ECONOMIC ADJUSTMENT, EDUCATION AND HUMAN RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT IN AFRICA: THE CASE OF NIGERIA MACLEANS A. GEO-JAJA and GARTH MANGUM
Abstract – On the basis of the Nigerian experience, this article argues that the structural adjustment programs of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, when misapplied, can have a devastating effect on the educational systems that are essential to human resource development. The paper considers how the objectives of structural adjustment might have been accomplished without harming education, and recommends an outcomes-based educational policy for Nigeria which could serve equally well in other developing nations. The key message of the paper is that the ongoing austerity programs have been secured at excessively high human cost, and that it is time for a policy redirection that reaffirms education as the essential tool of all development. Zusammenfassung – Auf der Basis der nigerianischen Erfahrung wird in diesem Artikel argumentiert, dass die strukturellen Anpassungsprogramme der Weltbank und des Internationalen Währungsfonds bei falscher Anwendung einen zerstörerischen Einfluss haben können auf die Bildungssysteme, die für die Entwicklung menschlicher Ressourcen wesentlich sein können. Der Autor dieses Artikels überlegt, wie die Ziele struktureller Anpassung ohne Nachteile für die Bildung verwirklicht hätten werden können, und empfiehlt eine an Resultaten orientierte Wirtschaftspolitik für Nigeria, die auch in anderen Entwicklungsländern Anwendung finden könnte. Die Schlüsselbotschaft dieses Artikels ist, dass andauernde Sparprogramme zu exzessiv hohen menschlichen Kosten durchgeführt wurden und dass es Zeit für einen Wandel in der Politik dahingehend ist, dass Bildung als wesentliches Werkzeug aller Entwicklung bestätigt wird. Résumé – À partir de l’expérience du Nigeria, l’auteur affirme que, mal appliqués, les programmes d’ajustement structurel de la Banque mondiale et du Fonds monétaire international peuvent avoir un effet dévastateur sur les systèmes éducatifs, qui sont essentiels pour le développement des ressources humaines. Il analyse la façon dont les objectifs de l’ajustement structurel auraient pu Ítre atteints sans nuire à l’éducation, et préconise une politique éducative pour le Nigeria axée sur les résultats, qui serait également applicable à d’autres pays en développement. Le message essentiel de l’article est que les programmes actuels d’austérité sont garantis moyennant un coût humain excessivement élevé, et que le temps est venu de réorienter les politiques pour redonner à l’éducation son rôle d’instrument majeur de tout développement. Resumen – Basándose sobre la experiencia hecha en Nigeria, este artículo sostiene que una aplicación equivocada de los programas de ajuste estructural del Banco Mundial y del Fondo Monetario Internacional pueden producir un efecto devastador sobre los sistemas de educación, esenciales para el desarrollo de los recursos humanos. El papel considera cómo los objetivos de ajuste estructural pueden haber sido cumplidos sin perjudicar la educación y recomienda para Nigeria una política de educación basada en resultados, que podría servir de igual manera en otras naciones en vías de desarrollo. El mensaje central de este artículo es el siguiente: los permanentes International Review of Education – Internationale Zeitschrift für Erziehungswissenschaft – Revue Internationale de l’Education 49(3–4): 293–318, 2003. 2003 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.
294 programas de austeridad han sido asegurados a un coste humano excesivamente alto y es hora de cambiar la dirección de la política para llegar a una que reafirme la educación como la herramienta esencial de todo desarrollo.
Recent economic pressures, national and international, have led to serious neglect of the human dimension in development. Unless remedied, this neglect will distort and impede the future development of at least a generation to come (Haq and Kirdar 1986: XV).
Education in nation-building: an overview The consensus on the contribution of education to the development process is widespread and well established. As far back as Alfred Marshall it was conceded that, “The most valuable of all capital is that invested in human beings. . . . If one of the major goals of nearly all societies today is rapid economic growth, then programs of human resource development must be designed to provide the knowledge, the skills, and the incentives required by a productive economy” (Marshall 1936: 208). Identification of a systematic relationship between education expenditure, human capital and worker productivity gained for Theodore Schultz the Nobel prize in economics (Schultz 1959, 1961). Schmookler’s (1952), and Kendrick’s (1961) pioneering work on human capital stimulated a large body of research that has also attributed growth rates of national product per capita to the quality of education. Edward Denison’s approach which represents an extension of the analysis introduced earlier by Jacob Schmookler and John Kendrick, convincingly show that economic growth could not be explained by the input of labor and capital alone (Denison 1962). The premise of these foundation scholars of human capital and economics of education was that education facilitates economic and social mobilization and human resource development. Further, evidence
295 supporting the positive and significant correlation of education, social mobilization and development, and human resource development abounds in Khadija Haq and Uner Kirdar’s edited book, entitled Human Development: the Neglected Dimension (Huq and Kirdar 1986). These studies linking education to economic growth influenced many developing governments, particularly African governments, to invest in education at independence. The justification for this expenditure was that, not only is education a basic human right, but that, if properly planned, education will facilitate human capital formation and socioeconomic mobilization. In addition to education’s direct impact on productivity and social/human capital, it influences other intervening variables that have positive consequences for per capita income. For example, as the level of education in a country rises, fertility rates generally drop, the utilization of technology increases, and productivity among workers grows, thereby elevating living standards. Whether through intervening variables or more direct effects on production, education tailored to local and national need is vital to nation-building. The literature on the “Asian Miracle,” which proliferated in the 1990s, offered a range of explanations for the remarkable growth record of the Asian “high performance,” but almost all contributions agreed on the importance of education (For more detailed discussion on the reasons for the Asian success, see World Bank 1993: 119; Cummings 1995: 67; Campos and Roots 1996: 36; Ashton and Sung 1997: 207). In a recent World Bank study of 68 economies from five different continents between 1960 and 1987, analysts found that increasing the average amount of education of the labor force by one year raises Gross Domestic Product (GDP) by 9 percent (World Bank 1991: 43). For instance, to facilitate the process of modernization, the Singaporean government expanded education at all levels and reoriented them toward the production of industrial, clerical and professional manpower. The expansion and improvement in education were tailored to involve the masses who were to provide the semiskilled labor, as well as the technicians and professionals who were to guide them. The results are historic. Given the widespread agreement as to the demonstrated role of education in human resource development and therefore its essentiality to economic development, one would have expected educational funding to be almost sacrosanct in every developing nation. Then why not also so in African development?
