal activity areas within a house corresponding to Western and traditional living habits and style.46 Amongst the people close to politico-administrative pow er, there seem to be a continuing preference for the portion of the urban areas that have inherited status and prestige, areas of high ground and the civil lines abandoned by the British or the areas developed under Western spatial concepts. In the post-colonial period, the entire bureaucracy was formed of urban middle class, w ho dictated the conditions for shaping and organisation of urban areas. They perceived the city as an extension of their own living environment and set standards. This attitude is reflected in the contemporary urban morphology of Dhaka with pockets of formal development follow ed by a process of informal development in the left over spaces in betw een. Though different in structure, they are complementary to each other and this duality of form is a characteristic feature of all the major urban centres in Bangladesh. Another important characteristic of urbanisation in Dhaka, as in all urban areas of Bangladesh, is that a significant number of city dwellers are directly or indirectly attached to their rural base.

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Demographic Trends A study in 1987 revealed the level of inequality in the use of land; the wealthiest 2 per cent of Dhaka’s population used almost as much of the city’s residential land as the poorest 70 per cent47 and 2.8 million of the poorest people lived on just 7 sq km of land.48 A lthough there are many other factors responsible for overcrowding, in general, it is considered to be a function of low income. In Dhaka, social habits may also be contributing to the low er floor area, w hich is about 4 sq. m per person.49 A ccording to the same investigation about 75 per cent of the housing stock in Dhaka is unauthorised.50 The residential density in Old Dhaka is 313 persons to an acre.51 If the number of people working in the area is included, the gross density w ill be much higher. A conservative estimate of the person/ room ratio in the residential quarters of old Dhaka is 7.5. M ost of the structures stand shoulder to shoulder without the minimum of open space necessary for light and air. Though this seems very dense, the average Floor Area Ratio (FA R) in Choukbazar was found to be only 0.85. By contemporary standards, Old Dhaka lacks open space and parks. There are only 17 acres of open space for over 600,000 people. These too are, however, being encroached u pon by haw kers and u nscrupu l ou s grou ps and individuals.52 The gender composition of Dhaka’s population, unlike many large A sian cities, is similar to urbanised countries but a significant portion of the population is not stable. M ost of the economically lower class people are single with their families in rural areas. UNCH S attributed this factor to the growing garment industry, which alone employs over 700,000 w omen.53 M any of these garment workers live in bustees. In fact, the very rapid grow th of Dhaka in recent decades has been explained by the same report as a result of its being upgraded to the role of a national capital in 1971 and the recent expansion of the export oriented garment sector. The rapid increase in urban population has made a tremendous claim on the already overutilised civic facilities and has already created a state of disequilibria in the urban environment. According to the 2001 census, Bangladesh has a population of 129.3 million (current estimates, 142 million), 35 million or 19.70 per cent of which resides in places defined as Urban.54 The majority of people are rural based, living in about 80,000 villages grouped into 60,000 mouzas (revenue unit). The national economy is also mainly rural, agriculture accounting for 38 per cent of GDP, and 65 per cent of employment.


However, the shares of manufacturing and service sectors are on the increase. Since these sectors are concentrated in urban areas especially the four metropolitan areas of the country, it is the people living in cities w ho are benefiting from the recent upsw ing in economic development.

Squatter Settlement The bustees, or slums, dotting the urban landscape of practically each and every metropolitan city of South A sia, constitute the other significant feature of Dhaka (Fig. 12.3). They seem to grow overnight to become the abode of countless squatters. It is observed during this study that indigenous quarters of the city are less susceptible to squatting.55 M ost of the squatter settlements or bustees are observed to be concentrated in the contemporary growth areas. They occupy the vacant public properties.56 This correlation may be explained in terms of close social bonds of inhabitants in the indigenous areas that discourage unauthorised infiltrations. Another explanation could be the informal developments, on the other side of the river, w hich accommodates most of the working poor, required to cater to the needs of the older sector of the city. Bustees are prime evidence of massive scarcity in the housing sector. Mostly single room units, they are basically used for sleeping purposes, and produce very high densities in areas totally lacking in amenities. Because of the housing shortage, economic backwardness, demand for cheap labour force and also due to some socio-political backings, they cannot be eradicated and continue to impede all efforts towards rational development. 57 It may be noted here that none of the planning framew orks adopted so far for Dhaka directly addressed itself to dealing with the priority needs and problems of the working poor, who constitute the bulk of the population. The results are obvious reflecting only the intuitions and past experience of the inhabitants. It is amazing to see, though in a very crude form, their resemblance to the popular indigenous settlement morphology.58

Prevailing Texture of Urban Morphology The grow th of Dhaka show s three distinct patterns of development: one, indigenous pattern or the older quarter; two, formal pattern or the planned new parts of the city; and, three, informal or contemporary

