easy listening: jerry lanning and the bbc radio

EASY LISTENING: JERRY LANNING AND THE BBC RADIO ORCHESTRA 1979-81

DAVID ETHERIDGE

A Dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of Birmingham City University for the degree of Master of Arts in Musicology

August 2017

Birmingham Conservatoire, The Faculty of Arts, Design and Media

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EASY LISTENING: JERRY LANNING AND THE BBC RADIO ORCHESTRA 1979-81

ABSTRACT.

This dissertation will examine the work of Jerry Lanning, arranger and musical director for the BBC Radio Orchestra 1979-1981. It will look at working practices in taking musical source material and arranging for the small ensemble within the Radio Orchestra. I will place the Radio Orchestra within the context of BBC radio and musical history, looking at the issues of live versus recorded music, needle time agreements, radio programming and finances, the latter ultimately leading to the orchestra’s demise. I will explore the Radio Orchestra’s musical policy and its links to the worlds of pop music, dance bands and easy listening, and how these idioms influenced the approaches to the arrangement of pop material, TV and film themes. I will analyse two of Lanning’s arrangements as case studies: Abba’s ‘I Wonder/Departure’, and ‘I left my heart in San Francisco’, and compare them using scores and BBC source recordings with the originals. I will discuss changes in musical idiom, style, instrumentation, recomposition, and discuss how by using arranging principles outlined in the works of Mancini (1962), Sebesky (1974) and Nestico (1999), the material is reworked in various ways. Taking the approach by Niles (2014) for the analysis of the music, I will suggest areas for further research and a wholesale re-evaluation of the Radio Orchestra’s work.

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Acknowledgements. I would like to thank Shirley Thompson, Sian Derry, Simon Hall and in particular Chris Marshall for all their help, guidance and insight into preparing this dissertation, and in making the whole course exceptionally enjoyable for a (very) mature student.

Very special thanks and appreciation goes to Jerry Lanning, both for his time for the interview, and getting the scores and music to me in the first place. In addition, thanks to all the musicians who played some of the charts and gave me so much enjoyment in rehearsing and conducting them over the years.

Lastly but most of all, thanks and love to my wife Angela English, without whom I would never have even considered an M.A., let alone actually done it!

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CONTENTS.

Introduction: p.5. The BBC Radio Orchestra: p.7. Easy Listening: p.24. Needletime: p.33. Radio Programming: p.44. Jerry Lanning Interview: p.54. Analysis of Jerry Lanning arrangements: p.60. Conclusion: p.72. Bibliography: p.74.

Addendum: Scores: p.82. I wonder - hand written original score: p.83. I wonder - printed score: p.96. I left my heart in San Fransisco - hand written score: p.106. Complete list of Jerry Lanning arrangements with instrumentation: p.122.

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INTRODUCTION. This project will provide insights into the BBC Radio Orchestra and Jerry Lanning’s work as arranger/M.D from 1979-81. It places the Radio Orchestra within the context of BBC radio’s history and musical policy. It investigates the issues of live vs. recorded music, needle time agreements, programming and finances, the latter ultimately leading to the orchestra’s demise. It links the Radio Orchestra’s musical policy to the worlds of pop music, dance bands, jazz, and in particular easy listening, and how these idioms influenced the approaches to the arrangement of pop material, TV and film themes. My research on the BBC Radio Orchestra is located at the intersection of various extant fields. These include: theory and practice in arranging techniques for studio orchestras; the BBC Radio Orchestra; the history of the BBC’s radio music policy; the development of BBC Radio and it’s changing role in the latter half of the 20th Century; the study of various different idioms of popular music, including jazz, pop, light music and easy listening; working practices for musicians within the BBC, and managerial and political pressures on the music department. My research will address the musicological issues of Jerry Lanning’s arranging techniques for the Radio Orchestra at a specific point in its history. My rationale for this project is that, as Lanza (2004) maintains (p.161), easy listening music is often disparaged by critics and scholars and is perceived by some as having a low status. For that reason, Lanza (2004) and Keightley (2008) suggest that this is an apparently neglected area which deserves further attention, particularly in the area of arrangements. My project may lead to the expansion of knowledge of the BBC Radio Orchestra’s history and context, and suggest scope for further research in this field. In order to focus my analysis, my research questions are as follows: • What is the background and history of the BBC Radio Orchestra, and what was its function? 5

• How did the opportunities and constraints within broadcasting practices affect the musical approach and content of the Radio Orchestra? • How does Easy Listening as a musical style form the basis of the Radio Orchestra’s music? • What were the working practices of the orchestra under Jerry Lanning’s tenure as M.D.? • What conclusions can be drawn about arranging approaches by an analysis of Lanning’s scores and recordings? An important part of this dissertation is an in-depth musicological analysis of a representative number of Lanning’s scores.

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THE BBC RADIO ORCHESTRA. Introduction. This chapter is an exploration of the background to the BBC Radio Orchestra. There is little scholarly discourse on this subject and I intend to examine the historical background, the ensembles that preceded it and from which it developed, the varying lineups of the orchestra in detail, and their activities. This will position my research in an historical context. Historical background. The history of the BBC’s approach to popular music is a complex one, but illuminates the thinking within the Corporation over the decades leading up to the formation of the Radio Orchestra. Its musical background covers pop and dance music, orchestral jazz, easy listening, light music, and the changing fashions and attitudes to them within the BBC. The BBC broadcast classical and popular music from the outset. Under the Reithian values of ‘cultural responsibility’, the BBC took on the approach of upholding British values, maintaining artistic standards particularly in musical performance, and resisting the perceived vulgarity of American culture, with its culture of commercialism and unionisation. Reith’s intention was to educating the listener to discriminate, develop the art of attentive listening and gradually wean the listener from the more lightweight forms, particularly dance band music (Barnard 1989 pp. 4-5). Ang (2006) comments: ‘John Reith [....] had a clear view of broadcasting, which he could develop under the [....] circumstances of deliberate disregard of the real world of actual audiences’ (p.88). Barnard (1989) states ‘With guaranteed public funding via the licence fee, the BBC could afford to pursue a high minded dedication to intellectual betterment’ (p.5). By the mid 1930s the BBC’s Music Department was catering for ‘the privileged minority, a cultural elite of musically well versed listeners’ (Barnard 1989 p.6). 7

Crisell (1997, 2002) states: ‘On classical music the BBC’s policy was twofold: to broadcast a wide range played to the highest standards, and to help the mass audience understand and enjoy it [....]. The BBC’s cultural conservatism was typical of the time, in that broadly speaking it perceived the distinction between the good and the inferior as corresponding not only to the distinction between the preferences of the ‘educated’ and ‘uneducated’ or those ‘higher up’ and ‘lower down’ the social scale[...]’ (p.36) Crisell (1997, 2002) points out that attitudes were very different to popular music, when he states: ‘Rather less cosmopolitan than in its view of the classics was the BBC’s attitude to popular music, for much of the latter originated in America, specifically that soughtafter negro music called jazz, and that corporation set itself against American influences as being vulgar in tendency. The question was not simply what ‘the best’ jazz was, but whether jazz had any merit at all [...]. In the early days the BBC’s solution to what it saw as the problem of jazz was characteristic: it set out to ‘improve’ it, to make something decorously British out of this vigorous new art form’ (p.37). While classical music was for education and enlightenment, dance music belonged squarely in the realms of entertainment. Barnard (1989) states: ‘In Reithian terms, then, entertainment was acceptable, within limits, as a source of refreshment and replenishment’ (p.8). To cater for the demand for dance music that flourished in hotels and theatres, the BBC developed its own approach with strict guidelines to both style and performance. This subject is recounted in detail in Barnard’s (1989) section on BBC Dance Music (pp. 8-12). However, by the 1930s the BBC’s bureaucracy was expanding.

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Barnard (1989) claims that it ‘affected [programme making] at the most basic levels and certainly helped explain the stilted tone of variety shows and dance music programmes during the first half of the 1930s [.....] in the words of Maurice Gorham [...] later head of the Light Programme ‘from 1932 to 1939 was the great Stuffed Shirt era, marked by paternalism run riot, bureaucracy of the most hierarchical type [.....] whose major concern, at least during the ‘stuffed shirt’ period, was not whether BBC programmes were appreciated by the world outside, but whether fellow management felt them worthy’ (pp. 14-5).

Bandleader Jack Payne was appointed the BBC’s director of dance music, and formed the BBC Dance Orchestra in 1928, two years before the formation of the BBC Symphony Orchestra (Crisell 2002, pp. 38-9, Barnard 1989 p.11). Barnard (1989) states: ‘According to Payne’s autobiography his appointment was his own idea, born of his close association with the BBC while leading the house band at the Hotel Cecil. While he had no direct concern with the hiring and firing of bands, his function was to give BBC dance music an identity and set an example to others’ (p.11). The Dance Orchestra’s predecessor had been the London Radio Dance Band in 1925 led by Sidney Furman, and by 1931 the Dance Orchestra had 650 hours of broadcasting time, with programmes that included ‘Songs from the shows’ and ‘Jack Payne and his BBC Dance Orchestra’ (http://genome.ch.bbc.co.uk). Payne was succeeded by Henry Hall in 1932 (Barnard 1989 p.11) with the New BBC Dance Orchestra (British Movietone 21/7/2015: New BBC Dance Orchestra Starts Its Career, Henry Hall. Available at: www.youtube.com/watch?v=nZekUHerof8 ) that lasted until 1937 (Witts 2012 p.243). A pioneering film documentary by John Grierson in 1935 by the GPO film unit about the 9

corporation called ‘BBC: the Voice of Britain’ featured Adrian Boult and the BBC Symphony Orchestra, and Henry Hall, the ‘toe-tappingly brilliant’ leader of the BBC Dance Orchestra. Between them they represented the extreme edges of rarified and popular culture then projected by the BBC (Higgins 2015, p.39)

Henry Hall (R) and the BBC Dance Orchestra 1935.

The BBC’s Variety Department were responsible for dance bands, operettas, revues and cinema organs, as it was felt that these were ‘beneath the dignity’ of the Music Department (Scott 2004 p314). The BBC Variety and Revue Orchestras were formed in 1931 (Witts 2012 p.243). At the end of, and as a result of World War 2, the BBC underwent great changes. The BBC had launched the Forces Network in 1940, and began what Crisell (1997, 2002) calls ‘a process of cultural streaming within the BBC’s output which would conclude only with the reorganisation of Radios 1 to 4 in 1970’ (p.60). In addition, the American Forces Network (AFN)’s slick and tight methods of presentation had an important influence on the BBC’s 10

own Forces Network. Crisell (1997, 2002) notes ‘It is perhaps at this point that British popular culture began to be dominated by that of America, a dominance whose end is not yet in sight’ (p.65). The Light Programme began on the 29th July 1945 (Briggs 1979 p.24), with Stanley Black’s Dance Orchestra appearing weekly on a contract basis. From 1946-52, with no dance band of a suitable equivalent to the BBC Symphony Orchestra’s reputation, ‘star bands’ were used on eight week cycles, and in 1952 a 30 piece BBC all star showband was formed with Cyril Stapleton as conductor (Briggs pp. 753-4). While pop music developed, greatly influenced during the war by an influx of American G.I.s and artists, by the 1950s the BBC still put many stylistic restrictions on the songs that were played. They had to be passed by a Dance Music Policy Committee. Anything suggestive in the lyrics of a song was not allowed, and double entendres were watched closely. As might be imagined, problems arose and fine distinctions were drawn, including that of ‘burlesque and dance tempo distortions of classical tunes’ (Briggs 1979, pp. 760-1). A summation of the BBC’s approach is given in Barnard (1989), who states that ‘BBC Radio had long wrapped American music in a British packaging, and it continued to feature home grown dance bands playing their own arrangements of the latest American hits right through to the 1960s in programmes such as Music While You Work and the Billy Cotton Band Show (p.24).