Whither education in African economic development? In the early post independence years, African economies had generally strong education and economic records. The overall growth in per capita GDP was positive in most countries while education supplied the required human resources for modernization. But then cataclysm. For most countries in subSaharan Africa, economic growth fell from 2.0 percent yearly from 1966 to
296 1973, to –0.7 percent yearly from 1985 to 1990, and to –0.9 percent from 1991 to 1994 (World Bank 1996: 18). Many factors were involved, but the most certain was the advent of structural adjustment programs (SAPs). Government budgets had gotten out of hand in many countries. Deficits were multiplying and international lending institutions had to be concerned, but it was certainly not necessary to institute such draconian measures as to destroy essential public services, especially investments in education and the human dimension of development. Most of the countries identified as requiring structural adjustment had numerous areas of excess expenditure which could have been cut without long-term harm. Education and other essential services such as health care simply had less aggressive protectors than, say, military expenditures and debt servicing. This criticism of SAP policies is a matter of growing consensus. Onimode (1992), Killick (1993: 315, 1997), Collier et al. (1997), and the World Bank (2000), all have identified economic adjustment measures as catalysts for the destruction of embryonic institutions, the intensification of unemployment and poverty, and retardation of socioeconomic development. Several authors have specified SAP’s adverse effect on education indicators (Cornia 1987; Lockheed and Verspoor 1991; World Bank 2000). Other authors such as Hoogvelt (1997), Ndoye (1997), and Adedeji (1999) perceive the shortcomings of adjustment to be the causes of economic catastrophes. Adjustment has helped tie the economic natural and human resources of the African region more tightly into servicing the economies of the industrialized countries, but not to African advantage. Hoogvelt (1997: 179) argues that the implementation of economic adjustment has been very much tied in with the spread of the poverty and the “new racism” which have come to underpin popular explanations for the growing political instability, inter-communal conflicts, and declining quality of education in Africa. The impact of adjustment has not been only upon Africa. In Latin America, adjustment policies are cited for “largely canceling out the progress of the 1960s and the early 1980s” (Iglesias 1992: 112–113). Thus, it is imperative to examine both the contradictions and the links among existing education and human resource development policies and practices and the standardized approach of SAPs. From our perspective, we argue that the scope of economic adjustment measures must be multidimensional, taking into account a larger national development framework encompassing social, political and economic factors, but with emphasis on the human dimension.
The African social sector: where is adjustment leading? The structural adjustment frameworks were not limited to drastic limitations on education expenditures. Companion policies were the privatization of public enterprises, reduced expenditures in the social sector in general, the reallocation of resources to putatively more productive sectors, and the
297 introduction of “user fees” and cost recovery policies. Some of these may have been appropriate and others not, depending upon the circumstances in each nation. They were generally quick-fix responses to social and economic problems rather than components of long-term reforms. A strong bias of this often short sighted response to complex socioeconomic problems was the presumption that all state activities are harmful and that nothing but good could come from absolute reliance on the private market. However, while essential to the pursuit of private profit and often a useful guard against hidden public corruption, such unquestioning reliance on “market forces” can often lead to sub-optimal solutions from the point of view of effectiveness and equity in public policy. The African state, as elsewhere, has indispensable functions to perform, especially in providing economic and social infrastructures, and in creating an environment favorable to the development of human resources, leading to positive social and economic development. Education, appropriately tailored to local and national need, is the essential input to human resource development. If the state does not protect these indispensable functions, who will? Certainly, international agencies devoted to economic development should have been the most committed protectors of those critical development tools. In this connection, it is worth noting that the widely acclaimed success stories of the economies of the “Asian Tigers,” as well as those of the industrialized countries, owe a great deal to the support and involvement of government in human resource development (World Bank 1993: 119). These nations effectively coordinated not only the development but also the utilization of human resources and involved government in manpower planning and job placement. It must be done, but it must be done wisely. This attests to the inappropriateness of cutbacks in spending in education and reduction/withdrawal of other subsidies contributing to human resources mandated by economic adjustment measures. Yet the conditionalities of adjustment programs remain a key World Bank/IMF loan condition, making it difficult for governments to procure the life line they so desperately need for facilitating their development policies. Adjustment’s adverse outcomes have led to increasing concern that it has failed to provide or release adequate resources, nor to promote the education and training required to meet the changing human resource needs of the economy. This has created skepticism regarding structural adjustment’s economic and social efficacy. The combined impact of these outcomes too often negatively affects the quality of education while leading to deterioration in socioeconomic conditions (Cornia 1987: 76). The emerging conclusion from this review is that adjustment program conditionalities have been intrusive, short sighted, and ineffective in responding to social and economic crises in Africa. Many of the conditionalities of SAPs threaten the very foundation of human rights and the sovereignty of nations in its compromise of human resources and economic development. Lockheed and Verspoor (1991), World Bank (1991), Reimers and Tiburcio (1993), as well as Jayarajah and Branson (1995),
298 all show that the pattern of declining resource allocation to education has been a direct result of World Bank/IMF austerity programs. These sources provide compelling evidence that policies and programs formulated and promoted by the World Bank and the IMF during the 1980s in Africa pursued reductions in budget deficits at the direct and deliberate expense of public expenditure in the social sector, particularly on the share of recurrent expenditure going to education. This brings into question the authenticity of structural adjustment as a “true agent” of development. According to Hoogvelt (1997) and Adedeji (1999), economic adjustment measures could well be construed as a grand design for the neo-colonization of Africa. But one would assume that into the 21st century, after decades of colonial experience, no group of nations or international agencies would place such constraints on a nation’s ability to invest in education and develop its human resources as was advocated by the international organizations. One is reminded of Paul Freire’s characterization of colonial education and development strategies as either “white racism” or “cultural invasion” (Hoogvelt 1997: 179; Freire 1998). Tuomas Takala’s 1998 analysis of the formulation of educational policies in four adjusting countries (Ethiopia 1994; Mozambique 1995; Tanzania 1996; and Zambia 1996) finds that social sector and educational strategies have been heavily and negatively influenced by the World Bank’s donor agenda directions as presented in World Bank publications (Takala 1998: 331). His studies support the view that structural adjustment policies serve to further “cultural invasion” in that they undermine traditional indigenous values, destroy social fabric, facilitate economic dependence, and steer education systems away from the meeting of local need.