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Fig. 12.3: Dhaka-Location of Slums (Bustees)

organic pattern derived from the fusion of the formal and indigenous patterns. It may be noted here that the misconception of identifying indigenous Dhaka w ith ‘old’ may be simply a case of improper labelling.59 After all, what is old in an old city? Definitely not its buildings! To a large extent, the population can be termed traditional and because of their longer urban history, have a distinct lifestyle, language and mannerisms. A ll this gives a definite but indefinable ‘milieu’particular to that area”.60 But what definitely is old is the urban fabric, the pattern of streets, the arrangement of buildings and above all, the community itself. The unique character of pre-colonial Dhaka is more its spatial quality rather than the architectural detailing; therefore, contrary to their general image of stagnation, indigenous Dhaka neighbourhoods are in a continuous process of rebuilding. In the indigenous or informal patterns, the intensity of development is high. There is a preponderance of mixed uses: not intrinsically harmful, but leading to conflict and congestion at under-served high


densities. There are also a low proportion of non-residential uses – parks, roads, commercial and industrial areas – compared to the predominantly residential use. There is a w ide scatter of very poor slum areas and squatter settlements, locally known as ‘bustee’, with particularly high densities, and the proportion of population living in unplanned areas is much higher than that living in planned zones. Kamal 61 quotes some figures from an Asian Development Bank (A DB) study in 1993, which support this observation. The study categorises the average gross density (person/ hectare) in Dhaka as follow s: a. b. c. d.

Planned area (by development authorities) Infrastructure improvement areas Private formal sector Private informal sector

: : : :

85 2,200 675 250–2,000

Categories a and c areas are planned and provided with utilities; category b areas are informally developed and have all the services; and category d areas are those which lack civic services. The new city founded during the colonial period, in contrast to the traditional city, had detached buildings and w ide roads in regular layouts. The traditional system of mixed use areas w ere replaced by single use zones like residential, administrative or recreational. It w as further reinforced later by the numerous grow ths of government housing ‘colonies’ as they are called. The housing colonies with three to five storied w alk-up apartment blocks, locally called ‘flat Bari’, with basic bungalow structure,62 soon dominated a considerable part of new Dhaka, w hich provided the model for contemporary building design.

Contemporary Development Scenario Recognising Dhaka as a tow n planner ’s nightmare, The Far Eastern Economic Review63 commented that, “Ill equipped and overcrow ded, this sprawling maze of shanty tow n slums, narrow dusty streets and low rise offices and flats has grown tenfold from a tow n of just 500,000 in 1957 into a metropolis of more than 5 million.” A lthough the population after tw o decades is w ell over 10 million and the skyline has also changed dramatically since then, the problems remain similar to those observed in 1987. In Old Dhaka, most of the housing stock is unauthorised by current planning standards, w hich indicates the

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irrelevance of building and planning by-laws to the local social context and also the inefficiency of the planning body RAJUK. As formal public and private sector services agencies are unable to meet most of the urban services needs, there is a strong case for them to support the initiatives and develop the resources for community-based organisations or initiatives. The Anglo-American functional zoning, perhaps, has its roots in industrialisation and in the form of pow er (water pow er and site generated steam pow er) that was available at the time of their growth, bu t Dhak a or si mi l ar ot her ci ti es hav i n g access t o mod ern communication systems need not follow those as models. The indigenous pattern evolved through trial and error to suit the particular needs of the user. But when it is planned as a natural human tendency, man makes an attempt to simplify and organise similar elements together, omitting many intricate relationships in the total spectrum of diverse elements.64 The planned areas of the 60s in Dhaka city supports this point where it is observed that the planned areas in due cou rse of ad aptati on to the soci o-cul tural need s of the u ser, incorporated many indigenous spatial elements in their fabric. In the course of rapid growth, urban areas in developing countries often bypass certain of the grow th stages that w ere characteristic of d ev el opi ng cou ntri es. The shi f t i n the predomi nant f orm of transportation is directly from animal and foot transportation to automobile, such as bus, truck and so on, without intervening stages of local mass transportation system, chiefly railways. Traffic is often mixed - modern with high speed and medieval w ith low speed. Dhaka is no exception. Transport is therefore yet another feature influencing the form of Dhaka’s growth. Contemporary Dhaka is characterised by an internal dual economy that manifests itself in the co-existence of modern and traditional methods of production, formal and informal economical activities and extreme poverty and affluence; all these have left their imprint on the physical structure of the city. Experientially, an apparent chaotic setting and an ordered setting have got a meaning i.e. the more vernacular and lower status parts of the city tend to evolve to a more organic layout, w hile high style centres of the elite retain more orderly development. It all depends on how a settlement originates and the level of state intervention in its development. It has been observed


that in response to the needs and tastes of user groups, gradually the order in the planned areas also makes adaptations. The primary elements that structure the urban morphology are the type of land use and transportation network. The transport-mix in Dhaka, as in other metropolises of Bangladesh and other South A sian cities, complicates circulation. Those w ho w alk from place to place, make the vast majority of trips and have a profound effect on the distribution of land use. A n opinion survey on the City’s traffic congestion reveals that 80 per cent of the city dw ellers are against the ban on rickshaws.65 A nalysis of travel behaviour in the formal and informal areas revealed that vehicular (mostly rickshaw) trips prevailed f or most school and shopping d esti nati ons.66 I n the type of development w here distances are not great and individual bulk movements are not large, there is, in fact, an undeniable kind of efficiency in cheap, slow moving, low-cubage transport able to negotiate the organic street system. For those who travel by other means and move goods from place to place other than on their backs, the possible modes are many and varied. Transportation ranges from slow pushcarts to the speeding truck. Typical transportation modes are pedal van, cycle rickshaw s and auto rickshaw, motor vans, mini bus, bus, etc.67 This mix of facilities, sharing and competing the right-of-way in a generally uncontrolled fashion, is both the product and the generator of the typically high mix of land uses throughout the city, especially due to the different nature of grow th pattern in different sectors of the city.68 Dhaka is one of the least motorised metropolises in the world. The proportion of all travel by motorised vehicles is low. DITS69 estimates that 74 per cent of all work trips are on foot or by cycle rickshaw. Public transport is poor and disorganised, with limited coverage, and non-mechanised transport is an inadequate form of long distance movement. Mobility levels are low, and for most, workplace and home remain in close proximity. Without major transport changes, the future shape of the city w ill still be constrained by the need of most people to live near their place of work. Even with such improvements, poverty will still impose a restriction on extensive outwards mixed-use grow th and will favour a city of high density. In the contemporary settlement design, more and more emphasis is placed on vehicular movement and big shopping complexes but the people for w hom these are