The BBC Radio Orchestra. The BBC Radio Orchestra existed from 1965-1991. In the early 1960s, the BBC set up its own Radio Popular Music Department. This new department included both the BBC Revue and BBC Variety Orchestras, each of which consisted of 28 players. As both ensembles’ activities essentially duplicated each other, plans were put in place for amalgamation (http://web.archive.org/web/20120310073449/ http://www.ips.org.uk/audiocompendium/index.php?title=BBC_Radio_Orchestra). 11

Amalgamation. This began through a series of internal memos within the Music Department. On October 14th 1963 the first of these noted that both orchestras would be combined to record a Christmas Day special on December 3rd. A memo from Mark White on November 1st warned that ‘we must be careful not to create a 'new' orchestra’ for fear of antagonising the then powerful Musicians' Union, and in addition any players not required for the combined orchestra would be supplied with extra parts copied for them. These totaled three trumpets, one trombone, two woodwind players and a pianist, all of whom would have to be employed. Another memo on December 20th introduced the idea of a new pool of players for various combinations, and on the 30th Michael Standing (Assistant Director, Sound Broadcasting) asked for ‘detailed illustrations’ of how these combinations could be used. A memo dated January 1st 1964 from Ken Baynes (Head of Popular Music, Sound) to Michael Standing and others agreed that the duplication of both the Variety and the Revue Orchestras was ‘extremely unsatisfactory’, and put forward the idea of a solution to end the musicians' contracts and reengage the same total number to form the new ensemble. It was also added that ‘as a side issue, this may well be the time to re-audition any players of doubtful quality’. On 31st March 1964, BBC Radio's Head of Programme Contracts, G.M. Turnell, contacted the Musicians’ Union declaring that ‘we have decided to reorganise the Variety Orchestra and the Revue Orchestra [....] effective Oct. 1st 1964’. The Musicians’ Union reply from Assistant General Secretary J. Anstey on the 13th April was, predictably, outraged - ‘I must say that I personally am astonished and disturbed to learn of the Corporation's plan about the BBC Variety and Revue Orchestras’, and expressed the hope that the BBC would not follow the plan through until the Union had discussed the proposals.

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This hope was dashed by the reply on the 15th April from Turnell telling the Musicians’ Union that ‘the orchestras are being told today’ and that press enquiries were likely. This seemingly cavalier attitude might be explained by the BBC's belief that the Musicians’ Union was not being totally honest with them, as a memo on the 17th from Turnell to Ken Baynes makes clear: ‘It is quite obvious that the Union told the orchestras about the reorganisation without letting me know they were doing it. Considering that we gave them advance information before taking action, I do not think this is very satisfactory[......] We must now, of course, proceed with the arrangements for the re-organisation and leave the Union to make any representations that they wish about points of lesser importance’ (http://web.archive.org/web/20120310073449/http://www.ips.org.uk/ audiocompendium/index.php?title=BBC_Radio_Orchestra). In fact the arrangements for re-organisation were already prepared, as the memo of 3rd April from Mark White showed. This included a comprehensive listing of the proposed combinations which could be formed out of the 56 musicians who were to make up the new orchestra, and comprised, in addition to the full ‘A’ orchestra, a total of 10 separate combinations in four groups, B,C,D and E. Although the re-organisation was at an advanced stage, on the 9th June a memo from Ken Baynes revealed that the new orchestra’s title had not yet been agreed. Admitting that there wasn't much room for manoeuvre, the department head suggested briskly ‘Let's call it the Radio Orchestra’ ( http://web.archive.org/web/20120310073449/http:// www.ips.org.uk/audiocompendium/index.php?title=BBC_Radio_Orchestra). The resulting 56 strong ensemble provided a flexible studio orchestra in the Nelson Riddle/ Henry Mancini style, comprising a big band with a string section. Nelson Riddle is best known for his classic arrangements for Frank Sinatra (www.nelsonriddlemusic.com), while Henry Mancini is known for his film and TV scores (www.henrymancini.com).

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The BBC Radio Orchestra, April 1971. The Radio Orchestra. The Radio Orchestra’s primary function was to provide accompaniment to singers and provide cover versions of popular tunes of the day, as well as show, film and TV themes on Radio 2, as needletime restrictions only allowed five hours of records per day. The Radio Orchestra also played jazz and light music by such composers as Robert Farnon, Angela Morley and Nelson Riddle, and at its peak was considered once of the finest studio orchestras in the world (https://www.wikiwand.com/en/BBC_Radio_Orchestra). Robert Farnon was a light music and TV composer who also worked with Frank Sinatra and Tony Bennett (www.radiocafe.co.uk/robert-farnon.htm), Angela Morley was a composer known for her theme for ‘Hancock’s half hour’ and ‘The Goon Show’, as well as the music for TV shows ‘Dynasty’ and ‘Dallas’ (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Angela_Morley) The Radio Orchestra contributed to a wide range of programmes, including String Sound, The BBC Radio Orchestra Show, Nightride (Donovan 1992 p.192), Music While You Work (Donovan 1992 pp. 185-6, www.turnipnet.com/whirligig/radio/mwyw.htm), Semprini Serenade (Donovan 1992 pp. 240-1), Those Beautiful Ballad Years, Big Band Special 14

(Donovan 1992 p.31) and many others. As well as using popular singers from the world of entertainment, it also used session singers. Amongst the best known of these were Danny Street, a regular guest with the Orchestra under Malcolm Lockyer, (www.telegraph.co.uk/ news/obituaries/culture-obituaries/tv-radio-obituaries/7640152/Danny-Street.html) as well as being one of two featured vocalists for Big Band Special, and Mike Redway, featured performer on Those Beautiful Ballad Years with arranger/M.D Neil Richardson (www.radiocafe.co.uk/mike-redway.htm).

The different formats of the orchestra. There were various formats of the Orchestra, dubbed A-E, for different kinds of recordings and sessions. Because of the range of the orchestra’s activities, it is useful to list in detail the various formats to show the flexibility of the organisation as a whole in its purpose to cover as many musical styles and contexts as possible. These comprised the following: The A orchestra of 56 full time musicians, comprising 20 violins, 6 violas, 6 cellos, 2 orchestral basses, flute/piccolo/bass flute, flute/clarinet/alto saxophone, oboe/cor anglais, 5 saxophones (comprising Jimmy Chester, Bill Jackman, Andy McDevitt and Derek Hyams, with one vacancy), 4 Trumpets (Jimmy Harrison, Stan Newsome, R. Hughes and Dennis Roe), 4 Trombones (Bobby Lamb, Derek Tinker, J. Wilson and Tommy Cook) 2 Percussion (Jackie Dougan: drums, Les Johnson: percussion), Piano (Denis Gomm) Harp (Maureen Mulchinock), and Guitar (Denis Newey) (http://web.archive.org/web/ 20120310073449/http://www.ips.org.uk/audiocompendium/index.php? title=BBC_Radio_Orchestra). In addition, the Radio Orchestra was often augmented with extra strings, four french horns, tuba, bassoons and extra percussion making the full ensemble up to almost 70 players (https://www.wikiwand.com/en/BBC_Radio_Orchestra).

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Conductor Malcolm Lockyer was previously with the Revue Orchestra, and much younger than the Variety Orchestra's conductor Paul Fenhoulet, who later retired. John Jezard and Julian Gaillard, previously the respective leaders of the Variety and the Revue Orchestras, were appointed as joint leaders, the intention being that they would take it in turns to lead sessions whilst the other one played in the section. This arrangement did not work out, as neither player felt comfortable playing under the other's leadership, and John Jezard quietly left the scene (http://web.archive.org/web/ 20120310073449/http://www.ips.org.uk/audiocompendium/index.php? title=BBC_Radio_Orchestra). The only studio large enough for the A1 orchestra was the Camden, and in May 1967 a series of recording sessions with a range of conductors – one each week - was scheduled. Titled ‘This is the Radio Orchestra’, the conductors, who brought their own arrangements, included Ron Goodwin, best known for his TV and film themes (www.rongoodwin.co.uk), John Fox, muzak and library composer (Lanza 1994, 2004 p.175), John Gregory, Roland Shaw, arranger for Ted Heath and Mantovani (https:// en.wilipedia.org./wiki/Roland_Shaw), Frank Chacksfield, mood music and TV composer (Lanza 1994, 2004 pp. 76-77), Mantovani (www.mantovaniorchestra.co.uk), Johnny Harris, film, TV and advert composer (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Johnny_Harris(musician)), Geoff Love, easy listening composer under the pseudonym of ‘Manuel and his Music of the Mountains’ (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Geoff_Love) and, with his Frank Sinatra arrangements, Nelson Riddle. When the Camden studios closed, the Radio Orchestra and Big Band moved operation to the BBC’s Maida Vale Studios, namely studio MV3, alongside the BBC Symphony Orchestra. Some of the salaries at the time of the formation of the orchestra (shown as weekly payments in pounds, shillings and pence) are of interest. John Jezard was on £45.0.0, Julian Gaillard £42.0.0, and the rank and file strings £26.0.0. The lead saxophone Jimmy Chester was paid £35.0.0, his colleagues £32.7.6, whilst the trombone section had three 16

rates, with lead trombonist Bobby Lamb being paid £33.0.0, Derek Tinker £29.7.6 and the other two £31.7.6. This was curious as Derek Tinker usually played all the quiet and most difficult solos. It was obviously a source of great satisfaction to the administration that the total annual salary bill, at £86,729.10.0, showed a saving of £468.0.0 compared to the previous combined salaries of the Revue and Variety Orchestras (http://web.archive.org/ web/20120310073449/http://www.ips.org.uk/audiocompendium/index.php? title=BBC_Radio_Orchestra). The B Orchestras (B1 and B2) comprised 30 musicians, and was essentially a big band with strings in the Nelson Riddle/Billy May style comprising 5 saxophones, 4 trumpets, 4 trombones, piano, guitar, bass, drums, 10 violins, 2 violas and 2 cellos. All the players in the saxophone section played doubled on flutes, piccolo, clarinets and different varieties of saxophones, and the pianist played a celeste, an upright ‘jangle’ piano and very often an electric organ. This totals 31, as the guitar was an official ‘augmentation’ (http:// web.archive.org/web/20120310073449/http://www.ips.org.uk/audiocompendium/ index.php?title=BBC_Radio_Orchestra). This lineup was unofficially titled ‘The Radio Showband’ by radio producers and music staff, as it had the same instrumentation as the BBC Showband of the late 1950s (https://www.wikiwand.com/en/BBC_Radio_Orchestra). The B2 Orchestra, with a complement of 26, used the components of the A Orchestra not required for the B1, which resulted in a lineup of 10 violins, 4 violas, 4 cellos, 2 basses, 2 flutes, oboe, percussion, harp and guitar. The C Orchestras (C1 and C2): C1 comprised a 16 piece dance band. This was the same as the basis of the B1, augmented by a guitar, and titled the BBC Radio Big Band. C2 provided a 40 piece ‘Frank Chacksfield’ style orchestra: 20 violins, 6 violas, 6 cellos, 2 basses, 2 flutes, oboe, percussion, harp, guitar and piano (http://web.archive.org/web/ 20120310073449/http://www.ips.org.uk/audiocompendium/index.php? title=BBC_Radio_Orchestra). The Strings of the Radio Orchestra were often conducted by 17

arrangers including John Fox, John Gregory, Ronnie Aldrich and Neil Richardson (https:// www.wikiwand.com/en/BBC_Radio_Orchestra). Neil Richardson was the conductor of various BBC studio orchestras, and arranger and composer of TV themes (most notably ‘Mastermind’) and library music (www.radiocafe.co.uk/neil-richardson.htm).

The BBC Midland Light Orchestra (n.d.) was identical to the Radio Orchestra’s C2 lineup.

