Editorial Advisory Board

Editorial Advisory Board Prof. Joachim Wieler Professor Emeritus – Social Work University of applied sciences Erfurt Germany

Prof. Sanjai Bhatt Professor - Department of Social Work University of Delhi; Delhi; India

Prof Brij Mohan Dean Emeritus - School of Social Work Louisiana State University; USA

Dr. Tetyana Semigina Secretary - International Association of Schools of Social Work [IASSW] Associate Professor - School of Social Work, National University “Kyiv-Mohyla Academy” Kyiv; Ukraine

Prof Malcolm Payne Honorary Professor - School of Social Care Sciences Kingston University; UK Prof. Sandra Edmonds Crewe Professor-Social Work Director-Multidisciplinary Gerontology Centre Howard University Washington DC; USA Prof. Ira C. Colby Dean and Professor School of Social Work University of Houston Houston; USA Prof. Brian Littlechild Professor - School of Health and Social Work University of Hertfordshire, Hertfordshire; UK Prof. Stephen Gilson Professor-Centre for Community Inclusion & Disability Studies and School of Social Work: The University of Maine Maine; USA Prof. Bernard R Moss Emeritus Professor - Social Work Education and Spirituality Staffordshire University; UK Prof. Hans Van Ewijk Professor - Social Work Theory University for Humanistics; Netharlands

Prof. Meena Galliara Chairperson - Social Enterprise Cell Narsee Monjee Institute of Management Studies Mumbai, India Prof. Goverdham Ram Professor - Department of Sociology Assam [Central] University, Assam, India Prof. Tulshi Kumar Das Professor - Department of Social Work Shahjalal University of Science & Technology; Bangladesh Prof. Swapan Garain Professor - Centre for Social Justice and Governance Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai; India Dr. Rajshri Mahtani Founder Convener - Knowledge Whiteboard and Knowledge Resource Centre Mumbai, India Prof. Geoffrey Greif Professor - School of Social Work University of Maryland; USA

Aims of Social Work Chronicle

• To strengthen the base of social work literature by encouraging literary contribution in the sphere of social work education, theories and practices • To provide a burly dais of discussion for academicians, professional social workers, development experts, civil society activists, NGO professionals for exploring the dynamics of different social welfare agendas and emerging issues in development sector • To bring out ground realities in the sphere of social and sustainable development to the policy-makers with an aim to bring about needbased modification in the existing social and welfare policies • To become a medium of deliberation and dialogue among academicians, researchers and development professionals for reflecting issues, opinions and voices towards social change

From the Editor’s Desk…

Social Work Chronicle, as the name of the journal denotes - this peerreviewed bi-annual will always have a prime focus to explore the emerging issues and challenges in the sphere social work education and practices across the globe with an aim to strengthen the base of Social Work literature and to enrich the scope of social work research and practice. Social Work Chronicle is a literary endeavor to raise voices on behalf of the weaker and deprived sections of the society by focusing majorly on research-based contribution on different social and welfare issues which explore the grassroot-dynamics of different developmental initiatives across the globe and thus represents a consortium for pro-people policies. The ethos of the journal will lie in its inter-disciplinary approach as the journal envisions to percolate through disciplines of social work, women’s studies, sociology, political science, economics, population studies, economics, development studies, education, rural development etc. It will bring to light kaleidoscopic views and thoughts of academicians, social workers, development professionals, research scholars and policy-makers from all quarters. The journal aspires to produce literature and references for developmental research by providing guidelines to the policy-makers for better program design and implementation in the sphere social policies and social welfare initiatives across the globe through its literary contribution. Last but not the least, the journal intends to encourage and assist young research scholars, faculties, development professionals and civil society members to promote their literary contributions – so that ‘young mind’ and ‘Gen-Next Thinking’ can be explored for the benefit of human society and in the context of sustainable human development.

Note for Contributors • Manuscripts and all editorial correspondence should be addressed to: [email protected] • While submitting papers, authors are requested to produce the details of their affiliation along with contact details • Each article [1500-3500 words]/research paper [4000-7000 words]/book reviews [1000-1200 words] should be submitted with an abstract of about 150 - 250 words and 3 – 5 key words preferably in double spaced MS Word document. • Citations should be embedded in the text using the author-year method, e.g. (Goel, 2004) • All cited works reflected in the text of the paper should be included and arranged alphabetically at the end of the paper in references. • Tables and figures to be indicated by numbers seperately (see Table 1) not by placement (see Table below) • Works by the same authors in the same year should be cited as “(Goel, 2004a)” and “(Goel, 2004b)”. • While submitting a book review, the reviewer must mention the name of the concerned book, name of the author/editor, place of publication and publisher, year of publication, number of pages, ISBN and the price of the concerned book. Authors are expected to follow the referencing style as given below: Book Mack, C. (2005). Looking at the Renaissance: Essays toward a conceptual appreciation. London: Taylor & Francis. Article in an Edited Book Blaxter, M. (1976). Social class and health inequalities. In C.Carter & J. Peel (Eds.), Equalities and inequalities in health (pp. 120-135). London: Academic Press. Conference Proceedings Chopra, L. D., Sinha, B., & Mehta, P. (1997, January 16).State of Human Development in India. Paper presented at the 1997 Symposium on Sustainable Development in India, New Delhi, India. Reference taken from Website Census of India. (2001). India at a glance – Statistics on Demographic and Socio-Economic Characteristics. Retrieved from http://www.censusindia.gov.in (accessed December 10, 2009). Journal Article Labonte, R., & Schrecker, T. (2007). Globalisation and social determinants of health. Globalisation and Health. 3(7), 190-220. Newspaper Article with Author Tripathi, K. (2000, January 18). Hunger Still Exists in Rural India. The Times of India, p. 3. Newspaper Article without Author The Unheard Voices of Indian Women. (2005, April 29). The Hindu, p. 35. Report United Nations Development Programme (UNDP). (2010). Human Development Report 2010. New York, USA: UNDP. Working Paper Alkire, S., and Santos, M. E. (2010). ‘Acute Multidimensional Poverty: A new index for developing countries’, OPHI Working Paper 38. London, UK: University of Oxford. Selection of the papers to be published in Social Work Chronicle is made purely on the basis of quality following a peer-review process, which usually takes 4-5 months’ time. The authors are entitled to single complimentary copy per published article from the publisher. For foreign authors, postage is chargeable.

Social Work Chronicle Volume 1 Issue 2 November 2012

Contents 1. General Health and Alienation Status of Divorced Women in Bangladesh Neaz Ahmed

1-13

2. Temporary Shelters for Homelessness in Delhi: A Study-based Reflection Sanjai Bhatt and Ghazala Jamil

14-30

3. Socio-economic and Health Conditions of Some Major Tribes in Andhra Pradesh K.S.Babu

31-49

4. Gender Perspective in Disaster Preparedness : A Study in Flood-prone Areas in Rural West Bengal Pradipta Dubey, Tanmoy Pal, Atonu Chatterjee and Subhrangsu Santra

50-67

5. Tribal Development in the North Eastern Part of India: Reality and Constrains Ajeet Jaiswal

68-81

6. Sex Identity vs. Sexual Orientation: Understanding Transgender Category in India L.T. Om Prakash and G. Karunanithi

82-99

7. Is Doing Research too Complex Sandeep Jagdale, Jagdish Jadhav and Mahesh Chougule

100-106

8. A Review on Social Network and Loneliness in Elderly Joji Rajan

107-119

Commentary 9. The ‘Anna Movement’ and its Message Nirupam Hazra

120-122

Book Review 10. ‘Society and Social Justice: A Nexus’ by Brij Mohan John W. Landon

123-124

Social Work Chronicle is available online at www.publishingindia.com

General Health and Alienation Status of Divorced Women in Bangladesh –Neaz Ahmed1

Abstract This paper is part of a broader research study on “Psycho-social and Economic Conditions of Divorced Women in Bangladesh” conducted by the author. The study tries to explore the general health and alienation status of divorced women of Bangladesh using two scales namely General Health Questionnaire and Alienation developed by Goldberg and Hiller, 1979, and Kureshi and Dutt, 1979 in order to assess the health and alienation status. These scales measured on somatic symptoms, anxiety and insomnia, social dysfunction, severe depression, despair, disillusionment, psychological vacuum, unstructured universe and narcissism. The findings of the study revealed that only 5.5 per cent divorced women are normal. Among the 200 divorced women 31.0 per cent had all kinds of psychiatric problems. All most all (94.5 per cent) divorced women had alienation problem. The researcher drawn two hypotheses firstly, divorced women who are working are psychologically depressed than that the women who are not. Secondly, women who are divorced by their spouses have experienced greater sense of alienation implying that self divorcees are not greater alienated. Chi-squire and t test has been used to prove the hypotheses. Results indicate in first hypothesis is that there is no significant difference at the level of psychological depression. The second hypothesis was statistically significant indicating that self-divorcees are less alienated than the divorced were initiated by their spouses (the women who were divorced by their spouse). Key Words: Marriage, Divorce, Women, Alienation

Introduction Marriage is a legal relationship between a man and a woman. Though it is a legal contract in almost all societies, it is also a social relationship. 1

Professor; Department of Social Work; Shahjalal University of Science & Technology; Bangladesh; E-mail: [email protected]

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Social Work Chronicle

Volume 1 Issue 2 November 2012

Indeed, in all societies, marriage is generally social. It is relatively a stable relationship between man and woman including social norms evolved for having children. It is an old institution, common throughout most of the civilized world. Traditionally, marriage was more than a linkage of two individuals, and even now. In our culture, girls actually marry the whole family. The psychological framework views marriage as an occurrence that makes it possible to have a close intimate relationship with a number of the opposite sex. In addition, the case for early marriage lies in the fact that the nature of each spouse is such that it gives rise to a congenial relationship between husband and wife unlike in the case of late marriages when the man and woman will have developed set attitudes. But from the physiological point of view Velde (1976) maintains that marriage is the permanent form of monogamous erotic relationship. Sexual urges can’t be ignored from marriage. It is one of the marital and duties. Like marriage, divorce is a universal phenomenon. It is a socially sanctioned arrangement whereby marriage is formally terminated and the family group dissolved (Bertrand, 1967). It is practiced in most societies but varies in the conditions that must be met, the sanctions it if’s, the frequency with which it is used. The disposition of and responsibility for the care of children, the disposition if family property and effects, the status assigned to divorced persons, and the rituals, procedure and ceremonies that legalize it. The magnitude and trends of divorce may also differ from one society to another and from one religion to another religion. And also, the perceptions of divorce are not similar in many Countries. For example, in countries like United States, Australia and some European countries, the rates of divorce are high as compared with other countries. The problem of divorce is much more seven in those countries. In fact, marital bonds in those countries are not generally strong. Moreover, the sacramental aspects of marriage are not found in those western countries. In fact, marriage is absolutely a civil contract. So dissolution of marriage like divorce can take place on certain grounds. In Asia, the rates of divorce have not been increasing rapidly in many ountri.es due to several reasons. In a country like India, among Hindus, marriage is a sacrament. Though, divorce is permitted according to the Hindu Marriage Act 1955, the rate of divorce is increasing only slowly. Some cases, divorce are prohibited according to their internal customs and values. But in the Muslim community in allover the world, divorce is permitted according to their respective personal and state laws. However, it varies from country to country. The conditions under which divorce is granted vary from painless procedure to long drawn out, traumatic

General Health and Alienation Status of Divorced Women in Bangladesh

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experiences etc. In extended family structures, where the individual is surrounded by a large group of kin and his Status is well defined and protected, divorce involves little change in regular behavior and hardly any emotional upset. In a society where there is a strong emphasis on attachments within the conjugal family unit, divorce is likely to mean emotional shock, social stigma, and economic problems for at least one if not both spouses, as well as for children (Bertrand, 1967). Marriage is not only an erotic harmony. But a union of many sided ever-developing non- erotic functions of affection. a community of traits, and feelings of interests, aliening conman, a probability of shared parenthood and often an economic upon. It is a fact that in most cases, divorce precipitates problems to both the partners though the degree and nature of problems differ. But the problems are more severe for women than men because of the social cultural circumstances. Society is generally male-dominated. The male counterparts irrespective of religion, castes, and creeds, dominate women in the society. Women are vulnerable in general, and divorced women in particular in our society. Problems of divorced women start during the process of divorce ad continue till their death if the remarriages do not take place. There are several issues, which are associated with divorce. Omen like maintenance, custody of minor children, future life, sexual and social needs etc. As a human being, she has the right for economic social, emotional help from the family and the society. In our general social customs, husband is the breadwinner of the family. Wife’s responsibilities arc towards rearing the children and maintaining household activities. According to every religion, it is the duty of the wife to please her husband properly. Otherwise, the purpose of marriage will not be fulfilled. In Muslim Religion too males dominate the females and the religion upholds the husbands. Moreover, the personal laws regulate personal matters like, marriage, divorce etc. Some laws are against the women and in favor of men. Men are taking advantages by depriving women of their rights. Indeed, it is invariably the law that deprives women. Women’s identity after divorce in our society usually changes. They are considered as divorced women. Immediately after divorce, she needs support primarily for sustenance. Who will give this support, if nothing had been provided by the husband? If parents are not in a position to look after them, where will these women go for the fulfillment of basic needs? Apart from physical needs, these women have sexual, social and emotional needs. If the family and society do not look after these women, their problems will remain unabated till their death.

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In Bangladesh, women are mostly dependent on their male counterparts for the fulfillment of basic needs. But the situation of urban women is somewhat different. Due to urban socio-economic conditions, women are working outside their home as paid workers. They interact with other people outside, of the family. Women are acquiring new knowledge, technology and skills. They can determine what is good or bad and have their own likes and dislikes. Traditional norms and customs have been changing substantially. Sometimes urban women do not bother the domination by their husbands. Women have a lot of limitation in the process of divorce among Muslims in Bangladesh. A husband can divorce his wife at his own will without the intervention of court through the Arbitration Council but women cannot. Though it has been said that marriage is a civil contract, there is no strict provision for marriage registration. There is also no provision for the maintenance of divorced women. The provision of maintenance is only for minor children of the divorced women. However, in few a cases,’ divorced women are getting proper maintenance from their spouses. The structure of Bangladeshi family is mostly a joint one. But, urban family is mostly a single one; usually women can take shelter in their parent’s houses. But for these women, shelter is not sufficient when social, psychological and emotional needs are grossly denied.

Objectives of the Study The main objective is to know the health conditions of divorced women. In this line, the following objectives are framed; 1. To understand the psychiatric problems of divorced women and 2. To examine the alienation status of divorced women.,

Hypotheses of the Study The following hypotheses have been formulated with the help of a review of literature and consultations with different experts on the field of the study. 1. Divorced women who are not working are psychologically depression the divorced women who are working, 2. Women who are divorced by their spouses have experienced greater sense of alienation implying that self divorcees are not greater alienated,


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Methodology Two hundred divorced women were purposively selected from four organizations dealing with divorced women. Two scales were administered in order to find out the psychiatric problems and alienation problems. They are as follows;

General Health Questionnaire The 28 items of G.H.Q (Goldberg and Hiller, 1979) consisted of 4 subscales: somatic symptoms: anxiety and insomnia, social dysfunction and severe depression. A score was derived for each of the sub-scales and the total G.H.Q. score was then found. The scaled version of G.H.Q was intended for studies in which an investigation required more information than was provided by a single severity score. This questionnaire is a scaled version of the 60 item self-administered screening questionnaire designed for use in consulting settings aimed at detecting those with a diagnostic psychiatric disorder (Goldberg. 1972). It concerned itself with two major classes of phenomenon: inability to carry out one’s normal health functions and appearance of new phenomenon of a distressing nature. It was a quick and easy method to identify possible psychiatric cases’ in the community. As a screening device, it gave reliable information at the first stage screening process in the community mental health services. Subjects were asked to respond to the question in terms of their present and recent complaints, not those that they had in the past. Responses of the subjects to each question were considered on a four-point scale. This was a scale, which covered health problems mainly psychiatric problems of human beings. The scale was a comprehensive one which ha been widely used on both clinical and non-clinical population. The scoring method used was (0-0-1-1). Scoring interpretations of the GHQ category A if an individual score was 0 (not at all), B: 0 (not more than usual), C: 1 (rather more than usual), D: 1 (much more than usual). Then an individual score obtained on a particular scale was compared to the cut off point of 4. Those ho obtained the cut off point and above were said to have an inclination in that category.

Alienation Scale The Alienation Scale (Kureshi and Dutt, 1979) comprised of 21 items to be answered b agreeing to one of the four alternative response categories according to the intensity of feeling. ft measured five factors like despair,

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disillusionment, psychological vacuum, unstructured universe and narcissism. The items, which had to be answered against always, often, sometimes and never, were scored as 4, 3, 2 and 1 respectively, while for rest of the items (3, 12. 18 and 21) it was in the reverse direction 1, 2, 3 and 4. The scale was based on several scales measuring the dimension of the y1idity of which had already been established. The items in the scale represented the extracted factors, and so the validity of the scale was selfevident and split-half reliability = °85 (N = 100). The scoring method was based on Median split factor. For example, the highest score of Alienation scale was 84. The Median of this score was 42. Those who obtained 42 and about scored were said to be having a sense of alienation.

Results and Discussion To find out whether the divorced women had any somatic symptom or not, the researcher had administered seven questions. It is seen from the above table that when the question was asked that whether divorced women were in perfectly well and good health, 104 (52.0 per cent) stated that they ere perfectly well and good health. Out of 200 divorced women. 103 (51.5 per cent) felt the need for a good tonic and 98 (49.0 per cent) felt rundown and out of sorts. The highest number of divorced women (126 or 63.0 per cent) felt hot or cold spells. Regarding feeling ill, 96 4S.0 per cent) had felt ill. As many as 102 (51.0 per cent) and 106 (53.0 per cent) had felt pains in head and tightness or pressure in head respectively. It is assumed by the researcher that because of short span of marital life more than half of the divorced women were not physically well. It is natural that when divorced women were not socially well, it would affect on their physical health. Divorced women’s anxiety and insomnia were also investigated by using seven questions. It is evident from the study that divorced women had anxiety and insomnia. Out of 200 divorced women. 159 (79.5 per cent) were nervous and strung up. Only 41 (20.5 per cent) were not nervous and strung up all the time. As many as 155 (77.5 per cent) and 156 (78.0 per cent) were constantly under strain and getting edgy and bad tempered respectively. As many as 148 (74.0 per cent), and 149 (74.5 per cent) had lost sleep over worry and difficulty in sleeping respectively. A majority of the divorced women (151 or 75.5 per cent and 149 or 74.5 per cent) were scared or panicky for no reason and everything getting on top of them respectively. It indicates that divorced women were not socially well treated. So they were nervous and strung up more and constantly under


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strain and getting edgy and bad tempered. It also indicates that because of economic dependence on father and uncertain future life, they lost sleep and remained awake rather more or much more than usual. Because of fear of their divorced identity and criticism, they were scared or panicked for no reason. When a question whether divorced women kept themselves busy or occupied was asked, it is found that 155 (77.5 per cent) were not kept busy and occupied. It signified that they had social dysfunction. As many as 156 (78.0 per cent) divorced women had taken longer time over doing things well. The same number of divorced women had found things being done well. Relatively less number (111 or 55.5 per cent) were less satisfied with the way they had carried out their tasks. The highest number of divorced women (173 or 86.5 per cent) felt that they were playing useful part in things, followed by 167 (83.5 per cent) who felt capable of making decision about things. Only 50 (25.0 per cent) of the divorced women enjoyed their normal day-to-day activities. It indicates that a majority of the divorced women were in high social dysfunction. They were largely unable to get along with others. It is assumed by the researcher that due to their inability to cope with others, they experienced social dysfunction problem. The researcher tried to find out the incidence of depression among divorced women by using seven questions. When the question whether their idea of taking one’s own life was asked, a majority (160 or 80.0 per cent) of the divorced women stated that the idea of taking their own life kept on coming into their mind. As many as 147 (73.5 per cent) and 151 (75.5 per cent) felt themselves worthless and entirely helpless persons respectively. One hundred and fifty (75.0 per cent) of the divorced women felt that life was not worth living. It also indicated from the table that 55 (27.5 per cent), of the divorced women thought of the possibility that they might make away with themselves. Fifty (25.0 per cent) f divorced women found at time they couldn’t do anything because there nerves were too bad and 46 (23.0 per cent) found themselves wishing to be dead and away from it all. The study reveals that a majority of the divorced women had depression problem. Divorce affected every sphere of life social, sexual etc. In was a dramatic change in life. During this stage it was very difficult to cope with others when people did not accept them cordially. It indicates that due to these reasons most of the divorced women were depressed. Of the total divorced women. 87 (43.5 per cent) had scored 5 and above. So, it is an indication that 87 (43.5 per cent) of the divorced women

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had somatic symptoms. It indicates that a large number of divorced women had somatic symptom problems. It might be because of their coping problem with others. Divorced women were well treated by their close kin but not well treated by’ others. Moreover, they had lost a good biological and emotional relationship. They were living without opposite sex partners’. Due to these reason3, they had somatic symptoms problem. Out of the total subjects, 133 (66.5 per cent) had scored 5 and above. It gives us that 133 divorced women had anxiety and insomnia problem. The present study indicates that a majority of the divorced women had anxiety and insomnia problem. Sometimes, social and emotional life affected on the mind and physical health as well. It is assumed by the researcher that divorced women had expected huge amount of love, affection from their male counterparts. They also believed their husbands fully. But they got bad treatment from ir husbands. So they felt anxiety and insomnia. Out of total subjects, 147 (73.5 per cent) had scored 5 and above, can say that they had social dysfunction problem. It reveals from the present study that a majority of the divorced women had ‘social dysfunction. Ashely and Kessler (1993), Davies et a) (19%7); Doherty et a) (1989); Gove and Shin (1989); Marks and Lamben (1998), Shapiro (1996) Tschann et al.) (1989) conclude in this connection that divorced individuals experienced lower level of psychological well-being than did married individuals. It is assumed by the researcher that divorced women felt alone with others because of lack of social support, love and affection, recreation in day to day life. It is observed from the present study that 66.0 per cent of the divorced women had severe depression problem. It indicates that a majority of the divorced omen were depressed. In this regard, Kitson and Holmes (1992) find that in western society divorced women were more distressed than their married counterparts immediately after divorce/separation. Menaghan and Lieberman (1986) find that divorced men and women were more depressed 4 years after their divorce man they were before the divorce. It is assumed by the researcher that because of irritability to cope with others, thinking life is meaning, economic problem and uncontained future. Divorced women are more depressed in their lives. In the study, 5.5 per cent of the divorced women were normal. Among the 200 divorced women. 62 (31.0 per cent) of them had all kinds of psychiatric problems like somatic symptom, anxiety and insomnia, social dysfunction and severe depression. It is assumed Ly the researcher that the consequence of divorce was more on personal life than social life.