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designed are ignored, which is a planning dilemma. Community is historically embedded in nature, with unique identity and physical limit of each unit of the community. However, a positive side of this situation is that in Dhaka, carbon dioxide emission rate is 25 times less than in cities such as Canberra, Chicago and Los A ngeles and about a quarter of the World’s average.70 Once a city has been built and adapted to one particular form of transport and land use layout, it is very difficult and costly to revise the design to accommodate a new and different transport system because of the large scale acquisition and demolition involved. Therefore, building of new roads, especially in the indigenous and informal areas, a solution normally proposed by the engineers and transport planners may be a luxury, w hich cannot be afforded. Moreover, past experience in Western countries (which are used as models) indicate that new roads in the established urban areas do not in fact, solve the traffic problem.71 A s Ratcliffe72 has pointed out, building new roads as a solution to urban congestion and degradation is rather like printing more money as a cure to rising inflation. Therefore, the root causes of the problem should be sought rather than getting entangled w ith the manifestations. The answer perhaps lies in a judicious pattern of land use. For example, concentration of landing piers (ghats) along river Bouriganga in old Dhaka generates unnecessary road traffic in the city, as most of the goods loaded or unloaded here need to be transported deep inside or far north of the city. Dhaka, bei ng su rrou nded by ri vers, the landi ng pi ers may easi ly be decentralised tow ards north-west and north-east of the city reducing unnecessary through traffic. Similarly, a large chunk of land in use by educational institutions and the cantonment within the city force traffic movement to be of circuitous nature. Notwithstanding the peculiar problems of development Dhaka faces, Urban Government Dhaka, as in many developing countries, has stuck to the by-law s lifted unimaginatively from Western countries. Value judgment plays no small part in breaking the organic link between the older and new urban areas. The appeal of Patrick Geddes73 to understand the specificity of each tow n, and to undertake only conservative surgery, not drastic amputation (of form and history) is even more valid today than at the beginning of the twentieth century. He felt the need for economising on transport by changing the zoning


regulations. Geddes pointed out that Indian cities should not plan and develop as if they w ere like London or other European cities; the economic condition and psychological framework of India w as not conducive to that. His concepts were totally opposed to a typically colonial approach. He had a sympathetic appreciation for indigenous landscape. Geddes believed that the major objective of the colonial development should be the conservation, recovery and maintenance of the indigenous home, the neighbourhoods and the sentiments of inhabitants. The proposal w as perhaps the only attempt so far for Dhaka to integrate tw o parallel and often conflicting trends of urban development. The first formal M aster Plan for Dhaka was prepared in 1958 for an anticipated population of 2 million, compared to the current figure of more than 10 million. The Dhaka M etropolitan A rea Development Plan (DM DP’95) came up after a long interval, but is yet to be adopted formally. The emerging development scenario does not look bright, at least in the immediate future.

Recent Trends in Planning and Development The Dhaka Integrated Transport Study sub-divided the city into 19 zones. Subsequently, it was revised in 1995 resulting in adjustment tow ards, mouza and municipal boundaries and readjustment of the zones. In effect, the previous 19 zones became 26 zones af ter readjustments. Zone 1, 2 and 3 are the most densely populated areas and form the core of Dhaka City. Zones 1 and 2 are loosely termed as the Central Business Districts (CBD- south and north respectively) and zone 3 comprises of the pre-colonial urban core. Zones 1 to 6 roughly correspond to Dhaka City Corporation (DCC) area, and are mostly referred to in this study. Even during the colonial rule, people w ith different occupational or economic status lived together in the same community, outside the European quarters. Such communities still exist in the informal parts of the city. The part of the city developed on formal planning lines is characterised by segregation of communities according to income classes. Communities w ere compartmentalised on the basis of socioeconomic status or groups. This gives rise to a settlement pattern, which is more and more divided and isolated, incapable of acting as a whole, thus losing vitality. This is exemplified in both government employees’ colonies as well as in state sponsored private housing areas and model

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tow ns. One of the characteristi cs of Dhaka is the presence of government housing complexes of various types and status. In most of the cases they are not properly integrated with the surrounding development. These housing communities segregated by occupation, are also an index of the resident’s status and income range. Mismatch of these ‘colonies’to their surrounding community structure often poses social problems. Dhaka’s urban morphology is characterised at one end by modern high rises or apartment blocks, and bustees or squatter settlements, on the other hand. In betw een these tw o extremes lie public sector ‘colonies’ of monotonous blocks of flats w ith their unused, uncaredfor green pockets of lifeless character. Side by side, but in contrast to these ‘colonies’ are intensive lively portions (how ever disorganised it may appear at the first sight) of informal development at Dhaka. Informal areas are spontaneous developments by the majority w ho were left out of the conventional planning process. The socio-economic parameters on w hich a humanistic planning and design exists aimed at catering to the needs of the masses, requires inclusion of a viable economic programme. Humanistic planning, defined in terms of those needs, is missing in the contemporary development.