Structural adjustment, economic crisis and educational consequences: the African experience In spite of the limitations of data, available statistics and numerous scholarly work, including that of the World Bank, show the havoc that adjustment has caused to Africa. Average income per head is lower in 2000 than it was in 1971: unemployment increased from 7.7 percent in 1978 to 22.8 percent in 1990, and subsequently increased to 30 percent in 2000. Underemployment is estimated to affect 100 million Africans (ILO/JASPA 1993). Across the continent an amount two to seven times greater than that allocated for health and education combined has been spent on debt repayment (See UNICEF 1992: 18–19). For example, six highly indebted poor countries in Africa spent more than a third of their national budget on debt repayment and less than tenth on basic social services. In most cases budget cuts and reforms linked directly to structural adjustment have deleteriously impacted the quality of education, access to education, and human resource development. In other instances, these policies have undermined recipient country ownership instead
299 of reenforcing this key factor. In Cote d’Ivoire, Ghana, Tanzania, and Nigeria, paid employment and purchasing power have suffered considerable declines with the implementation of adjustment policies. In Zambia, GNP fell by 16 percent in 1991. In Malawi, real wages of agricultural workers were halved. In Mozambique cashew and sugar factories were closed with tens of thousands of jobs lost as the World Bank mandated removal of protection from the cashew processing industry, in favor of theoretically available gains from exporting raw cashew nuts as a symbol of trade liberalization. Furthermore, this policy with its primary concern for narrow financial matters pushed down cashew prices, affecting income, unemployment, and, accordingly, education quality and Gross Domestic Product. Structural adjustment has not been the sole cause of these maladjustments, but it has certainly been one of the major negative factors. The “inducement” function, conditionality and stabilization policies have come at a particularly bad time for African nations confronted with the task of educating a rapidly growing youth population while struggling to meet the manpower needs of economic development. Even countries that have managed to maintain, though not increase, their level of education expenditures have seen per student expenditures decline drastically. Table 1 illustrates for a number of African countries the extent to which education expenditures either declined or stagnated, resulting in a general downward trend in unit cost (per pupil expenditure) as enrollments rose while education funding was declining. Evidence has indeed been accumulating to demonstrate that education priorities did, in fact, shift since the imposing of adjustment in the 1980s, with many countries putting new emphasis on staying current on debt service. For instance, public spending per pupil in African nations declined from US$50 in 1980 to US$40 in 1988, compared to forty times as much (US$2888) in OECD Europe. In absolute terms central government current expenditure on education declined throughout the 1980s. In a majority of the African countries in Table 1, real growth of GNP itself declined or turned negative, and there were cutbacks in public expenditure on education, often in connection with “inducement” function conditionality (see also Figure 4). Evidence provided in UNESCO’s, World Education Report, based on analysis of twenty-six African countries, shows an overall decline of 33 percent in central government expenditure per pupil, in the period 1980–1988 (UNESCO 1991: 37, Table R9). For instance, in Zambia where education levels are falling and 60 percent of the children who reach grade six are functionally illiterate, the reintroduction of adjustment in 1994 contributed to a more than 25 percent decline in actual education expenditure within three years (Collier and Gunning 1999). This impoverished nation spent more than 10 percent of its GNP on debt repayment from 1993 to 1996 while spending on average about 12.5 percent of its national budget on education during the same period. In Ethiopia, a mere 9.9 percent of overall recurrent expenditure was reserved for education sector funding in 1990, compared with 20.5 percent in Botswana, and 26.1 percent in Swaziland, both non-adjusting nations. In
Botswana Cameroon Ethiopia Ghana Kenya Malawi Mali Mauritius Nigeria Tanzania Swaziland Uganda Zambia
Country/Year
22.1 12.4 12.7 21.9 19.6 08.9 0– 17.6 05.2 12.9 24.4 16.9 11.4
80 21.6 07.5 09.8 17.0 20.6 11.6 0– 15.8 24.7 13.3 21.2 12.6 11.9
81 17.6 13.3 10.3 18.7 19.9 14.3 10.5 14.7 09.6 12.5 17.9 12.4 15.1
82 19.4 11.6 08.9 0– 20.6 13.4 10.0 15.6 09.3 13.2 20.8 10.9 14.5
83 17.4 14.4 10.5 20.2 19.8 12.3 09.6 15.3 11.6 11.7 22.3 11.7 16.0
84 17.7 11.8 09.8 18.0 19.6 11.0 09.1 14.3 08.7 08.3 20.3 12.7 12.3
85 18.4 12.7 10.8 23.9 22.6 10.8 09.3 13.9 04.8 0– 22.1 15.0 17.5
86 18.4 0– 11.5 23.9 21.3 10.1 09.8 12.4 02.8 0– 24.6 0– 08.7
87 20.0 11.9 10.5 25.7 22.1 12.3 09.0 13.3 02.7 0– 23.9 0– 8.8
88 20.3 19.6 09.9 24.3 19.8 08.8 0– 15.3 02.8 14.1 24.5 0– 11.2
89 20.5 16.9 09.9 25.5 19.9 11.1 0– 14.3 05.3 14.0 26.1 11.5 10.4
90 21.0 17.9 10.6 23.2 20.1 12.1 0– 14.5 04.4 0– 25.4 15.0 08.7
91
Percent as current central government expenditure
Table 1. Education expenditure for selected sub-Saharan African countries (1980–1995).