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When social treatment, social adjustment, social relationship and social support were good, divorced women could overcome mental disturbances. But in the present study, it is seen that divorced women were not happy from the other sections of the people in our society so that they had severe psychiatric problems. The median score of alienation scale was 42. The lowest score of alienation scale was 21 and highest was 84. But not a single divorced woman had found highest and lowest score. The lowest score of divorced women was 25 and the highest was 83. Only one-divorced woman had scored the highest and one other the lowest score. The highest number (15 or 7.5 per cent) had scored 56 followed by (10 or 5.0 per cent) each who had scrod 54 and 63. It is evident from the above table that almost all (189 or 94.5 per cent) divorced women scored 42 and above and experiences a sense of alienation. Only a few (11 or 5.5 per cent) of the divorced women were not alienated. It indicates from the table that the highest number (11 or 55.5 per cent) scored in the range of 43.-63. They were not more alienated. But a significant number (78 or 39.0 per cent) scored the range of 64-84. They were more alienated. It is evident from the present study that a majority of the divorced women were alienated. Sahar et al. (1991) in their study on alienation among Muslim divorced women and men in Aligarh and Delhi conclude that divorced women were more alienated than divorced men and locality was not a factor of any significant consequence in alienation. In Bangladesh, husband can divorce his wife on his own will. There is no provision of maintenance after divorce. Provision of maintenance for children exists but in many cases mother is the’ maintainer of the minor children. They do not get financial assistance from the husbands. Dower money is also not paid by their former husbands. There in no government and non-governmental organizational economic support especially for divorced women in Bangladesh. Divorced women are mostly dependent on their parents. Apart from physical needs, they do not have social support from the secondary and tertiary levels, although they have good support from the parents. In these situations, it is assumed by the researcher that a majority of the divorced women are having a sense of alienation. It is observed in the study that among the 121 (60.5 per cent) non-working divorced women, 79 (65.29 per cent) had depression as compared with 79 (39.5 per cent) working divorced women, while 53 (67.08 per cent) had depression. It is indicated that regarding depression, working and non-working factors did not make any difference. The hypothesis that was

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divorced women who are not working are psychologically depressed than the divorced women who are working is not proved (χ2:0.068; df = 1: p >0.05). Marriage is a good intimate relationship between two opposite sexes. When it breaks down, it affects every sphere of life. It impacts more on mental health than physical health. In this view, it can be said that in cannot bring happiness to the divorced women. It is found in the present study that those women who were divorced by their husbands had experienced greater level of social alienation than those who volunteered divorce. The hypothesis which was women who are divorced by their spouses have experienced greater sense of alienation implying that self divorces are not greater alienated is accepted. In Bangladesh Muslim community, the husband has unilateral power of divorcing his wife through Arbitration at his own will. There should be a strong reason for divorce. In many cases, wife does not know under what cause, her husband divorced her. It is a shock for women in Bangladesh. This severs shock may expedite the sense of alienation. So, therefore, women face more / greater alienation when they are divorced by their spouses. But when women are repeatedly torture by their husbands and take divorce decision, it will not shock them. In fact women will feel that they are free from the torture and get a sigh of relief. In this situation, they do not feel any sense of alienation.

Recommendations The psychological conditions of divorced women are not good which is revealed from the study. Women are divorced status are having somatic symptoms, anxiety and insomnia, social dysfunction and depression. A majority of divorced women have a sense of alienation. It may be because of social stigma of divorce. The need of the hour is to regain their earlier life, accept the reality and give a better life. Specific family counseling provision can help them properly. In this regard, the government and non-government organizations should come forward to set-up more and more counseling centre for divorced women. The duty of counselor will be to bring the divorced women into reality. Human beings particularly divorced women and family members of divorced women should accept the reality. Counseling should start from this point of view. Moreover, counseling is needed not only to the divorced women but also to the family members of the divorced women.


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Conclusion Divorce is a reality as it is also a general solution of marital conflict but people still look down upon it. The present study shows that people do not properly treat divorced women. In Hindu religion, though divorce is permitted according to law the people generally look down upon it. Among the Muslims community, divorce is not desirable. We live in a society where we need peace, harmony, mutual interaction and understanding. Collective efforts should be made for greater interests of the society even in the family life. When family breaks down everything breaks down. Though generally we believe that divorce is the primary solution of marital conflict, but after divorce problems are most acute and to a large extent intolerable. Divorced women and their children are becoming vulnerable within vulnerable in our society. The need of hour is to protect peace, harmony, understanding etc. In this light, divorce should not be encouraged and desirable. It is the responsibility of every conscious citizen of the country to do his or her level best to protect the marital bond at any cost. This should be a message to the people at the end.

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8. Boom, B. L. (1975). Marital Disruption and a Stressful Life-Event. In G. Levinger and O.C Moles (Eds.), Divorce and Separation: Context, Causes and Consequences. New York: Basic Books. 9. Booth, A. & Amato, P. R. (1991). Divorce and Psychological Stress. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 32(1), 396-407. 10. Cherlin, A. J. (1978). Remarriage as an Incomplete Institution. American Journal of Sociology, 84(3), 634-49. 11. Choudhury, J. N. (1988). Divorce in Indian Society. Jaipur: Rupa Books. 12. Davies, L. W., Avison, R. & McAlpine, D. D. (1997). Significant Life Experiences and Depression among Single and Married Mothers. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 59(2), 294-308. 13. Dogra, A. (1999). Marital Discard and Family Pathology: Impact on Children. New York: Hard-Anand Publications Pvt. Ltd. 14. Doherty, W. J., Su, S. & Needle, R. (1989). Marital Disruption and Psychological Well-Being. Journal of Family Issues, 10(2), 72-85. 15. Gove, W. R. & Shin, H. C. (1989). The Psychological Well-Being of Divorced and Widowed Men and Women: An Empirical Analysis. Journal of Family Issues, 10(2), 122-44. 16. Gupta, S. P. (1969). Marital Discard: A Cause and Symptom. Social Welfare, 23(1), 20-21. 17. Kiltson, G. C. & Lesile, A. M. (1990). The Multiple Consequences of Divorce: A Decade Revise. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 55(2), 52-58. 18. Kuppuswamy, B. (1957). Study of Opinions Regarding Marriage and Divorce. Bombay: Asia Publishing House. 19. Kurdex, L. A. (1991). The Relations between Reported Well-Being and Divorce History, Availability of a Proximate Adult and Gender. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 53(1), 71-78.

20. Litson, G. C. & Holmes, W. (1992). Portrait of Divorce: Adjustment of Marital Breakdown. New York: Guilford Press. 21. Lorenz, Frederick O. Simons, Roland L. Conger, Rand.D Elder Glen H Johnson, Christine and Chao, W. (1997). Married and Recently Married Mothers’ Stressful Events and Distress: Tracing Change Across Time. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 59(1), 219-32. 22. Marks, N. F. & Lambert, D. (1998). Marital Status, Continuity and Change among Young and Midlife Adults. Journal of Family Issues, 19(2), 652-86.


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23. Menaghan, E. G. & Leiberman, M. A. (1986). Changes in Depression Following Divorce: A Panel Study. Journal of Marriage and Family, 48(2), 319-28. 24. Noble, H. (1970). Family Breakdown and Social Network. British Journal of Social Work, 2(1), 102-10. 25. Prabhu, G. G. (1967). Dynamics of Marital Disharmony. Indian Journal of Psychology, 42(2), 34-43. 26. Rao, V. N., Channabasavanna, S. M. & Parthasarathy, R. (1983). Marital Life and Anxiety: Implications for Mental Health Professionals. Indian Journal of Psychiatry, 25(1), 7073. 27. Sahar, A. K., Rahman, H., Sadaquat. & Kureshi, A. (1991). A Study on Alienation among Divorced Men and Women. Journal of Psychological Researches, 35(1), 708-22. 28. Shapiro, A. D. (1996). Explaining Psychological Distress in a Sample of Remarried and Divorced Persons. Journal of Family Issues, 17(2), 186-203. 29. Tschann, J. M., Johnson, J. P. & Wallerstein, J. S. Resources, Stressors and Attachment as Predictors of Adult Adjustment after Divorce: A Longitudinal Study. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 51(2), 33-46. 30. Velde, V. D. H. (1976). Ideal Marriage: Its Physiology and Technique. New Delhi: Allied Publishers Ltd. 31. Verbrugge, L. (1979). Marital Status and Health. Journal of Marriage and the Family, 41(1), 267-86. 32. Wallerstein, J. S. (1986). Women after Divorce: Preliminary Report from a Ten Years Follow-up. The American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 56(2), 56-77. 33. Weingarten, H. R. (1980). Remarriage and Well-being: National Survey Evidence of Social and Psychological Efforts. Journal of Family Issues, 46(1), 115-27.

Temporary Shelters for the Homeless in Delhi: A Study-based Reflection –Sanjai Bhatt1 and Ghazala Jamil2

Abstract Delhi is a city of opportunities but also a city of glaring inequities. The most marginal contours of the urban inequity are inhabited by groups, such as the homeless, that are almost dehumanized and live in subhuman conditions. As the problem of urban homelessness is exacerbating the most shocking aspect of the problem is its manifestation in the everyday lives of the homeless and the inadequate attention it received for a long time from both, the state and the civil society. This research article is an assessment of the temporary shelters put up for the first time in Delhi in the winter of 2010-11 under the aegis of Mission Convergence of Delhi government in partnership with NGOs. The study brings to light, how the temporary shelters, even though grossly inadequate, act as a source of succour to the destitute and homeless who are otherwise forced to live in absolute dearth of any welfare. We discuss the diminished welfare state and the equally diminished capacity of the homeless to expect or claim any welfare. And, finally we dwell briefly upon the possible ways in which we can respond to the situation. Key Words: Urban Poverty, Homelessness, Temporary Shelters, Mission Convergence Delhi revels in its brand new ‘world class’ malls, long-winding tentacular flyovers, the metro rail, and the colourful low-floor public buses. The sizeable upper middle class in Delhi follows a lifestyle full of gratifying consumer goods and services. Those on the lower rung of the middle class are also lured by the glitz and dazzle of this new affluent dream of urban everyday showcased in brilliantly illuminated and decorated display windows. Local community markets in middle class localities are fast turning into niche markets catering to similar aspirations. But 1 Professor at Department of Social Work, University of Delhi, Delhi – 110007; India: Email: [email protected] 2 Assistant Professor at Department of Social Work, University of Delhi, Delhi – 110007; India

Temporary Shelters for the Homeless in Delhi: A Study-based Reflection

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to a very large part of its population Delhi has doled only acute poverty and hardships. Tucked away from the ‘happy’ urbane sights, into slums on the sides of drains, behind high rise apartments or industrial enclaves and into ‘resettlement’ colonies on the outskirts of Delhi, are people for whom everyday realities are full of struggle to just make ends meet. (Rao 2010, Dupont 2011) A part of the city’s population that is the most marginalised and disadvantaged- homeless children, women and men can be seen during the day pulling rickshas and thelas, move head-loads in wholesale markets, work at construction sites, hawk small items at traffic intersections, in markets, on pavements making barely enough to ward off hunger and not enough to put a shelter over their heads. Contrary to the popular discourses that describe the homeless people as lazy and beggars, the city’s homeless comprise of largely the migrant, unorganised sector workers who rest or sleep on sidewalks and footpaths, spaces under flyovers, and in the underpasses, when not at work. Their existence is marked not only by extreme poverty and economic exclusion but also social and political exclusion (Harriss-White, 2002). Some temples, gurudwaras, mosques and dargahs near work spaces provide slightly more humane spaces where spirituality and religion inspired expressions inadvertently put middle and upper classes in situations where they tolerate and even need’ the presence of the destitute. Unlike the slum dwellers, the homeless are not spatially-physically segregated but they are rendered ‘invisible’ by the city’s unwillingness to look at, note and register their ‘human-ness’ (Jamil, 2006). The city symbolically turns away by carrying on as if these disparities do not exist or mean anything. The state responds alternatively by turning away from the homeless or treating them as if they are not citizens but refugees in their own country. If it was not so unfortunate that human beings have to live in these conditions as persona non-grata it would be almost surreal that while the homeless live within the bounds of their own country but as if they have been exiled to live among an unsympathetic and even hostile people. This turning away by almost all sections and institutions of society becomes an artfully co-ordinated symphony over whose din you cannot hear the voices of homeless people being completely excluded from the city. The experiences of hunger and callousness of the fellow human beings become the metaphoric spaces in which the homeless reside. In real world not having a permanent space they can belong to homeless find themselves in a situation akin to being urban nomads moving restlessly and endlessly from one sojourn to another.

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THE TEMPORARY SHELTERS IN WINTER OF 2010-2011: A TIMELINE In the last few years it has almost become a routine that the city authorities in Delhi demolish one or two permanent structures meant for night shelters for the homeless. Also, every year in winter death of several homeless people due to the freezing weather hits the news and some raw nerves in the civil society. During the winters in 2010, on 15 December to be precise, Delhi Development Authority (DDA) arbitrarily demolished two night shelters which it had erected last year in compliance to an order by the Supreme Court of India! A death followed and the Honourable Supreme Court took a suo motu notice of the matter and told DDA in no uncertain terms to refrain from any such actions. Further, it directed all concerned state secretaries and administrators of Union Territories “to issue necessary instruction within three days and ensure that no life is lost for non-availability of night shelters” (Times of India, Dec 16, 2010). At this point 64 permanent night shelters were being operated by Delhi Urban Shelter Improvement Board (DUSIB) which functions under the Delhi government while earlier these shelters were run by Slum and JJ Department of MCD. Another 86 temporary night shelters were erected in the city in response to the Supreme Court directive. To run the (DSUIB, 2010) shelters, NGOs were selected and deployed by St Stephen’s Hospital- the nodal agency coordinating the operation of shelters. St Stephen’s hospital is the Mother NGO for the homeless initiative of the Mission Convergence3 of Delhi Government. On 25 December, 2010 National Human Rights Commission also sent notice to Delhi government enquiring why it had not taken any step to have dedicated shelters for children (The Hindu, Dec 26, 2010). By January 3, 2011 an amount of Rs 7 million was released by the DUSIB for providing beddings to the homeless people in temporary night shelters (Sify.com, January 3, 2011). On February 1, a 24 year old pregnant homeless woman gave premature birth to her child inside a park at Pusa Road traffic roundabout after being beaten by a policeman. The Supreme Court Bench hearing the matter on the state of night shelters in the city pulled up the Delhi Urban Shelter Improvement Board for not providing adequate facilities in the existing 3 Mission Convergence (Samajik Suvidha Sangam) is a programme under which Government of NCT Delhi brought together all welfare schemes for the Urban Poor, professedly, for improved impact of these schemes and for effective implementation using government resources optimally. The programme is implemented by different community based organisations designated GRC (Gender Resource Centre) all of which are NGOs. These are facilitated and monitored by nodal organisations called Mother NGO.


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shelters and for not providing adequate number of shelters according to the needs pointed out in its Master Plan (The Times of India, February 2, 2010). These temporary shelters were slated to be shut down by February 28, 2011. Later the shelters received permission to continue till April 21, 2011, which was further extended. There have been some unfortunate events like a fire accident in the Night Shelter at Meena Bazar, Jama Masjid where a child was burnt to death (Indian Express, Jan 28, 2011) and amidst all these happenings, the matter of setting up and running temporary shelters remained hotly debated and contested. It is a mark of progress made in this matter that none of the stakeholders contest the need to have a sustained effort to provide shelter to all. It is also heartening to note that there is agreement on fixing the final responsibility to provide for this basic need to all its citizens with the state.

RAPID APPRAISAL OF TEMPORARY SHELTERS This paper is an outcome of rapid appraisal of temporary shelters in February-March 2011. As a study aimed at evaluating state of homelessness and services provided to homeless people we feel that we must state out our understanding of homelessness or reasons that render people homeless at the very outset. The United Nations International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights establishes the right of every person to have “an adequate standard of living, including adequate food, clothing and housing”. It is a cruel paradox of affluent urban centres in India that such a fundamental human need as a home is denied to large multitudes. While in the currently prevalent governance parlance we set high agendas for infrastructure and industrial development our limited outlook on human development is astonishing. Causes of homelessness as seen by various stakeholders and commentators in India can be categorized broadly into two different perspectives. One perspective largely held by the majority of policy makers, bureaucrats and even non-governmental organisations, emphasises immediate factors behind individuals becoming homeless, such as drug addiction, mental illness, and domestic or interpersonal disputes. The other perspective, a minority view held by a comparatively less powerful people, identifies the structural reasons, such as lack of accessibility to meaningful employment opportunities, social security, affordable housing, and as a result of increasing deindustrialisation and deinstitutionalisation.

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The difference in which reasons we think contribute to homelessness can be crucial in positioning of our critiques of urban policies towards the homeless and advocacy of services and shelters for the homeless population. As researchers and authors of this paper we view the reasons as a complex combination of policies restricting mixed land-use in urban areas, slum demolitions and ‘relocation’ (Dupont, 2008), anti hawker and street food rules, lack of social security, absence of laws protecting and regulating work conditions, anti-homeless laws such Bombay Prevention of Beggary Act (Speak and Tipple, 2006) etc in relation to the demise of the welfare state and the development of neo-liberal political ideologies whereby cities shift their priorities for public spending. At the very least, housing affordability is a challenge of everyday proportions for millions in our country. There is ample evidence that shows a growing income gap and many scholars have conclusively concluded that the (now infamous) assumption about ‘trickle-down effect’ and the view of development as economic growth which was supposed to lift the fortunes of all Indians does not hold (Sarker, 2009).

Research Methodology Considering that the study sought to assess the temporary night shelters the choice of rapid assessment method almost became a necessity. The night shelters were originally supposed to wind-up by the end of February 2011. We decided to adopt qualitative approach and an exploratory design. We began with a clear intention of coming up with provocative ideas and useful insights that may be able to facilitate a more caring, humane and sustainable approach to the issues related to homelessness in Delhi. The aim was to indicate explanations and gain insight into the relationship between various factors. What we did not want to do was a conventional sample survey to get statistics about the usage of temporary night shelters or percentages of who said what regarding the efficacy of the initiative. This is not to negate that an accurate estimation of the problems and issues is not needed but that within the modest means available to this enquiry these deeper insights would be more valuable than statistics at the first instance. The team of researchers met the winter rescue team and other programme staff of St Stephen’s Hospital- the MNGO for the initiative for the homeless under the aegis of Mission Convergence, to gather a detailed understanding of programme components. The study universe consisted of


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all of the homeless population of Delhi who availed these temporary night shelters. The unit of study was a temporary shelter. Twelve temporary shelters were selected purposively from amongst the total of 84 that were put up by the various NGOs as part of the winter response organized and supported by Mission Convergence. Criterion of selection related to the usage of the shelter by the homeless population. We chose shelters that had consistently high or low number of users availing the services. Some shelters were chosen because they seemed to cater more to children and others to women. The occupancy figures from the weekly report of all temporary night shelters of the week between January 10 and 16, 2011 which was the coldest week of the winter, were scrutinised first for this purpose. While studying the occupancy figures for night shelters from the date of their setting up till the third week of February, we noted that the weekly occupancy numbers change but by-and-large the trend remained the same. Table 1: Study Sample S.No. Location of the Sample NGO running the Occupancy Temporary Shelter Temporary Shelter (Jan 10-16, 2011) 1 Azadpur Subzimandi Sampurna Moderate to Low occupancy ( 46) 2 Ambedkar Hospital Nirmana Lowest occupancy (15) 3 Mansarovar Humana Moderate occupants (83) 4 Sarai Kale khan Manjeet EducaModerate to high octional and Social cupancy (107) welfare society 5 Fountain Chowk Beghar Majdoor Highest number of ocSangharsh Samiti cupants (148) 6 ND Railway Station Abhivyakti Foun- Moderate occupancy dation (76) 7 Hanuman Mandir IGSSS High number of children 8 Yamuna Bazar SPYM Moderate to high occupancy (103) 9 Shahdara Shri Shri Maruti Moderate to high ocNandan Sewa cupancy (92) 10 Motibagh Khushi Moderate to low occupancy (45) 11 Dabri Eight Star Child Relatively high number Care of women users 12 Janakpuri Flyover Navlok Moderate to Low occupancy (46)

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As part of the Rapid Assessment Methodology the study used informal discussions, focus group discussion, and spot checks/observation of the temporary shelters as research methods. Though in many places people used the temporary shelters and rested there even during the day, the research teams visited and collected data only during late evenings and night time so as to get an opportunity to interact with a wider number and, possibly, a wider variety of users. Our focus was to observe and seek possible explanations for our observations. The quest for these explanations required that in the phase of analysis a diverse range of information is unified through interpretation. This is also the reason why the sample consists of cases that show sharp contrasts or have striking features as those are most useful in providing a point of reference for the analysis of the data. This study, strictly speaking, is not an assessment of either the initiative for homeless in Delhi under Mission Convergence homeless initiative, or the MNGO (St Stephens Hospital), or of the implementing partner NGOs who were responsible for running the temporary night shelters. The winter response of the Delhi Government through Mission Convergence consisted also of the rescue activities at night on the streets through the winter of 2010-11 in addition to the temporary night shelters. We take cognisance of the importance of outreach and rescue activities for the homeless but the study is limited to assessing only the temporary night shelters. This limit manifested itself partially because of the limits of time and resources at our disposal. Partially, also because we decided to direct and focus our enquiry to the Supreme Court’s directives to Delhi Government on the state of homeless population in Delhi with reference to the shelters for homeless especially in the winters in 2009-2010 and again in 2010-2011. We hope that the methods employed in the study have served our objectives well. Also, that our observations, findings, conclusions and recommendations may serve as an active compass indicating some possible future directions to those responsible for and those who are interested in advocating for realisation of human rights of the homeless population as acutely marginalised, disadvantaged but equal citizens of India.