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The BBC Northern Ireland Orchestra (1979) featured the C2 lineup with added trumpets and trombones. The D Orchestras (D1, D2 and D3): The D1 orchestra was identical to the C1, and the D2 was the same combination as the B2 minus one bass and adding a piano. This left the D3 comprising the string section of the B1 orchestra (10 violins, 2 violas and 2 cellos) plus a bass regarded as not a particularly useful combination. In practice, BBC producers moved four of the violins into the D2 to match the arrangements used by Semprini (www.radiorewind.co.uk/radio2/semprini_serenade_page.htm), and the ‘leftover’ strings were utilised by pianist/arranger Ken Moule, with the addition of a drummer (http:// web.archive.org/web/20120310073449/http://www.ips.org.uk/audiocompendium/ index.php?title=BBC_Radio_Orchestra). The E Orchestras (E1, E2 and E3) were a variety of small ensembles that were planned during the re-organisation but not used. The E1 (7 players) was to comprise 4 trumpets, an electric organ, bass and drums. The E2 (29 players) was the largest combination, with 10 violins, 4 violas, 4 cellos, 2 flutes, oboe, 4 trombones, percussion, harp, guitar and piano, 19

and the E3 (20 players) would have 10 violins, 2 violas, 2 cellos, bass and 5 saxophones. A footnote suggested that the trombone and sax sections could be interchanged between the combinations. It does not seem surprising that no E orchestra sessions ever took place (http://web.archive.org/web/20120310073449/http://www.ips.org.uk/audiocompendium/ index.php?title=BBC_Radio_Orchestra). Arrangements for various sections of the Radio Orchestra were also utilised across BBC’s Regional Radio Orchestras. The B1, B2, C1, C2 and D combinations matched the line up of the largest regional orchestra, the BBC Scottish Radio Orchestra which would occasionally receive augmentation to A size.

The BBC Scottish Radio Orchestra (n.d.).

The BBC Northern Radio Orchestra (previously the BBC Northern Dance Orchestra) utilised C and D combinations, as did the Midlands Radio Orchestra (https:// www.wikiwand.com/en/BBC_Radio_Orchestra).

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Donovan (1992) states that ‘The Radio Orchestra was thought by many to be an indelible part of Radio 2. They provided music for such programmes as String Sound, Songs from the Shows and Nightride. The hallmarks of the orchestra were versatility through the whole range of popular music - shows, big bands, light classics and adaptations of popular songs, and the inclusion of many fine jazz players. They gave their first public concert under Robert Farnon in 1971 and their first public concert outside London in 1987’ (Donovan 1992, p.24). Street (2009, 2015) adds that ‘under the joint musical directors Malcolm Lockyer and Paul Fenoulhet (who died in 1976 and 1979 respectively) it created a familiar sound and was a major contributor to the BBC Radio 2 output into the 1980s (Street 2009, p.55, 2015, p. 53). After that time the Radio Orchestra had no permanent MD until 1989 when Iain Sutherland was appointed musical director. One ‘extra curricular’ activity for the Radio Orchestra came in the form of sessions for U.S. ‘Mood Music’ company SRP (Stereo Radio Productions). A deal was made with the BBC to purchase music from some of the U.K.’s best composers, arrangers and conductors. Phil Stout, vice president of SRP, stated: ‘While supervising the 1973 London sessions [....] I heard some fantastic instrumental string music on the BBC. So I called them and discovered they had a number of string orchestras on staff. They used material on the air twice and then erased it so they could continue to give work to those musicians. I asked about a deal to sell some of the stuff to us for exclusive use in the U.S. They agreed and provided us in excess of 1,000 cuts per years, and we gave them lists of what we wanted them to record. This arrangements went on for seven or eight years’ (quoted in Lanza 2004 pp. 174-5).

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The orchestra was ‘killed off’ (Donovan p.24) in 1990 to save £1m, following the Phillips Report on cost cutting as a way of paying BBC staff more and retaining talent. Donovan explains that the Big Band section of the orchestra was saved after a plea from David Hatch (Managing Director, BBC Radio), and that the Big Band was hired by promoters for gigs who who paid the BBC for the band’s services, recouping money from ticket sales. At each concert the band recorded two episodes of ‘Big Band Special’ (Donovan p.12). Big Band Special began in 1979 and the band’s Monday night slot was their ‘flagship outing’ (www.stephenduffyjazz.com/2013/09/auntie-beebs-other-orchestras/). The BBC Big Band under Barrie Forgie was saved as a full time ensemble until 1994, when the staff players were made freelance and management moved outside the BBC (https:// www.wikiwand.com/en/BBC_Radio_Orchestra).

The BBC Big Band (pictured here in 2008) still exists today (www.bigbandspecial.co.uk/). The Radio Orchestra’s abolition reduced the total number of musicians employed by the BBC by 39, to 411 (Donovan 1992, p.24).

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Conclusion. The BBC Radio Orchestra was the logical conclusion of the progression of dance bands and orchestras musically within the BBC. Its heritage came from the earliest days of music for dancing through to active listening and dedicated specialist programming on Radio 2. Due to the emergence and development of pop music in the 1950s and 1960s it expanded the range of its musical activities to develop a comprehensive number of styles, encompassing jazz, light music and easy listening. The flexible formats of the Radio Orchestra offered range of lineups that met most (if not all) of the musical demands placed on it. Its approach was echoed in other in-house orchestras in the provinces, providing music for a traditional Light Programme audiences around the country, and featuring some of the country’s top conductors, musicians and arrangers.

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EASY LISTENING. Introduction. Easy listening and light music forms the basis of much of the musical style of the BBC Radio Orchestra’s arrangements and recording. Although widely derided, some commentators have provided rebuttals of such criticisms and provided substantial arguments in favour of a reassessment of the musical merits and deeper implications of the style.

Definitions of Light Music and Easy Listening. In his footnote, Keightley (2008) cites The Billboard Illustrated Encyclopedia of Music ed. Paul du Noyer (New York, Billboard Books 2003) where an unattributed entry for ‘Easy Listening’ takes great care to avoid elitist dismissal: ‘Easy Listening is unobtrusive, pacifying music built around pleasant, easily digestible melodies. Which is not to say it has no artistic value: within its wide borders can be found a rich spectrum of sounds, seasoned with influences from classical to pop to rock to jazz. Though often dismissed as hollow and uninspired, the genre has been distinguished by the work of some lavishly talented musicians. [...] Largely because of a lack of vocals was more conducive to its status as background music the genre had been dominated by instrumentals. But the laid back vocal releases of Sinatra, Martin et al. had always had plenty in common debonair style, mellifluous tone - with the classic lounge and easy listening compositions’ (p.331). Scott (2004) gives precise definitions of the genre. He argues that ‘It should be stated at the outset that light music and easy listening are not diluted forms of heavy music and difficult listening prepared for those with delicate musical digestions. The music [...] 24

produces effects and valorizes moods, identities, and ideas that no other music does’ (p. 307). Scott (2004) suggests three zones of musical taste: high, middle and lowbrow, that dominated the years 1920-80, and states that those zones crumbled around 1980 when the easy listening market disintegrated (p.331). Keightley (2008) also notes the three taste zones, and gives examples of each, as well as an in depth analysis of the rise of both easy listening and mood music in the 1950s (pp. 317-21). His focus is on the U.S and Canadian markets, and in contrast to Scott defines the easy listening peak period from 1946-66, or from the end of the big band era to the rise of rock music. Keightley’s reasoning regarding the timescale can be questioned, as BBC 4’s ‘The Joy of Easy Listening’ (Available through: www.youtube.com/watch?v=qkPXfpwjBic from 37.48-38.01) maintains that the late 1960s and early 1970s were the heyday of easy listening in a direct response to the rise of experimental rock music. Rather than falling off in popularity in 1966, evidence therefore suggests that the two coexisted until 1980. Lanza (2004, 2008) is a leading proponent of the case for reassessment of easy listening. He maintains that bandleader Paul Weston claimed that a fan said ‘this music is easy listening’ and released an album with the title Music for Easy Listening (Keightley 2008, p. 316, Lanza 2008 p.163, The Joy of Easy Listening Available through: www.youtube.com/ watch?v=qkPXfpwjBic at 3.39-3.45). Keightley (2008) however points out that the term can be traced back to Sigmund Spaeth (scholar of popular music) use of the term when referring to Delibes waltzes in 1924, and its use in radio announcements, promotions and programming dating back to the 1930s (p.312). Scott (2004) defines three types of Easy Listening. ‘First, there is the type that is often tightly controlled but perceived as cool, sophisticated, relaxed and classy. [...] Second, there is the type that evokes a nostalgic mood and whose present reception therefore differs from its original 25

meaning. [......] Third, there is the apparently easy listening that proves emotionally difficult listening, as often occurs in the French ‘chanson realiste’ (author’s italics). These types can be, in turn, distinguished from light music, if that term is restricted to music that relates more closely to the Western classical tradition [......] The terms lounge music, ‘loungecore’ or cocktail music refer to music that also overlaps with what I have described as type one of the ‘easy’ category. [...] Lounge music also embraces gentle bossa and samba rhythms, ‘classical’ arrangements of Beatles tunes, and atmospheric orchestral film scores by composers such as James Barry and Ennio Morricone. [.....] The aim is to create a mood that lends sophistication to an environment in which people wish to drink and relax. [...] While light music is often seen as downmarket classical, easy listening is often regarded as upmarket pop. That’s why both genres meet in the middle - but it is the middle approached from different directions. [.....] In sum, light music and easy listening represent a broad field of musical production and consumption’ (p.308). Lanza (2008) provides a succinct overview of easy listening and orchestral pop music, noting the contradictions within easy listening’s reputation amongst both musicians and critics. He says ‘Easy listening - a term that is supposed to describe sweet and relaxing music continues to elicit controversy. This is particularly true in recent times, when the art of playing soft instrumental salutes to old standards and pop hits has incurred prejudicial crosswinds from an otherwise disparate community of musicians and music critics’ (p.161), and continues ‘Easy Listening implies both the crucial role of the listener and the professional manner by which the recordings are sufficiently unobtrusive for the background yet impeccably arranged to invite more focussed enjoyment’ (p.163).

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Lanza, in ‘The Joy of Easy Listening’ (2011 available through: www.youtube.com/watch? v=qkPXfpwjBic) points up an important effect of hearing this music on the listener. He states ‘When you heard the elevator music version of a song, you’re listening to the original at the same time in your head. There’s [...] an aural depth of field going on’ (21.56-22.40).

Popularity. The popularity of easy listening and the artists within the genre has been overlooked. Ray Conniff, Percy Faith, James Last, Bert Kaempfert and Henry Mancini and others are all multimillion selling orchestral arrangers (www.classicthemes.com/LMHOF.shtml). Percy Faith is one of only three artists, along with Elvis Presley and The Beatles to have the best selling single of the year twice (https://www.wikiwand.com/en/Percy_Faith). Mantovani is described in British Hit Singles and Albums as ‘Britain’s most successful album act before the Beatles [...] the first to sell over one million stereo albums and have six albums simultaneously in the US Top 30 in 1959’ (Roberts, 2006 p.348). With total sales of 50 million albums, he almost singlehandedly kept Decca records in the black in the 60s and 70s, assisted by Reader’s Digest and a series of boxed sets of favourites that sold 450,000 sets, equivalent to 3 million albums (www.mantovaniorchestra.co.uk/notoriety). The market for easy listening came from both an older generation together with those who were out of sympathy with pop and rock music, demonstrating both a cultural and generational divide. Easy listening versions of pop tunes appealed to the parents of pop fans, and showed how the importance of good hooks and classic melodies could cross musical idioms. One successful arranger was Stu Phillips, in-house arranger for CBS, who provided easy listening interpretations of Beatles, Beach Boys and late 60s pop songs. His success was with the parents of teen pop music fans.