20.4 17.9 14.3 23.7 21.9 0– 0– 14.6 06.3 0– 0– 0– 09.2
92
20.6 0– 15.4 22.0 18.9 0– 0– 14.9 07.3 0– 0– 0– 15.5
93
0– 14.6 13.7 0– 0– 0– 0– 16.2 14.6 0– 0– 0– 15.4
94
24.6 0– 14.0 21.4 0– 0– 0– 17.0 11.5 0– 0– 0– 15.0
95
300
301 Malawi, the sharp increases in primary education enrollment rates since 1994/1995 led to a rise in the student-teacher ratio and a concomitant decline in the quality of education, all as a result of declining national budget to education. In Ghana, high growth and an increase in the share of GNP collected by government in revenue helped to fund higher public expenditure on education. However, the provision of education services per capita actually declined between 1989 and 1995. Other examples abound. Reimers and Tiburcio (1993: 39) found that between 1980 and 1988, on average, the share of recurrent expenditures going to education in Africa increased by 8 percent in non-adjusting countries while it increased only by 2 percent in adjusting countries. As Marlaine Lockheed and Adriaan Verspoor’s cross country statistical analysis showed, countries which undertook adjustment and stabilization programs since the mid 1980s experienced a slowdown in the rate of increase of funds allocated to education, as compared to non-adjusters (Lockheed and Verspoor 1991). The question of funding becomes even more important, if one considers the commitment to universal primary education and educational expansion. As Table 1 shows, the share of education in African national budgets averages about 12.8 percent but falls as low as 2.7 percent in some countries, substantially lower than any other region in the world. In sum, it seems that increasing numbers of Africans are being squeezed out of an education and into factories and ghettos by structural adjustment programs, which value market indicators over human capital formation which the World Bank itself has indicated will “determine whether Africa will fall farther and farther behind the world’s industrial nations.” Geo-JaJa and Mangum (1999: 106–108) attribute these education crises to the inadequacies of the neoliberal adjustment models of the 1980s, which counted upon a “trickle down” effect, ultimately to facilitate the development of human resources. In a sense, SAPs constitute a low-intensity warfare that is destructive of the social sector, entire cultures and economies by assigning low priority to human capital formation while shifting attention away from basic education and health care services that are major determinants of development (see also p.108, and Table 4.1 on sectoral allocation of aid by donor agencies). While all these externally designed and formulated policies might be necessary conditions for budget balancing, they are not sufficient without inputs into human capital formation, which was assigned low priority in that growth process. From this, it is clear that the “inducement” function of adjustment degrades human dignity and downgrades human development to levels that no statistics can adequately describe. Thus, we call for a society-centered and long-term approach to SAPs. Before adjustment policies, the supply of professional and semiskilled manpower was reasonably well balanced with demand as governments placed high priority in building the education system for human resource development as an integral part of the larger economic system. The resultant erosion of the social fabric is seen in the exceptional increases in crimes
302
Source: Derived from IMF. Government Finance Statistics and UNESCO’s Statistical Yearbook (Various Issues). Figure 1. Education expenditure as a percentage share of total expenditure and GNP (1970–1995).
Source: Derived from IMF. Government Finance Statistics and UNESCO’s Statistical Yearbook (Various Issues). Figure 2. Education expenditure and change in number of students at all levels (1980–1995).
303
Source: Derived from IMF. Government Finance Statistics and UNESCO’s Statistical Yearbook (Various Issues). Figure 3. Debt service as a percentage of export and education expenditure as a percentage of total government expenditure (1980–1995).
Source: Derived from IMF. Government Finance Statistics and UNESCO’s Statistical Yearbook (Various Issues). Figure 4. Defense and education expenditure as a percentage of GNP (1980–1995).
304 against property and persons, drug-trafficking, domestic violence, numbers of street children, prostitution, and incessant military adventurism that has become catastrophic to the economy of the region. These factors, as well as the reluctant recognition of the human dimension in “austerity” measures, are some of the complications that are direct results of the mismatch between educational output and the human resources required for national development. Whatever may have been the intentions of World Bank/IMF, it becomes increasingly clear that SAPs have rolled back the education and economic progress of post-independence Africa. Thus, economic adjustment complicates and impedes human resource development and economic transformation. Even in periods of economic crisis or budgetary cut backs, cuts in education should not be the trade-off, considering the role that schooling plays in productivity, standard of living and the utilization of technology. A critical point is that there were other alternatives for meeting structural adjustment objectives. The Nigerian experience will demonstrate the shortsightedness of the SAP’s and the failure of the “inducements” function of conditionality. The emerging conclusion is that neoliberalism has been intrusive, shortsighted, and ineffective in improving the lot of people and the quality of education in recipient countries.
Education in Nigeria: mismatched and in disarray At independence, education was considered crucial in the quantitative procurement as well as in the qualitative improvement of Nigeria’s human resources. Curricula of this era empowered citizens with arithmetic and language skills, character building, life and work experience, and attitudes and skills that were in demand. The newly independent government of Nigeria under the leadership of Tafawa Balewa, was determined not only to create a sense of nationalism amongst its people, but also to use the education system for socioeconomic development by providing trained and skilled manpower, not only to fill the jobs vacated by white men, but for the new jobs that would arise as a result of economic growth and self-determination. Accordingly, national education policy was to play a key role in providing educated professional and skilled manpower for the transition from a colonial economy to an independent expanding economy. Consequently, from 1960 into the 70s, in response to this social and economic demand for education at independence, primary school enrollment increased five-fold, secondary enrollment multiplied by more than 22 times, and tertiary education increased 84 times, demonstrating government’s desire to meet immediate manpower shortages. Therefore, pre-SAP Nigeria used education and training to match job skills in demand for development. Early in its independence, the country experienced a rapid increase in overall school enrollments, an expansion in school facilities, and an increase in the number of teachers (see Table 2). At the same
03515827 04889857 12117483 13760030 14311608 14654798 14383470 13025287 12914870 11540178 12690798 12721087 14097249 13776054 14805937 15911888 16831560 17996209
Enrollment 14902 00– 35723 36524 37614 37888 38211 33528 35433 34266 34911 34904 35433 35466 36610 38254 38649 39677
Number of Schools
Primary
103152 144351 343551 369636 386826 383989 359701 309032 308182 344221 331915 344221 321915 353600 384212 428097 435210 –
Faculty 0356565 1864713 2880280 3268697 3620043 3561207 3468530 2989174 3088711 2934349 2941781 2729528 2901993 3123277 3600620 4130917 4500529 5084546
Enrollment 0– 0– 5398 5755 6224 5927 5819 6092 6092 5991 5868 6001 6231 6728 6002 6162 6300 6452
Number of Schools
Secondary
016794 00– 041581 081492 089076 109664 984876 105003 00– 135034 134400 136677 141377 141149 147507 151722 152598 –
Faculty 015560 044964 150072 176904 193731 208051 240889 266796 267862 276352 304536 335824 326557 368897 376122 383488 386536 391035
Enrollment 0– 025 087 090 092 093 093 095 097 100 105 108 122 124 130 130 133 138
Number of Schools
Tertiary
Source: (1) UNESCO. Statistical Yearbook (Various Issues). Source: (2) Federal Ministry of Education, Nigerian University Commission, and National Board for Technical Education.