Findings and Analysis During the winter months of 2010-2011 a considerable and concerted effort on part of judiciary, section of civil society- advocates, activists and NGO service providers was put in to ensure that at least bare minimum


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service- a bed and blanket in a temporary shelter is made available to people. Validating the grassroots and advocacy experiences of these providers and advocates, we intend our study to arm them with research findings and insights that they can use to educate and mobilize other providers, community members, and policymakers to work collectively to address this very serious issue in the city adequately. The following are the key findings of this study.

Utilisation The temporary shelters put up at various strategic locations in Delhi as part of the winter response of Delhi Government’s Mission convergence after a Supreme Court directive were for the most part well received and well used. In peak winters most shelters which were centrally located accommodated numbers almost double their capacity. Users at the temporary shelters reported that before coming to the shelter they would sleep on the road dividers, on footpath, under flyovers, or in open spaces like labour chowks, near a place of worship. Some people said that they used to sleep at the railway station before they found about this shelter home. In almost all the cases the shelter in-charge/caretakers (who were also homeless persons themselves in most cases) informed a few of the users about the shelter homes and they further informed others. Most users heard about the shelters by word of mouth.

Profiling Homeless: Users of Temporary Shelters Most homeless people are young men in the age group of 20-35 years. During the group discussions people said that there are many elderly people among them also. Most shelters were for men. The shelters were used by a variety of people such as those acutely destitute and not able to work for various reasons. They provided shelter to daily wage workers who cannot afford a roof over their heads. There were homeless who work as rag pickers. The study period coincided with the marriage season and it was found that many homeless men and adolescents worked in marriage parties in catering or in decoration. Some worked as drivers and construction workers. There were also many self employed people- petty shopkeepers, street vendors etc. Extremely vulnerable homeless population including street children and single homeless women were found using services at some of the sample shelters. Our research team found many homeless families with

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women, men and children members using the shelter services. There were also families with no adult male members- only children with mothers or other women caregivers. In our sample we included an only-for-women shelter and another only-for-children home in central Delhi. Single women looking for shelter were sent to the shelter homes in the central Delhi area which had provision for women. While the street children reported that most of them did not like sleeping/resting at these shelters because the adults bully them. From the field observations and the group discussions we can say that we are witnessing in Delhi a first wave of family homelessness- where families (especially single women with young children) are being denied even a jhuggi to call home. Some shelters had a few elderly and physically disabled men among their regular users. A few mentally ill people were also reported to using the services at the shelters. Short duration visitors to the city who are too poor to be able to afford to stay elsewhere also were observed to be using the temporary shelters.

Locale Shelters near a place of worship, railway stations, labour chowk4 or a market that had a demand for unskilled labour did well, comparatively. For people working on low wages it makes practical sense to sleep and live near their work place so that they minimise their travel expense and time. Many of these locales are in north and central Delhi. A place of worship in the close vicinity of the shelter becomes the centre of activities of the people living in the shelter as some of them get food in alms from the devotees. Many also find work in food stalls and stalls selling offerings, cleaning the premises etc. The visitors and society at large are more tolerant of existence of destitution in the area as homelessness and destitution provides the well to do devotees an arena in which they can operationalise piety and pity. The shelter homes near middle class residential areas had to face stiff resistance by the neighbourhood. The care taker of the shelter in the park behind Hanuman Mandir, Connaught Place reported that they had to deal daily with the caretaker of the park who thinks that the shelter is making the park ‘dirty’. 4 Informal gathering places for casual, usually construction workers to wait till they are hired for a day’s wage.


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Structure and Administration Initially, when the temporary shelter began, beds were made on the mats on floor but soon after the first winter rainfall, it was realized that cots were needed as the floor became totally damp or even muddy at places. The takhat (wooden board cots) were provided in all the shelter homes. Shelters were set up in large canvas tents with two or three rows of cots with mattresses to lie down upon and blankets to cover with. But the problem was still not completely solved. When it rained, water seeped into the canvas tents soaking the bed and blankets wet. The floor mats became wet and muddy too. Almost all the shelter home visited by the team faced this common problem and many people were forced to leave the damp chilly shelter tents and look for dry places to sleep, for example, under the flyovers etc. At some shelters people tried sleeping on beds in rows placed in the middle of the tent. Some places had heaters but many did not. People slept huddled together, and layered and joined two-three blankets to fight cold. During the discussions people felt that the shelters must be weather ready, if not weather-proof. Although the plastic sheets were put over tents, these got torn soon and easily. In most shelters people start coming by seven in the evening. However, if they want they can come and relax during the daytime also. They said they feel safe at shelter. It helps if there are no cases of theft in a shelter. In some shelters the managing NGO put up separate tents for those who want to sleep peacefully and separate for those who want to keep awake to talk or were inebriated. At some places there were separate tents for men and women, or separate tents for single men and families. Everywhere people said that this helped increase comfort levels of all involved and decreased possibility of interpersonal conflicts. Families pursue some semblance of privacy with ingenuity at places- a curtain would be put up within the tent separating the families from single men. Space and privacy, thus seem to have importance but when we asked people if they have adequate privacy in the shelters they said they did not need any as they stayed there primarily to sleep and rest only. People shared that they prefer to live in the temporary night shelter as its rules and regulations are flexible compared to the permanent ones. In the permanent shelter, they have to buy an entry ticket of Rs. 6 and have to keep it safely till their exit. And, if they lost it, the care taker charges the penalty of Rs. 60. Also, the permanent shelter closed by 11pm in the night and those who work late nights or in night shifts find it difficult to find any space for resting.

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People like it if the behaviour of the NGO staff is good but again do not complain even when we saw some caretakers talking uncivilly. In case of any fights between users at the shelter the staff members many times have to play the role of mediators and help resolve conflicts. The care taker at only one temporary shelter had some petty cash for any emergency/ contingency. At only one shelter did we see a suggestion box which, we were told, is only opened by higher authorities of the managing NGO. People told us that they never give any suggestions. This has to be seen in the precariousness writ all over homeless existence. Any service- even its just bare minimum is precious and people do not want to criticise it or even point out any room for improvement for the fear that it may be taken away from them. People also told us that they did not require any kind of private space as they were just happy with availability of a clean and safe place to sleep without having to spend money. At all the shelters, when people come in they have to make an entry of their name, age, phone no, occupation, identification and signatures/initials in the register kept with the shelter in-charge. Our team of researchers did not meet any one who had any document proving or establishing their identity. When asked they said that they have provided all information for an id card but they are still to receive one. The register is updated every day with the details of the people who rest/sleep there.

Facilities Sanitation and Security At all the shelters we found the tents well lit from inside. Some shelters provided Mosquito repellents (agarbatti). All homes had sufficient availability of clean blankets and beds according to capacity of the tent(s). The shelters were swept clean and blankets washed and ironed at varying frequency. Blankets were being ironed in some shelters twice a week to once a fortnight and the tent floor was being swept either once or twice a day. Only a few shelters had any facility of toilets and drinking water. Women at some shelters shared that this was a problem as it meant that they had to go out at night. Young girls felt afraid and the care takers at some shelters escorted them every time any girl wanted to go to toilet. The shelters did not have provision or budgets to provide for soap etc anywhere. People reported not keeping many things with them as even


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those who could buy items of basic necessity have no place to keep things. At some shelters people deposited their money with the caretaker for safekeeping through the night and took it back in the morning.

Health: Services and Information Residents of all shelters reported mobile medical vans from St Stephens’ Hospital visiting twice a week for health checkups. Some of the people who had any symptoms that needed further investigation were sent for tests etc. For example people with persistent cough all night had their chest x-rays done and given treatment after diagnosis of tuberculosis. In case of emergency, people go to the nearest hospital on their own. Some shelter in-charges knew that St Stephens’ Hospital can also provide for ambulance and they arranged for it when needed. First aid box and medicines for minor illnesses were not found in most shelters. Very few shelters had information available regarding drug deaddiction services. The users felt that shelter homes can be looked upon as a clearing house for various useful information and messages to the homeless population. Contacts for referral services may be made available to those who wish to go for de addiction

Recreation and Entertainment Some homeless families suggested that there should be some provision for entertainment, play activities and teaching- for children with them. This would also engage children who could then stay back and study while their caregivers go out and work. But most other people when asked about provisions for recreation or entertainment at the shelter, said that did not feel any need. They said most people came there either tired or drugged; they just need a blanket to sleep.

Hunger Hunger is a common refrain. Many homeless people who are unemployed and have nothing to prove their identity find it tough to find adequate work that can get them two square meals a day. Even those who are employed are mostly unskilled and grossly underemployed. Families, single women with small children, and destitute street children too have tough time with hunger. This is also one reason why many homeless people crowd around places of worship. They find sporadic work, children

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sell balloons etc, but many times the little money, whenever made is also spent by many to fund their drug dependence. Almost everybody we met shared their experiences of similar hardships. In one instance a sensitive caretaker of a temporary shelter was bringing food from home for a few destitute homeless staying at the shelter. He wondered for how long he could continue to do so. In another shelter the HNGO was providing people with tea and biscuits once a day. When our teams asked the people regarding the (possibility of) provision of meals at the shelters they agreed that that it would be of immense value but again felt hesitant if they could even ask for it from the government. The aspect of state as welfare state responsible for well-being of all its citizens and not just the well-off, has clearly never touched the life of the homeless citizens of the state.

IN CONCLUSION: APPRECIATION & APPREHENSION With this study we aimed turned the spotlight on the most neglected aspect of urban poverty and exclusion- Homelessness in the city. Despite the fact that the homeless population has grown tremendously in the last ten years, those concerned with the issue and experiencing it along with those activists and service providers building solidarities have witnessed the continuing decline of resources and housing opportunities for the poor, homeless and shelterless in the city. Especially during the last few years of preparations for Commonwealth Games, Delhi has experienced the capability of the government agencies to bring about the huge quantum of change only through sheer political will. In short span of just a few months and even a few weeks, huge flyovers, foot over bridges, kilometers of shiny pavements came-up in parts of the city. This same political will was also mobilized to uproot thousands of families in the name of beautification and national pride. We feel impelled to ask why the same political will cannot be mobilized to stabilize and strengthen destitute citizens of the country who find themselves excluded and marginalized from any kind of civic rights and amenities in the city. It is an indicator of not only the decline of the welfare state that the most disadvantaged of its citizens have the least expectations from it. Even a minimalist initiative like the winter response shelter homes of the Mission Convergence have been well received by the homeless people as it fulfilled the most immediate and important need of people sleeping rough on the city streets. They were very appreciative of even the limited


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facilities which saved them from the cold and day to day harassment by police. They appreciated the fact that shelters were open round the clock. People shared that they are very happy with the steps taken by the Government and will prefer if these shelters were not removed but become permanent. The tents, facilities provided were not nearly adequate for the users but were desperately needed by the homeless population which has hardly ever received any facilities from the state as recognition of their citizen status. This was reflected in the fact that when we invited people to give feedback to improve the initiative they were reluctant and afraid that their feedback may be construed as criticism that may be used to support any argument for scrapping it altogether. We would like to highlight that the main strength of the temporary shelters was that they allowed people to stay, sleep, rest any time of the day and not just at night which is the case with the night shelters (raen basera) with permanent structures and that they maintained order, warmth, and cleanliness even as it was at a most basic level and very difficult to do during the rains. Those shelters were most appreciated that had responsible caretakers/administration, provided for security of belongings and earnings, made basic provision for first aid, access to treatment of minor ailments and more serious illnesses, and were located strategically near workplaces of the users. We also strongly feel that it needs to be highlighted that a personal touch or sensitivity shown by individuals at different levels of implementation made some of the temporary shelters more accessible, welcoming and humane spaces. When people using services at a shelter got a chance to engage in some activity together- playing games, listening to radio, playing dholak (a simple drum) and singing together etc- they developed a bond with each other. People at such shelters shared that they did not like to use any other shelter as they enjoyed the companionship and camaraderie at this shelter. Most shelters were well lit from inside but people said that shelters would be more prominent, accessible and welcoming if they are also well lit from outside. One of the shelters had a mirror put up by the staff of HNGO, another shelter sported a banner that read beghar ka ghar (home of the homeless). These minor details gave shelters a humane touch and character, and were much appreciated by all.

WHAT CAN MAKE THE SITUATION BETTER? The situation for the shelterless in the city demanded this sort of emergency response to avert what has the potential to become an urban structural

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disaster. But the word ‘temporary’ should give way to transit shelters which should have easier to maintain and cost effective permanent structures. It is the duration of people’s stay at these shelters that should be ‘temporary’ and not the shelter itself. We must aim for a situation that people use the transit shelters to stay for a sufficient duration of time before they can make a move to more stable housing. The issues of homeless cannot be seen in isolation and separately from issues of social security. The discourses and debates on homelessness need to be set in the context of right to food, right to work and right to adequate housing for them to have any meaning at all in term of bringing in change. In this regard, organisations and activists need to reorient their understanding of the issues and familiarise/adapt themselves to a human rights based approach. Capacity building and perspective building are activities that cannot be undermined in the present scenario. Having said that, we labour to emphasise that humanitarian assistance that allows those affected by extreme poverty and marginalisation to re-establish a “life with dignity” is acceptable; good-hearted generosity and contributions may be necessary in some situations even though we whole heartedly agree that they are not sufficient. Towards this end the NGO initiatives may strive to approach the issue with a broader and more eclectic viewpoint. This eclectic approach may combine building philanthropic assets and processes, with community development and strong advocacy efforts on all fronts. In similar vein, the urgent need for affordable housing that displays understanding of the realities and needs of the urban poor who are essentially unorganized sector workers, cannot be overemphasized. It is also equally imperative for the various stakeholders to come together and create an effective and comprehensive safety net for those individuals and families who are at risk or brink of homelessness. Because we do not foresee any possibility of revolutionary change in the public policies on the matter concern in the immediate or even near future we also must strive to recognise the harshness of everyday homeless existence. Towards this end we have to accept that the temporary shelter component plays only a very limited role in helping homeless people off the streets. Truth is that homeless population needs more wide-ranging services to offer a sustained support in order to enable them to come out of destitution and homelessness. Services offered at the shelters may expand to include, but not be limited to, a needs assessment counselling (job and therapeutic), life skills program, clothing, personal hygiene items, medical prescriptions, referral services, meals, and shower and laundry facilities.


29

A first step towards this may be through instituting transit shelters for individuals and families run by civil society organisations. The permanent structures and administration of transit shelters for short stay may be funded by a Public Shelter Grants Program, in the same way that hostels etc for other marginalised sections of society such as scheduled castes and tribes, and minorities are funded through various government programmes. More than just managing and providing basic shelter and medical services, the NGOs can also provide referral services and the MNGO can act as a clearing house of information for public and voluntary agencies assisting the homeless. Till the time that transit shelters are not instituted with expanded service base, the temporary shelters must continue to avert human made urban disasters all the year round in Delhi.

References 1. Aashray Adhikar Abhiyan (AAA). (2001). The Capital’s Homeless: A Preliminary Study. New Delhi, India: AAA. 2. Dupont, V. D. (2008). Slum Demolitions in Delhi since the 1990s: An Appraisal. Economic and Political Weekly. July, 12, 79-87. 3. Dupont, V. D. (2011). The Dream of Delhi as a Global City. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research. 35, 533–554. 4. Delhi’s Homeless Will Be Protected from Cold: Walia. Retrieved from http://www.sify.com/news/delhi-s-homeless-will-be-protected-from-cold-walia-news-national-lbdwujbhadc.html (accessed January 3, 2011). 5. Gray, M. & Bernstein, A. (1994). Pavement People and Informal Communities: Lessons for Social Work. International Social Work, 37. 149–63. 6. Gupta, S. & Ghosh, S. (2006). Homelessness in the Context of the Delhi Master Plan 2001: Some Results from the Census. Social Change, 36(2), 57-82. 7. Harriss, W. B. (2002). A note on destitution. The Dissemination Workshop of the NCAER/ QEH/DFID Project on Alternative Conceptualisations of Poverty, NCAER, New Delhi, April. Retrieved from http://www3.qeh.ox.ac.uk/pdf/qehwp/qehwps86.pdf (accessed March 11, 2010). 8. Jamil, G. (2006). People without a Nation: The Destituted People. New Delhi: Aashray Adhikar Abhiyan.

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9. Night shelter Catches Fire Boy Killed. (2011). Indian Express Retrieved from http://www.indianexpress.com/news/night-sheltercatches-fire-boy-killed/742989/ (accessed on March 11, 2010). 10. NHRC Notice to Delhi Govt. (2010). The Hindu. Retrieved from http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-national/tp-newdelhi/ article978317.ece (accessed March 11, 2010) 11. Not One Night Shelter Must Be Razed: SC. (2010). The Times of India. Retrieved from http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes. com/2010-12-16/delhi/28222086_1_night-shelters-single-sheltersc-bench. (accessed March 11, 2010). 12. Pregnant Woman Chased Away By Cops. (2011). The Times of India. Retrieved from http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/201102-01/delhi/28361653_1_priya-night-shelter-cops (accessed February 21, 2011). 13. Rao, U. (2010). Making the Global City: Urban Citizenship at the Margins of Delhi. Ethnos, 75(4), 402-424. 14. Sarker, K. (2009). Economic Growth And Social Inequality: Does The Trickle Down Effect Really Take Place. New Proposals: Journal of Marxism and Interdisciplinary Inquiry, 3(1), 42-60. 15. Speak, S. & Tipple, G. (2006). Perceptions, Persecution and Pity: The Limitations of Interventions for Homelessness in Developing Countries. International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, March, 30(1), 172–88. 16. Tipple, G. & Speak, S. (2005). Deﬁnitions of Homelessness in Developing Countries. Habitat International, 29(2), 337-52.

Socio-Economic and Health Conditions of Some Major Tribes in Andhra Pradesh –K.S.Babu1

Abstract Despite number of initiatives for improving living conditions of the tribals, the progress is not up to the mark. The forests are depleting at faster rate, though the government records do not reflect the reality at ground level. These forests are in no way sustaining food requirements of forest dwellers through their traditional means of hunting and gathering. Mostly they are dependent on agriculture either as cultivators or agriculture labourers. They are malnourished, poor, largely illiterate and rank miserably low in all sorts of health indicators despite of their wealth of traditional knowledge of keeping healthy. Their literacy levels are not adequate to compete with the general population and at the same time they decline to do any work in their native places. In this paper, an attempt is made to bring out general economic conditions, health issues and role of NGOs. Some of these issues are discussed based on two research works: one on Yandai tribe, a Dispersed Tribal Group (DTG) inhibiting in Prakasam, Nellore and Chittoor districts of Andhra Pradesh and a baseline survey (for CARE-STEP) of tribes inhibiting in jungles in North coastal districts of Andhra Pradesh. Key Words: Yanadi, Health Conditions, Coastal Andhra, NGOs, Sub Plan funds In this paper an attempt is made to bring out the developmental issues of some major tribes living in Andhra Pradesh based on two research works: one on Yandai tribe, a dispersed Tribal Group (DTG) inhibiting in Prakasam, Nellore and Chittoor districts of Andhra Pradesh and a baseline survey (for CARE-STEP) of tribes inhibiting in jungles in North coastal districts of Andhra Pradesh (East Godavari, Visakhapatnam, Vizianagaram and Srikakulam). The main focus of the paper is on economic conditions, 1 Associate Professor at Centre for Economic and Social Studies, Hyderabad – 500 016; India; Email: [email protected]

32



health conditions and NGOs working for tribes. The paper is organised into five sections: Introduction, Data Sources, Economic and Health aspects, NGOs and Conclusion.