Concluding Remarks A city needs to be appraised w ith reference to its geographical, historical, socio-economic and cultural contexts that impact its future and make it thrive or decay. Liveability of a city is dependent on several tangible and intangible functions: what Louis Kahn called the measurable and un-measurable, the physical and the spiritual or symbolic. “Strong w alls do not make a city. N either palace nor complexes, nor all the well-tended parks and civic centres in the world can make a city thrive. It is such drab things as the skill of man, investment, pow er, transport, water, living, and w orking space that make a city feel like reaching up to the skies. These are the victuals and keep a city strong, healthy and growing.”74 Buildings, spaces, activities and communities in the city, w hen organised and designed without this holistic vision and perspective result in a banal and sterile environment that lowers the quality of life and fails to inspire creativity. Naturally, the bottomline for all these is a healthy community and contextual planning.


Perlman 75 underscored the need for a vibrant neighbourhood as a key to a healthy city and observed some basic ingredients missing in contemporary American society, therefore, called to learn from the Third World countries. She discussed the role of neighbourhood organisations from her Latin American experience in creating that vitality. President Kennedy, referring to the role of neighbourhood groups, said that ‘Those who make peaceful revolution impossible make violent revolution inevitable.’76 The realisation of involving grassroot level neighbourhood groups in the development process is not new but how far this realisation could be materialised in practice? M ore than a decade after President Kennedy, President Carter 77 again emphasised that ‘Neighbourhood and families are the living fibre that holds our society together. Until we place them at the top of our national policy, our hopes for the nation and our goals for our private lives will not be attained.’ A merican neighbourhoods are physical, not social, and never considered as a vehicle of socio-economic integration.78 The groups in the neighbourhoods, when present and work in the community, are essentially voluntary and agenda-based. In some cases, these groups or their leaders are legitimised and legally recognised as Neighbourhood Advisory Councils or Neighbourhood Planning Boards, increasing their voice in decisions affecting their locality or even conferring direct control over services and resources allocated for the area. But often, these Bodies are not comprehensive enough to cover all spheres of community life. Some of the indigenous civic bodies like punchayat might provide an answer to this dilemma. Dhaka has a perfect setting to encourage direct public participation in the development process. Faced with a colossal demand for clean water, clean air, underground sewerage, an effective drainage system, well laid and w ide roads, good schools, efficient health delivery and hassle free life, but w ithout the necessary resources and motivated expertise for comprehensive planning and development, the city authorities have opted for a strategy of remaining aloof and responding to only those problems that require urgent attention or w hich the people could not tackle themselves.79 A w elcome outcome of this inability of the local and national governments to redress public grievances is the public-private participation in the informal areas of the city. Its reach has gradually extended to improvement of the roads, mohalla security, w aste disposal and management and recreational facilities. M otivation,

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co-ordination and guidance are derived from the age-old system of mohalla punchayat set up. Examples of civic w ork being taken up by contribution from residents or even someone sponsoring the entire task are not rare. A s this paper comes to its final stage, the author hopes that the government will steer Dhaka’s destiny more rationally and professionally and ultimately decentralise its governance once again to the neighbourhood level. If the bottom-up initiative is further enlarged and fine-tuned with top-down planning for the metropolis in its regional context, Dhaka will certainly be in a better position to tide over its problems. With the emergence of Sheikh H asina as Prime M inister of Bangladesh in January 2009, Dhaka is being redecorated as a newlook capital city under a mega plan to bring order in the otherwise chaotic civic life. Under this master plan, a 1,528 sq km area of Dhaka under the jurisdiction of Rajdhani Unnayan Kartripakkha (Rajuk) will be built in the light of rules and regulations of a structure plan. A ccording to the rebuilding plan, the capital city has been divided into 17 Land Use Zones. These are: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17.

Urban Residential Zone, Commercial Zone, General Industrial Zone, Heavy Industrial Zone, Commercial-General Industrial Zone, Residential-Commercial Zone, Residential-Commercial-General Industrial Zone, Residential-General Industrial Zone, Residential-General Industrial Zone, Institutional Zone, Administrative Zone, Agricultural Zone, Flood Flow Zone, Open Space Zone, Rural Settlement Zone, Water Retention A rea, and Water Body.