Note: (1) Secondary Schools Figures include secondary Grammar/Commercial, and Technical/Vocational. Note: (2) Tertiary Schools Figures include Universities/Polytechnics/Colleges of Education.
1970 1975 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995
Year
Table 2. Total enrollment, number of schools, and number of faculty by level of education (1970–1995)
00– 00– 10742 14417 00– 00– 00– 18010 00– 14756 00– 19601 00– 00– 00– 00– 00– 00–
Faculty
305
306 time, the budgetary allocation to education was specifically indexed to a sizable proportion of public expenditure. This meant that as the country’s wealth grew, its commitment of revenue to education kept pace. The main education investments were directed toward the consolidation of secondary schools, averaging 40.8 percent of Ministry of Education budget. This was followed by the tertiary sector with an average of 30.4 percent. Primary education received the lowest average allocation at 21.8 percent (Onwioduokit 2000). These budgetary allocations represented an attempt to fill the deficit in manpower requirements created by the departure of the colonialists at independence. Strong commitment to education resulted in a rising average education level for the labor force. This was the pre-SAP model in newly independent Nigeria. The high priority accorded education was supported by total government allocations, as shown in Figure 2. With structural adjustment programs in place, budgetary allocation priorities, infrastructural development, expansion and enrollment have all taken different dimensions. Since the introduction of budget cuts, “user fees”, and cost recovery policies in 1986, education has been in a crisis mode. Public sector spending for education fell from 6.4 percent of GNP in 1981 to below 1 percent while enrollment was still increasing at a disproportionate pace. Annual average real per capita education spending was at 8.1 percent between 1975 and 1984, but fell to 2.1 percent during the period 1985–1989. As can be seen, while both enrollment and costs have increased rapidly over the last two decades, central government spending for the sector has not kept pace. In fact, this anomaly can be attributed to change in government policy that assigned the highest budget priority to debt servicing. Thus, debt payment as a share of government spending began to increase substantially in 1984 when the country first drew from the Special Drawing Right’s (SDR) fund, leaving even less funding for education. At the peak of SAPs, debt service cost was 34 percent of government budget, averaging about 23 percent since then. It was only during the General Sani Abacha’s military regime (1990–1999), when the international community sanctioned Nigeria, that education was accorded higher priority than debt repayment (see Figure 3). The post-SAP era saw the demand for education outstripping the pace at which government has expended public schools, and private schools have proliferated at the primary level with the highest economic rate of returns. Primary education now receives the bulk of government education funding, amounting to 44 percent of estimated recurrent expenditure, followed by tertiary higher education with a share of 34 percent of education ministry’s expenditure in 1990–1991. The data provided by UNESCO show mixed signals in terms of education indicators. For instance, the total number of children in primary school has more than quadrupled between 1970 and 1995. Enrollments rose from 3.5 million in 1970 to 14.6 million in 1983, dropped to 14.0 million in 1990, and increased to more than 17 million in 1995. The number of primary schools has continued to increase, rising from 14,902 in 1970 to 38,211 in 1984, falling
307 to 34,266 a year after adjustment started and rising again to about 39,677 in 1995. Without a significant increase in either school size or number of teachers, enrollment in secondary school has expanded more than fourteenfold over the past 25 years, from 356,565 in 1970 to more than 5.1million in 1995. The number of primary schools increased while that of the secondary and tertiary institutions minimally increased. Expansion in tertiary institution numbers was not commensurate to its stupendous enrollment expansion. Over the same period, despite budgetary cutbacks, enrollment in tertiary education increased from 15,560 in 1970 to 391,035 in 1995, representing a gross numerical increase of 355,475 and a twenty-five-fold growth in gross enrollment (Table 2). With regards to teacher-student ratio, Nigerian government figures, coupled with evidence from UNESCO, show that these worsened from 1:32 in 1985 to 1:45 in 1990 for primary. The ratios for secondary and tertiary institutions on average have more than tripled and quadrupled respectively during this same period. But we note that there was great variability within states, and among localities and institutions. As is evident in Table 2, the dramatic increase in enrollment at all levels from 1980 to 1995 in Nigeria was not consistent to findings elsewhere. Cornia (1987), and Lockheed and Verspoor (1991), have consistently reported enrollment declines in other adjusting economies. Nigerian parents and communities appear to have struggled to see their children educated, despite the declining quality of that education. For instance, they have assumed almost all of the incidental costs of attending public schools at all levels (expenditure on uniforms, notebooks, transportation and other school supplies, coupled with the illegally imposed fees by schools). The adequacy of funding aside, post-adjustment education systems, as a direct result of structural adjustment requirements, promoted “modern” sector and world economic system skills rather than essential productive local skills. Thus, the question arises: how effectively do post adjustment educational systems meet the hard test of fitness? What is education’s contribution to human resources for nation-building? Structural adjustment era education formulation draws its inspiration from the modernization paradigm and derives its principles from its neoliberal approach to economics. Yet, its relevance to local needs and its adaptability to local cultural and economic conditions are questionable. Thus, its inability to meet locally relevant manpower expectations emanate from the fact that its structure and curricula are almost without exception based on its focus of globalization and generic foreign models. In many instances, the language of delivery remains foreign except in some localities that use indigenous language at some primary grade levels, and many of the faculties have been trained abroad. Unlike its western counterparts, the Nigerian education system is not isomorphic with its social, cultural, and economic environment. Largely oriented toward the West, the values, subject matter and examination criteria at all levels assume that graduates want to become civil servants and employees of relatively modern industries or commercial establishments. In this fundamental respect, therefore, the Nigerian