Introduction The proportion of tribal population has been increasing from census to census. In the Constitution, the backward ethnic groups categorised under Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) to facilitate them to reserve jobs, seats in educational institutions, etc. Scheduled Tribes basically live in forests. The Anthropological Survey of India under the ‘People of India Project’ identifies 461 tribal communities in India and enumerated 67,583,800 persons (84,326,240 persons according to 2001 census) constituting 8.08 per cent (8.2 per cent according to 2001 census) of the total population as per the 1991 census. The share of the scheduled tribe population to the total population in 1971 and 1981 was 6.94 and 7.85 per cent respectively. The question of tribes in India is closely linked with administrative and political considerations. Hence there has been increasing demand by groups and communities for their inclusion in the list of Scheduled Tribes (STs) of the Indian Constitution. That partly explains the steady increase in the proportion of the scheduled tribe population in India especially in the period between 1971 and 1981. The tribal groups in India vary in features as geographical isolation, simple technology and conditions of living, general backwardness to the practice of animism, tribal language, physical features, etc. The criteria was neither clearly formulated nor systematically applied. One set of criteria was used in one context and quite different in another context. The result is that the list includes groups and communities strikingly different from each other, not only size of the population but also the level of technology and other characteristics. Indian anthropologists have been aware of a lack of fit between what the discipline defines as tribe and what they are obliged to describe as tribes(Xaxa, 1999). Further, there are instances of exclusions and unqualified inclusions. There are many communities whose self-image is that of being tribals and/or who are recognised as tribals by their neighbours but who have not been listed as STs. On the other hand there are communities who are not considered as tribals by their neighbours but who are in the list. For instance the Swanglas who are Brahmans in Himachal Pradesh are treated as a scheduled tribe in the statute. In 1991 census 67.8 million persons were enumerated as

Socio-economic and Health Conditions of Some Major Tribes in Andhra...

33

ST; around 600 community names have been listed, but many of them are sub-tribes or synonyms (Burman, 2003). Mukherjee also reported similar problems in Madhya Pradesh. Census of India 1961 and 1991 listed 58 and 46 tribes respectively in Madhya Pradesh. But there are about 70 tribes in total because some 20 tribal groups due to various reasons have been left out (Mukherjee, 2003). In India, sizeable tribal population live in Andhra Pradesh state.. There are 33 different tribal groups in the state with a population of 4.2 million. A large chunk of tribal population is mainly concentrated in the nine scheduled districts: Srikakulam, Vizianagaram, Visakhapatnam, West Godavari, East Godavari, Warangal, Khammam, Adilabad and Kurnool (Subramanyam, 2003).

Data Sources The data on Yanadi is obtained from the baseline survey conducted for Yanadi Tribal Development Plan and the data on north coastal districts of AP is taken from CARE STEP baseline survey. The Yanadi data is collected from secondary data and primary survey of 68,154Yanadi households, group discussions with various tribal leaders and NGOs (The fieldwork was conducted during 1999, in Nellore, Chittoor and Prakasam districts). The household and village data was collected through the structured schedules. All the households of major Yanadi inhabited villages were contacted with schedules in the three districts. Among the tribal inhabited villages (based on census list), Yanadi inhabited villages were identified based on the enquiries with Yanadis in the Region. In another study (CARE-STEP) 6000 households were surveyed in the tribal districts of north coastal Andhra Pradesh. The tribal areas in four north coastal districts of Andhra Pradesh, Viz., Srikakulam, Vizianagaram, Visakhapatnam and East Godavari, are categorised into following four strata: 1) Plain mandals which are easily accessible, 2) Plain mandals which were not easily accessible, 3) Hilly mandals which were easily accessible and, finally, 4) Hilly mandals which were not easily accessible. First stage sampling unit was the mandal. The mandals were selected from the above mentioned strata in the respective districts, based on tribal populations. In the second stage 200 villages ar selected. From each of the mandals around 30 households are selected. Thus the total sample was around 6000 households (Table 1). The predominant tribes in the survey region were Konda Reddy, Koya Dora, Bhagata, Konda Dora, Porja, Jatapu and Savara (C.S.Murty N. Subba Reddy & Babu, 2004).

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Yanadi Tribe: Unlike other tribal groups, Yanadis mostly live in plain areas alongwith general population Some called Yanadis as the original inhabitants of the wilds in the neighbourhood Pulicat Lake, where they hunted and fished at will until they were enslaved Table 1: Mandals Selected for Survey in four Districts S.No

Type of Mandal

1 2 3 4

Plain accessible Plain inaccessible Hilly accessible Hilly inaccessible Total

Srikakulam 2 1 1 4

Vizianagaram 1 1 1 1 4

Visakhapatnam

2 2 4

East Godavari 1 1 1 1 4

by the Reddys. Yanadis were originally Chenchus, a small but superior class. Thurston (Thurston Edgar & Rangachari., 1909) noted that the people were natives of Sriharikota Island in Nellore district and suggested that they derived their name from the Sanskrit word Anadi denoting whose origin is unknown. Over a period of time, sizeable number of Yanadis had to change their occupations due to the fast depletion of forest cover. Now most of the Yanadis live out of forest. During 1960s, Fuch (Fuchs, 1977) has observed Yanadis as hunters and collectors of jungle produce led a nomadic life and were thus less attached to the soil, were able to evade the domination of the superior people. For many generations the tribes were allowed to live their ancient independent life as hunters and food collectors undisturbed, paying a nominal annual tribute to the rulers living in the plains wherever such a tribute was demanded. These tribes were rather small in numbers because they were only relic of larger communities that had been enslaved while they themselves had escaped, or because they became separated in the forests and hills of south India, and in course of time developed into different tribal societies. Moreover, their hunting and collecting mode of life forced them to live in small groups. The main homelands of this tribe were the Nellore, Chittoor and Chingleput districts. Most of them have lost all jungle characteristics and live as domestic servants and even as scavengers in the villages of the plains (Singh, 2004). The jungle Yanadis were keen on fishing. They used to catch cobras and field rats. They used to collect honey and other jungle produce and had a good knowledge of medicinal herbs. Polygyny was widely practised,


35

but not polyandry. Their funeral rites and rites of worship resemble those of the Hindus. They worship the Hindu gods. Andhra Pradesh State Government categorised Yanadis under Dispersed Tribal Group (DTG) group. Yanadi population in the project area recorded steady growth from 1921 census to 1991 census. The Yanadi population in Nellore district was 79,000 in 1921 and the present Yanadi population of the district is 1,97,571. Similarly, the Yanadi population in Chittoor district was only 11,000 in 1921 and now it is 60,072 according to 1991 census. The growth of Yanadi population from 1921 census to 1991 census is shown in the Table 2. Table 2: Yanadi Population from 1891 to 2001 S.No 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

Year 1891 1901 1921 1951 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001

Population 84,888 1,04,000 1,38,000 1,55,727 2,05,381 2,39,403 3,20,444 3,68,500 4,23,775

Source: Census of Andhra Pradesh

Yanadis are the numerically the third largest (4 lakhs) Scheduled Tribe of the State of Andhra Pradesh in south India. They are mostly distributed in the coastal districts of Nellore, Prakasam, Guntur, Krishna, also plain and forest areas of Chittoor and Cuddapah districts. They are also scattered in other parts of the state and north-eastern parts of Tamil Nadu state. The Yanadi population is steadily increasing as it is clear from the Ttable 2. For the first time Yanadi population figures were given in 1835 when the Sriharikota Islands, said to be the original headquarters of Yanadis come into the possession of the British Government. According to 1891 Census the population is 84,888 after 100 years their population increased almost four times to 3.5 lakhs, with an average of 2,836 peoples increase per year. Certainly the limited forest cover in no way can sustain the lives of these tribes. They had to come out of the forests (or the forests are gradually already vanished in their living areas) for their livelihood and

36



even lost free access to forest due to government forest policies. Actually they are the original inhabitants of this forest who depend mostly on forest products like roots, tubers, fruits, leaves, honey and small game, etc., but now they fear a lot about the forest rangers and police. If they don’t have any agricultural work or money, they simply go inside the forest and get some roots or tubers to fill their stomach. So they denied of their basic right to have free access to the forest at least for their survival but not for luxury what the contractors are getting from the forest products. Now they engage themselves as labourers, scavengers as whatever work available to them. Though Yanadis were forest dwelling tribes, now majority of them are living in plain villages in vicinity of caste populations. As a result they have undergone several changes in their customs, marriages, etc. Tribes of North Coastal Andhra Pradesh: The predominant tribes in the Coastal Andhra region are Konda Reddy, Koya Dora, Bhagata, Konda Dora, Porja, Jatapu and Savara. The Primitive Tribal Group (PTG) which figured in the study are Konda Reddy, Khond, Gadaba, Porangi porja and Savara. The family size was 4.6 persons on an average. Some families found to have more members as seen in the Tables 3&4. Table 3: Distribution of Households by Family size and Access S.No 1 2 3 4 5

Family Size

Plain ac- Plain incessible accessible 1-2 10.95 10.41 3-4 42.61 42.64 5-7 42.72 43.97 8-10 3.40 2.64 10 and above 0.33 0.33 Total 100.00 100.00 (913) (605)

Hilly ac- Hilly inTotal cessible accessible 8.75 9.22. 9.42 39.03 38.68 39.80 47.02 46.43 45.85 4.97 5.28 4.62 0.22 039 0.31 100.00 100.00 100.00 (2252) (2311) (6081)

Source: Murty, C.S., N. Subba Reddy, S. Subrahmanyam, V. Sarvanan and K.S. Babu (2004): Baseline Survey (Tribal areas of Srikakulam, Vizianagaram, Visakhapatnam and East Godavari District), entre for Economic and Social Studies, Begumpet, Hyderabad.

Table 4: Distribution of Households by Family Size, by Tribe Group (percentage) S.No Family Size 1 1-2

PTG 9.33

NPTG 9.48

Total 9.42


2 3 4 5

3-4 5-7 8-10 10 and above Total

38.81 46.60 4.88 0.39

40.41 45.38 4.46 0.27

37

39.80 45.85 4.62 0.31

100.00 100.00 100.00 (2337) (3744) (6081) Average family size 4.67 4.61 4.63 Source: Murty, C.S., N. Subba Reddy, S. Subrahmanyam, V. Sarvanan and K.S. Babu (2004): Baseline Survey (Tribal areas of Srikakulam, Vizianagaram, Visakhapatnam and East Godavari District), Centre for Economic and Social Studies, Begumpet, Hyderabad.

Economic Aspects Economic conditions of the tribal groups are discussed in the section. Since Independence, under Green Revolution, several irrigation projects were constructed and thousands of acres of land was brought under cultivation in the project area. Thus agriculture has become main occupation to the general population and there has been great demand for agricultural labour. About six months in a year, the poor and landless Yanadis who were once depending on forest, fishing, etc., has gradually taken to agricultural labour. Now agriculture labour has become main occupation of Yanadis in the project area. As per baseline survey, about eighty three per cent of the Yanadis were engaged in agriculture as labourers. Thus the hunting and food collecting Yanadi has become an agriculture labourer. The occupational structure of Yanadis in the project area is furnished in Table 5. Table 5: The Present occupational pattern of Yanadis in the Project area according to the base line survey conducted is furnished below: S.No 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Occupation Agriculture labour Collection and selling of fire wood Fishing Cultivation Construction labour, transport labour, etc Services. Mining, Transport labour, etc.

Percentage 83.40 5.60 4.90 2.00 0.20 0.60 3.30

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The Yanadis living in the urban and semi-urban areas were mostly depending on rickshaw pulling, working as sweepers in municipalities and scavenging here and there. The survey revealed that around Rs. 5000 to Rs. 6000 was spent for food and household maintenance in the project area. The expenditure on social and religious ceremonies, on purchase of medicines ranged from around Rs. 100 to Rs.400. The expenditure on alcohols, repayment of old debts was relatively less. The expenditure pattern of Yanadis is furnished in the Table 6. Table 6: Expenditure Pattern of Yanadis in the Project Area S.No 1 2 3 4 5

Annual Expenditure (Rs.) Food Clothing Social and Religious Ceremonies Alcohols Purchase of medicines Total

Nellore 4,991.11 817.49 466.94

Districts Chittoor Prakasam Total 4,964.06 6,059.87 5,191.70 837.34 1,171.45 890.67 592.00 832.39 560.54

72.34 465.59 6,813.50

354.94 765.71 641.31 625.58 7,548.23 10,027.3

194.33 529.93 7,328.20

Source: Babu, K.S. (1999): Yanadi Development Plan, Centre for Economic and Social Studies, Begumpet, Hyderabad

Their expenditure on alcohol was quite High. Many Yanadis were defending on moneylenders for credit. They borrowed money for the purpose of domestic, health, and repayment of old debts, investment on income yielding pursuits. Out of total surveyed households of 68,154 only 8,533 were indebted which worked out to 12.5 per cent. The survey revealed that more than 80 per cent of the indebted Yanadi families borrowed from moneylenders only. The average debt position of the indebted Yanadi households in the project area was Rs. 2080 per annum. The purpose and source of borrowing as per the survey (1998-99) by the Yanadis in the project area are furnished in the Table 7. Very few households availed credit from formal sources such as Girijana Co-opertaive Corporation Limited (GCC). Compared to other tribal populated districts such as north coastal Andhra Pradesh, the dependence and availability of Non Timber Forest Produce (NTFP) was minimal. That is why GCC played very limited role here. However, despite of number of other government programmes, majority of them depend on moneylender for their major credit needs. The prevailing credit

Nationalised banks Gramina banks Money lenders Relatives/ friends GCC Others Total Total Number 16.70 60.50 64.20 5,006

53.40 58.90 63.40

Household expenditure R 32.70

16.70 0.70 14.50 1,240

2.30 16.20 0.50

Repay-ment of debts R 17.30

8.30 14.70 20.20 1,725

3.80 21.50 7.70 50.00 20.30 3.10 268

20.60 0.80 11.90 8.30 1.00 2.70 231

1.50 2.60 15.50

Purpose of borrowing Health R InvesFunctions/ tment R Ceremo-nies R 3.10 30.60 0.00

0.00 2.90 0.70 63

18.30 0.10 1.00

16.30

Others R

Source: Babu, K.S. (1999): Yanadi Development Plan, Centre for Economic and Social Studies, Begumpet, Hyderabad

Note: R: Row percentage, C: Column percentage

5 6

2 3 4

1

S.No Source of borrowing

Table 7: Indebtedness Among Yanadis in the Project Area

0.10 6.90 100.00 8,533

1.50 88.00 2.30

1.10

Total C

Socio-economic and Health Conditions of Some Major Tribes in Andhra... 39

Plain inaccessible 36.75 53.67 4.35 1,56 0.14 1.83 1.02 0.48 0.20 100.00 (1472)

Plainaccessible 32.71 46.91 13.42 0.82 1.68 2.64 0.77 0.41 0.64 100.00 (2198)

0.48 0.46 100.00 (5668)

0.74

2.68

0.67

0.83

5.43

Hilly inaccessible 55.72 32.99

0.48 0.46 100.00 (14879)

0.75

2.41

0.82

0.89

6.43

Total 48.66 39.11

Source: Murty, C.S., N. Subba Reddy, S. Subrahmanyam, V. Sarvanan and K.S. Babu (2004): Baseline Survey (Tribal areas of Srikakulam, Vizianagaram, Visakhapatnam and East Godavari District), Centre for Economic and Social Studies, Begumpet, Hyderabad.

0.51 0.45 100.00 (5541)

.0.69

2.20

0.81

0.79

5.22

Hilly accessible 50.93 38.40


Figures in brackets are absolutes.

S.No Occupation I . Cultivation 2. Agricultural labour 3. Casual labour in non-agriculture 4. Livestock rearing/ fishing 5. Minor forest produce 6. Government employee 7. Employee in private firm 8. Business 9. Others TOTAL

Table 8: Distribution of Workers (14+) by Main Occupation and Access

40 Volume 1 Issue 2 November 2012

86.71

90.26

Inaccessible

Hilly

85.97

Total


87.52

84.79

Accessible 91.61

Inaccessible

Accessible

Hilly

89.59

Plain

Plain

A. Poverty Line = Rs.332. 74 /- per capita income per month Percentage of households below the poverty line 87.62 B. Poverty Line = Rs.282. 98/- per capita income per month Percentage of households below the poverty line 81.05

Item

Table 9: Incidence of Poverty (2002-03) by Access Socio-economic and Health Conditions of Some Major Tribes in Andhra... 41

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rates from these sources were very high and these are in terms of Rs. 2, Rs. 3, Rs. 4, Rs. 5 for every Rs. 100 (interest rates ranged from 24 per cent to 60 per cent). Still they depend on these sources as they can get money immediately when they require as compared to its availability from formal sources, which requires elaborate procedures, and often time consuming. Sizeable proportion of their earnings was spent on their health. Occupational pattern of the north coastal Andhra tribes is concerned, their traditional way of getting livelihood from forest was no more exists. Hardly one per cent of the tribes were depending exclusively on forests. Half of the households depended on agriculture and another 40 per cent of them depended on agriculture labour. About 6.5 per cent got their livelihood from non agriculture based labour. Proportion of non agriculture based labour was more among tribes of plain accessible areas (Table 8). As shown in the Table 9, majority of the tribals in the study area live below poverty line in both cases of Rs. 332.24 per capita per month and Rs. 282 per capita income per month.

Health Aspects The government structure as it exists today is unable to meet the health needs of the people in the tribal areas. When some one falls sick, the immediate government health personnel available at the village is the ANM. On records, there is one ANM for every 10 villages. Often she is not available in the village. Most sub-centres are poorly equipped and function from dilapidated buildings, resulting in poor performance and delivery of services As per the government rules for tribal areas, one PHC should cater to a population of 20000. However in practice, very few PHCs satisfy this2. Though health facilities are provided in tribal areas, accessing these facilities is another main problem for majority of the tribals. Particularly north coastal Andhra tribes live in hilly terrain and forest areas. Physical distance seems to be less. But to travel that small distance, they have to climb up and down the hillocks. As a result, it is difficult to take the seriously ill person to the nearby health facility. Further health workers rarely visit such areas. Moreover the tribal areas have specific (endemic) health problems such as malaria, flourosis, gastroenteritis, malnutrition etc.

2 IIPP (World Bank assisted Tribal Health Project), Project Report, April 1996-March 1997, Tribal Welfare Department, Government of Andhra Pradesh, Hyderabad.


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Table 10: Details Relating to Delivery by Tribe Group (Percentages) S.No. Details Place where the child was born I. Home 2. Sub-centre 3. PHC 4. Private clinic 5. District hospital 6. Others TOTAL Assistance during delivery I. Family members 2. Government doctor 3. Private doctor 4. ANM. 5. Dai 6. Others TOTAL

PTG

NPTG

TOTAL

90.89 0.48 1.44 1.44 5.76 -100.00 (417)

92.46 1.06 1.06 5.43 -100.00 (663)

91.85 0.19 1.20 1.20 5.56 -100.00 (1080)

55.88 8.39 4.32 6.00 24.70 0.72 100.00 (105)

53.70 6.64 2.41 6.49 29.41 1.36 100.00 (163)

--

54.54 7.31 '3.15 6.30 27.59 1.11 100.00 (1080)


Though these households approach private or government allopathic hospitals for major ailments, substantial number of them depends on locally available medical personnel such as herbalist and traditional practitioners. Veena Bhasin in her study among six tribal groups explains the curative process of sick person. The strategy a person chooses for treatment of his or her illness or that of a relative depends on personal experiences and preferences. The tribal response to health problems reveals a multiple and simultaneous usage of home remedies and multiple therapy depending on the cultural logic based on medicine of body fluids and supernatural dimensions (Bhasin, 2003). Therefore due to the poor health infrastructure in the study areas, still majority depends on local resources for their health needs. In Yanadi inhabited villages, particularly in Nellore and Chittoor districts, significant number of traditional medicine men provides health services. These locally available private practitioners are mostly qualified

44



in non-allopathic systems or persons running a practice without any qualification (Duggal & Vadair, 1995). As shown in the Table 10, delivery is generally at home assisted by family members, locally available untrained or in some cases trained birth attendants. Though some studies confirm that midwife assisted home births are safe (Patel & Sharma, 2000), the tribal households prefer home deliveries in Andhra Pradesh. For instance, Konda Dora do not take their women to the hospital for delivery; it is possible that in the hospital the woman has to stay alone in the maternity room with the midwife visiting now and then, whereas in her village, she is surrounded by her elders and friends who comfort her and give her confidence to go through the ordeal. 91.85 per cent of child births took place at home invariably with the assistance of familymembers and dais. Almost all deliveries in respect of women of Khond and Bhagata tribes, Konda Dora, Jatapu, and Poija took place at home. This exposes the pregnant women to a great deal of risk. Although the deliveries attended to at home were relatively few in East Godavari it was no cause for complacency because the deliveries conducted there at home were also high. Health workers complained that it was highly difficult to motivate tribals to take the pregnant women to dispensaries. Part of the explanation for this lies in the difficult terrain in which they live. Often the difficult task of taking the pregnant women from a household located in an inhospitable terrain to a far off dispensary was compounded by the rains that sever the villages from the main land. The present system ostensibly cannot change in a few months or years. Habits die-hard and it may be more so in case of tribals. The financial incentive given to pregnant women to visit local hospitals was also found to be of no great help (C.S.Murty N. Subba Reddy & Babu, 2004). NFHS surveys also revealed the same as shown in the Table 11. Even in other health indicators IMR, TFR, Immunisation etc, their condition is poor compared to the general population. Even the recently conducted Mid Term Evaluation of 11th Five Year Plan, Less than 60 percent of the deliveries were institutional in Srikakula, Vizianagaram and Visakhapatnam districts of Coastal Andhra. The tribal population is relatively high in these districts (Manoj Panda et al ., 2011). Health problems are a direct outcome of poverty, government policies that have adversely affected local livelihoods - high land alienation amongst tribals, threatened traditional agricultural practices, absence of forest rights and growing indebtedness (Yakshi, 2002). Over the past 10 years, livelihood systems in the tribal areas have witnessed rapid changes


45

under the impact of government policies and development programmes. Subsidy induced agriculture promoted actively by the government has had a negative impact on local agriculture, which is a major source of livelihood. Changing cropping pattern due to the introduction of commercial crops like tobacco and cotton replacing traditional food crops have adversely impacted on tribal’s health eroded their food and nutritional security. Their dietary habits have changed from primarily millet and pulse base to rice base, resulting in deficiency of essential micronutrients, calories and proteins and declining immunity levels. While there is a rich body of traditional healing practices, a growing dependence on allopathic medicine coupled with loss of medicinal plants have undermined the importance of traditional systems. As noted earlier, numerous local medicinal plants and herbs are effective as preventives as also proven cures. However these are being abandoned, thus increasing susceptibility to disease. Mitra explains that the ecological conditions drive them to be a part of belief system. Day-today unexplainable experiences have led the tribal people into believing in other than the material visible world. Generally the tribal people are found to establish a close relationship with the spiritual world either by controlling or overpowering the spirit by enchanting (Mitra, 2004). In the tribal society belief system and health (illness) are interrelated. For instance, Bhils are scared of evil spirits because they cause harm and illness. Tribals try to appease them in various ways (Jain & Agrawal, 2005). In Rajasthan, still people seek traditonal priests to heal the illnesses caused by supernatural powers in tribal population of Rajasthan (Nagda, 2004). In some places treatment to diseases caused by sorcery (Mukherjee, 2004). In tribal community, illness and the consequent treatment is not always an individual and familiar affair, but the decision about the nature of treatment may be taken at the community level. In case of some specific diseases, not only the diseased person but also the total village community is affected. Health and treatment are very much connected with the environment. The traditional health care system and treatment are based on their deep observation and understanding of nature. The Tribal healer used, different part of plants not only for treatment, but also even for population control (Nagda, 2004).