The Detailed A rea Planning (DA P) approach focuses on roadbuilding and other facilities. The planning model chosen envisages developing Dhaka as a Grow th Pole necessitating extensive and long-


distance travel. It w ould be better to adopt a people-friendly and equity-focused approach as the RPM model so that most of the goods and services are available w ithin a short distance and poorer sections of the society can also benefit from development. This applies to Transport Plan too. More land should be allocated for public uses. Further, instead of catering to the needs of the rich, more of public services and social institutions within w alking distance is vital to make Dhaka a lively city and for reducing traffic congestion and pollution. Dhaka needs a Regional Urban Development Plan, w hich offers avenues for decentralisation of many of its economic activities, relocation or redevelopment of slums and squatter settlements, better drainage outlets, people’s participation in planning and development not only at the apex municipal level but also and more importantly at the grass roots (mohalla and panchayat) levels. If Dhaka can tide over natural calamities and grow to the present size, it can certainly tide over the vagaries of misplaced planning and development to once again become not only a great city of the w orld in terms of population but also in terms of quality of urban life.

Notes and References 1. M ow la, Q.A . (1986): A n A pprai sal of A rchi tecture in Dhaka w ith Reference to its Thermal Performance, in Pow ell, R. (Ed) Regionalism in Architecture, Published by the Concept M edia Singapore, on behalf of AKAA , Geneva: Sw itzerland, 1986. 2. Mowla, Q.A. (1985): Sun and the Built Form: with special reference to Dhaka – Bangladesh, unpublished M . A rch. Dissertation, 1985, Department of Architecture and Planning, University of Roorkee (IIT- Roorkee), India. 3. Flood Forecasting Division of the Bangladesh Water Development Board, GoB. 4. Taylor, James (1840): Topography and Statistics of Dacca, Calcutta. 5. Muktadir, M.A. & D.M H asan, (1985): Traditional House Form in Rural Bangladesh: A case study for Regional i sm in A rchitecture, Paper presented at the Regional seminar on Architecture and the Role of Architects in Southern Asia, 19-22 December’ 1995, Dhaka. p. 5–6. 6. Toffin, G. (1994), Ecology and A nthropology of Traditional Dw ellings, In Traditional Dwelling and Settlement Review in the Journal of International Association for the Study of Traditional Environments, Vol. V, No. II, 1994, pp. 9–20.

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7. N azi muddin (1995): A rchitectural Development in Bangladesh – a background, paper presented at the Regional Seminar on Architecture and the Role of Architects in Southern Asia, 19–22 December 1995, Dhaka. pp. 17.1–17.10. 8. The terms roughly correspond to courtyard, lane, corner and market respectively but do not exactly convey the meaning. 9. Rennel, J (1792): Memoir of a Map of Hindostan, 2nd Ed., London (pp. 201–229). And also Letter from Rennell to the Rev. Gilbert Barrington, Vicar of Chudleigh, Devon, 31 Aug. 1765, ‘Rennell’s Letters’, Home Miscellaneous Series, Vol. 815. 10. The Imperial Gazetteer of India (IGI), Vol. XI, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1908, pp. 105-116. A nd also IGI, Vol. IV (2nd Edn.), London: Trubner & Co., 1885, pp. 77–91. Note that Sonargaon and Savar are within greater Dhaka. 11. Centre for Urban Studies (CUS), (2006): Slum of Urban Bangladesh: Mapping and Census, Dhaka, 2005. 12. Level of income required to purchase the necessary food requirements (FA O/ WH O estimates of the household’s caloric requirements-1983) quoted in Colman, D. & Nixon, F. (1994), Economics of Change in less developed countries, H arvester Wheatsheaf, pp. 254–55; Lipton, M082): Poverty, under nutrition and Hunger, World Bank Staff Working Paper, p.2. M ore specifically: People unable to consume 2122 kcal/ person/ day due to economic reasons are below the poverty line. (\ See also Hashmi, T.I. (1997): Subsistence A ttainment vs. Poverty Eradication, in http:// .www.bangla.net/holiday/viewpt.html, dt. 30.6.97. 13. BBS (2001): op. cit. 14. CUS (2006): op. cit. 15. The storm drainage system of Dhaka city has progressively deteriorated in the last 15 to 20 years with the expansion of the city. Previously, natural drainage w as successfully achieved through Dholai Khal, Gerani Khal, Shegun Bagicha Khal, Pari Bagh Khal. These Khals have been encroached upon and even blocked at many locations by unplanned constructions. 16. Birt, B. (1914): Romance of an Eastern Capital, London, 1914 (Chap. 1). Historians have studied Dhaka’s history quite well, some of them are Dani, A. H. (1962): Dhaka-A Record of its Changing Fortunes, Asiatic Society Press, Dhaka, p. 7; Karim,A . (1964): Dacca – The Mughal Capital, Asiatic society of Pakistan Publication no. 15, Dhaka. p. 29; Taifoor, S.M .(1952): Glimpses of Old Dacca, Dacca, p. 6; and more recently Ahmed, S.U. (1986): Dacca-A study in Urban History and Development, London Studies on South A si a N o. 4, Curzon Press Ri verdal e Co, and M ow la, Q.A (2003), M orphological Evolution of Dhaka- A H istorical Perspective, A siatic Society Journal, Vol. 48(1), pp. 145–170. 17. Rudduck, G. (1961): Towns and Villages of Pakistan, Government of Pakistan, Karachi: Planning Commission.