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Scott (2004) suggests that popularity charts and competitions often challenge accepted critical evaluations. The biggest hit of 1965, for example, was not the Beatles ‘Ticket to Ride’, but Ken Dodd’s ‘Tears’. With the Beatles ‘Sgt. Pepper’, rock became the ‘art music’ that had formerly been the province of light music. Easy listening also began to lose its identity as distinct from pop. The Beatles ‘Yesterday’ and ‘When I’m 64’ now fell into the easy listening category (p.332). Chapman (1992) notes that the biggest selling hit of 1969 was Frank Sinatra’s ‘My Way’, and that ‘The Last two British number ones of the decade, which had supposedly signified a pop music revolution, were ‘Sugar sugar’ by the Archies and ‘Two little boys’ by Rolf Harris (p.263). By the mid 70s, easy listening became more vocal with artists such as the Carpenters and Neil Sedaka, and branded Adult Contemporary Rock, and easy listening jazz. In the 1990s there was an easy listening revival, curiously linked to rave culture and ‘chill out’ music (Scott 2004 pp. 332-3).

Muzak. Scott (2004) explains that Muzak was ‘originally developed (by Planned Music, Inc, whose tradename ‘Muzak’ is) to provide a sound environment that encouraged greater working efficiency - which clearly would not happen if workers were listening to the music rather than concentrating on their jobs’ (p.308). An example of this kind of programming was the BBC’s ‘Music While You Work’ (www.turnipnet.com/whirligig/radio/mwyw.htm, Korczynski & Jones 2006 pp. 148-50). Jones & Schumacher (1992) provide a comprehensive analysis of Muzak and its function. As a result of reports of the use by the BBC of music in factories during the war with programmes like ‘Music While You Work’ and its effect on productivity, similar approaches were tried in American factories, and further research by the Muzak Corporation led to an ‘objective’ method of composition and arrangements of songs to set precise moods, firstly

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in the workplace, but later on to retail and service sectors. Its function became to provide a pleasant atmosphere for activities, from shopping to relaxation. (pp. 159-161, 163). Jones & Schumacher (1992) illustrate the changing nature from 1984 onwards of Muzak from background to foreground music, which changed from creating a pleasant and relaxed atmosphere that would encourage shoppers to linger and make purchases, to a concentration on different markets, particularly aimed at youth markets and allied to multimedia presentations of pop material (pp. 163-4). They state: ‘This trend has been accompanied by a corresponding shift in musical emphasis away from homogenized instrumental versions of pop standards to a greater diversity of musical selections by original artists’ (p.164). Ironically, the new approach of non-stop pop music in hotels and retail outlets might have had a reverse effect to that intended. Non pop music fans have resisted this, most notably in the movement for freedom from piped music, PipeDown (www.pipedown.info) which lists reports on health hazards, local area group activities in different countries, and advice on protesting. Lanza (1994, 2004) in his 2004 chapter ‘The new Sound of 1984’ (pp. 222-9), which replaced an earlier 1994 chapter ‘Global Theming’ argues that ‘Muzak’ has now become a catch all term for piped music. These days it comprises aggressive pop and rap for teenagers, and rock music. Muzak as in easy listening, smooth and beautiful music has been lost. He quotes the anti muzak movement, and an article from the L.A. Times in 1992 where a Muzak channel was installed in chain stores in Southern California to drive away gangs of loitering teenagers. It was a total success. However, the music played was actually from Muzak’s classical channel (pp. 226-7).

Arrangements. The founding principle of easy listening music lies in the arrangement. Niles’ (2014) entire book is designed to reassess the role of arrangers in pop music. Keightley (2008) 29

encapsulates the approach in easy listening music when including a comment on Percy Faith (from ‘On the Air’ Cedar Rapids Tribune, Aug, 14, 1947, 2): ‘Critics everywhere have acclaimed his unique ability to write spine tingling arrangements for popular, well loved tunes without ever losing the basic melodies which won them their popularity. Faith never lets his musical ideas run away with the fundamental work of the composer and the result is easy listening and easy recognition by his audiences’ (p.315). Lanza, in ‘The Joy of Easy Listening’ (2011) states ‘Each arranger had a different system of making it so that it wasn’t too overwhelming or intrusive, but at the same time if you listen to the arrangements, there was an art to them (4.52-5.14) [....] Classical snobs and jazz snobs would say ‘Melody - that’s for little kids, that’s sing song’ (5.32-5.37). I call all of it ‘elevator music’, because essentially its going by the same set of principles: it’s using certain instruments, under-arranging it in a certain manner to make you listen, actively if you want to, but also facilitating what you might call peripheral listening’ (21.02-21.19). Journalist and broadcaster Paul Morley makes an important point: ‘What arrangers do in Easy Listening is that they get to the truth of what a pop song is, and the pop song is this bit. So let’s keep putting this bit in, again and again and again’ (5.15-5.29) (‘The Joy of Easy Listening’ 2011, Available through: www.youtube.com/watch?v=qkPXfpwjBic).

Muzak’s working practices. Lanza (1994, 2004) devotes a whole chapter to this subject (‘Channelling the sound’, pp. 230-41). He quotes Nick Perito, one of Muzak’s ‘major maestros’ in the 1970s, who says: “Typically, a recording session outside of Muzak was about three hours long, and you were lucky if you got four songs in. Muzak insisted that we got as much product as possible. We had to have it simple yet effective and would take only three hours 30

to do 12 songs. The MU agreed to this, since Muzak was a closed entity and did not sell its records commercially.[...] Each arranger had his own group [.....] mine was one of the biggest in terms of number of musicians. The people performing on the date were elegant top notch studio players who could quickly read anything at sight. [......] The recording engineers were very talented. We all loved the challenges at each recording session. We did one run down, and then we made an album’s worth of music” (pp. 230-1). Lanza (1994, 2004) reveals further working practices with a quote from Muzak Maestro Frank Hunter, who states: ‘The newer songs posed the biggest problem. [.....] They were poor on melody. Without the voices, the songs had no structure. I can remember at one time being told I had 40 titles to choose from. I had the material ahead of time, given the song, given a demo of the commercial record, and a lead sheet - from that you did the orchestration. And we had about three days to put together an arrangement’ (p. 236). Lanza 1994, 2004) sums up the feelings of many devotees of the idiom with a further quote from Nick Perito, who concludes: ‘It’s sad to think that this kind of background music is no longer around. Muzak was the blend that tried to fit everything. [...] The music was a wonderful balm for the up and going, the frantic, the running, the hurried. Muzak was ‘making nice’, putting a little shawl around you. It didn’t attack or provoke’ (p.241). Lanza (1994, 2004) devotes the rest of the chapter to looking at selected arrangers and how they treated pop tunes in interesting ways, even breaking or at least bending some of Muzak’s own principles.

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Conclusion. Much of the BBC Radio Orchestra’s output resides firmly in the easy listening style. Smooth, relaxed, subtly sophisticated, it lends itself to the original intentions of passive listening, supplying a relaxed and soothing atmosphere, but showing nuances that reveal themselves with more active participation by the listener, if so chosen. Easy listening still retains an unwarranted negative reputation amongst pop music historians and critics regarding its worth and relevance in music. Its appeal lay outside the pop and rock market with people who were not in sympathy with those markets and it has been dismissed and vilified in many quarters. Investigating the subject in greater depth reveals several factors that question these assumptions. First, its actual popularity in terms of record sales, second, the musical reputation and standing of both the arrangers and bandleaders, third, the high quality of the session musicians involved and finally, the economy and speed of production of easy listening music. This invites a complete reappraisal of the subject.

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NEEDLETIME. Introduction. The principle of needletime, which is how many records were played on BBC Radio channels during a day or week, is important to my project because it provides the foundation to the Radio Orchestra’s activities and repertoire. The existence of needletime meant that the BBC had to meet the demand for music through its live ensembles, whether from in house orchestras or freelance bands and musicians. Its planning, implementation and changing nature throughout the years from 1931 until its virtual abolition in 1990 mirrors the rise and fall of much broadcast live music. Needletime covers the subjects of musicians’ employment, finances, royalties and funding as well as radio programming.

Definitions of needletime. Barnard (1989) explains that the principle of needletime was in the number of hours per week agreed between the BBC and Phonographic Performance Limited (PPL) on behalf of the record companies and the Musicians’ Union. PPL was formed in 1934, founded by Decca and EMI (Witts 2012). Under the 1935 agreement with pressure from the MU, 20% of royalties were paid to musicians named on record labels and contracted to member companies of PPL (Barnard 1989 p.26). Needletime licences were calculated firstly as a percentage of airtime from 1935-45, then changed to hours per week (hpw). The amount paid over years increased from £20,000 in 1935-38 (representing 4.22%) to £400,000 in 1967-71 (32.5 hpw R1, 18.0 hpw R2, 25 hpw R3, 6.5 hpw R4, and 7 hpw local stations) (Witts 2012 Table 2: PPL - BBC Needletime licences 1935-1972, p.247). Cloonan (2016) describes the reasoning behind the idea of needletime which he states was ‘The reason that the BBC had to pay PPL a fee was because PPL’s members held copyright in the performances contained in the records which the broadcaster wished to 33

play. As such PPL could impose limits on the use of those recordings’ (p.355). This encapsulates the thinking behind the whole concept of needletime (p.357), quoting a Ministry of Labour committee of inquiry into BBC-MU relations in 1948, which is worth quoting in full: ‘Gramophone records are primarily recorded for private use and both Phonographic Performance Limited and the Union have in their view an interest in restricting their undue use for performance of a public nature – Phonographic Performance Limited because such undue use would prejudice sales to the public, and the Union because undue use of music mechanically reproduced would prejudicially affect the employment of musicians for live performances’. (Ministry of Labour and National Service, British Broadcasting Corporation and Musicians’ Union: Report of the Independent Committee (London, 1948), p.84). During World War 2, needletime restrictions were eased. Conscription had reduced the number of musicians available to fill the BBC’s demand for in house performances, and in 1940 the MU agreed to relax the restrictions for the duration of the war (Barnard 1989, p. 27). Cloonan (2016) describes how the original licencing agreement changed after the war. In 1946 discussions between PPL and the MU produced an agreement where featured artists were paid 20% of PPL’s net income through the record companies, and a further 12.5% for non featured performers, which were the backing musicians. However, as this amount was paid directly to the MU, the money was not paid to the backing musicians themselves, as records had not been kept as to who played for which artist on sessions (and as a result would have been impossible to implement), but was used for live music sponsorship and grants (p.359). Cloonan (2016) lists the results of the MU policy in 1947 on limiting agreements between PPL and the BBC, which included the following conditions. The first was a progressive 34

reduction in hours […] in the use of commercial records by the British Broadcasting Corporation. The second was a payment to the Union in respect of the revenue derived from the broadcasting and public performance of records. Finally, they proposed restrictive conditions on the licences for public performance, issued on behalf of the gramophone companies, the purpose of which is to avoid the displacement of musicians. The twenty-two-hour limit was continued through new agreements in 1952 and 1958, although more hours were added in 1959, 1964 and 1967, and subsequently significantly expanded (p.360). Cloonan (2016) also quotes from the BBC’s own Written Archives Centre in Caversham that the BBC by the mid 1980s was paying £5 million a year for 162 hours per week on its main stations (BBC Written Archives Centre, Caversham (subsequently WAC), R104/206/1).