Non-Governmental Organisations (NGOs) The Planning Commission now recognises the value of voluntary action groups to accelerate the pace of people’s action in the planned programmes

46



of development which is evident from the five year plan documents since seventh five year plan (Babu, 1999). It is generally viewed, as NGOs are more acceptable to the people than government functionaries. Now a days number of NGOs are working on tribal issues. They provide health care through mobile clinics and also conducting various health awareness camps. While some of them are working on advocacy issues as in case of getting appropriate and timely compensation in case of displaced tribals (displaces during implementation of some irrigation projects etc.). In the tribal areas common problems like land pattas are issued to some households with out showing land or the land is disputed under forest conservation act. Whereas in others case though land is in possession they do not get land patta. NGOs help tribals in marketing their agricultural products turmeric, cashew, groundnut etc. They are also gathering information on various medicinal plants. They are training tribals in NTFP to maximize output. Some NGOs like MV Foundation are working on child labour issues, natural resource management, watershed development, check dam renovation, alternate livelihoods (basket making, delivery skills, skill development). Good work NGO’s is notable even few decades back. Prominent social workers and NGOs have done a lot to improve the living conditions of Yanadis. For example, Sri Vennelakanti Ragavaiah (popularly known as Ragavaiah Pantulu by Yanadis) did concrete work for Yanadis of Nellore district by establishing housing colonies and land colonisation schemes in the Nellore district by using the good offices of the then district Collectors. It was told during field work that Sri. V. Raghavaiah garu was a friend, guide and Philosopher to Yanadis in those days. Further, the Andhra Rastra Adimajati Seva Sangh also made concerted efforts for the rehabilitation of Yanadis in the areas of education and economic development. In north coastal districts of Andhra Pradesh, an international NGO, CARE is implementing Sustainable Tribal Empowerment Project (STEP). For this project, CARE is working with several locally based NGO’s (non-government organisations) to develop links between the indigenous tribal population and the local authorities. The process begins with the establishment of a community group who meet to discuss and identify the main problems faced by the village. This is all facilitated by CARE and the partner NGOs. At the time of the study, CARE partnered in Srikakulam district with local NGOs: BREADS, PPSS, Jan Chetana, REELS, Samakya. In Vizianagaram the partner NGOs of CARE are NEED, Jathu Trust, GPK, JKS, CODWEL Society, CDC. In East Godavari the partner


47

NGOs are CREATORS, pragathi, SUJANA, ARISE, SWEEP, SAKTI. In Visakhapatnam CARE partnered with NATURE, AASAV, KOVEL, TCDS, ORRC, VJNNS, CCN. Here CARE with the help of above said NGOs are helping local CBOs in various aspects with all support from local ITDAs.

Misuse of Government Funds Government implement various schemes for the welfare of Scheduled Tribes under Tribal Sub Plan (TSP). The funds are allocated based on the tribal population’s proportion to the total population in Andhra Pradesh (around 7 percent). Recently there is lot of criticism about misuse or diverting these funds for other works (not for the benefit of the tribal population). On 13th April, 2012, Government of Andhra Pradesh has issued Government Order (G.O.Rt.No. 1640) and thereby constituted a cabinet Sub-Committee to examine the matters relating to the implementation of the Scheduled Caste Sub Plan (SCSP) and Tribal Sub Plan (TSP).

Conclusion Various sociological and anthropological studies have shown that in India in particular and developing countries in general, Western model of development, i.e. ‘modernisation’, as reduced to Westernisation, has not worked and would not work because the social-cultural specificities of Western Europe and North America have been quite different and exclusive from those in the Third World (Sharma, 2004). As it seen in two studies taken from two different geographical settings, there is significant variation in terms of occupation, population, family size, forest cover etc. recently launched National Rural Employment Programme may be extended to the tribal areas and prioritise the works under this scheme for growing medicinal plants and horticulture coupled with the traditional knowledge from tribes. Modern medicine may be supplemented with locally prevailing traditional health practices for better results. Keeping in view of the variations, while implementing the new tribal policy, utmost care should be taken. For instance proposing 2.5 acres of land for each family may raise number technical problems. Whether in terms its size across groups or its implications of retaining the existing forests. Similarly passing powers to grama sabhas also will have similar difficulties. In one way since tribals have the custom of abiding by tribal councils, this may

48



be an advantageous one. On the other hand, their illiteracy and ignorance may pave the way for unforeseen exploitations. One way to tackle these issues, there should an emphasis to involve NGOs as catalysts of the development process. In any case the implementation should be of gradual scaling rather than implementing uniformly.

References 1. Babu, K. (1999). Yanadi Development Plan. Hyderabad: Centre for Economic and Social Studies. 2. Burman, B. K. R. (2003). Indigenous and Tribal Peoples in World System Perspective. Studies of Tribes and Tribals, (1(1), 7-27). Retrieved from http://www.krepublishers.com/02-Journals/T 3. Duggal, R. S. N. & Vadair, A. (1995). Health Expenditure across States - Part - I. Economic and Political Weekly, 30(15), 834-844. 4. Edgar, T. & Rangachari, K. (1909). Castes and Tribes of Southern India. Madras: Government Press. 5. Fuchs, S. (1977). No Title. The Aboriginal Tribes of India. London [etc.]: Macmillan. 6. Jain, S. & Agrawal, S. (2005). Perception of Illness and Health Care among Bhils: A Study of Udaipur District in Southern Rajasthan. Studies of Tribes and Tribals, (3 (1), 15-19). Retrieved from http:// www.krepublishers.com/02-Journals/T 7. Murty, C.S. & Reddy, S. N., Subrahmanyam, S., Sarvanan, V. & Babu, K. S. (2004). Baseline Survey (Tribal areas of Srikakulam, Vizianagaram, Visakhapatnam and East Godavari). Begumpet, Hyderabad: Centre for Economic and Social Studies. 8. Mitra, K. P. (2004). Kora Religious Belief: A Fusion of Traditional Tribal Faith and Hinduism. Studies of Tribes and Tribals, 2(2), 8187. 9. Mukherjee, B. M. (2003). Cultural aspects of Health in Jowhar of Maharashtra. Studies of Tribes and Tribals, 1(2), 163-164. 10. Mukherjee, B. M. (2004). Contributions of Anthropology in Central India. Studies of Tribes and Tribals, 2(1), 15-18. 11. Nagda, B. L. (2004). Tribal Population and Health in Rajasthan. Studies of Tribes and Tribals, 2(1), 1-8. 12. Panda, M., Galab, S., Mitra, G. K., Reddy, K. S., Ravi, C., Prudhvikar, R. P., Revathi, E., Padmanabha, R. P., Nageswara, R. R., Babu, K. S. & Chandrasekhar, K. (2011). Report on Mid Term Appraisal


49

of 11th Plan of Andhra Pradesh. Centre for Economic and Social Studies. Begumpet, Hyderabad: Nizamiah Observatory Campus. 13. Patel, T. & Sharma, U. (2000). The Silent Subject: Child Birth and Sociology of Emotion. Sociological Bulletin, 49(2), 179-192. 14. Sharma, S. (2004). Tribal Development in Jharkhand: A Multidimensional Critical. Studies of Tribes and Tribals, 2(2), 77-80. 15. Singh, G. S. (2004). Indigenous Knowledge and Conservation Practices in Tribal Society of Western Himalaya: A Case Study of Sangla Valley. Studies of Tribes and Tribals, 2(1), 29-35. 16. Subramanyam, V. (2003). Role of Government for the Enhancement of Education Status among Tribes in the Integrated Tribal Development Agency Area of Paderu, Andhra Pradesh. Studies of Tribes and Tribals, 1(2), 155-161. 17. Xaxa, V. (1999). Tribes as Indigenous People of India. Economic and Political Weekly, (34(51), 3589-3595). Retrieved from http:// www.jstor.org/stable/4408738 18. Yakshi. (2002). Health Status in Adivasi Areas of East Godavari District, Andhra Pradesh, India. Secunderabad, Andhra Pradesh: Yakshi.

Gender Perspective in Disaster Preparedness a Study in Flood-prone Areas in Rural West Bengal –Pradipta Dubey, Tanmoy Pal, Atonu Chatterjee and Subhrangsu Santra1

Abstract Despite of having strong historical background the district Murshidabad of West Bengal is one of the backward districts with a position of 15th out of 17 undivided districts (now 19 districts) of West Bengal as per the Human Development Report published in 2004. The district Murshidabad is suffering from many social ailments; one of which is recurring flood. In this study we tried to represent how people – in gender perspective – prepare themselves to overcome the situation by exploring the local indigenous knowledge through the active participation of women in an organised way. The study reveals that how active women participation could change the dimension of the process of implementing any programme. The findings of the study again indicate that women have the better understanding than the male counter part with the society and any social problems as they have to take more responsibility at the time of disaster. Key Words: Disaster, Flood, Gender, Participation, Task Force, SHGs, Opinion Leader

Disasters : Emerging Paradigms In a recent comparative study on disasters that took place between 1974 and 2003, Centre for Research on Epidemiology of Disasters (CRED), Belgium, placed India with global rank of 3 in terms of number of disaster events and global rank of 2 in terms of number of victims. Between the time period 1974-2003, India faced 303 disaster events which rendered 1832 million of victims. On the other hand, USA faced 506 numbers of 1 Dr. Santra is Head and Assistant Professor of Department of Rural Development and Management, University of Kalyani; West Bengal [India] and others are Research Scholar of the same department ; Email: [email protected]

11 26 6

506 128 47 112 56 174 268

USA

Japan

UK

Brazil South Africa Bangladesh

Philippine

74.8

375.1

4.0

49.7

0.4

6.6

4.6

1,924.5

1,832.0

Millions

In

Victims

5

3

45

8

102

32

42

1

2

Rank

Global

3,958.6

12,338.5

380.2

1,195.9

28.0

182.1

58.9

5,297.5

7,413.5

Mean annual victims per 100,000

(Source: Centre for Research on Epidemiology of Disasters, Leuven, Belgium, 2007)

4

32

9

1

2

388

China

3

303

Rank

Global

India

Number of disaster events

Table 1: Global Comparisons of Disasters: 1974 -2003

25

3

87

68

135

106

124

18

9

Global Rank

9,994

17,851

2,408

18,443

15,643

187,928

285,923

180,279

43,378

Damage US$ (Million)

25

17

52

16

21

2

1

3

5

Global Rank

Gender Perspective in Disaster Preparedness a Study in Flood-prone... 51

52



disaster events but, with a high degree of disaster preparedness, only 4.6 million people bore the brunt. Globally, there has been a growing interest, investment and research on disaster management. As a result, within very recent past, there has been a remarkable paradigm shift from post disaster relief and rehabilitation orientation to the pre disaster preparedness, prevention and mitigation. United Nations (UN) defines disaster as “the occurrence of major misfortune which disrupts the normal functioning of a society or community.” An event may be a disaster along certain dimensions, viz. ecological, economic material, psychological or social, but not necessarily along all of these in any particular event. Disaster or emergency situations originate from several causes. These include natural disasters; environmental hazards; man-made disasters such as riots and conflicts; fires; industrial, agricultural and mining accidents; road, rail or plane accidents etc. The social and human impacts vary depending upon the geographic, socio-economic, political, social and cultural contexts. Disasters, introduce many uncertainties which stand as obstacles for individuals or families to perform day to day activities that are part of normal life. It is not possible for an individual herself or a family itself to overcome or manage these uncertainties. From this context the concept of Community Based Disaster Management (CBDM) is introduced. Community Based Disaster Preparedness (CBDP) is a strategy of CBDM. It is understood as a process to ensure participation of all stakeholders to reduce loss and damages through capacity building initiatives. It is assumed that community has its own potentials to face the disaster but may not be organized to do it. The capacity building initiatives ensure the sustainability and ownership of the CBDP process by the local community.

Gender in the Context of Disaster Management Kate Young, in Towards the Theory of Social Relation of Gender, defines gender as “the whole set of expectations held as to the likely behaviour, characteristics and aptitudes men and women will have. It refers to the social meanings given to being a men or women in a given society”. While discussing gender, we generally refer to the social differences and relations between men and women, which are learned and transformed. The term gender does not replace the term sex, which refers exclusively

Gender Perspective in Disaster Preparedness a Study in Flood-prone...

53

to biological differences between men and women. A Disaster exposes the existing inequities and imbalances in a societyinvolving economic, social or gender inequalities. The hazards have a differential impact on both men and women resulting from gender division of health, sharing of labour, socio – cultural and educational status of women, imbalanced access and control over the resources and information due to their limited entrance and exposure. In India, until recent past, there was no clear policy or guideline to incorporate a gender sensitive thinking in Disaster Management activities. It was basically a relief-centric approach, where the preparedness and mitigation strategy were almost invisible. Women’s rights to compensation and entitlements came into reality only after 1999 Orissa Super Cyclone and the issues were critically analyzed after the Tsunami. Oxfam’s report on “Tsunami Impact on Women” (2005) has revealed that the Tsunami killed more women than men in the worst affected areas. In Nagapattinam, the worst affected district of Tamil Nadu, Government statistics state that 2406 women died compared with 1883 men. In Cuddalore, the second most affected district of Tamil Nadu, almost three times as many women died than men. In Devanampattinam village 42 women died compared with 21 men. In Pachaankuppam village the only people to die were women. There were also a remarkable number of reports of rape, sexual harassment, denial of basic rights and entitlements to the tsunami-affected women victim. The report highlighted the need for focusing gender issues at all levels of disaster management activities, as early as possible. As a result, today, there is an increasing focus to incorporate the gender perspective into all segments of disaster management as well as on mainstreaming gender equity in developmental programmes. In this connection, we are inclined to refer to section 61 of the Disaster Management Act of India, 2005, which mandates to prohibit discrimination in the distribution of compensation and relief to victims of disaster on the ground of sex, caste, class or religion. Many organization & institution including National Disaster Management Authority of India recently have raised their concern for the urgent need to address the issue of vulnerability reduction in a more equitable & gender sensitive as well in a more intensive and comprehensive manner. Policy documents published by the state governments also reflect similar concern. It is in this background we feel the need to look into the implementa-

3766 843

1576

Hizole

Gundiria

Alugram

7705

4011

18215

9459

Total Population

943

871

945

921

Sex Ratio

47.6

50

41.5

41.2

Total

54.3

59.9

51

50.6

Male

40.1

38.5

31.5

30.9

Female

Literacy rate

31

31.8

31.5

31.8

Total

53.1

56

52.1

54.2

Male

7.5

3.9

9.8

7.5

Female

Work Participation Rate


(Source : Census 2001)

1955

Total Household

Andulia

Gram Panchayat

Table 2: Gram Panchayat wise characteristics of 16 sampled villages

54 Volume 1 Issue 2 November 2012


55

tion of such programme and nature of gender participation in the implementation. The specific objective of our study is - to understand how gender, as a factor, influences the participation of individuals in disaster preparedness intervention.

BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY AREA The study was conducted in four Gram Panchayats2 in Murshidabad district of West Bengal. Murshidabad, one of 19 civil districts of West Bengal, has a long recorded history of natural disasters, which include instances of flood & erosion. However, the grimmest part of this sad history has been caused by successive floods. This is probably due to the fact that, compared to its size, the Murshidabad district is traversed by a large number of rivers. The earliest flood, that has found mention in Calcutta Gazette, took place in 1785. “Serious floods are known to have occurred in 1823, 1834, 1838, 1848, 1856 & 1866”. (O’Malley,1914). During the years of 1867, 1871 and 1881 there were serious floods. The flood of 1900 was also recognized as worst for many years. (Walsh, 1902). Out of four Gram Panchayats, two Gram Panchayats, Andulia & Hizole, fall under the block of Kandi, while other two Gram Panchayats, Gundiria & Alugram fall under the Bharatpore – I block. There are 58 Gram Samsad in 4 selected Gram Panchayat out of which 52 Gram Samsads are flood prone. Four (4) villages from each of (4) Gram Panchayat were studied, i.e. total 16 villages were studied. A profile of the 16 sampled villages is given in Table 2 after Gram Panchayat wise grouping of the data. The Gram Panchayats which constitute study area belongs to the Rarha3 geographical region. The rivers in this part originate from hill torrents and they are prone to overflowing due to sudden rain. Two rivers flowing through this region, namely Dwarka and Mayurakshi join the famous Hijol Lake which is also situated in the same region. Both of these are western seasonal rivers. Besides, two more old channels of Mayurakshi known as Kana (blind) Mayurakshi and Mora (dead) Mayurakshi flow 2 Gram Panchayats are the lowest tier of 3-tier Panchayati Raj Institutions (PRIs)- a local self government system for the rural areas in India. 3 The Rarha is the western part of two broad geographical regions created due to bifurcation of the triangle shaped district by river Bhagirathi with a striking difference in its geology from the eastern part which is known as the Bagri. The land in Rarha area is high, slightly undulating, having the pre-dominant geographical character of a plateau but is interspersed with numerous swamps and beds of old rivers.

56



through the area, apart from three narrow and shallow canals used for irrigation. All these channels form a network that meet the Hijol Lake. In September 2000, Kandi and Bharatpore – I Block suffered the worst flooding by Mayurakshi. The river breached its embankment and 25 ft water cannon swept the area in no time. The villagers did not get any opportunity to take precaution to protect themselves, their families, properties, cattle etc. Within hours flood water raised up to 15 feet. The loss of human lives, cattle and huge property created long lasting effects on the lives of the victims and the non victims as well. The study area suffered from flood again in 2003 followed by 2006. However, damages were smaller in later years compared to 2000 flood. In response to devastation caused by floods, UNDP initiated a Community Based Disaster Preparedness (CBDP) project in with the goal of reduction of damage and loss due to disaster at family and community level through preparedness. In the study area, the project was implemented by a local NGO. Major steps of the CBDP project are 1. Sensitization meetings- The sensitization meetings are conducted in two stages. First, local opinion leaders (religious leaders, political leaders & Gram Panchayat members) were contacted & explained about the project. The project area had a Muslim majority population. On the basis of practice wisdom, it was considered to enlist the support of religious leaders. It may be noted that a similar approach of building rapport with religious leaders is also followed for Pulse Polio Campaign. Second, large group meetings with villagers in each Gram Samsad are conducted. The topics covered in sensitization meetings include the concept of disaster preparedness, its rationale, and implementation aspects of the CBDP project & how the project intends to help villagers. At the end of the sensitization meetings, dates for conducting the Participatory Learning & Action (PLA) exercises are fixed. 2. Participatory Learning & Action (PLA) exercises – At the Gram Samsad4 level, small groups are formed from the inhabitants & other interested persons. On the fixed date the groups walk through the Gram Samsad to have a clearer idea of the geography of whole 4 As defined in The West Bengal Panchayat Act,1973, a ‘Gram Samsad’ means “a body consisting of persons registered at any time in the electoral rolls pertaining to a constituency of a Gram Panchayat delimited for the purpose of last preceding general election to the Gram Panchayat”.


57

area. This technique is called Transect Walk. After Transect Walk, the groups come together at a place to draw a map (which is called Resource Map) which contains pictorial representation of various socio-geographical information of the Gram Samsad. Such data include residential area or hamlets, number of houses in each hamlet, high & low areas, tube wells, school building, ICDS building, flood shelters, agricultural fields, ponds, river, canal, roads, bridges, culverts and so on. In short, whatever items/data villagers may think connected with flood preparedness are included in resource maps. 3. Plan of Action- On the basis of Resource Maps & discussion among themselves, villagers prepare draft Plan of Action (PoA) which are submitted in Gram Samsad meetings for discussion & necessary modification. After approval of PoA by Gram Samsad, it is submitted to Gram Panchayat for final approval. A typical PoA contains activities which are to be executed by villagers themselves (like plantation of more bamboo trees near embankments & beside roads); activities which are to be executed by Gram Panchayat or referred to Block (like construction of flood shelter or raising the platform of tube wells) ; activities which are to be executed by NGO/ other organization (like training). 4. Task Forces – In general four (4) task forces are formed for each Gram Samsad. These task forces looked into the issues of – Early Warning & Rescue; First Aid, Health & Hygiene; Water & Sanitation; Safety of child & other vulnerable persons. Each of task forces were trained by the project implementing organization 5. Training & capacity building – Apart from training of task groups, villagers in general were also trained on issues like quick preparation of temporary shelter; mobilization of necessary things & important documents into family survival kits; maintenance of basic hygiene during flood etc.