Dhaka: A Mega City of Persistence and Change 369 18. A hmed, S.U. (1986): Dacca–A study in Urban History and Development, London Studies on South Asia No. 4, Curzon Press Riverdale Co. pp. 11. 19. Taish quoted by Ahmed, (1986), ibid. p. 13. 20. D’Oyly, C (1808): Antiquities of Dacca, published by John Lanseer, N o. 33 Foley St. London. 21. Rennel, J (1792): op.cit. pp. 201–229. 22. DM RR, Magistrates Report 1893. 23. Trevelyan, C. E. (1853): Evidence of Sir C. E. Trevelyan on Indian Territories before Select Committee of the Two Houses of Parliament, 1853. 24. Chomsky, N (1993): Year 501: The Conquest Continues, Verso. p.14. 25. Chomsky, N (1993): op.cit. pp. 5–21. 26. Taylor, J. (1840): op. cit. pp. 363–371, and ‘Notes by the (Commercial) Resident,’ H ome Miscellaneous Series, Vol. 456 (f) footnotes to p. 289; also Karim, A. (1964): Dacca-the Mughal Capital, Asiatic Society of Pakistan Publication No 15, Dacca, pp. 37–38. 27. Walter, H. (1820): A Geographical, Statistical and Historical Description of Hindostan and the Adjacent Countries, 2 Volumes, London; and see Ascoli, F.D (1917), Early Revenue History of Bengal and the Fifth Report, 1882, Oxford for detail statistics and geographical descriptions. 28. Dhaka Municipal Corporation Record Room (DM RR): Coll.XXXI/ 64 and Coll. XXV/ 11, also A hmed (1986): op.cit. p. 151. 29. BPWD proceedings - General, XVI, 59, N ov. 1862, p. 293. 30. The Dacca Review, VI, No. 2, M ay 1916, pp. 67–68. 31. This form of settlement pattern, i.e. living nearer to their relations and Jatis or caste groups, first came into official notice when the district gazetteers and the record of rights required by the 1885 Bengal Tenancy Act were under preparation. However it did not go farther than this. Follow ing literature gives clues to this pattern, they also show that the pattern is common all over Bangladesh: Vas, J.A . (1911): Bengal District Gazetteers, Rangpur District. p. 146; O’Malley, L.S.S. (1908): Bengal District Gazetteers, Chittagong District. p. 52; Cummings (1890): Settlement Papers on Pargana Roushanabad, No. 19, Comilla Rajbari Record Room, Comilla. 32. Indigenous Mahallas were typical in the dense development for pedestrian movement combined with business activities; the clerks and the porters were all w ithin walking distances of the place of work. Living near the business centre saved people both time and money. 33. A hmed, S.U. (1986): op. cit. p. 15 34. British ‘divide and rule’ policy successfully injected the idea among the indigenous population that for them British rule is just a matter of change of masters, not a question of local and foreign rule, so they should cooperate with them. See Dani (1962: Dhaka – A Record of its Changing Fortune, Dhaka: Asiatic Society Press. 35. Ahmed (1986): op.cit. p. 132.

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36. Dani (1962): op.cit. pp. 125–128. 54. In the present study, the term urban area has been used as defined by the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, as a developed area around (i) an identi fiable central pl ace w here (ii) A meniti es like metall ed roads, communi cati on faci l iti es, el ectri ci ty, gas, w ater suppl y, sew erage, sanitation, etc. usually exist, (iii) which are densely populated and a majority of the population are non-agricultural and (iv) where community sense is w ell developed. There is no menti on of its physical size. [Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics-BBS (2003): Bangladesh Population Census 2001 (Zila: Dhaka), GoB.] 37. H aider, A . (1967): Dhaka: History and Romance in Place Names, A Dhaka Municipality Publication, Dhaka: pp. 48–49. 38. Post 1947 rule w as a synthesis of the autocratic element in the tradition of the British rule and the aristocratic traditions of the north Indian Muslim ascendancy. The special character and aspirations of the Bengali could find little room to express themselves w ithin such political order. See Jackson, R. (1975: South Asian Crises - India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Chotto & Windus Ltd. London, pp. 18–19]. Bengali M iddle class, the most important social force, had undergone their formative experience in the parliamentary government of the then undivided Bengal. They possessed a deep loyalty to their Bengali Culture – a synthesis of pre-Islamic and Islamic traditions, besides their commitment to Islam. 39. Islam, M . S. (1980): Life in the M ufassal Towns of N ineteenth Century Bengal, in Ballhatchet,K and Harrison (Eds.) The Cities in South East Asia, Curzon Press, London, p. 250 (pp. 224–256). 40. Deshpande & Arunachalam (1981): Bombay, in Pocione, M (ed.), Problems and Planning in the Third World Cities, Croom Helm, London, pp. 187– 217. 41. Doshi , B.V (1985): Cul tural Conti nuum and Regi onal Identi ty i n Architecture, paper presented at a seminar on Regionalism in Architecture, Dhaka, 19-22 Dec 1985. pp. 18.1–18.9. 42. King, A.D. (1980): Colonialism and the Development of the Modern Asian Cities: Some Theoretical Considerations, in Ballhatchet, K. & Harrison, (ed.), The Cities in South East Asia, Curzon Press, London. 43. The British mistook Bengali Out-House (Bangla or Kachari Ghar) as the l egi ti mate Bengal i house. They developed thi s typol ogy w hich i s popularly know n as bungalow (corruption of bangla). Bangla ghar is a male domain and is extrovert in character. The indigenous house typology is introvert in character with a courtyard (uthan) in the centre. Bungalow, though developed as a complete house, was also extrovert in nature w ith verandas all round and sited in the middle of a compound. Bungalow typology is the basis for subsequent building bye-laws. King, AD (1975), The Colonial Bungalow – Compound Complex in India, in Ekistics 234,


44. 45. 46.