The BBC’s response to needletime: live music. Barnard (1989) makes a vital point regarding needletime and live music when he states ‘That the BBC, at the request of PPL and the MU, agreed to limit the number of records it played and to pay for their use was a sign not of weakness, but of the Corporation’s confidence in its own programme making strengths and cultural leadership’ (p.16). Cloonan (2016) maintains that the question of needletime quotas was the key agreement within the UK’s Music Industries’ industrial relations (p.353). Overall, the very restrictions that needletime imposed on the BBC led to great opportunities for session players, both contracted to the BBC as well as freelancers. While this was a positive situation for musicians, audiences were increasingly frustrated and alienated by the results of session musicians attempting to recreate the popular sounds of the time. To meet the restrictions imposed by needletime and to meet the demands of audiences for music, the BBC set up its own orchestras. This applied not only to the symphony orchestras that still exist today, but also the orchestras devoted to more popular music, variety and entertainment shows 35

of all kinds. As well as the London based ensembles, the BBC Dance Orchestra (later the BBC Big Band), BBC Theatre Orchestra (now the BBC Concert Orchestra), the Variety and Revue Orchestras (that later became the BBC Radio Orchestra), there were also regional orchestras such as The Northern Variety Orchestra (later the Northern Dance Orchestra), the Northern Ireland Orchestra, the Midlands Light Orchestra, the West of England Light Orchestra, and the Scottish Variety Orchestra (later the BBC Scottish Radio Orchestra). Witts provides a full list of BBC salaried ensembles (and former names) and their dates (Witts 2012 Table 1 pp. 243-4). Not only did the BBC provide its own in house orchestras, but many freelance acts were regularly featured playing on sessions recorded at the BBC’s studios. The Masters of Melody website (www.mastersofmelody.co.uk) lists 62 independent orchestras and ensembles, seven military bands, and five of the BBC’s own in house orchestras that provided music for the Light Programme’s music shows. This added up to a considerable amount of music broadcast each day, and employment for a large number of musicians, whether on full or part time contracts or occasional employment. The approach was one that went back some years. Seaton (2015) refers to the ‘theological justification’ of the perceived superiority of live performance over recorded ones, and the claim that the audience would ‘rebel in agony’ if live and recorded music were mixed in the same programme (pp. 87-8). This mindset goes back to the very earliest days of the BBC’s musical policy. Under the Reithian approach of ‘paternalism’ the BBC’s Music Department had as one of its prime policy aims for raising levels of musical appreciation among the public (Barnard 1989 p.5). Barnard quotes Controller of Programmes Basil Nicholls’ concern of ‘whether to foster wider public knowledge of classical works by allowing dance bands to dress such melodies in new arrangements with dance floor appeal, this in the belief that listeners would then be moved to seek out the real thing’ (Barnard 1989 p.5). 36

With increasing diversity in music over the decades and an interest in all kinds of music rather than the highbrow approach offered by the BBC’s music department in its early days concentrating on classical music, the demand was there, and could only be fulfilled with live broadcasts. For the MU and session musicians, this was a situation that they were reluctant to change, and was to lead to many future negotiations over subsequent decades as audiences, markets and the broadcasting of music changed irretrievably. Witts (2012) gives the example that in the 1950s the BBC’s three domestic stations were allowed on average only one and a half hours per day per station for records (pp. 247-8), while Beerling (2008) states that ‘Even as late as 1970 the four national networks of the BBC had only 80 hours per week of needletime between them, and Radio 1 had 35 of those hours to sustain a whole week of broadcasting’ (p.59). There were some exceptions to the needletime rules. Non PPL records and music owned outside the UK could be counted as ‘non-needletime’, and the BBC put forward a case for exemptions for review purposes, film and show soundtracks, signature tunes and dubbing for background music (Cloonan 2016). Radio 1’s ‘What’s New’ record review programme hosted by Pete Murray owed it’s existence to limited needle time quotas, and ‘more by accident than design’ offered innovative programming (Chapman 1992 pp. 238-9).

Needletime and the MU. Cloonan (2016) critiques existing academic accounts of needletime, pointing out inconsistencies in them, and arguing that while the MU was accused of restrictive practices, its role was actually to ensure as widespread employment of musicians as possible (p.353). He quotes Briggs (1995) as describing needletime as ‘a ‘highly restrictive irksome’ system brought in to being by ‘a powerful coalition of rich record manufacturers and highly protectionist trade unionists’ (p.509), and Witts (2012) who described the MU’s general secretary from 1948-73 Hardie Ratcliffe, as a ‘dogmatic’ man with ‘Luddite gripes’ 37

and says that not until the Broadcasting Act of 1990 was the BBC ‘liberated […] from half a century of intractable constraint’ (Witts pp. 241-62, 251, 244). Even as late as 1970, Ratcliffe’s view was echoed by Harry Francis, then Assistant General Secretary of the MU, who used an election address made as part of his campaign to become General Secretary to say that he was opposed to allocating any needletime (Melody Maker, 4 July 1970, p. 22, quoted in Cloonan 2016, p.363). However, Cloonan is not entirely correct in critiquing Witts’ claim that the union opposed synthesisers in the 1980s (Witts p.245) and stating that it was never official policy. Changes in music technology were perceived in some quarters as a threat to live musicians. The MU’s own historical website (www.muhistory.com/contact-us/1971-1980) notes: ‘Another technological development in the form of the synthesiser was also a further (sic) [area] of dispute among members: again it was seen by some as a threat to employment, while synthesiser players saw their playing as no different to that of other musicians’. From an autoethnographic standpoint, this author as a member of the MU in the 1970s and 1980s, remembers calls at the time from within sections of the MU for the banning of not only synthesisers, but also drum machines and MIDI equipped recording studios. An example of this can be seen in the words of author Ray Hammond and of MU secretary John Patrick on the BBC’s Micro Live (BBC Micro Live - Computers in Music Available at: www.youtube.com/watch?v=ASEdf9kOqT0). Ray Hammond discusses the situation in London where musicians were losing work in both orchestra pits and sessions due to their replacement by synthesisers or drum machines. John Patrick explains the MU’s thinking at the time, stressing that in media work their use caused great concern. He continues “[...] the union’s policy is to endeavour to control their uses in areas where they are able to do so. [...] This is something obviously that the union can’t accept and will do 38

all it can to try to prevent that situation. [....] My view is that the job of the Musicians Union is to endeavour to try to anticipate these crises as they come along and to deal with them in the best way that we possibly can” (8.28 - 9.49, and 25.49 25.59). By 1967 and the formation of Radios 1 and 2, both stations together only had 7 hours of record plays allowed between them. The rest of the time was filled with in house recordings of current hits or big band arrangements. Crisell (2002) describes the ‘embarrassing results as old fashioned session musicians tried to imitate the different idioms of rock groups’ (p.144). I shall investigate this subject in greater detail in the chapter on radio programming.

Finances. With such a large roster of musicians on the BBC’s books, both in house as well as regularly contracted freelancers, the BBC on several occasions looked in times of financial stringency to the potential for cuts. A working party set up in 1957 provided the Marriott Report, which recommended the disbandment of the Midland, Scottish and Northern Orchestras, the West of England Light Orchestra and the Revue Orchestra, but was scaled down due to pressure from the MU (Briggs 1995 p.230). Marriott had been told that the BBC only needed two orchestras, and that radio audiences had halved since 1948, mostly due to the rise of Television (Witts 2012, Table 3, p.248). By 1969 another Policy Study Group was looking at which orchestras to disband (Briggs 1995 p.756), and suggested the disbandment of several orchestras. These comprised the Concert Orchestra, the Training Orchestra (formed in 1966 after pressure from the MU), the London Studio Players, the Scottish Symphony Orchestra, Northern Ireland Orchestra and the Northern Dance Orchestra (p.769).

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The resulting report was the Mansell Report ‘Broadcasting in the 70s’ suggesting reducing the number of orchestras from 11 to 5, and increasing needletime. A skillful campaign by the MU and an appeal to enthusiastic amateur musician and Prime Minster Edward Heath led the government to promise to keep all of its orchestras, but supported by an increase in the licence fee. The basic problem was that the orchestras cost more than the increase in the licence fees brought in. By 1976, the Arts Council had a budget of £27m, but the BBC spent £35m on arts (including light entertainment). In 1976 the BBC’s 11 orchestras cost 2/3 of the entire radio music budget, and together with dance bands and light orchestras employed 1500 musicians, which was more than 30% of all musicians in the country. The number of players was simply far more than broadcasting required (Seaton 2015 p.102). In 1977 the Annan Report on the future of broadcasting again raised the subject of finance (HMSO 1977 Annan Committee: Report of the Committee on the future of broadcasting. 1977 ch.3: ‘The Arts and Broadcasting’). This recommended cuts to funding and the disbandment of the light orchestras, including the BBC Radio Orchestra. Aubrey Singer was appointed Managing Director of Radio in 1979, and decided to deal with the question of needletime and orchestras. In 1980, he announced the proposed cuts. 172 musicians were to lose their jobs outright, and five orchestras were to be disbanded, including the light music ensembles. These proposals incurred the wrath of the MU, and led to the Musician’s strike of 1980 that affected that year’s Prom Concerts. Professor Philip Schlesinger in his article ‘The Massacre of the Musicians’ (www.muhistory.com/the-massacre-of-the-musicians-1980) gives a contemporary account, quoting Aubrey Singer (described by the MU as ‘the Dr. Beeching of Radio’) as telling the author that the Corporation’s’ light music output was ‘bedevilled by fixed orchestral groupings’ and stating that the BBC hoped to save £1.5 million, of which £1 million would be spent on hiring freelance players. 40

A Times leader lambasted the BBC for ‘cultural vandalism’ (Times 10/3/80, quoted in Seaton 2015 p.103). The MU outwitted the BBC at every turn, and the BBC in Scotland offered to disband the Symphony Orchestra rather than the Light Orchestra in an attempt to make the cuts look philistine. An off the record meeting between the BBC and MPs suggested that the BBC ditch local radio or take adverts on Radio 1 to pay for the orchestras. After a long discussion, including 30 hours of negotiations at ACAS, the problem was finally resolved. The BBC Light Orchestra in Scotland and the Academy of the BBC in Bristol (formerly the BBC Training Orchestra) were both disbanded. This left the BBC with 5 symphony Orchestras employing 1/3 of salaried orchestral players in the country, and needletime was increased again (Seaton 2015 pp. 103-4, Cloonan 2016 p. 366). There was considerable scope to save money within the BBC. Radio 2 had separate departments for gramophone records and live sessions. Seaton (2015) describes the ‘labyrinthine complexity and rigid demarcations’ of operations in music departments. Although dealing with Radio 3, it illustrates the unnecessary duplication that typified the approach. Different sections of the department, comprising live producers, gramophone producers and researchers/scriptwriters were all in different buildings. The music was created in one place, the scripts somewhere else and then sent on their final journey to the presentation department (p.87). To protect the livelihood of musicians and the survival of live performance, a commercial recording by a BBC Orchestra could not be played, so the players went back into the studios at Maida Vale to reproduce the recording ‘live’ for broadcast. A classical series on trio sonatas for the BBC took two years and had to be recorded from scratch. When the same project was repeated for Flemish Radio, it took a quarter of the time and cost half as much (p.88). Beerling (2008) in his chapter ‘Live Music and the Needletime Needle’ (pp. 56-9) illustrates the problem faced by Radio 1 in it’s early years under needletime restrictions. The 41

copyrights for use of discs on air involved PPL, PRS (Performing Rights Society) and MCPS (Mechanical Copyright Protection Society), all of which collected royalties for members (www.prsformusic.com/what-we-do/prs-and-mcps). An account of the costs involved in the sessions is recounted in detail by Beerling (2008), where he states ‘The BBC’s output of the popular variety was dogged by the limitation and cost of this commodity. It was the lack of needletime that caused the BBC to record so much music in its own studios. A BBC session was just three and a half hours long, and in that time to get an efficient result producers and performers were expected to complete the recordings of at least four songs. Each musician was paid between £8-10, and with a large orchestra and big name singer it could cost several hundred pounds, or £80 per song recorded. A two hour show using records and session items might have as much as thirty prerecorded items. The recordings were only licensed to be broadcast twice, and then the tapes were wiped. It took years before agreements within the MU and Equity were relaxed enough to enable everyone to take longer to achieve better results.’ (pp. 58-9). The end came for needletime with the arrival of Independent Radio. The Association of Independent Radio Contractors (AIRC) presented a legal case in 1980 against PPL’s charges to the Performing Rites Tribunal. Although the ruling went for PPL, a reduction in rates was introduced in 1986. Ultimately a Monopolies and Mergers Commission (MMC) enquiry led to the abolition of needletime restrictions in 1990 (www.muhistory.com/contactus/1971-1980). After Governments acceptance of the report, broadcasters still had to pay PPL for the use of the music (needletime was now a system for charging for hours of usage), but restrictions were abolished. MU general secretary Dennis Scard is stated as arguing that ‘the Union’s influence went right down the pan’ (‘The Union and the record industry’ Musician, June 1991, 9), while former General Secretary John Morton is quoted 42

as saying regarding needletime that ’There is absolutely no doubt that it destroyed employment’ (Cloonan pp. 363-4, 369). Conclusion. Needletime was both a blessing and a curse to the BBC. It was a blessing in that it provided an unparalleled range of opportunities for musicians in a wide variety of musical styles, and guaranteed employment for a large proportion of musicians in London, as well as in the provinces where in house BBC orchestras played. However it produced frustration for both producers and listeners, who preferred the original recordings rather than big band or easy listening arrangements of popular songs. The BBC Radio Orchestra was a victim of this approach. While there was scope for creativity in prerecorded and live sessions, most notably the rock sessions developed for John Peel’s show on Radio 1, and Big Band Special on Radio 2, the cultural clash for pop audiences of regular trad jazz bands and presenters singing with dance bands alienated the audience and revealed the anachronistic approach in a time of both musical and broadcasting change.