METHODOLOGY There are 10 Gram Panchayats in Kandi Block & 8 Gram Panchayats in Bharatpore-I block. From each block two most flood affected Gram Panchayats were selected. There are 58 Gram Samsads in 4 selected Gram Panchayat. Out of 58 Gram Samsads, 52 Gram Samsads are flood prone and are under coverage area of CBDP projects. From each Gram Panchayat, 4 most flood affected Gram Samsads (ranked on the basis of

58



consultation held with Gram Panchayat) were selected. Thus there were 16 Gram Samsads in the sample. Selected Gram Samsad areas were visited for interaction with SHGs & Task Forces. Individual interviews were conducted with NGO personnel & key informants. Review of various documents at Block office, Gram Panchayat office & the local NGO office were also done.

FINDINGS & ANALYSIS A. Dissimilar pattern of motivation - It can be seen from Table 3 that throughout the project life, rate of women participation was substantial. In fact, number of female participants in various tasks was never below 50 percent. Further, as the stages made progress, share of female participants increased. This is definitely a feature notable enough. On the basis of qualitative group discussion held during field work, we found the following causative factors which motivated women in participating in various activities– 1. The traumatic experiences of floods in earlier years motivated them to participate in greater number than their male counterparts. The women in the study area experienced greater degree of disruption than men during previous floods. It happened because of dissimilar type of socialization process men & women undergo. 2. The different types of socialization in rural areas tend to promote conformity with prevalent & stereotyped social roles. For a poor rural woman, such conformity means devoting more time for managing household’s duties & child rearing. During the disaster, managing her own life becomes harder than men as she cannot have private & closed space. Managing the child comes as an additional burden for her. 3. During the post-disaster period, women face difficulties more to manage household chores. For example, she may have to walk more to fetch drinking water if the nearby tube well is submerged during flood rendering its water not suitable for drinking. Thus, gender, as a social construct, produces dissimilar motivation among men & women. In the context of disaster, the motivation for better preparedness is greater among women than men which explain higher participation of women than men. So, the disaster has the different meaning to men and women. Women

(Source : Primary data collected from field)

Family

64.16

Small Group

Mobilization of Family Survival Kit (FSK)- preservation of food, fodder, fuel & documents for disaster situation

59.77

Community

81.52

71.84

58.31

Community

Small Group

52.43

Female

18.48

28.16

35.84

40.23

41.69

47.57

Male

Average % of participants

Community

Place / Environment

Participation in activities of Task Forces (TF)

Gram Sansad level mobilization for conducting PLA & sensitisation meetings PLA - for generation of resource map & preparation of Plan of Action Gram Sansad Meeting - presentation of written Plan of Action (PoA) / Village Development Plan Participation (on regular basis) in Meeting, Training, Workshop etc

Processes/Stages

Table 3: sex wise share of participants in disaster preparedness Gender Perspective in Disaster Preparedness a Study in Flood-prone... 59

60



have to suffer more than men due to their lower position in the society. Their bitter experiences and realization forced them to participate more in the process of disaster preparedness. However, internal (psychological) motivation does not offer a full explanation of such unusually high rate of women participation. At least, four (4) other external factors, on which we will discuss in subsequent sections, favourably affected the participation of women in disaster preparedness. These factors are

∑ pattern of work participation ∑ pattern of household management roles ∑ role of local opinion leadership ∑ existence of self help groups & their role

B. Pattern of work participation- As shown in Table 4 average work participation rate is only 31.5 % while 53.2 % of male population is included in worker category. However, female work participation rate is only 8.2 % in the study area, though a low standard deviation & high value of coefficient of variation (CV) indicates that there are few exceptions among the villages. On the other hand, share of female non workers among female population is 91.8 % with low standard deviation & low value of coefficient of variation (CV). Table 4: Characteristics of sample villages Sex Ratio(FMR) Literacy Rate Male Literacy Rate Female Literacy Rate Work participation rate (WPR) Male work participation rate Female work participation rate Total Non Worker Male Non Worker Female Non Worker (Source: Census 2001)

Average 931 43.5 52.5 33.8 31.5 53.2 8.2 68.5 46.8 91.8

Standard Deviation (SD) 49.8 11.8 12.2 12.0 4.5 4.0 7.6 4.5 4.0 7.6

Coefficient of Variation (CV) 5.4 27.2 23.1 35.5 14.3 7.5 92.7 6.6 8.6 8.3


61

These indicate that women were comparatively less engaged in occupational activities in study villages. So we can infer that it was easier for women to take part in disaster preparedness activities. C. Pattern of household management roles- Although women participants were more than men participants in each stage of the CBDP project, it can be seen from Table 3 that –

∑ Average percentage of male participants was more than 40% during the Gram Samsad mobilization, during the PLA & at Gram Samsad meetings. Interestingly all the three types of processes were carried out in open community setting. ∑ Women participation was lowest during the three phases. In next two phases, processes like meetings, workshops & training of task forces were conducted. These are conducted in closed group settings. It can be seen that women’s rate of participation were more in processes carried out in group settings than in processes carried out in community settings. ∑ In the task of mobilizing Family Survival Kits, which is done in household or family setting, women’s rate of participation was highest (81.52 %), while fewest men were involved in this process.

Clearly women’s participation was most when the activities were carried out in household; comparatively lower when the activities are conducted in groups; and lowest when the process was conducted in community settings. For the men, the scenario of participation is vice versa. The main causes which lead to such pattern of participation are 1. The prevalent pattern of division of labour - Traditionally, women carry out responsibilities to manage the household chores like cooking, fuel management, cleaning, sweeping, storing drinking water etc. while male members go outside to earn wages. Due to engagement with household jobs women general find it hard to get time to engage in community roles. It is due to this reason percentage of women were comparatively lower in the activities like Gram Samsad mobilization, PLA & Gram Samsad meeting etc. On the other hand, women were better equipped to mobilize family survival kits as they did not have to move far from house to complete this task. 2. Physical absence of men are when the flood is approaching- In this region, men, during daytime, largely remain outside the house

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as they have to manage agricultural activities on field or have go outside the village for earning wages. Consequently, they are somewhere else other than dwelling house when the flood comes. So there is little scope for men to involve in mobilizing family survival kits. Even when men have not gone outside, it has been found that they get busy in moving the crop, livestock, and poultry birds to higher place to save those resources when the flood approaches. Interestingly, similar behaviour has also been noted by Ariyabandu & Wickramasinghe (2003) among the rural villagers of Punjab province of Pakistan. D. Role of local opinion leaders- It has been known from the NGO personnel that Islamic religious leaders & local political leaders (including Gram Panchayat members) were patiently & strategically persuaded at the inception stage of the project and even before conducting PLA. However, role of religious leaders deserve a special mention. Except the Alugram Gram Panchayat, the other three GPs have Muslim population concentration. The Mosques are regarded very important institutions in these villages & the religious leaders command a good amount of control over formation of public opinion. It is a common belief among the Block & Gram Panchayat level functionaries that with the consent & moral support of religious leaders, development programmes can be more successful in these areas. In this connection, a local graduate who was involved in NGO activities commented that “taking part in these activities require the women to be out of house for long time which many villagers believe is a prohibited practice as per religion. Yet high rate of women participation became possible as there was enthusiasm on the quarter of the Mosque”. During group interactions number of women participants reported that male members of their family did not put restriction on their movement, imposing what was considered to be usual behaviour in other respects, when they came to attend workshops, camps or had to visit Gram Panchayat/NGO office. It can be deduced from above discussion that local Islamic religious leaders figured that there was nothing antagonistic to religion if people, in general, & Muslim women, in particular, take part in disaster preparedness activities since this had direct connection with saving life of self & others. Though not explicitly stated it can also be inferred from the above discussion that consent & support of religious leaders were inversely correlated with degree of restriction imposed by male members of the


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family on the female members. Therefore, religious belief & opinion of religious leaders may play a crucial role in realizing or restricting participation of both gender and, especially of women. E. Existence of Self Help Groups & their role- On an average, there were 2/3 Self Help Groups (SHGs) in each of the 52 Gram Samsads of 4 selected Gram Panchayats when the CBDP project was started. The SHGs provide an enabling environment for the rural women to come out of house and take part in disaster preparedness activities. The group dynamics build a positive impact on the mind of women, who realize that there are a larger section of women who have similar problems and life situations. This gives a platform to the women for creating a common bond. The members of SHGs are mostly poor women as most of SHGs are comprised of only women members. During the interaction, many SHG members reported that they took active part to communicate to other women living in neighbourhood to take part in training camps & workshops. One vocal SHG member, Mumtaj Begum of Alugram commented – “before the promotion of SHG we were engaged only in our house activities. But after promotion of SHG, we joined in this group and now we are in a better position to take many decisions instantly and also we are the member of the Task Force of CBDP”. CBDP project encouraged the women as well as the entire community to build connection & get help from the mainstream development & administrative system. Linkage with block level offices & Gram Panchayats were absolutely necessary to get timely information of impending flood for early warning, and also for procuring aids & materials like bleaching powder, first aid kits, sanitary napkins etc. SHGs have been particularly helpful to create confidence among women to access the Gram Panchayat & Block level offices. Due to repeated visit to Block office, some of SHG members’ face became so much known to officials that, an Animator of SHGs said, –“sometimes they become more effective than NGO officials to get the work done”. It is clear that the SHGs played an enabling & critical role not only by encouraging women in coming out of house for participation in disaster preparedness activities, but also instilling confidence among women to face administrative systems for accessing various resources & to maintain coordination with mainstream development system. F. Quality of participation- Robert Chambers (2002) used an analogy of a ladder to explain various stages of people’s participation. In his ‘ladder

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of participation’, six (6) stages in sequence of qualitative advancement are - passive, consultative, contributory, functional, interactive,& self mobilization. While most rural development projects are regarded to incorporate the elements of one or more from first five (5) categories of participation, very few projects or programmers or organization strive to elevate the community to the self-mobilization category. In the ‘self mobilization’ stage, the community becomes aware of their need & find solution of their problem without help or little help of the outside development agencies. In the whole CBDP process, two modes of participation are easily identifiable. These are ‘functional participation’ and ‘interactive participation’. Functional participation took place during the training workshops & operation of task groups. On the other hand, interactive participation took place during PLA exercises, preparation of plan, & presentation in Gram Samsad meetings. These two type of participation occurred as per expectation laid down in project design. However, there was an elevation in the quality of participation when some SHGs collectively started to use their micro-savings to form a cash contingency fund with a goal to use the fund during the flood and just after flood. During the period of flood & just after flood, there is a dearth of cash at the disposal of the poor families. There is hardly any scope to earn daily wages immediately after flood as the flood render a large portion of the agricultural land waterlogged. A cash contingency fund comes handy at this juncture to purchase food primarily and, also for repairing of houses. During this critical period, approaching the bank is regarded an unwelcome & hazardous task. Hence, to access the savings with ease and in time, the idea of cash contingency fund came. The SHG members together withdraw a certain amount of money from bank account whenever they see a possibility of flood. This liquid money is given as credit to the SHG members’ family for the purpose of consumption as per the situational requirement. Undoubtedly, the idea of cash contingency fund was a novel & an innovative one. This can be termed as a form of ‘self mobilization’ since the community members themselves innovated this solution. But more interestingly, the cash contingency fund has been observed to be maintained & operated only by women-only SHGs. No SHGs having menonly membership or mixed membership was found to create such cash contingency fund. Women SHG members share a stronger psychological bond than the men. The elements of mutual faith, interdependence & intra-group accountability are stronger among women SHGs than men-


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only SHGs or mixed membership SHGs. The existence of these crucial elements among women SHGs explain why 100 % of participants involved in creation & maintenance of cash contingency fund related were women.

CONCLUSION The brief analytical endeavour produced above on the basis of predominantly qualitative nature of field interaction shows that there exist an interplay of a number of factors which determines the way women & men prepare themselves for disasters. Five (5) such identified factors are – ∑ Vulnerability experienced by individuals and the resultant motivation ∑ pattern of work participation ∑ pattern of household management roles ∑ role of local opinion leadership ∑ existence of self help groups & their role The first factor may be regarded as an intra-personal factor in regard to participation in disaster preparedness activities, while other factors are social in nature. But these factors produce dissimilar social experiences for men & women. The social experiences play important roles in determining the level and nature of motivation & responses to social stimuli. Thus gender becomes an explanatory variable in understanding the nature of participation of individuals in disaster preparedness activities. There should not be any dilemma in making inference that above mentioned external factors need to be taken into account in designing & implementing any initiative that aims to reduce the disaster vulnerabilities of a community in a gender sensitive way. But more importantly, effort should be made to make people conscientious how prevailing social situation is affecting their life. We have already seen that the SHGs were instrumental in empowering the women who innovated the concept of cash contingency fund during the flood. Such instances provide the reason to believe that a conscientious approach may lead to empowerment of people & positive social changes.

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References 1. Advanced Centre For Enabling Disaster Risk Reduction. The Role of Microfinance and Microinsurance in Disaster Management (Research Brief 2). UNISDR. http://www.unisdr.org/files/20073_researchbrief2roleofmicrofinanceind.pdf. (accessed 25 July 2011). 2. Ariyabandu, M. & Wickramasinghe, M. (2003). Gender Dimensions in Disaster Management - A Guide for South Asia. Colombo: Intermediate Technology Center. 3. Centre for Research on Epidemiology of Disasters. (2007). Thirty Years of Natural Disasters 1974-2003: The Numbers. Belgium: CRED. 4. Chambers, R. (2002). Operationalising Participatory Approaches in Natural Resource Management. Report of the Workshop on ABC Workshop. Ahmedabad: Development Support Center. 5. Department of Disaster Management, Government of West Bengal. (2005). West Bengal State Disaster Management Policy & Framework. Kolkata, West Bengal: DoDM-GoWB. 6. Department of Law. (2009). The West Bengal Panchayats Act, 1973. Kolkata: Government of West Bengal. 7. Department of Relief. (2003). An Outline of Disaster Management Plan (2003-04). Kolkata: GoWB. 8. Dhar. & Chakarbarti, P. G. (2006).Emerging Framework of Disaster Management in India. Yojana, May, 4-8. 9. Dhar. Chakrabarti, P. G. (2011). Disaster Management & Climate Change: India’a Risk Management - Policy Frameworks and Key Challenges. indiaenvironmentportal. Edited by Malini Mehra. Center for Social Market (India). http://www.indiaenvironmentportal. org.in/files/Swiss_Re_Disater_Management.pdf (accessed August 25, 2011). 10. Ministry of Law. (2005). Disaster Management Act, 2005. New Delhi: Ministry of Law, Govt. of India. 11. NDMA,GoI. (2010). National Disaster Management GuidelinesRole of NGOs in Disaster Management. New Delhi: National Disaster Management Authority, Govt.of India. 12. O’Malley, L.S.S. (1914). Bengal District Gazetteers - Murshidabad. Calcutta: The Bengal Secretariat Book Depot. 13. OXFAM International. (2005). The Thunami’s Impact on Women. Briefing Note. UK: OXFAM International.


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14. Parasuram, S. & Unnikrishnan, P. V. (2000). India Disasters Report – Towards a Policy Initiative. New Delhi: Oxford University Press. 15. UNDP & GoWB Department of Disaster Management. (2009). Biporjoy Byabosthapon Prokolpe Mohila o Puruser Boisomyo Nirosone Samata Bidhan (In Bengali Language). Kolkata: Department of Disaster Management,GoWB. 16. UNISDR., UNDP. & IUCN. Making Disaster Risk Reduction Gender Sensitive - Policy & Practice Guidelines. Gender-Climate.org. June 2009. http://www.gender-climate.org/pdfs/9922_MakingDisasterRiskReductionGenderSe%20copy.pdf (accessed July 28, 2011). 17. Walsh, J. H. T. (1902). A History of Murshidabad District (Bengal) : With Biographies of Some of its Noted Families, by J. H. Tull Walsh, (37-40). London: Jarrold & Sons.

Tribal Development in the North Eastern Part of India: Reality and Constrains –Ajeet Jaiswal1

Abstract The idea of “tribes” is particularly complex in the Indian subcontinent, where indigenous/primitive inhabitants were neither eliminated, nor quite absorbed, by the rising civilization in the course of history. It is plain enough that the demography of tribal people cannot loom large in India’s overall demographic scene (the former’s relative size being only a little more than 8%). The ‘practice’ of tribal development started with the British but they never concealed their motive in following the ‘tasks of mercy’. The gravity of situation was well realized at the dawn of independence. In the beginning itself, it was realized that tribals must be ‘integrated’ into the national mainstream—they should neither be assimilated, nor isolated. This paper attempts to investigate Tribal Development in the North Eastern Part of India and try to explain its reality and their constrains. For this the researcher discuss about the concept of tribal development, meaning of Tribal and Development, features of Tribes in the North-East, Barriers or Constrains to Tribal development. Key Words: North Eastern, Tribal development, Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes

Introduction The practice of tribal development started with the British (though some may claim that emperor Asoka was the first one to initiate the process by creating the post of Anta-mahamatya—the minister to look after the downtrodden—but nothing is known about the steps taken in this regard.) But they never concealed their motive in following the ‘tasks of mercy’. The aim was either to keep the tribals isolated from the ‘national’ mainstream, thus keeping them away from the menace of freedom-struggle; or by the 1 Assistant Professor at Department of Anthropology, Pondicherry University, Puducherry; India. E-mail: [email protected]

Tribal Development in the North Eastern Part of India: Reality and Constrains

69

same process, to convert them to the religion of Christ so that they identify themselves more with the Crown and its interests in the country. Though they were quite successful in achieving their motives, the tribals, because of their inherent psyche of never being subservient, at will blasted into minor or major revolts. Upto 1920s our national leaders had no incling about the plight of these ‘sons of the soil’ 1. The gravity of situation was well realized at the dawn of independence and Articles 38 (State to secure a social order for the promotion of welfare of the people) and 46 (Promotion of educational and economic interests of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and other weaker sections) 2,3 were incorporated into the Constitution not only for the weaker sections of the society to be protected against exploitation but also to help them in economic development. We must, however add that the task of development was to be implemented by the same bureaucracy within the same normative structure as was existing in the pre-independence times. There had to be a clash between the formal apathetic attitude of bureaucracy and the humanitarian angle envisaged in the Constitution—the resultant mess, thus created, is understandable 27,28. In the beginning itself, it was realized that tribals must be ‘integrated’ into the national mainstream—they should neither be assimilated, nor isolated. Without realising the odds heavily weighing against the STs, the task was approached as a routine work. Some of the STs (mostly the vocal and influential among them) cornered the fruits of tribal development in the early Plans— enhancing their position and further accessibility to resources. The very STs have been gaining substantially during every subsequent Plan. These tribal ‘elites’ have changed their habitats and life styles and live mostly in the urban centers enjoying the best facilities available. They have got assimilated into rest of the society but have retained the tag of ST to garner the benefits that should have gone to their really needy brethren. They, sitting in their luxurious apartments or fivestar hotels, harp on the poor state of tribals and claim to be the spokesmen of STs in general 3,4,5 . Against this is a vast ocean of humanity being fed on the promises. These poor STs have, since decades, been looking for the governmental measures while toiling, to survive. These also include the STs who were better off but have reached this sorry state because of the wrong deeds of government or exploitation through private individuals/groups. In the name of tribal development roads were constructed and these “roads of development” turned out to be “roads to exploitation”. Through these road money-lenders, forest contractors, government officials etc.

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entered the tribal world to claim their own shares of tribal resources. Forest policy was reoriented dissociating tribals from land which is not only their source of livelihood but also a very vital aspect of their cultural and psychological make-up. Gradually, they were uprooted— socially, culturally, economically, politically, ritually, psychologically and physically. Today’s tribal has a hazy future, dark future, no future at all. Even though the preference of Anthropologist to the study of tribal development and the consequent prolific growth of literature on the subject, one has reasons to feel dissatisfied with the status of tribal research in India, which is marked, by and large, by a low level of sophistication 6. No serious attempts have been made even to conceptualize the term ‘tribe’, and social scientists have willy-nilly accepted a legalistic definition. For them tribes -are those which are included in the Scheduled Tribes list in the Constitution of India. The 414 tribes listed following the 1956 Presidential Notification differ greatly in their habitats, modes of production, degree of isolation, degree of acculturation, level of development, social customs, beliefs and so on 7.