47.

48. 49. 50.

51.

52.

53. 54.

May, 1975. Quoted in M ow la, Q.A. (1990): Study of Urban Development Opportunities for Lalbagh/ Kotewali zone and Urban Design Vision for the Land to be vacated by Dhaka Central Jail Located in the Study Area, MUD dissertation, University of Hong Kong, Sept. 1990. Breese, G. (1966): Urbanization in newly Developing Countries, Prentice-Hall, Inc., Eaglew ood Cliffs., N J. Bhal, R.W and Johannes L. (1992), Urban Public Finance in Developing Countries, NY: Oxford University Press, pp. 14–15. Duality exists i n many spheres of Dhaka’s l ife eg. dual educati on medium/ system, dual traditions of planning, dual order of settlement pattern (ambivalent attitude tow ard imported architectural styles, modes of construction, use of space), dual authority controlling Dhaka’s planning, dual economy (formal and informal), mechanized and non-mechanized transport in the same roads and so on. Islam, N . (1992): ‘The Poor’s Access to Urban Land for H ousing’in Islam, N. and Chow dhury, A.I. (Eds.), Urban Land M anagement in Bangladesh, Ministry of Land, GoB publication, p. 133. UN CHS/ H A BITA T (1996): An Urbanizing World: Global Report on Human Settlements, N ew York: Oxford University Press, p. 243. UNCHS (2001): Cities in the Urbanizing World: Global Report on Human Settlements 2001, London: Earthscan. Besides huge amount of unauthorized constructions (without the approval of planning authority), there are cases of houses in illegal land, illegally occupied houses, subletting, institutional spaces, squatting etc. At one extreme, there is illegal occupation (squatting) and at the other, fully legal occupation of the land but w ith one aspect of the house or plot or the wider sub-division not meeting official standards or perhaps even meeting official standards but not having received official approval. Also ref. UNCHS (2001): op cit. The data is based on 1981 census. A ccording to 1991 census, Old Dhaka’s population density (person/ acre) is 323, showing a little increase in a decade. Mowla, Q.A. (1990): Study of Urban Development Opportunities for Lalbagh/ Kotwali zone and Urban Design Vision for the land to be vacated by Dhaka Central Jail located in the study Area, an unpublished MUD dissertation submitted to H ong Kong University, 1990, p. 12. UN CH S 2001. op cit. In the present study, the term urban area has been used as defined by the Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics, as a developed area around (i) an identi fiable central pl ace w here (ii) A meniti es like metall ed roads, communi cati on faci li ties, el ectri city, gas, w ater supply, sew erage, sanitation etc. usually exist, (iii) w hich are densely populated and a majority of the population are non-agricultural and (iv) where community

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55.

56.

57.

58.

59.

60.

61.

62.

Urbanisation in South Asia sense is w ell developed. There is no mention of its size, Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics (BBS), 2003 Bangladesh Population Census 2001, Zila: Dhaka), GoB. The main reason for deteriorating conditions in the indigenous quarters can be attributed to thei r inabil i ty to enter into general planning framew ork of Dhaka. Legal complicacies regarding ownership in many properties deter the occupier to make large investments in maintenance is yet another factor for deteriorating conditions there. More than 500 acres of public ow ned land designated for some use is lying vacant at Dhaka. If vacant lands owned by private industries and Institutional lands ow ned by railw ays, port authorities, Universities, etc. are also taken into account, these figures w ould swell to a much higher figure. (Das, A.C. 1992: Urban Vacant Land – Public and Private issues and Prospects for development in Islam, N. and Chowdhury, A.I. [Eds.] Urban Land M anagement in Bangladesh, Published by M inistry of Land, Government of Bangladesh. p. 142.). A M/ O Land, GOB survey conducted in June 1997, says that about 1,500 acres of public land, mostly of PWD, HS&D, RA JUK, Railw ay, DCC, is under illegal occupation, and most of it is occupied by the bustees (Khan, 1997, op.cit.). However, this is a case of negative thinking to look at a phenomenon. Within these bustees there is a strong community feeling and self-help attitude. Communities are quite vibrant; their main problem is poverty. (Payne, 1979: Housing- the Third World Solution to First World Problem in the Built Environment, Vol. 5, No. 2, 1979, pp. 99–110 & Turner, 1979, pp. 91–98). Mowla, Q.A . & Helaluzzaman, M. (1986): Study of Ganaktoli Sweeper’s Bustee (unpublished Project Report), submitted to the M / O Works, GoB, as a participant in the design competition on the occasion of World Habitat Day, to improve the living environment of Ganaktoli Bustee, Dhaka. Mowla, Q.A. (2003): Towards a Paradigm of Liveable City – The Case of Dhaka, Jahangirnagar Review, Jahangirnagar University, XXVII, 2003, 4354. A lso see Dhaka Integrated Transport Study (DITS-1994), The Draft Final Report, Feb. 1994. GoB. Khan, I. M. (1985): Liveability in Old Dhaka: Evolving Residential Pattern in Mohallas, Paper presented at the Regional Seminar on Architecture and the Role of Architects in Southern Asia, 19-22 December, 1995, Dhaka: pp. 7.1 to 7.13 Kamal, M. I. (1995): The Urban Housing Scheme in Dhaka, in Nagorio Prokoton: An Urban A ffairs Quarterly, Vol. II, N o. 3, Sept.–N ov., 1995, pp. 93–97. King, 1975, op. cit.