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RADIO PROGRAMMING. Introduction. In this chapter I will investigate the subject of radio programming and how it relates to the Radio Orchestra. By the very nature of the orchestra’s activities, the range and variety of programmes for radio was a key aspect of their work. In addition, I shall also explore the changing nature of the BBC’s musical programming and content as a result of the arrival of Radios 1 and 2 and how this affected the orchestra’s repertoire.

Background. Crisell (2002) discusses the changing nature of popular and dance band music from the 1920s onwards, from music to dance to, to music to be actively listened to. Music had shifted from the background to an area of focus. Sheet music had been published for people to play and sing at home before the advent of radio and recorded media, and this practice was still active in the 1960s and 1970s. Song arrangements from the 1920s onwards became steadily more elaborate to satisfy inactive listening to popular material. The rise of artists, bandleaders, musicians and singers’ status became similar to that of classical virtuosi, with the result that they were increasingly watched and listened to rather than merely danced to (Crisell 2002 pp. 28-9). At the same time, radio itself underwent a period of change to that intended by the BBC’s founders. The Reithian plan for the BBC to ‘inform, educate and entertain’ through the use of mixed programming on one radio service was quickly challenged by both the need for audience research and competition from other radio stations outside the country (most notably Radios Normandie and Luxembourg) before World War 2. In 1940 the BBC set up its Forces Network with an output of dance and light music, sport and comedy that became the format for the Light Programme (Crisell 1986, 1994 pp. 20-23).

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By the mid 1960s, the BBC assumed dedicated rather than casual listeners. The rise of the transistor radio at this time now meant that music acted as a background. Light and popular music was even better for the casual listener and the intermittent or ‘shallow’ nature of listening, as opposed to the active or concentrated listening required for symphonies (Crisell 2002 p.139). The BBC had long wrapped American music in a British packaging, and it continued to feature home grown dance bands playing their own arrangements of the latest American hits right through to the 1960s in programmes such as ‘Music While You Work’ (fully described at www.turnipnet.com/whirligig/radio/mwyw.htm) and ‘The Billy Cotton Band Show’ (Barnard 1989 p.24). Two transforming influences on Radio in the 60s were the transistor radio and the appearance of pirate radio. The BBC had been losing listeners steadily due to the rise of TV, against active listening to a radio that was a static unit in the home. A lack of distinctiveness in programming and an attempt to run up to three different services on the same wavelength was alienating dedicated audiences. Even Radio Luxembourg, which had reopened after the war with its increasing focus on pop music rather than the immediate post war Variety style programmes, and weak signal that faded at the most inopportune moments, was eating into the BBC’s radio audience (Crisell 1997 pp.136-7). The advent of the transistor meant that radio was available on demand just about anywhere. Crisell (1997) references Frank Gillard’s 1964 lecture Sound Radio in the Television Age, where he states ‘Radio is no longer something you necessarily have to go to. Radio goes with you’ (p.139). However, the important point with the rise of transistor technology was that even though more listeners had radios as a result, the listening habits became a background medium. Listeners were hearing music rather than actively listening, and sometimes ignoring it altogether.

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Pirate Radio. Briggs (1995) gives a comprehensive account (pp. 502-14) of how pirate radio gave listeners what they actually wanted, rather than what the BBC was giving them. One example of the BBC’s lack of understanding was a half hour programme of 1920s Dance Music called ‘As You Were’ with ‘The Charleston’ as its signature tune. For the listener of the time, this might seem anachronistic and irrelevant to the pop explosion of the 1960s. A sample listing of the Light Programmes output is given at www.radiorewind.co.uk/radio1/ listings1960s.htm for comparison with the nonstop diet of pop provided by the pirates. Crisell (1997, 2002) states that during the pirate radio era the Light Programme’s audience did not actually decline (p.143). An implication can be drawn from this that the pirates were fulfilling the listening requirements of a pop audience. The BBC had only begrudgingly catered for them with programmes such as Saturday Club, which had live pop performers rather than records, and Easy Beat, which comprised cover versions from in-house bands and session singers (www.radiorewind.co.uk/radio2/ light_programme_music.htm). Chapman (1992) provides programming details for Radio Caroline in April 1964 (pp. 67-9) where the listing of records includes light orchestral, jazz, country, big band and musicals presented side by side with pop tracks. Although Radio Caroline shifted more towards outright pop and fledgling rock material later on in its career, this shows that the initial programming had potentially more in common musically with the Light Programme rather than American radio formatting, despite Crisell’s (1997) assertion that the pirates were ‘certainly inspired by Luxembourg, but even more by American Top 40 radio’ (p.142). In terms of presentation and style, the American influence was felt even more deeply. The use of adverts and jungles gave a completely different result to the BBC’s (by comparison) still staid and stiff presentation and delivery. Briggs (1995) notes that the first draft of plans 46

for Radio 1 by its head Robin Scott ‘involved a massive use of radio jingles, an idea imported from the United States’. It also involved ‘plugging’ of other BBC programmes. Scott even went so far as to say that Radio 1 would “feel a draught by not having commercials. They make a station sound free from official control”’ (Sunday Times, 10 Sept 1967; Sun, 21 Aug. 1967, quoted in Briggs, 1995, p.573). The cross promotional plugs between Radios 1 and 2 had unfortunate results, where a Radio 2 specialist show was being plugged by Radio 1 pop DJs. Radio 390 was the exception to the pop pirates. Briggs (1995) states that Radio 390 deviated from the pirate radio pattern by offering ‘impeccably square’ music, ‘light melodies, Sinatra and slush’ (p.512). Crisell (2002) describes Radio 390 (formerly King Radio) as specialising in ‘Sweet Music’ and Easy Listening and offered daytime programming described as ‘Eve, the woman’s magazine of the air’. Skues (1994) explains that King Radio’s music consisted of standards from the likes of Ella Fitzgerald, Frank Sinatra and Ray Conniff, providing easy to listen to background music with a sweet flavour, and catering not only to housewives but a more mature audience in general (p.97). Donovan (1992) gives further details of Radio 390, which was run by successful novelist Ted Allbeury from a wartime anti aircraft fort in the Thames estuary, rather than a converted ship. Radio 390 broadcast ‘Housewives’ Choice’ style material, which was warm and sentimental in style and sound, with programmes such as ‘Masters of the Organ’ and ‘Tea Time Tunes’. Chapman (1992) devotes a whole section to Radio 390 (pp. 138-43). Described as ‘the antithesis of everything the other pirates stood for [.....] it managed to build a large and loyal audience by playing hardly any pop music’ (pp. 138-9). This is an important issue, namely the under-representation of a substantial portion of the listening population who were not in sympathy with pop music. This could also be said to be true in later decades of Radio 2’s neglect of their original core audience in favour of baby boomers, and short lived 47

attempts by stations such as Saga FM (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Saga_105.7_FM) to cater for the older music enthusiast out of sympathy with pop music. Radio 390’s reception was a warm one from the press at the time. Described as ‘dignified’, ‘respectable’, ‘sober’ and ‘unashamedly square’ (Chapman p.139), it was also compared to the Light Programme of the 1950s in complimentary terms, catering to the same audience at the very same time that the BBC was intentionally trying to develop an altogether more informal approach than before. Chapman (1992) also lists Britain Radio as a pirate ship from 1966-7 that also broadcast light music (p.38). Skues (1994) describes Britain Radio’s format as ‘directed primarily at the housewife and broadcast ‘middle of the road’ music from artists like Tony Bennett, Dean Martin, Percy Faith, Ray Conniff, Frank Sinatra and Peggy Lee’ (p.96). Chapman (1992) gives a full account of Britain Radio and its short lived successor, Radio 355 (pp. 151-4). Although trumpeting itself as ‘the hallmark of quality’ with a quality easy listening approach that ‘tried to bridge the demographic gap between the softer end of pop and the sharper end of middle of the road music’ (p.151) failed to attract the kind of audiences Radio 390 were achieving (2.6m in 1966) with its ‘cosy fireside chat and carpet slippers image’ (p.153). Chapman (1992) gives a very full account of the crisis of identity facing the formation of Radios 1 and 2 in 1967 (Chapter 7 British Broadcasting Incorporation pp. 226-78). While the pirates (with the exception of Radio 390 and similarly oriented stations) had proven that there was a large potential audience for non stop pop music, in a period of financial stringency and uncertainty of audiences, the launch of Radio 1’s schedules proved to be confused. Chapman (1992) states that Radio 1 ‘far from being a separate entity with its own distinct image, was in fact going to be simulcast with Radio Two for much of the day. From 7.30pm to 10.00pm Radio One would effectively close down, relaying only Radio Two’s evening 48

output of familiar Light Programme fare, thus ignoring the teenage audience. It was also announced that Radio One would have an allocation of only ‘around’ seven hours of needletime per day, so clearly nonstop pop records were out of the question’ (pp. 229-30). The listing of programming for the new station (pp. 235-45) emphasises the incongruities. Pop groups both live and in session rubbed shoulders with Light Programme stalwarts Max Jaffa, Joe Loss, organist Sandy MacPherson, Acker Bilk and Terry Lightfoot’s trad jazz bands, The Radio Orchestra, Cleo Laine and the Royal Philharmonic Orchestra. Barnard (1989) mentions one of the basic problems of identity facing Radios 1 and 2 in their fledgling days where traditional light entertainment and radio programming clashed. Cross network programming led to ‘ridiculous promotional plugs’ (p.53) by Tony Blackburn for light music stalwart Max Jaffa on his show, just to give one example. Radios 1 and 2 became indistinguishable during daytime shows due to the innate conservatism of the Popular Music Department’s hiring policy. Rather than the pop groups audiences expected to hear, the likes of Bob Miller and the Millermen, Ray Davies and the Button Down Brass and trad leader Acker Bilk were the result (p.53). On Radio 1, one problem that arose with pop groups playing live as opposed to how they sounded on record was the inability to reproduce the complete recorded sound live. The lack of orchestras and overdubbed backings often resulted in an unsatisfactory result for the listener, and even seasoned session singers with in-house bands might struggle to reproduce the advanced vocal harmonies of (for example) the Beach Boys. There could be a lukewarm and sometimes hostile attitude to the new groups from the ranks of MU members within resident BBC bands (www.muhistory.com/contact-us/1961-1970/). For rock groups, live BBC sessions pioneered by producers such as John Walters and Bernie Andrews gave more credibility to their recordings, pioneered by John Peel’s innovative Top Gear.