Tribal and Development Starting with the issue of tribal development we must first try to define the two terms ‘tribal’ and ‘development’. Tribals are the people, who in anthropological literature, are characterized generally by majority of the following features: isolated ethnic groups, low density of population, primitive economy, primitive technology, primitive political organization, primitive religion and lack of script of their language. Truly speaking, hardly any of the population groups on the Indian mainland can lay claim of being a ‘tribal’ group. The tribals in India comprise of the groups which are declared tribals as per an order of the President. In other words these are the Scheduled tribes 4,5,6. The anthropologist’s conception of a tribe as a small, culturally distinct and economically self-sufficient community with a language of its own and an autonomous political organization is utterly inappropriate to the so-called tribal groups in India 7. Some go to the extent of stating that the concept of a tribe is an anachronism in the present-day world, since there is no criterion to divide humanity into two branches, tribes and non-tribes. In the present day world, smaller, isolated, technologically backward communities have either become extinct or have become part of one or the other greater civilizations of the world 8. It is unfortunate that,


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following classical colonial anthropology, Indian anthropologists have depicted tribes as small, selfcontained, self-sufficient and autonomous communities practicing subsistence economy with the lack of or limited external trade, in which exploitation and social conflict have no place. They have attempted to demonstrate the non-existence of any differentiation among the tribal population and, thus strengthened and propagated the same myth of homogeneity held and propagated by political leaders and populists 9. Failure to take cognizance of the uneven distribution of assets among tribal households, expansion of trade, political centralization and emergence of an exploiting group based on antagonistic production relationships has been responsible for evolving inappropriate strategies for tribal development. Another superficial approach to the problem of tribal development emanates from equating tribal areas with any other economically backward area and recommending identical packages of measures for their uplift. Tribals, as a class, are viewed as poor 10; they are described as constituting the matrix of Indian poverty11. Quite apart from the fact that scantiness in some tribal societies, particularly those living in inaccessible regions, may just represent a mode of living in their natural setting, rather than being reflective of their poverty,12 the approach oversimplifies the complex problem of tribal development by making it a purely economic one. The problem is more basic and includes, apart from economic development, preservation of ethnic identity, ecology, language, culture, style of living, indigenous practices, etc. A mere plan of economic development would be utterly inadequate. Along with economic planning, there should be social and political planning in an integrated manner.13 Tribes in India are not only numerous, but also differ widely in their habitat, level of development, modes of production, exposure to the wider world, traditional values, customs, beliefs, etc. There are tribes living in inaccessible hill tops, having minimal contact with the world beyond them. There are tribes in the plains living with non-tribal population and obviously having a large degree of interdependence. There are tribes practicing diverse modes of production, right from hunting, fishing, fruit-gathering to being engaged as industrial-urban workers. Some tribes have gone far ahead of others educationally. There are tribes with collective ownership of land and forest resources ensuring an egalitarian and unstructured social set-up and exhibiting a strong sense of solidarity. There are also tribes having individual ownership of property leading to a structured society akin to our own. While there are tribes which have been coming into the fold of the Hindu cultural pattern, there

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are those which are moving in the opposite direction. 14 The movement from the tribal to the peasant has not been a unidirectional one14. With such diversities, attempts to evolve a general scheme of tribal development, having universal application to all tribes in India, are bound to be abortive. Tribal development, because of the diverse situations, has to be areaspecific. Defining ‘development’ is quite a tricky preposition. There is no consensus on the definition because different sciences interpret it differently. In layman terms, development is a change in the positive or progress direction. But these terms ‘positive’ and ‘progressive’ are value loaded. We should consider development as “Change in the desired direction”. The connotation may not much be disputed if one is talking about his/her development. However, when we talk about as sensitive an issue as tribal development, the question that automatically comes is: whose desires- those of the planners, of implementers or of tribals themselves. The question becomes more relevant when we realize that in the name of ‘tribal development’ others have tried and have imposed their will on tribals 5, 15 . There is another dimension of development, especially when we talk about economic development, because without any proper time frame economic development is meaningless. In full, therefore, development should be defined as the “change in desired direction within stipulated time.” And it is a well known fact that we have neither cared for the desire of tribals nor adhered to any self-imposed time limit. The problems and prospects of tribal development north-eastern region of India may be considered along two axes: (a) as ethnic entities and (b) as status-class 16.

Tribes in the North-East Diversity is also a characteristic of the tribal population of the northeastern region of India. However, tribes of this region may be divided broadly into hill-dwelling and valley-dwelling with distinct economic problems. The economic problems of the valley-dwelling tribes are not basically different from those of the Indian peasantry in general. Because of their long exposure to the national economy, polity and society, they have retained very little of their indigenous economic and political practices and institutions. Save some social practices and physical features, they are

Sikkim Tripura

Arunachal Pradesh

7 8

9

8.58

4.06 27.45

8443.24 222.94 18.37 17.61 6.86 12.16

Total

6.59

1.09 8.73

806.64 32.68 5.80 16.08 6.50 9.72

ST

76.80

26.85 31.80

9.55 14.65 31.75 91.32 94.75 79.93

ST Population Percentage of Total

1991 Census

Source: Ministry of Tribal Affair, GOI, Annual Report, 2009-1017

India Assam Manipur1 Meghalaya Mizoram Nagaland

India/North Eastern State

1 2 3 4 5 6

S.No.

10.98

5.41 31.99

10286.10 266.56 21.67 2 3.19 8.89 19.90

Total

7.05

1.11 9.93

843.26 33.09 7.41 19.93 8.39 17.74

ST

64.22

20.60 31.05

8.20 12.41 34.20 85.94 94.46 89.15

ST Population Percentage of Total

2001Census

(in Lakhs)

Tribal Development in the North Eastern Part of India: Reality and Constrains 73

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indistinguishable in their modes of production and pattern of consumption from the non-tribal peasant class. Money has made inroads into these societies. Division of labour on the basis of skill has taken place. Private ownership of resources has taken firm roots resulting in social stratification. Because of non-insulation from stronger national forces, the areas inhabited by plains tribes have become, by and large, more impoverished economically. Barring the case of the elite, members of which are extremely limited in number, the great majority of the plains tribal population has been reduced to a position of poor peasants. As a class, they probably represent a classic case of poverty within poverty. As geographical areas, they are grossly deficient in infrastructural facilities. These tribes suffer from land alienation, landlessness, land fragmentation and outmoded agricultural practices 1,3,5. Comparison of Scheduled Tribals Population of North- Eastern States of India: 1991 and 2001 Here the strategy for tribal development must be both area-specific and household-specific. Apart from creating additional infrastructural facilities like transport and communication, education, health and hygiene, irrigation etc, specific family-oriented schemes for the uplift of those living below the poverty line must be initiated. Utmost importance should, however, be placed on the formation and development of local skills so that the tribals can diversify their occupations and partake increasingly of the benefits of national developmental measures. Legislative measures granting them some special concessions can also be of some help, although too much of protection for too long a period may prove detrimental to them in the long run 1,4. Tribes living in the hills, with some minor exceptions, are not yet integrated into the national, economy. Their contacts with the national economy have been minimal largely because of the difficult terrain of their habitation and partly because of deliberate policy measures. Only recently they have been exposed to the national economic system to some extent. Attempts to extend the national economy to these communities in haste in the name of tribal development are likely to be counter-productive of development, besides setting in motion waves of social unrest. In fact, the emergent tribal identity or the recent trend towards retribalization can be attributed to a large extent to their sudden exposure to the national economic forces. Let me elaborate this at some length. The national economy of India is money controlled and dominated substantially by mercantile and industrial capital. It has links with the


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world economy, which, in its turn, is dominated by multinationals of industrial capitalist countries. The multinationals have their stronghold in all the developing countries, including India. Being a money economy with private ownership of the means of production, individualism ailed profit motive are the mainsprings of Indian national economy 2,5. The tribal communities, on the other hand, are far from being fully monetized. A large volume of transactions still takes place within these communities through barter. Money as a medium of exchange is used mostly to settle transactions with the non-tribals, which are analogous to external trade. Money has not emerged in the tribal communities as a store of value (status symbol), measure of value and standard of deferred payments. Although periodic markets exist in these societies where small quantities are bought and sold, often without the use of money in faceto- face transactions at the market site, the market mechanism as the resource allocative device has not developed. A market for factors of production has not come up. In fact, the entire tribal setting is different 5,18,19. Production is meant primarily for self-consumption, not for transactions. All members of a tribal family, including children, take an active part in production. The technology used is indigenous which fits well into the ecological surrounding. There is a complete absence of machine technology. Collective endeavor is a strongly developed feature in such a society, which can be observed in many economic activities. Here the tribals live in a world of their own. Life is one of great physical hardship, but the tribal life in the hills is also one of gaiety and merriment. Being an insulated society, a tribal community hardly produces any surplus over what is required for self-consumption. The sense of solidarity and strong community feelings preclude anything like poverty in such societies. It is these tribal societies which are expressing their agonies of transformation with the entry into the national economy. Development, to a non-tribal, means more roads, more industrial units, more production and consumption, more saving and investment. But when roads (railway lines) are constructed linking tile long isolated hill tribal areas, more people come from outside, not for sight-seeing, but for gaining economic advantages. There is land grabbing; tribal land gets alienated. The tribals develop a taste for industrial products 5. Not having the means to get their wishes fulfilled, they get indebted to the traders and moneylenders, who begin to gain effective control over the tribal resources. Whenever an industrial unit is set up in a tribal area, there is again an inflow of people from other areas to man it, since local expertise for this kind of work is

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lacking. The tribals uprooted from their soil, become, at the most, wage earners in the factory. The national market is extended. Money takes a firmer grip, making the earlier style of life, indigenous economic, social and political institutions irrelevant. There is even a threat of the tribal population becoming a minority. The fear of losing their ethnic identity looms large on the horizon. If development entails turning the masters into slaves to some modern gadgets, will it not be wiser not to extend the national developmental measures to these tribal societies by legally insulating them from the rest of the national economy? The answer is in the negative. First, the hill tribal areas constitute a segment, and a very important segment, of the national economy. It is here that the mineral, forest and water resources are located and national economic development demands utilization of these resources 18, 19. However, haste must be avoided. The pace and intensity of utilization of resources must be in a manner which produces the least adverse effects on the tribal societies. Secondly, measures to insulate these societies are not going to work for long. Capitalism represents too strong a force to be contained by legislative devices. Getting themselves integrated into the larger economic order appears, therefore, to be the only way out even in the interest of the tribals themselves. What should be emphasized in the development strategy for hill tribal areas is softening the impact of the changeover and preparing the tribals to accept the challenge with greater ability and vigor. Some of the indigenous institutions will become irrelevant; they will die down. Some will be adjusted to the new economic order and some retained as they are. The strategy of tribal development also requires defining in clear terms the contents of development for the tribals. These are bound to be different from the national contents. Economic development for the tribals, and also for the north-eastern region, as I have defined elsewhere, it is a persistent rise in per capita income in real terms emanating from increased domestic factor productivity without accentuating economic disparities. This must be achieved while minimizing the adverse effects on future resource availability and ecology and without jeopardizing, ethnic identity21. Development, whether tribal or otherwise, is a value loaded term as it signifies a process of change in the desired direction. It is an indivisible whole, although for the sake of convenience it is decomposed into economic, political, cultural, educational, spiritual and the like. It is a


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harmonious, balanced progress in different spheres of individual and societal life. Lop-sided progress in one sphere is often at the expense of progress in another (others). When this happens, overall development, which we want to maximize, becomes a casualty.

Barriers or Constrains to Tribal development North-east India is the meeting point of south Asia, south-east Asia and East Asia. Strategic, political, economic and ideological developments in each of these subcontinents have bearing on one or the other part of north-east India. Besides many of the tribes in north-east India have their counterparts in the adjoining countries. Policy planners in north-east India will require having awareness and sensitivity about the happenings in the neighboring countries of the three subcontinents of Asia. Most of the tribal communities of north- east India have traditions of migration from east or south-east Asia, either directly or through stages. In post-independence period during all crisis situations, one or the other interest-group in India and outside has tried to take up these grey areas of tradition, to weaken national cohesion. In the face of it, and in the context of the fact that the tribal communities tend to constitute marginalised status-class, national unity in north-east India can be cemented only by emphasising the significance of India as the vanguard nation against colonialism and as one com mitted to non-capitalist path of development. There must however be consistent and continuous manifestation of these. Ideological dimension must be there in addition to emotional and material dimensions. The density of population per sq km in north-east India was 151 compared to 324 at the all India level during 2001 census. But these figures do not represent the whole of reality. In north-east India as a whole, particularly in Arunachal, practically the entire indigenous population lives on agriculture. On the other hand, Net sown area (NSA) in the region has increased from 31.61 lakh ha in 1977 to 38.05 lakh ha in 1995-96. The proportion of net sown area to total area is as low as 15 per cent as against 46.6 per cent for all-India average. Thus population per sq km of gross cultivated area was much higher in north-east India (587) than that in India as a whole (398) 20. This reality is to be kept in view in determining population policy and in habitat planning and production planning. In Manipur and Tripura, it is claimed that the king was the owner of all lands in the property sense. Hence, it is asserted that with accession of

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these princes’ states to India, all lands other than those on which personal ownership rights can be established are owned by the state. Even the Law Research Institute of Guahati High Court has accepted these claims without further scrutiny. A careful study of the histories of Manipur and Tripura shows that these claims are not based on incontrovertible facts. On the other hand, land policy of virtual expropriation, based on such claims tends to stiffle participatory development process and rationalise bureaucratic intervention. There are two approaches to law-one is legal positivism which considers ‘command law’ of the political authority as the source of legitimisation; the other is legal pluralism which accepts the law in terms of which the people live their life as the source of legitimisation. During the colonial dispensation the command law of the rulers prevailed. Now there is a growing awareness even among a section of the judiciary, about the incongruity of the command law orientation in a democratic society. Unfortunately, the initiative taken by the North East Council for appraisal of the legal systems in the different states, particularly in matters relating to land and land-based resources have tended to augment the legal positivistic orientation, notwithstanding some advocacy in favour of the legal pluralism in dealing with inheritance, succession, trots and minor crimes. This will be a source of trouble in future. Land reform in India, correctly envisages abolition of exploitative intermediaries between the state and the individuals. But in north-east India most of the tribal communities derive only a part of their income from cultivation. They also earn substantially through collection of roots, tubers, leaves and other jungle products. They have access to these resources as members of their respective communities. Hence if on the analogy with other areas, community as ‘intermediary’ between the state and the individual householders is removed, the tribal households will be actually dispossessed of much larger resources, though their rights over small areas of settled agricultural land will be consolidated.22 The current practice in some parts of the country is to confine cadastral survey to nine degree slope only, because of technical difficulty of accurate survey, beyond that at a reasonable cost. This has adversely affected the rights of tribal landholders in those areas. The exact position in north-east India is to be checked. As against the targeted expenditure of Rs 154.00 crore in the North Eastern Region, the actual expenditure was only Rs 134.19 crore (87.1%). With the aim of creating cultural awareness in the North Eastern Region and identifying/promoting vanishing folk art traditions in rural/semi-urban areas the North East Community Support Group


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(NECSG), North Eastern Zillmere Community Centre (ZCC) has been set up at Dimapur. The progress under the scheme of Multipurpose Cultural Complexes (MPCC) has been slow and the scheme not yet been evaluated in any of the States. The MPCC did not meet any criteria for a CSS and only about 25% of the projects sanctioned have been completed. As per the Zero Based Budgeting (ZBB) exercise, the scheme was discontinued in Budget 2007–08. Initiatives were taken to set up the Central Institute of Himalayan Cultural Studies at Dahung AP for promoting traditional Buddhist Studies 25,31. The approach towards utilization of earmarked funds, save for few activities listed above, was far from satisfactory. It is essential that the 10% earmarked resources are not only invested for the NE States but also in the NER. It is obvious that the statistical parameters will have to be suitably modified to reflect the realities of the region and planning strategy will have to be adjusted accordingly. Land-man ratio in most areas of north- east India is such that by reorienting production schedule many of the basic needs can be satisfied locally. If after ensuring that, massive commercialisation is attempted, the population will be less vulnerable to market manipulation by speculators and monopoly concerns. But in many areas an opposite strategy has been adopted and development outlay has been planned accordingly. Thus not infrequently, ‘development’ is suspected to have provided ability for siphoning of resources from the region 29. National Committee on Development of Backward Areas has recommended individualisation of communal ownership in the north-east for the sake of ‘progress’. As a result, attempts are made to implement development programmes by short circuiting the community. But only powerful individuals within the community can do it, with the support of bureaucracy. This is creating neo-feudal rights where such rights do not exist or exist only in incipient form. In terms of political economy what is taking place is anti-development, through ‘development’. The dimensions of constraint indicated in earlier section do not exhaust the list. But these suggest the need of reorientation of approach. In that case it will be found that the poverty alleviation programme as implemented in north-east India is artificial in content; it will also bring out the fact that the schemes meant for the poor are not always compatible with their sociocultural specificities.23 Besides this will highlight the problem of balanced operation of various sources of institutional finance.24,30 Lastly it will give an indication of ancillary legislation for the community organisations to function as channels for the flow of institutional finance.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS An author grateful for the assistance and encouragement of my supervisor Prof. A.K. Kapoor and co-supervisor Prof. Satwanti Kapoor Department of Anthropology, University of Delhi and Dr. Sahin Sultana, Department of Social Work, Pondicherry University. An author is also thankful to Department of Anthropology and Department of Social Work, Pondicherry University for giving all types of assistance to carry out the present work.

References 1. Bhagabati A. C. (2001). Emergent Tribal Identity in North-East India. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company. 2. Burman B K R (1988). Land Reforms in North- east India. Mainstream, Vol.1 (8) 3. Burman B K R (1989). Towards Poverty Alleviation Programme in Nagaland and Manipur. New Delhi: Mittal Publishers. 4. Burman B. K. R. (1972). “Integrated Area Approach to the Problems of the Hill Tribes of North East India”, in K Singh, (ed), Tribal Situation in India. New Delhi: Inter-India Publications. 5. Burman, B K R (1990). Problem of Institutional Finance in Northeast India. Mainstream. Vol.3 (5) 6. Burman, B.K.R. (1989). Problems and Prospects of Tribal Development in North-East India. Economic and Political Weekly. Vol. 24 (13), pp. 693-697. 7. Chaudhuri, B. (1982). Tribal Development in India. New Delhi: InterIndia Publications. 8. Chaudhuri, B. (1992). Tribal Development in India: Economy and Agrarian issues. New Delhi: Inter-India Publications. 9. Goswami A. (1984). Tribal Development with Special Reference to North-East India. Social Scientist.Vol.12 (8), pp. 55-60. 10. Hooja, M. (2004). Policies and strategies for tribal development: Focus on the central tribal belt. New Delhi: Rawat Publications. 11. Majumdar D. N. (1982). An Appraisal of the Tribal Situation in North East India, In Pankaj Thakur (Ed.), India’s North East. Tinsukia: Prakash Publishing House. 12. Mehta P. C. (2004). Ethnographic atlas of Indian tribes. New Delhi: Discovery Publishing House.


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13. Ministry of Tribal Affair (2010). Annual Report 2009-10. New Delhi: Government of India, 14. Ministry of Tribal Affair (2011). Annual Report 2010-11. New Delhi: Government of India. 15. National Council of Applied Economic Research (1978). Report on Socio-Economic Conditions of Primitive Tribes in Madhya Pradesh. New Delhi: National Council of Applied Economic Research 16. Pathy, Jaganath. (1974). An Outline of Modes of Production in Tribal India, In Buddhadeb Chaudhury (Ed.): Tribal Development in India. New Delhi, Inter-India Publications. 17. Patliy J. (1974). An Outline of Modes of Production in Tribal India, in Buddhadeb Chaudhury (Ed.): Tribal Development in India. New Delhi: Inter-India Publications. 18. Planning Commission (2011). Annual Report 2010-11. New Delhi: Government of India. 19. Rath G. C. (2006). The Tribal Development in India. New Delhi: Sage Publication. 12-18. 20. Ratha S. N., Pfeffer G, Behera D. K. (1999). Contemporary Society. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company. 21. Ratha S. N., Pfeffer G, Behera D. K. (2002). Concept of tribal society. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, New Delhi. 22. Sachchidananda, R. R. P (1996). Encyclopaedic profile of Indian tribes. New Delhi: Discovery Publishing House. 23. Sharma B. D. (1978). Tribal Develpment: The Concept and the Frame. New Delhi: Praclii Prakashan. 24. Singh P. K. (2004). Tribal Development in India: What Went Wrong. J. Soci. Res., 26: I & II, 26-32. 25. Sinha S. (1974). Rethinking about Tribes and Indian Civilisation, in Buddhadeb Chaudhury (Ed.), Tribal Development in India. New Delhi: Inter-India Publications. 26. Thakur D. (1994). Tribal Life in India: Tribal agriculture and animal husbandry. New Delhi: Deep & Deep Publications. 27. Vaid N.K. (1992). Who Care for Tribal Development. New Delhi: Ashtam Publication 28. Vidyarthi L. P. (1974). Problems and Prospects of Tribal Development in India, in Buddhadeb Chaudhury (Ed.), Tribal Development in India. New Delhi: Inter-India Publications. 29. Vidyarthi L. P. and Rai B. K. (1985). The Tribal Culture in India. New Delhi: Concept Publishing Company, New Delhi, 24-39

Sex Identity vs. Sexual Orientation: Understanding Transgender Category in India –L.T. Om Prakash1 and G. Karunanithi2

Abstract Emancipation and equality for the sexuality minorities in India is no longer a distant dream while taking into account the recent developments. The period of June- July 2009 drew the attention of academics, social activists and policy makers across India to the issues of sexuality minorities. During this period, their protests against discrimination were widely flashed in leading national dailies. The Delhi High Court legalized gay sex on July 2nd 2009 by declaring that the section 377, which criminalized some sexual acts of adults in private, though consensual in nature. It said that section 377 violated the fundamental right to live with freedom and equality guaranteed in the Indian constitution. It is indeed a landmark judgment enabling the third gender to exercise their rights. One can also understand that the Government of India is also cognizant of this trend. The Union Home Ministry claims that the section 377 of the Indian Penal Code defining ‘unnatural sex’ is an ‘absurdity in the present day’. Besides, the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare and the Ministry of Law called for an extensive public debate on this issue and stressed the importance of making the public understand and accept the changes proposed in the law and its repercussions if any. This paper attempts to analyze the conceptual problems in defining transgender and homosexual categories and tries to arrive at a conclusion based on a good deal of reasoning, which corroborates the claim that transgender people are to be differentiated from homosexuals and the liberation of the former would precede the latter. Key Words: Transgender, Homosexuality, Hijras, Sex Identity, Sexual Orientation 1 Assistant Professor of Sociology at Christ University, Bangalore; India; Email: [email protected] 2 Visiting Professor of Sociology at Corvinus University of Budapest, Budapest; Hungary

Sex Identity vs. Sexual Orientation: Understanding Transgender...