308 education system and its basic orientation seem grossly mismatched with the future needs of their students and with the development needs of society. This poses yet another problem for education in its present crisis (Dabalen et al. 2000, gives a more detail explanation of this problem). Since the advent of SAPs in 1986, there have been growing gaps between the education programs offered in Nigerian schools and actual human resource requirements. As a result, shortages coexist with surpluses in certain key manpower need categories (Geo-JaJa 1994). Beyond these facts are trends that show that the education system was not designed to pursue its constitutional provision of localization, and quality improvement at all levels and type of education. Succinctly, understanding the unique features and profile of Nigeria’s education situation is a precondition to designing appropriate policies to ameliorate her economic crisis and deficiencies of human resource development in the shortest feasible time. This is an important reference point for devising an educational strategy in Nigeria, and for engaging stakeholders in a constructive and informal dialogue on how best to fashion such a localized and relevant education strategy. The challenge for the government and its partners (external stakeholders), therefore, hinges on encouraging appropriate policy response at all levels of government (local, state and national) to address the following problems: (1) Declining funding along with unregulated expansion in student numbers. This has meant that education programs and products are of inferior quality. (2) Structures and services that were originally designed for much smaller populations are now having to cope with enormous post-SAP expansion in education enrollment. For example, a secondary school that enrolled about 250 students in 1973, without any addition to the infrastructure enrolled about 2500 pupils in 1997. What suffered most at this premier institution was the quality of education. Combe (1991) in his report on higher education in Africa presented a fairly representative picture of the appalling state of affairs in the Nigerian university system. (3) The withdrawal of education subsidies, the introduction of “user fees,” and the imposition of the minimum number of children whose education can be subsidized meant that students, parents and others are now obliged to pay much more for services of questionable quality. (4) Practical curricula (technical and vocational training) which most closely serve the nation’s human resource needs are relegated to specialized institutions which, when they exist at all, are considered as adjuncts rather than integral parts of the curriculum. (5) The contemporary education inherited from the West has remained more or less intact, generally seeking to maintain externally-determined academic standards and the imposition of the language of instruction. This circumstance explains the deepening level of intellectual mediocrity and dependency, and the general devaluation of the status of the academic enterprise noticed in many institutions of higher learning in Africa, including Nigeria. This is not a complete compilation of the issues and challenges confronting
309 education in Nigeria. Rather, it is a laundry list of the major factors from the perspective of human resource development for promoting sustainable development. In view of these challenges, a World Bank report on the state of education in Nigeria found that the skills of graduates have steadily deteriorated over the past 15 years, making them unfit for the labor market and for the larger society. Attributing causes of the declining quality of education to underfunding and unplanned expansion, the report also categorically stated that the last well-trained graduates left the system in the mid1980s (for detailed discussion see Dabalen et al. 2000). Total expenditure on education and related training programs had been maintained at about 16 percent of central government total expenditure before the mid-1980s, as shown in Figure 1. It is disconcerting to find that from 1986 when SAPs were implemented that the share of education in the total central government expenditure has been as low as 2.7 percent, and even this percentage has been declining even in nominal terms. Thus, the question of finance becomes a critical issue if government is to attain its commitment to universal basic education and qualitative education expansion. Structural adjustment policies did not take into account the social and economic environments in the country, nor did they consider the historical and political context of colonialism on Nigeria. Consequently, without a firm commitment to transmit ownership, indigenous values, and promote mastery of relevant skills, the core of Nigerian education system became a mismatch with the country’s development needs. This confirming evidence of the adverse impact of adjustment on enrollment and other education indicators should not be considered an illusion. There is ample documentation of rising skill requirements matched with deterioration in education outcomes, increases in unemployment rates, and higher expectations of individuals by society. The immense pressures on education could stem from the perceived high private rates of return, or better positioning in the “neither growth nor employment growth” economy. Perhaps the most dramatic expansion, however, has been youth population pressures, since in Nigerian society education can lead to upward social mobility and financial rewards, as industry and society attach a high premium on qualification. It is certainly in line with the equation of “the higher the certification the higher the remuneration” found in almost all African societies. SAP measures have been major contributors to this situation. While gross enrollment figures at all levels are enormous, education output is still inadequate in comparison with national skill requirements. Rapid enrollment growth, the poor state of infrastructures and facilities, together with declining resources, have significantly and negatively affected education quality and human resource development in Nigeria (World Bank 1999). In summary, for Nigeria, expansion in education and increase in enrollment at all levels show a number of aberrations. While gross enrollment figures at all levels are immense, they conceal a number of important weaknesses, which can be identified as follows:
310 First, enrollment explosions are primarily in disciplines of secondary importance (social sciences, humanities, etc.) whose graduates have fewer chances of being gainfully employed. The skills they posses are not in demand in the emerging labor market. With the above “distortion effects,” the only outcome that could be expected is the mismatch between national manpower needs and education output (for a detailed discussion of this “Mismatch Hypothesis” see Geo-JaJa 1989). Secondly, “Western racism” continues to exert an influence on the trajectory of educational reforms through the local agents of neocolonialism. Ndoye (1997) makes the point that the education crisis resulting from structural adjustment programs has stifled indigenous manpower and the development of African resources to meet the needs, the reasons being that structural adjustment policies undermine government structures and are sharpened by global forces in the contemporary and modern period. Of the many identified impediments and vested interests in the way of education’s centrality to human resource development, the foremost is the SAP. Thirdly, the current allocation and priority of resources to education sectors are grossly inadequate for the desired human resources. Substantial resources must be devoted to upgrading the skills and knowledge of people for living in both a localized and globalized world. Regardless of the excessive enrollment and expansion in education following adjustment programs, human capital formation remains seriously undeveloped in Nigeria as in other African countries (see World Bank 2000; Dabalen et al. 2000). Clearly, education and human dimensions in development have suffered most as a result of budgetary cuts, methodological diversions, and flawed assumptions which underlay adjustment policies (Huq and Kirdar 1986: 3). Indeed, the effect of adjustment in Nigeria has been to undermine and compound the poor status of infrastructures and facilities, declining resource inputs, rapid enrollment growth, undermining human capital formation and government participation, and disrupting the social fabric to the point of inhibiting the development process that it was theoretically designed to facilitate. In this vein, policy reversal appropriate to the Nigeria problem should be encouraged.