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Chapman (1992) quotes producer John Walters: ‘They could have had who they liked. The Musicians’ Union weren’t counting. It was the bums on seats agreement. They just wanted a certain number of musicians to be employed. It was that tradition. Obviously you didn’t get orchestras on the pirates but you got them on the BBC. Nobody wanted them except the musicians. The Peel show largely changed all that, in that live music wasn’t simply a substitute for records’ (Chapman p.245). Witts (2012) encapsulates the problems faced by Radio 1 controller Robin Scott where he maintains that ‘Scott also had to deal with the in-house BBC ensembles. As far as possible he corralled them into the schedule of Radio 2. Yet he still was forced to programme ‘covers’ of tracks on Radio 1 in order to fill stretches not covered by needletime. This proved to be the station’s Achilles’ heel, attacked by the outspoken radio DJ Kenny Everett when he mocked ‘vileness like Albert Scron and the Strumalongs, and Rita Blurnge singing “Strawberry Fields Forever”. John Lennon does it much better but we never seem to hear it. Druggy connotations I believe’ (The Londoner, 4 May 1968). By developing a policy of organizing prerecorded sessions with groups, the Musicians’ Union-approved policy of in-house and freelance orchestra ‘covers’ became redundant’ (Witts 2012 p.256). One of the principles mentioned was the ‘anchor band’, which turned out to be session musicians. Chapman (1992) quotes producer John Walters: ‘’Book your anchor band’ meant get your Johnny Howard, or your Johnny Arthur and his boys.[...] It was the same band. The same ten guys in either band. They were the session musicians who answered the phone and practically lived at the BBC’ (p.242). An important point regarding this

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approach is the role of sheet music, still an important factor in the BBC’s approach. House bands would try to recreate competent versions of the latest hits. Producer John Walters is quoted again: ‘You suddenly got a show and you were the anchor band. In other words when Jimmy Young came on Johnny Arthey and his boys would do three or four numbers, perhaps the latest hit from the Supremes or whoever. (DJ John) Peel claims to have heard Bernard Herman and the NDO do (Jimi Hendrix’s) ‘Purple Haze’, and I’ve no reason to disbelieve him because the band looked down the charts at the new entries. They’d get the sheet music which would exist somewhere, because in those days everything was published and the sheet music would be whizzed off to some arranger who would actually write it out for brass’ (Chapman 1992 p.244). Chapman (1992) sums up the dilemma as ‘interpretations of the hits didn’t necessarily have to be the domain of Joe Loss or the Northern Dance Orchestra. It was not live music per se that was problematic, it was the particular way in which the BBC chose to interpret what was required’ (p.244). By the end of the 1960s the trad bands and BBC Dance Orchestras were slowly being either phased out or moved across to Radio 2. A comparison of the output of Radios 1 and 2 compared to the Light Programmes shows far more similarities rather than differences. Radio Rewind’s web page (www.radiorewind.co.uk/radio1/listings1960s.htm) provides listings from 1962 to 1967, including an in depth analysis of content for 23/9/1967 which reveals just how much live music was provided, and a comparison of Radio1 and 2’s programming, with anomalies such as ‘Semprini Serenade’ and ‘The Organist Entertains’ actually listed for Radio 1. Radio Rewind’s page on Radio 2’s Light Music Programmes gives further details, illustrating the range and amount of programmes devoted to recorded sessions of all types of music: www.radiorewind.co.uk/radio2/light_programme_music.htm. Radio Rewind’s Radio 2 history page www.radiorewind.co.uk/radio2/radio2_history_page_70s.htm states 51

that it was only in January 1979 that Radios 1 and 2 finally became separate stations with no more sharing of programmes. The stations also gained separate controllers at the same time. Barnard (1989) discusses the fate of Radio 2 during the late 1960s and 1970s. In his chapter ‘Radio 2 - the multi-headed monster’ (pp. 62-5). He describes a state of constant change in policy. Radio 2 had inherited the Light Programme’s commitment to music making, which was in providing outlets for the BBC Dance Orchestras and the majority of bands contracted for in house recordings under agreements with the MU. It also provided specialist programmes: vintage jazz, organ, brass band and big band music, country, folk and rhythm and blues (p.62). Radio 2’s image was ‘a repository for the unfashionable and unwanted’. It attempted a cost cutting exercise in 1985 by trying to link Radio 2 with local radio and to transfer its FM frequency to Radio 1. Administratively, Radio 2 was geared to individually conceived programmes, just as the Light Programme had done. A departmental reorganisation of 1972 and 73 allowed more needletime and let Radio 2 concentrate on the burgeoning Easy Listening and MOR (Middle of the Road) market. However, the update risked losing older ex Light Programme listeners. A survey in 1984 revealed that 4/5 of listeners were over 35, and 3/5 over 45. A rethink in 1986 produced a revised musical policy. Frances Line, Radio 2’s new Head of Music, described the reversion as a move to ‘what we used to do’ - play MOR and sit between Radio 1s pop and Radio 3’s classical music. With 22 million people over the age of 45, perhaps the youth market has been overindulged’ (Barnard 1989 p.63). More BBC recorded music was played in daytime shows. This was a reversal of the 1970s policy, that placed ‘in house’ material between 12 midnight and 6 am. Radio 2’s profoundly retrospective music policy was one that harks back to the pre rock’n’roll era (Barnard 1989 p.63). Francis Line stated that Radio 2’s policy was ‘Ratings by day, reputation by night’.

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Radio 2 used its evening shows for specially recorded material, including that featuring the BBC’s own in house orchestras (Barnard p.163-4). An example of the BBC’s approach to programming for Nightride can be heard at Peter Dickson - BBC Radio 2 - 18 February 1985 (2015. Available through: www.youtube.com/watch?v=NC4YtzGG0q4). The BBC Radio Orchestra are featured from 5.06-8.27.

Conclusion. The story of Radio Programming on the BBC’s popular music channels illustrates four important areas of concern for my dissertation. First, it shows the appearance of a hitherto only begrudgingly acknowledged new audience for pop music that was catered for by most (but not all) of the pirates. Second, it reveals the traditional Light Programme audience that was also echoed in the broadcasting style of Radio 390 who preferred easy listening music to pop. Third, it illustrates the uneasy combination of the BBC’s traditional approach of giving live cover versions and arrangements of pop tunes rather than the original article, due in many ways to needletime restrictions. Finally it demonstrates the many policy changes and reversals within Radio 2 to cater for changing tastes in music, the burgeoning MOR and easy listening revivals of the mid 70s, coupled with the need to cater for former Light Programme adherents.

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JERRY LANNING.

Jerry Lanning was born in Dorset and studied at Southampton University and the Guildhall School of Music & Drama. He spent about ten years in the theatre and in television as an arranger and musical director, and assisted Ronnie Hazlehurst at the BBC TV Centre. He was Arranger/M.D. of the BBC Radio Orchestra from 1979-1981. He has hundreds of published arrangements to his credit, including the Classic Experience and Making The Grade series. He started the educational publishing company Middle Eight Music and has been consultant to Cramer Music and University College Cardiff Press, and Managing Editor of the Music Sales publishing group. He has arranged for the BBC, Readers' Digest, film, television and theatre. He currently conducts the Saturday Morning Orchestra and Trinity Camerata in the UK, and runs the Wind Chamber Music and Arranging Course at the Charterhouse Summer School (CSSM) at Sherborne (www.trinitycamerata.org/ performers/conductors/jerry-lanning/, https://www.scoreexchange.com/profiles/lanning). 54

The interview. The interview was an informal one, with key questions on various aspects as well as areas of ‘mundane interaction’ (Rapley, 2004 pp. 25-6), and allowed space for an unstructured approach after the initial questions, as defined by Raune (2005, pp. 149-52, 155-7). This interview was conducted by phone on 16/8/17.

DE: How did you get the job as M.D of the Radio Orchestra? JL: I was at Maida Vale one day playing keyboards for a pop session. I chatted to the producer - Roy Herbert - and mentioned that I was an arranger. He invited me to send him some tapes, so I sent him some of the Starborne Productions (www.starborne.net) tracks (MOR for smallish groups) and he booked me for a session as a result. The deal was to provide all the music (for a hire fee of £22) and the conducting fee was around £60 - £70. This was payment for two broadcasts, after which the tapes had to be destroyed under the terms of the agreement with the MU. They used as many arrangers as were prepared to do it, so as to get variety of style and repertoire. Obviously it was impossible for the arranger to recoup the real value of the arranging work (and the copyist's charges) from the paltry hire fee. I think the original idea was that arrangers would simply bring in material they had sitting on their shelves from previous sessions. The BBC was doing it all on the cheap. Ultimately I stopped because I couldn't afford to go on subsidising the situation. DE: Listening to the Starborne charts compared to the Radio Orchestra charts, were the Starborne charts expanded for the Radio Orchestra, or vice versa? JL: Starborne was usually a smaller lineup, so I did expand a few of them for the Radio Orchestra. 55

DE: When you were M.D., did you have other musical activities, or was the M.D. full time? JL: It was never a full time job. When Malcolm Lockyer died he was the last full time M.D. There were a number of MD/arrangers like myself, perhaps as many as twenty or thirty working with the orchestra until it folded in 1991. Everything was on a session by session basis. My other activities were generally arranging. I also had a publishing company, some theatre work, all sorts of things. It was the same for all of the guys going in. It was just one of the things they did. DE: When M.D.ing, was it just for sessions? JL: There were two types of sessions. One was a purely instrumental one where one would do seven or eight instrumentals, and then there were mixed sessions where you’ld do four instrumentals and four vocals. The vocals were generally sorted out between the singer and the producer who would go into the light music library and decide what charts they were going to use, and then they’d just bring them into the sessions. DE: How many calls per week did the Radio Orchestra have? JL: They were all contract players, so it was basically their main job, so it must have been several, but how many I don’t know. DE: Did you find yourself working in one studio with the C2 lineup while someone else was working elsewhere with, say, the Big Band? JL: Not usually, no. Most of the sessions were at Maida Vale, with a few in Golders Green Hippodrome. The Concert Orchestra used the Hippodrome quite a bit with live broadcasts. DE: Your list of mp3s gives the dates of recordings, and most of the sessions gives eight titles. Does that mean you recorded eight titles in one three and a half hour session? JL: Yes, per session. It was a three and a half hour session at the BBC, there was always a half hour break, and you were always expected to finish half an hour early, so that left you with two and a half hours rehearsal and recording time/studio time. You’d just do a run through, a bit of tidying up, and then a take, and I can’t remember ever doing more than 56

one take. Just occasionally you might do an eight bar edit if something’s really gone wrong, but they were fantastic sight readers. DE: In the studio were the instruments close miked, or did they use ambient mic setups? JL: I can’t honestly remember. They never did just a stereo pair or anything like that, because they had to have some control over the odd solo that had to be lifted. I guess that there would have been 15-20 mics going into a 32 channel desk, but always mixing straight to stereo. The engineers did vary. Some of them were amazing in what they achieved, they would really pay attention, while others would just put the compressors and limiters on and sit back. It didn’t really happen to me, but I never really had time to go in the box (control room) and listen, it was always down to the producer and the engineer. DE: On the recorded items you sent me, some of the charts exist in at least two versions, and on the list of recordings you did the same tune on different dates. JL: It did happen a few times, because due to needletime the tapes that had been recorded could only be broadcast twice and then had to be destroyed, to protect the musicians jobs. Some of the arrangers like Stanley Black would come in and record the same thing six, eight, ten times. I remember players saying to me that they used to get a bit fed up recording the same thing again. DE: I notice that the recordings of different versions of the same tune can differ regarding balance and tempo, and the Starborne versions have a very different EQ. JL: With Starborne, that was a completely different studio. Starborne was mainly done at Audio International just off Baker Street. It was a small studio that could take maybe 25, 30 players would be the limit. The engineer was a chap called Richard Millard who’d been associated with one of the early pirate radio stations. He was a very good guy and he could cope with anything. DE: Were you given a free hand for tour choice of material?