Dhaka: A Mega City of Persistence and Change 373 63. Far Eastern Economic Review (1987), No Place Like Home: Dhaka Faces up to its Chronic Housing Shortage, Vol. 137(32) 6 A ug’1987. 64. This thinking process is elaborated by A lexander. See A lexander, C.(1964): Notes on the Synthesis of Form, MIT press, Cambridge, Massachusetts and (1979): The Timeless Way of Building, New York: Oxford U.P. and may also refer to A lexander, C. et al. (1977): A Pattern Language, New York: Oxford U.P. 65. 90 per cent of the respondents are in favour of increasing law enforcing manpow er and improving the efficiency of management to tackle the problem. Will the planners ever consider these facts in their planning strategy? [Report by the Centre for Sustainable Development, Dhaka published in the daily Observer and quoted in http://www.bangla.org/ news.amitech/bvln158.htm#4. Dt.15/ 5/ 97. However, a sample survey carried out by the author in the study areas (Wari and Dhanmondi) show that 75 per cent of the respondents like to move in Rickshaw s, 10 per cent prefer own/ individual motorised vehicle, and 5 per cent were undecided. The rest either walked or used public transport. Average work trip period varies between 10 and 15 minutes w ithin DCC. 66. Similar studies by Zehner in a different context and in an affluent society show similar trends. Zehner, R.B. (1977): Access, Travel and Transportation in New Communities, N ew Communities Research Series, Cambridge: Ballinger Publishing, p. 83. 67. At present an estimated 160,000 motorised vehicles operate in DMC area which include 80,000 cars, 40,000 auto-rickshaws, 16,000 trucks and 1,500 buses and 25,500 other vehicles [Saadi, M.L.K(1997): City Pollution rises unchecked in w eekly Holiday, http://www.bangla.net /holiday/national.html dt:21/ 7/ 97]. There are nearly 200,000 cycle rickshaws operating in DMC area. Rickshaw accounts for nearly 20 per cent of employment in the DM C area and provides for most practical and cheap transport needs of the city dw ellers [Daily Bangladesh Observer - 23/ 5/ 90]. DM C has a road netw ork of about 3,000 km. (Mowla, Q.A . (1990): op. cit. p. 6& 31 also refer to Weekly Bichitra (Bangla) date 5/ 7/ 91, p. 19]. Figures quoted above have just doubled in last one decade i.e. in 2007. 68. DITS (1994), op. cit. and M owla, Q.A . (1994): “Traffic and Transportation of Dhaka w ith reference to its Urban Environment” paper presented at the International Seminar on Poverty, Basic Services, and Environment in Urban Areas: The Asian Experience, March 24–26, 1994, New Delhi, India. 69. DITS (1994): op.cit. A lso refer to Faruque, H & Chow dhury, A (1995): Integrated Transport network for Dhaka – 2015 in Nagario Prokoton, An Urban Affairs Quarterly, year 2, Vol. II, No 1–2, 1995. p.33. 70. N i shi oka, Shuzo,Yui chi N ori guchi and Sombo Yamamura (1990): Megalopolis and Climate Change: the case of Tokyo, in James Mc Culloch

374

71.

72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78.

79.

Urbanisation in South Asia (ed.), Cities and Global Climate Change, Climate institute, Washington DC. pp. 108–133. Another recent development is that rather than exploring the means to reduce the generation of traffic, a typical engineering solution to the traffic congestion is in the process of going ahead. Similarly 2 fly-overs were built recently (at Moghbazar and Mohakhali) to ease traffic jams in Dhaka city. [BSS quoted in ...www.bangladesh – web.com/news/july/09/jvln213htm dt. 9/ 7/ 97] Ratcliffe, J. (1977): An Introduction to Town and Country Planning, Hutchison and Co. Ltd., London. Geddes, P (1917): Report on Town Planning, Dacca, Bengal Secretariat Book Depot, Calcutta. Mitra, A . (1963): Calcutta - India’s City, N ew A ge, Calcutta. Perlman, J.(1979): N eighbourhood Organization : America Learns from the Third World, in Built Environment, Vol. 5(2), 1979. pp. 111–118. Quoted in Perlman, J. (1979): ibid. p. 118. Quoted in Perlman, J. (1979): ibid. p. 112. Perry, C.A (1929): Neighbourhood and Community Planning, Metropolitan America, Arno Press, N .Y. (p. 126). Quoted in Audirac, I. & Shermyen, A. (1994), An Evolution of Neotraditional Design’s Social Prescriptions: Post Modern Placebo or Remedy for Suburban Malaise? in Journal of Planning Education and Research, Vol. 13, p. 164. Payne, G.K. (1979): Housing – the Third World Solution to First World problems, in the Built Environment, vol. 5, no. 2, 1979. p. 105.