A call for a more society-centered reform To prepare the next generation of human resources for development requires a conscious end to “Western racism,” the reconditioning of the Nigerian mind, and the reaffirmation of policies and priorities toward “practical education.” Educational reform in Nigeria has a long, if not always remembered, problematic history. In most instances, what has been labeled “educational reform” has not always been concerned with changing education, let alone improving its quality. Rather, the practices by many, if not most developing nations with technical advice from international agencies have been problematic. The World Bank’s role in Nigerian education reform dates back to 1952 when the British
311 Colonial Government mandated the World Bank to develop a colonial education system for Nigeria (For a more detailed discussion see Babalola et al. 2000). The involvement of industrialized countries in educational reform in Africa, including Nigeria, has continued with IMF stabilization and World Bank’s adjustment policies, though these might be interpreted and conceptualized as symbolic gestures designed to indicate awareness of problems and sympathetic intentions, rather than as a serious effort to improve the system’s effectiveness in capacity-building, expanding capabilities, and increasing the relevance of indigenous people to the local environment. The main reason why these reforms have not taken more effective action is because of the outmoded governance structures – i.e., the decision-making units and practices that control resource allocation have remained largely unchanged. Impediments to educational reforms are built into the management assumptions and practices of international organizations. In that sense, the “inducement” function conditionality is a prime example of World Bank/IMF reform policy’s failure to deal with the uniqueness of the African environments. The organization, content and processes of educational reform as they currently stand are impregnated with a strong bias toward the needs of globalization and of urbanized societies. This reform process has a number of potentially disastrous downsides that could shatter the post-Cold War dreams and lead to a “new anarchy.” As earlier noted, priority is given to orderly and methodical qualities at the expense of a dialectical functional link between education and socioeconomic development goals, as well as to a country’s historical conditions of life. The huge task of moving toward educational relevance requires commitment, policy reversal, clarity and leadership from all citizens and stakeholders. Therefore, a significant challenge to education reform is the need for a fundamental change in the philosophy of the World Bank and IMF as external stakeholders in that they will have to give up some degree of ownership and control and allow some fundamental changes in attitude and policies. Tinkering with education structures, curriculum content, and increased institutional capacity without addressing the existence of SAPs “inducement” functions and reaffirming education fundamentals, will not resolve the problems of education inadequacies in Africa.
Outcome-based education for the next generation of human resources development The flaws of the conceptualized reforms and the lack of serious efforts to improve the systems effectiveness in capacity-building, coupled with the identified shortcomings of contemporary education systems have informed the proposed system of Outcome-Based Education (OBE). Outcome-based education and contemporary education should not be seen as opposites, even though the latter is often applied without much reference to the peculiarities of local conditions, nor is it people-centered or society-oriented. The contrast
312 should stimulate reflection on the appropriateness of contemporary learning programs and suggest directions for educational reform that an adjusting economy could undertake. Some standard goals of Western education remain critical in this process. Outcome-Based Education embraces the knowledge, skills, attitudes and values necessary for the citizen to be empowered within a complex interdependent and rapidly changing world. The objective of OBE is to reorient education toward creating a balance between practical knowledge and academic knowledge relevant to the country in which it is applied. Such a framework de-emphasizes the transmission of subject matter, the accumulation of factual knowledge, and the focus on “higher-level of outcomes.” Linked to a higher learning outcome is preparing people for the functions of symbiotic-analytic workers and technicians, developing complex forms of systemic thinking, promoting problem-solving and experimentation skills rather than restructuring to a “field independent approach.” Indeed, such methods encourage teachers to recognize the different kinds of stimulations and structure needed for cultural and diverse groups. Basically, OBE looks at individuals or groups, singularly addressing their needs in their respective local environments, thus minimizing the possibilities of urban bias and brain drain. This seems to be an effective educational strategy to facilitate local human resources for local use. It is important to note that OBE does not require the discarding of contemporary curriculums, but rather it is adapted and made more effective in other to achieve more relevant higher level outcome. This blended education system provides answers to the problem of curriculum mismatches, to the need for relevance of education, to the importance of integrating schooling with immediate social, economic and cultural environments, and lastly to mitigating the social cost of adjustment in relation to human resource development. It focuses on the development of a comprehensive educational system that integrates the basic knowledge, attitudes, and skills that are the cornerstones of a sound education in ways that are more effective, more equitable, and more relevant for individual and for societal development. As an action-oriented learning scheme, OBE calls for a reconfiguration and reconceptualization of existing practices in order to refocus attention to a nation’s socioeconomic needs. With OBE, development activities are integrated into schools thus creating an atmosphere where pedagogy, content, and methodology of schooling are shaped and molded first by indigenous perspective and economic development plans. Outcome-Based Education allows learning and knowledge to be applied and integrated with work time and life time, making all stakeholders agents of development. In short, OBE offers people the opportunity to develop employability skills, preparing them for effective participation in local, state and national labor markets through such strategic policies as remediation measures, job match guidance and vocational mobility. Fundamentally, OBE serves as a force for social integration and cohesion, as values are communicated from one generation to the next.