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JL: The BBC made no suggestions as to repertoire, they simply wanted a certain number of tracks/minutes recorded per session. With the instrumental stuff I had pretty much a free hand. Occasionally I would be asked to do a certain thing or be given a certain score. DE: What was your intention musically for each chart? Were you trying to establish a particular sound? JL: My background is orchestral. In other words I came from the classical to the easy listening side, whereas a lot of the other arrangers came from pop and dance bands into easy listening. My approach orchestrally was completely different from theirs. I looked at it as basically an orchestra with a rhythm section rather than a rhythm section with added orchestral instruments, which was the way some people looked at it. DE: So did you take a classical approach when allocating fills and countermelodies from the originals and allocating to different instruments? JL: The basic philosophy with easy listening and MOR is the tune. It only really works with strong tunes. You have to present it in the best possible way because people are listening along with it, so you dress up the tune in the best possible colours, and then your fills and countermelodies should support that but never intrude or stronger than the tune itself. DE: You put in your own original sections to the charts, like the bridge section in ‘I left my heart in San Francisco’. JL: Yes, sometimes because the number just wasn’t long enough. DE: Likewise in ‘I wonder’ the horn intro is completely original, and I notice that the oboe line in the tag is derived from the piano introduction on Abba’s original version. JL: You obviously know them better than I do! DE: What was your overall impression while working as M.D.? JL: All I can say is that at the time I was doing them [the arrangements], there didn’t seem to be a great sense of direction from the producers. Their basic thing was to fill a certain number of minutes. It wasn’t as though they were trying to do anything or progress 58

anything, it was simply doing a job. That was one of the reasons I packed up, the main one was financial, but I did feel that they weren’t actually going anywhere and it was ultimately not going to last. DE: Was it a case of musical sterility, that everyone was getting a bit complacent rather than investigating further possibilities? JL: Yes, I think there was that, but also the whole easy listening thing depends on the supply of good, strong melodies. That started to dry up in the late 80s and early 90s. People weren’t writing good tunes any more. The whole basis of writing a good tune goes back to the 18th and 19th centuries, the balance between the different phrases, the fact that they reach a climax at a certain point. The whole shape is now disregarded and everything is very repetitive. You can say with the easy listening stuff that there was no real spiritual quality about it, but there was a whole lot of craftsmanship. DE: But its focus was not to be listened to in the depths that you or I would do. JL: Oh no, not at all. If you remember all the James Last stuff, he used to get some great sounds, but they were very simple. Sometimes he’d have four trumpets on a session and they’d be playing unison the whole time, just to get the great sound.

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JERRY LANNING’S ARRANGEMENTS. Introduction. In this chapter I will look at various principle in arranging, recording and score formats, and analyse two of Jerry Lanning’s charts that illustrate differing approaches to arrangements. I will use the approach to analysis used by Niles (2014) and include Jerry Lanning’s comments on each arrangement.

Basic principles. Niles (2014) states that ‘An arrangement must enhance and clarify the form of the composition’ (p.145), in addition describing the arranger as a composer or re-composer, stating that ‘the arranger aids the listener in the comprehension of [...] the musical structure of the song by enhancing it in various ways. The arranger [...] performs what may be termed as ‘critical intervention’, using his or her critical facilities to re-conceive and transform the song’ . He quotes Frank Sinatra on arranger Axel Stordahl, who states ‘when he arranged for me, the backing was almost like a separate composition’ (Niles 2014 pp. 4-5). Sebesky (2000) discusses basic considerations of arranging. These comprise tonal balance, for any instrumental combination, formal balance in melodic and thematic writing, economy, and focus. He defines the primary level of focus as the voice or lead solo instrument, the secondary as background (string section, brass section, etc), and tertiary focus as the rhythm section. Sebesky says ‘This distribution is never static, but is constantly shifting as the chart progresses’. Variety is the final factor that in any ensemble ‘there exists a considerable number of tone colours available to the arranger’ (Sebesky 2000 pp. 2-6).

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Jerry Lanning’s arrangements. A full list of Jerry Lanning’s arrangements with instrumentation (e-mail attachment sent to the author 10/11/2014) is provided on p.41 of the Appendix. He worked with the C2 lineup of the BBC Radio Orchestra. This was expanded to a further setup, dubbed Q1. He says ‘C2 and Q1 were the two main things I dealt with. With Q1 the lineup was two trumpets, two trombones, one flute specialist (flute, piccolo and alto flute), one oboe specialist, and three multi-instrumentalists who played all the saxes, all the clarinets and all the flutes’ (phone interview with the author 16/8/17). The following is a list of session dates, lineups and charts recorded, as provided on a CD by Jerry Lanning to the author in 2009: Q1 4-9-80: Almost Paradise, Brian’s Song, Copacabana, Fernando, I’m Easy, Juli’s Theme, Mandy, Who Needs You. Q1 2-10-80: I Left My Heart In San Francisco, Just A Little Lovin’, Knowing Me Knowing You, Living In The Past, Make It With You, Princess Leia (Star Wars),Tamara’s March, Tragedy. C2 17-11-80: A Whiter Shade of Pale, Almost Paradise, Bright Eyes, Even Now, I wonder, Juli’s Theme ,Murder on the Orient Express, On Days like these, Swayin’ to the Music. Q1 11-12-80: Fernando, Lucy In The Sky, Michelle, My Life, Nights In White Satin, Princess Leia (Star Wars), Somewhere My Love, Tamara’s March. Q1 16-2-81: Classical Gas, Dancing Queen, Good Vibrations, I Just Want To Be Your Everything, Knowing Me Knowing You, Love Is Blue, Skybird, Yesterday Once More. Q1 16-3-81: California Dreamin’, Eleanor Rigby, Michelle, Midnight Cowboy, Telford’s Change, The Waiting Game, The Winner Takes It All, Tin Man. Q1 8-5-81: Dancing Queen, Elvira Madigan, Nights In White Satin, Woman. C2 19-5-81: All Creatures Great and Small, Bright Eyes, Cecilia, Chi Mai, Imagine, Pavane, Swayin’ to the Music, Touch Her Soft Lips and Part. 61

The audio mp3 files exist in up to three different versions. The Radio Orchestra sessions for the BBC have alternate takes with in some cases differing arrangements where sections have different instrumentation as well as EQ and tempi. There are also versions for Starborne Productions in the USA, where the balance and EQ are very different. Control scores were short scores for engineers. Jerry Lanning states that the controls consisted of ‘up to three staves with the solos clearly marked. The producers/engineers didn’t have time to look at copies of the full score’ (e-mail to the author 17/8/17).

Analysis of ‘I Wonder’. I wonder (Departure): C2 (recorded 17-11-80) Original version available at: www.youtube.com/watch?v=NbsqVFTVKsQ ‘I wonder’ comes from Abba’s 1977 album ‘Abba: The Album’ (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ I_Wonder_(Departure)) This was part of a mini musical ‘The Girl with the Golden Hair’ and was performed on the group’s 1977 tour. The arrangement of the original is piano oriented, with the rhythm section very prominent, and the orchestration comprising strings, oboe, french horn, glockenspiel and harp. Jerry Lanning’s arrangement (CD track 1) is in C major, the same key as the original. The form of the song comprises a four bar introduction, a 24 bar verse section divided into three eight bar sections, and a 10 bar chorus. The second verse omits the second eight bar section and has a D.S. back to bar 29 and the chorus, which at this point is only eight bars long, and goes to a four bar coda at the end. The instrumentation for this song comprises 2 flutes, oboe/cor anglais (1 player), horn, harp, piano, electric and acoustic guitars, solo string quartet, strings, timpani, glockenspiel, and drums.

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The cor anglais states the eight bar theme from bar 5, accompanied by strings (Ex.2). In bars 9 and 10 there is a three quaver answering fill played by harp and glockenspiel, and a glockenspiel glissando at the end of the 8 bar phrase leads into the repeated main theme. The theme is then played by violins and flutes in octaves for four bars and the drums make their entrance. In bar 17 the strings provide a moving accompaniment to the second half of the phrase, which is played in the 1st violins in unison. Niles (2014) describes this approach when he suggests ‘a simple but effective arranging technique of adding another element the second time a section of music is played’ (Niles 2014 p.209). The next section displays a complete change of texture with a solo string quartet against tremolo violins in bars 21-26. (Ex.3). 63

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Jerry Lanning noted that conducting Elgar’s ‘Introduction and Allegro’ inspired him for the texture, havng four soloists balancing against the string section to add interest (interview with the author 16/8/17). In the last two bars of this section (27-8) are added piano chords, woodwinds, and a drum fill and timpani roll leading to the chorus. ./01

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The second version of the verse uses different textures. The first four bars (bars 39-42) feature solo electric guitar (with a ‘Hank Marvin’ marklng in the score) accompanied by acoustic guitar, piano, bass and drums. The strings enter in bar 43, and the melody is answered by phrases in the flutes and cor anglais (Ex.5). 01'2'

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The next section (bars 47-54) are a variation of Ex.3. Here the solo 1st violin and cello play the first four bar phrase, accompanied by tremolo strings (2nds and violas), and a three note quaver figure played by harp and pizzicato 1st violins. The second phrase (bar 51) is played by 1st violins and horn before the full orchestra enters. At this point the solo cello is doubling the horn and woodwind line (bars 53-4). At the end of bar 54 is a D.S. sign to bar 29, where the orchestra plays the chorus again (Ex.4). This time, at the end of bar 36, the chart goes to a four bar coda (bar 55). Here the oboe quotes the line from the original Abba introduction, and is accompanied by strings and harp (Ex.6). The last two chords add piano and timpani. *+,-,

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Conclusion. This arrangement shows the capabilities of an arranger to completely transform the atmosphere and texture of a song through instrumental colour, the sharing of phrases between instruments, and the adding of countermelodies and quotes from the original material. The result shows that a good song will lend itself easily to an easy listening style, and exhibits great subtlety and craftsmanship in its writing. Comparing the two arrangements together is a rewarding and illuminating exercise.

Analysis of ‘I left my heart in San Francisco’. I left my heart in San Francisco: Q1 (recorded 2-10-80) Original versions available at; www.youtube.com/watch?v=SC73kdOL5hk “I left my heart in San Francisco’ was written in 1953, with music by George Cory and lyrics by Douglass Cross, and recorded by Tony Bennett as a B side in 1962 (https:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/I_Wonder_(Departure). It has been recorded by many singers including Frank Sinatra and Doris Day. His version consists of a verse and single chorus. The form comprises 32 bars divided as four groups of eight, with each phrase starting as a three note pickup before the first bar in each section. Jerry Lanning’s arrangement (CD track 2) is quite different in many respects to the original. Here he omits the verse. The arrangement uses the 32 bar chorus twice, with an unusual nine bar nine bar bridge section between the two. It is scored for two flutes, cor anglais, clarinet, bass clarinet, 2 flugelhorns, two trumpets, harp, acoustic guitar, celeste, drums, percussion, and strings. This is an example of the Q1 instrumental format.

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It starts with what Richard Carpenter calls a ‘cold’ opening, with no introduction (Richard Carpenter, quoted in Niles 2014, p.197). Jerry Lanning comments ‘If you have a good idea for an intro, that’s all right and normally you would expect to do a four or eight bar intro for an instrumental. Perhaps I just couldn’t think of a good intro. Sometimes it’s nice to do that, especially with something well known, and people will pick it up with the first three or four notes, ”Ah, I know what that is”’ (Interview with the author 16/8/17).

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This adds emphasis to the melody line to aid quick recognition by the listener. The strings are marked in the score ‘Schmaltz!’ (Appendix p.107) which indicates an ‘excessively sentimental or florid music [..]’ style of playing (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Schmaltz). The first eight bar section features the strings, with guitar, drums and cabasa playing a latin 67

3+3+2 clave rhythm. The second eight bar section (with pickup from the first eight) continues with the string section with occasional inside movement (Ex.9). !"#$

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