313 The principal objective of OBE is to give curricula a prevocational emphasis with a view to fostering skills and attitudes that are conducive for productiveness and employability. The actual blending of contemporary education and Outcome-Based Education requires that special interest groups (both internal and external) let go a little ownership and control. The notion of letting go a little is extremely important if the impact of education reform is to be deep, widespread, and catalytic, coupled with the collaboration of all stakeholders in planning, formulating and implementing an education mix that is inclusive of all. There are four major components to OBE: (1) school-based civic learning, (2) work-based learning, (3) information technology and informatics funneling services, and (4) connecting activities, which include both in-country and world relevance and involve moral, economic, social, cultural, global and local development issues. The focus of connecting activities is to provide service learning opportunities to students through involvement in local, state, or international experience. Information technology and communications are provided to enable individuals to develop the spirit of inquiry and to independently provide themselves with knowledge acquisition from formal and non-formal education sources. These are some examples of the uniqueness of OBE that is a major shortcoming of the existing contemporary education system. Other advantageous features of an OBE program are detailed as follows: (1) OBE is a system of particularized curricula, which are maximally productive, economically rewarding, nationally and individually growth stimulating, and socially/culturally relevant. It supports shared responsibility of learning between student and teacher while integrating the education system with social and economic development plans. (2) OBE emphasizes the articulation between academic and non-formal education for the purpose of synthesizing together both programs. The purpose of integration is to strengthen the preparation of the next generation of graduates for productive engagement in society while reducing the flow of unskilled and de-skilled labor. OBE supports human resource development and facilitates the pursuit of “real social reform” through which all members of society can be given the opportunity to enjoy the benefits of development. In summary, OBE as a reform package seeks to remedy the dysfunctional emphasis on education output rather than on education outcomes. It is designed to provide the trained manpower at all skill levels required to achieve modernization and industrialization with human dignity. OBE adapts to occupational and technological changes by enabling people to acquire portable skills that are transferable from one situation to the next, preparing them with the capacity to build the specific skills required for each new assignment. The solution of preparing the next generation of human resources does not lie in abandoning contemporary education for OBE but rather in domesticating and indigenizing the two. To reinforce the ideals of OBE, it is essential to strengthen the learning environment, encourage mass participation of citizens, and create contexts where the productivity of people will be enhanced and
314 where a culture of equity and comprise can take roots. This system of manpower development requires stakeholders commitment to social sector funding targeted at people and the non-politicization of educational reform tasks by major stakeholders (Geo-JaJa and Mangum 1999).
Conclusions The Nigerian experience illustrates the drastic decline in education funding and quality and deterioration in human resources resulting from structural adjustment programs throughout Africa and other parts of the developing world. Even more dramatic is the enormous expansion in enrollments at all levels. Within this context, encouraging appropriate policies and undertaking the necessary educational reform tasks that are backed with adequate funding is crucial to ameliorating identified education and manpower crises. A nation cannot hope to have a successful manpower policy if not localized or if left alone to market forces. From this perspective, the core of human resources, are the planning and execution of a localized policy of education and training, designed and integrated with social and economic plans to provide the required manpower at all levels of skill. Adjustment policies are part of a continuing effort that began during colonialism in which the West dictated what language Africans were to speak, and what Africans were to learn and how this learning was to be accomplished (see Brock-Utne 2000; Babalola et al. 2000). In its present form, adjustment can simply be called a “cultural invasion” development model which is facilitated by internal neocolonialists – the internal local elite. For instance, in many of these developing countries the language of instruction has remained foreign. With the negative elements of SAPs on education outlined in the paper, it is suggested that actions to develop human resources must be seen across a broad front. If education is to contribute more fully to manpower and economic development, its planning cannot simply be concerned with “efficiency” nor with the quantitative instrumental goals which the system produces. With the recognition that the contemporary system of education is a major impediment to producing the human resources required, we suggest OBE, which supplies an attractive package of knowledge and attitudes as well as skills which are palatable and useful for development. To facilitate the process of education reform tasks, the following suggestions are offered: First, to temper the demand for formal education, consumers of education whose chosen career path is not consistent with national manpower needs should bear a larger proportion of education costs. Secondly, with the current budgetary pressure at a time of economic crisis, Outcome-Based Education should be considered as the vehicle for preparing the next generation of people for productive work and employability. Meeting this goal requires streamlining management assumptions and practices of inter-
315 national stakeholders, and the direction of their policies and priorities to give greater weight to “people-centered” or “society-centered” education (OBE). This is education with production attuned to perceived local community needs and demand. Thirdly, the nation’s political leaders – and those of other African nations – should reaffirm the priority of human welfare rather than non-human services by a conscious redirection of policy and planning and concrete action toward a human dimension. Public funding of education should reflect the growing importance of education to the economic prosperity and social stability of the country. This calls for human dimensions in development, and the active participation of leaders of thought, politicians, business, and educationist, as well as the public. Also, the international community needs to reaffirm and focus its efforts and resources more clearly on human-focused programs and take steps to ensure that new programs and practices are directed to offset the dangerous tendencies of inducement function conditionality. Over the past 15–20 years stabilization and structural adjustment policies have attempted to balance nations’ budgets to service debts by unbalancing people’s lives. The budget balancing was essential but neglecting human welfare – which is the ultimate objective as well as the main instrument of development – for life-style destruction was not. It is evident that adjustment policies have failed to restore economic prosperity, failed to build human capacity and capabilities, and failed to maintain or raise education quality. The combination of these inadequacies has contributed to the difficult path toward human resource development in Nigeria, throughout Africa and in much of the developing world. There were and are other alternatives. Figure 4’s illustration of the simultaneous levels of military and education expenditure throughout the entire structural adjustment period suggests an obvious alternative source of debt reduction funding, and one which would have contributed to peace in the region as well. It is time to get back to the policy drawing boards to devise sustainable national budgets which will not only allow but mandate effective investment in each nation’s human resources.
Acknowledgements The authors thank Professor Clifford Mayes of Brigham Young University, for his helpful and insightful comments and encouragement. We are grateful to the two anonymous reviewers for their comments and suggestions, which were a valuable guide in the revision of this paper. We also thank Jeanne Nelson and Xiucheng Yang for their excellent computer and research assistance.
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The authors Macleans A. Geo-JaJa is Associate Professor of Economics of Education at Brigham Young University Utah. He taught at the University of Port Harcourt in Nigeria, and at the University of Utah. He has a PhD in Labor Economics. His main research areas are: education regeneration and nation-building, structural adjustment policies and globalization, and social and economic aspects of education markets. He has been involved in numerous national and international projects, including the first ever Human Development Index of American Cities. He has published widely in social science and education scholarly journals. Presently he is the Chair of the Comparative and International Development Education Program at Brigham Young University. Contact address: Macleans A. Geo-JaJa, 306P, David McKay School of Education, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah 84602, USA. E-mail:
[email protected]. Garth Mangum holds a PhD in economics from Harvard University. He is the Max McGraw Professor of Economics and Management Emeritus at the University of Utah. During the formative period of manpower policy in the 1960s, he was staff director of the President’s Committee on manpower. He has served as country advisor to some 40 countries on manpower planning, under the auspices of the World Bank and other international agencies. He is the author of more than 30 books and numerous articles, monographs and government reports on human resource development. Contact address: Garth Mangum, Department of Economics, University of Utah, Salt Lake City, Utah 84111, USA.