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Introduction Transgender is a tricky word to define, and it is often used as a “catchall” category for a range of those who “play with or “transgress” gender norms, including cross-dressers3, transvestites4 and transsexuals5 (Jonathan, 2005). But, the term ‘transgender’ usually refers to individuals who identify themselves with a physical sex which is different from their biological one. It is common to think of the term “trans” in “transgender” as moving horizontally between two established gendered spaces, “man” and “woman,” or as a spectrum, or archipelago that occupies the space between the two (Stryker, 2008). Heyes used the term ‘transgender’ to describe those who live a gender that they were not perinatally assigned or that is not in the publicly recognized binary gender systems. He used the term ‘transsexed’ to describe people who undergo (or hope to undergo) any of a number of physical interventions to bring their sexed body more closely into line with their gender identity (Heyes, 2003). In India, the term ‘transgender’ was used as a broader connotation for ‘transsexuals’. But, since the 1980s, it was expanded to an umbrella term for uniting all those whose gender identity did not mesh with their assigned gender at birth. They are locally known as Hijras6in India. They are males by birth but adopting female identity, clothing and roles later on. The term Hajra is used interchangeably with the term ‘transgender’ in India. Of the major sexuality minorities viz. gay, lesbian and transgender who come under the rubric of queer, transgender people are the most socially visible category in India. At the same time, common to each of these identities apart from their roots in sexuality is their questioning of the heteronormative ideal that claims that the only way in which two human beings can relate romantically, sexually, and emotionally is the heterosexual relation (Narrain, 2004). During the last decade of the 20th century, the hitherto private realm of sexuality emerged as a focal point and basis for various forms of political assertions. Now a days, India is increasingly witnessing people 3 Cross-dressers are those who wear clothes associated with the opposite sex. 4 In addition to cross-dressing, this word has extra physical connotation. 5 Those identify with a gender inconsistent with the biologically assigned sex. This word has a biological connotation than social. Sometimes used interchangeably with the word transgender. 6 Hijras in India and other South Asian countries are physiological males who adopt feminine gender identity, women's clothing and other feminine gender roles. They form a religious community of ascribed intersexual. Their major source of income is derived mostly from the practice of homosexual prostitution, begging in market places and trains and also singing and sexually suggestive dancing.

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who assert their right to be different as sexual beings in terms of their sexual orientation, gender identity, and sexual practices (Narrain, 2004). In this context, it is important to understand the difference between the transgender category and the homosexual category. But, most often the gender identity and expression are wrongly thought of in the context of sexual orientation. Hence, it is important to distinguish the concept of gender identity from that of the concept of sexual orientation. On the one hand, the gender identity indicates a person’s internal sense of masculinity or femininity or something other than these two explicit gender identities. On the other hand, sexual orientation refers to the sex of a person to whom one is physically or emotionally attracted. This clarity in the conceptualization also warrants the differentiation of those who have a particular gender identity from those who have a particular sexual orientation. Thus, homosexuality refers to a kind of sexual orientation, i.e. the sexual attraction between two persons of the same sex, whereas the transgender refers to a sex identity that deviates from the dichotomous sexual classification. This difference in the conceptualization of the concepts has to be drawn to differentiate transgender from lesbians7, gays8 and bisexuals9 (LGB) who are primarily homosexuals. Thus, only through carefully looking at the issues of gender identity, one can address the issues of transgender, whereas the sexual orientation is a decisive factor of sexual relationship, which determines the identity of lesbians, gays and bisexuals. Moreover, unlike the LGB, the transgender people need not be referred to as homosexuals10 as they can undergo Sexual Reassignment Surgery (SRS). From this point of view, why can not the transgender people claim their heterosexual status as they are bodily compatible for heterosexual relations after the SRS. But, there is no need on the part of the transgender people to identify themselves with the heterosexuals for two major reasons. They are: (i) It may show a wrong direction to the hitherto struggle of the sexuality minorities because the claim for heterosexual status by the transgender people gives the heterosexuals a status over the homosexuals, which is contradicting the ongoing debate placing both in the same status. (ii) There is no need in any civilized 7 The term ‘lesbian’ refers to sexual and romantic desire between females. 8 At present the noun form of ‘gay’ often designates only male homosexuals. When the term ‘lesbian’, came into vogue, several writers started referring the term ‘gay’ to male homosexuals. 9 The term ‘bisexuality’ refers to behavior or orientation involving physical or romantic attraction to both males and females. 10 Homosexuality refers to romantic or sexual attraction or behavior among members of the same sex.


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society to prove one’s personal sexual status even if it confronts with the socially defined ‘natural sex identity’. From the discussion, it is clear that conceptually the problems and prospects of the transgender category need not be clubbed with that of the LGB since the issue of transgender people has come out of their ‘ambiguous’ sex identity, whereas the issue of LGB has originated from their ‘disputed’ sexual orientation outside the established cultural norms of the society. At the same time, it is quite common among the scholars (Benditt et. al., 2009; Ekins & King, 2006; Marks, 2006; Narrain, 2004) to combine the transgender category with the LGB. It is also believed that such a mixing would give numerical strength to the former under the rubric of ‘sexuality minorities’. But it is too early to predict to what extent their alliance with the LGB would strategically provide strength to the transgender community in India. The following sections of the paper explain this.

Transgender People in India The Indian social system has made the transgender people conceal their identity in public places. Usually they live as ostracized communities mostly in urban slums segregated from the main residential areas. At present, in India, according to unofficial reports (as of now, no enumeration of transgender people has been done by the Indian government), the transgender population is estimated as one million and has also been increasing. This community has a long recorded history in India. For instance, Tolkappiam, an ancient Tamil grammar text, refers to them as pedu. Various ancient poets and religious leaders also refer to them as Ali11. In some parts of India, the term ‘Aravani’ has been used to refer to them. Ancient literatures also portrayed them in various ways. For instance, Ramayana, the great epic of India, describes that when Rama, the reincarnation of Vishnu, a Hindu Vedic God, returned from the forest after the exile of fourteen years happened to see the skeletons of people at the riverbanks of sarayu in Ayotya situated in north India. When he rejuvenated the skeletons, he understood that they are the transgender people who accompanied the people of Ayotya to send him off while leaving the forest fourteen years ago. Then he realized his mistake that he asked the men and women of Ayotya to return home and forgot the love of accompanying transgender people. This is depicted as an example of 11 It refers to the person who is neither a male nor a female. Used interchangeably with the terms ‘eunuch’ and ‘transgender’.

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social isolation that the transgender people underwent. Anyhow, Lord Rama assured them of better treatment in his next reincarnation of Krishna. Accordingly they were born as singers praising the Lord (Somasundaram, 2009). Thus, in India, the practice of transgender people singing for the good health of newborn babies also came into vogue. The depiction of Sikandi, a transgender in another great epic, Mahabharata, is also worth mentioning here. In the battle between the Kauravas and Pandavas, Arjuna, a great warrior of the latter, was not able to conquer his opponent, Bhishma, who fought for the former. Therefore, Arjuna sought out a plan to defeat him tactfully by placing Sikandi in front of him. Then Bhishma put down his weapons saying that he did not want to enter combat with a person who is neither a male nor a female. Arjuna who was waiting for this chance shot him down with a row of arrows. In another context in Mahabharata, due to the curse of Urvasi, a celestial danseuse, Arjuna himself lived as a transgender in disguise for one year during the exile of Pandavas (Narayan,1978). On the other hand, it is also noted that the presence of transgender (Hijras) in certain family functions is considered auspicious. For instance, in some states of North India, parents invite hijras to see their newborn child and to attend to the rituals associated with the naming ceremony. The reason is that the former believe that the blessings of the latter in exchange for gifts or money would bring health and wealth to children and also their parents. Similarly, it is also believed that the blessings of the Hijras would bring good luck and fertility to newly wedded couples. Though these references about the transgender people in the epics and the social treatment met out by them are the testimony for the recognition of their presence in the ancient time, they also exhibit the social stigma associated with them. At the same time, it is indeed a welcome change that in contemporary India, the transgender people are in pursuit of civil rights by collective mobilization and representation outside the umbrella of LGBT. Moreover, discussions and debates on sexual rights have also been frequent features in the academic as well as public forums for the recognition and empowerment of the transgender people in India. Their public appearance and active participation independent of the LGB in India to get their rights remains to be an evidence to comprehend their subjective understanding of their position in relation to that of heterosexuals12 and homosexuals. For instance, the transgender people in Tamilnadu, a southern state of India, 12 Heterosexuality refers to sexual behavior, practices, and identity based on primary preference or desire for the opposite sex.


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made a path breaking adventure in the beginning of 2009 by stepping out of their masked modesty to celebrate a week-long festival of ‘good neighbors’ at Madurai, the temple city of southern Tamilnadu. This was indeed a healthy trend set by them to demonstrate that they want to get into the mainstream of society. Unlike the LGB carnival in the West, the participants in the festival were only the transgender people from various parts of India. Though the existence of transgender over centuries is obvious especially in India, a large section of people are rather reluctant to recognize them because they are still obsessed with the idea of gender dichotomy and not prepared to accept the existence of a third gender category. Therefore, in the absence of public support, the transgender people in India have been confronting serious socio-economic problems and somehow sustaining their livelihood mostly by begging and prostitution. They are often subject to sexual exploitation and sexual harassment because of their vulnerable position in the society. Consequently they get infectred by HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases. In this line, it highlights certain crucial issues keeping in mind the importance of mainstreaming the transgender people. It also brings out the differences between the transgender and the LGB in order to develop a comprehensive formula to bring the former into the mainstream social life. The following section claims with a great deal of reasoning that the separation of the transgender category from the LGB category is of paramount importance for the mainstreaming of the former.

Is LGBT a Relevant Solution? As mentioned earlier, the mixing of the transgender category with that of the LGB would result in a conceptual problem because it could amount to identity crisis of the transgender whose sexual orientation need not be identical with that of the LGB. Ever since the incorporation of the issues of transgender for research and debate, they have been considered part and parcel of the homosexual society. Moreover, homosexuality is rather a hidden phenomenon in India. Only a limited number of the total homosexual population admit and reveal their homosexual orientation. But it is presumed that a significant proportion of them might have, in one way or another, experienced or became exposed to homosexual activities at least once in their lifetime. But, they are heterosexual persons in the society because of their alliances with the accepted social institutions viz. marriage, family, law and other host of factors. In India, the hegemony of

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Western programmes and policies related to the liberation of the LGBT also do not separate the transgender from the homosexuals. Moreover, the collective mobilization and campaigns of the transgender against discriminations are largely supported by the multinational funding organizations mainly to prevent HIV/AIDS (Kole, 2007). The Local Bodies, Civil Service Organizations and NGOs working for them also seem to be donor-driven agencies trying to integrate the transgender and the LGB. On the other hand, some scholars consider homosexuality as a ‘Western disease’. In several parts of the world, including India, the LGBT are in one way associated with the Western discourse and still considered as an embodiment of the ‘Western disease’. They claim that only the notion of Western hegemony ushered by globalization in India has combined the LGB with the transgender category. Donald Donham (2005) argues that it is important to explore how sexuality identifications have been transmitted across space and to understand how such an apparently global identity matrix operates within the local context. This approach also necessitates the importance of understanding how sexual ‘liberation’ may be imagined locally and how such sexuality practices may have little to do with the claim for explicit identities or rights (Boyce, 2006). These considerations are much more important in the Indian cultural setting comparing to the Western one. However, the objective of this section is neither to explore the impact of the Western approach on homosexuality in India nor to analyze the postmodern concept of plurality of sex and gender. But, it aims at understanding why the liberation movements of LGB in India are different from that of their counterparts in the West. It also looks into the differences in the nature of protests across regions comparing to India. In the 1950s, the situation of the LGBT in the United States was more or less similar to that of the present situation of their Indian counterparts. During that period, LGBT in United States launched a collective mobilization to bring about changes in the attitude of people who humiliated them and also described them as sinful, sick and criminals (Larry Gross, 2005). LGBT in the United States are the forerunners in terms of organizing several protests to get their civilian rights. A similar trend was noticed in Canada and Western Europe almost during the same period. Though a similar situation is prevailing in India for the transgender excepting LGB, there are differences between those countries and India in terms of the perception of people on such mobilization. This also owes to the value systems in India that cherish heteronormativity, and in turn


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sustain because of the same. In addition, unlike the issues of the LGBT that touched the consciousness of common men in those countries, the issues of them in India are yet to touch their consciousness. In this context, it is vital to take into account the frequent explicit lesbian and gay marriages in the Western countries. One can attribute the driving force behind such marriages when homosexuality can be practiced in hidden. The reason is that, LGBT in the Western world apart from gratifying their sexual needs also seeks social recognition. Aligning homosexuality with the established social institutions like marriage and family is a way to achieve social recognition. It is also cognizable that more than sexual gratification, their sense of togetherness and need for public recognition have gone to the extent of liberating their homosexual consciousness by breaking the existing heteronormative systems. But in India, as mentioned earlier, such a need has not yet arisen as homosexuality is still a hidden phenomenon lacking the need for systemic intervention. Moreover, unlike in the West, explicit gay and lesbian marriages are rarely happening even among the elitist sections of people in India. Nevertheless, in the West, apart from conceptual differences, transgender people form a part of LGB because both the categories of people are viewed together by the public. Moreover, unlike their counterparts in India, the LGB in the West are socially visible. Therefore, their unity would also yield strength to their mobilization. In this context, it is important to note the emergence of the term ‘queer’ in the West that organized LGBT under one umbrella. ‘Queer’ means anyone not fitting into the society’s restrictive sexual rules. According to Helperin (2003), the core tenets of queer theory are: (i) all gender categories are falsifications, especially if they are dichotomy and descriptive of sexuality, (ii) all claims of reality are socially constructed, (iii) all human behavior can be read as textual signification, (iv) text shapes discourses that are exercised in power/knowledge revealing the relationships of dominance within the established system of regulation and (v) deconstruction of all categories of normality and deviance, which can be accomplished by queer readings of performative texts ranging from literature to other cultural expressions. Rather than focusing on the individual sex identity of a person, queer theories, instead, examine the social construction of sex identity, its multiplicities, its historical construction, and the ways sexuality disrupts and reinforces power relations (Foucault, 1990; Fuss, 1991). Moreover, Queer theories make visible the ways heterosexuality becomes normalized as natural (Britzman, 1995). It is important to note

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that this theory arose as an attempt to overcome the problems relating to the notion of identity faced by the gay and lesbian theory. In contrast to gay or lesbian, it is argued that queer does not refer to an essence, whether of a sexual nature or not. Instead it is relational, standing as an undefined term that gets its meaning precisely by being that which is outside of the norm. It is, therefore, an identity without an essence. Since specific conceptualizations of sexuality are avoided, it allows more freedom for self-identification. Kole (2007) mentions that this term does not confines to the sexual identities in the fixed LGBT categories, but allows more space and ambiguities for diverse sexualities to be included. Moreover the queer theory tries to deny the very validity of gender dichotomy and goes to the extent of questioning the stable attributes of human nature, i.e. homosexual and heterosexual identities. Though queer theory is a framework to accommodate all sexuality minorities under one umbrella irrespective of their categorization in terms of gender identity or sexual orientation, its relevance in India as a liberal framework for the emancipation of them is rather limited. One major reason is that unlike that of it in the West, such a discourse in India has not yet occupied a prominent place in the minds of people. Therefore, the mindset of Indians will not allow them to support or fight for the rights of sexuality minorities. Nevertheless, in India, the need for collective mobilization of them has not yet arisen owing to the reasons that: (i) Homosexuality in India is still a hidden phenomenon which does not require public acceptance and are able to completely enjoy the status of citizenship to exercise their civil rights, (ii) the sexual ‘consciousness liberation’ has not yet arose among the common LGB in India except their elite counterparts; and (iii) Though, both the transgender and the LGB people are coming under the same umbrella term sexuality minorities, the former category of people are often subject to more harassment than the latter as they are socially more visible in India. Likewise, the transgender people are in need of social identity for accreditation, whereas the LGB do not need it as it is more a hidden phenomenon in India. The fact is that a number of individuals in India gratify their sexual needs through homosexual relations, but they are rarely notified or rather don’t like to be identified as a gay or lesbian. Besides, there is no need on their part to reveal publically their identity as a gay or lesbian to engage in homosexual acts. Another important approach which clubbed the transgender category with the homosexual category is the marginalization approach which relies


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on minority-majority model. In the West, considering LGBTs as (sexuality) minorities came into existence in the 1950s with the writings of Cory (1951) that placed the LGBTs in opposition to the heterosexuals to claim their rights. It is observed that a similar sort of approach is emerging in contemporary India as well. Though, this approach of attempting to assign minority status to the LGBTs by paralleling them with other minorities in India seems good at its outlook, it will not provide favorable results to the transgender category for the reasons mentioned in the previous paragraph. Besides, the orthodox approach of the public over homosexuality would also add fuel to the opposition on gender neutral approach. Therefore, in a hurry to get the rights of the homosexuals for their sexual orientation, there is a possibility that the desired rights of the transgender category of people by virtue of their sex identity get spoiled/delayed. Moreover, the status of transgender people in India is less than that of the status of other minorities. They are underprivileged and often subject to humiliation and discrimination. Even among the sexuality minorities, unlike the LGBs, the transgender people are deprived of basic civil rights like right to marriage, right to vote, right to adapt children etc. It is, therefore, important to differentiate the transgender category from the LGB category in India.

Law and Rights The construction of homosexuality as a ‘delinquent behavior’ has been a reality and also an enduring phenomenon in India since distant times. In this construction, the State plays a crucial role. For instance, according to the Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) the carnal intercourse ‘against the order of nature’ will be punished with life imprisonment or imprisonment for a period up to 10 years accompanied with a fine. In principle, though this section is a heteronormative expression of the State, it does not have any reference to the gender identity or the transgender category. Moreover, it categorizes the LGB and the transgender under the same umbrella based on the concept of ‘unnatural sex’. But the law has been seldom enforced against the LGB as they normally conceal their identity and do not publically disclose their sexual orientation. Nevertheless, one cannot be punished by this law for identifying and proclaiming himself/ herself as a homosexual unless his/her homosexual act is proved. For instance, the Government of India in an affidavit submitted to the Delhi High Court in January 2003 specified that “In India, Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code has been basically used to punish those involved in

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sexual abuse of children and to compliment lacunae in the rape laws. According to it, it has rarely been used to punish homosexual behaviour” (Sify News, 2003). Moreover, the Government of India informed the Delhi High Court during a public petition challenging the Section 377 of the IPC that “ the state will turn a blind eye, if homosexuality is practiced between two consenting adults in private” (Sify News, 2003). Later on July 2, 2009, the Delhi High Court had decriminalized homosexuality in private. This shows that the government does not prohibit homosexual activity between two consenting adults in private, but very much concerned about the act of compelling an individual for homosexual activity. It is thus clear that the Indian government is not in conformity with the Section 377 of the IPC prohibiting ‘unnatural sex’ but considers it as a supplementary section for other sections which protect women and children from sexual harassment. At the same time, it is also meaningful to mention here that the approval or denial of some sexual rights by the law is applicable to both homosexuals and heterosexuals. For instance, the heterosexuals can also be punished under the Section 377 for ‘unnatural sex’ (e.g. sodomy and oral sex). Therefore, the ambit of Section 377 need not be reduced to the homosexuals alone. A section of people demand to revoke this section because its very essence denies the freedom of sexual expression of people including the transgender category. They claim that this section makes the transgender people feel that they are isolated by the law and also discriminated by the law enforcing mechanisms. At the same time, there is no need to consider the sexual expression of transgender people as essentially homosexual. However it is obvious that they are not fitting into the framework of dichotomous classification of gender based on the heteronormal constructions of sexuality. But their demand to repeal the Section 377 defining ‘sexual normality’ lies in the fact that it had already paved the way for misinterpreting their behavior, thereby subjecting them to punishment. In the 172nd Report (2000), the Law Commission of India has recommended the Government to repeal this section. It has also recommended the Government to legalize sex work and homosexuality (Times of India, 2005, Kole, 2006). However the objective behind these recommendations to repeal the Section 377 was not to liberate the transgender people, but it is to prevent the spreading of HIV/AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases. It also facilitates the access of homosexuals to health care services so that they can prevent themselves


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from the onslaught of such diseases. After considering the situation of transgender people, the Government of India informed the Delhi High Court in 2003 that the State needs to tolerate homosexuality between two consenting adults in private. But, it also mentioned that “Indian society by and large disapproves homosexuality”. In the same year, the Home Ministry also apprehended the revoking of the Section 377 of IPC fearing that its repeal would in a way facilitate ‘delinquent behavior’. Moreover, the State maintains homosexuality as a ‘disease’ responsible for spreading HIV/AIDS and also as ‘immoral and a reflection of a perverse mind’. Thus it upholds the logic of Section 377 saying that it reflects the ‘will of the people’ according to an editorial in the Economic and Political Weekly of 2008. The 172nd Report of Law Commission of India also maintains that the law is for the interest of the people in India and is also a vital measure to protect women and children from sexual abuse and harassment. It is clear from this that the stand of Government is rather uncertain with regard to legal question of homosexuality. On the one hand, it is not in support of this section criminalizing the homosexual activity of consenting adults in private. On the other hand, it is more serious about the consequences of homosexual act. At this point, it is important to mention that though the concerned section is against homosexual activities, it does not disapprove various sexual identities. At the same time, certain reports support the fact that this Section of IPC is misinterpreted at field level by the police mainly to harass the transgender people. Therefore, the government while considering the interest of the large section of population shall also look into the violation of human rights by punishing the people with alternative sexual identities. It is indeed a difficult task of the government to differentiate homosexuals from that of the transgender people. As a first step forward, it needs to acknowledge the identity of transgender people as a third gender category, which is different from that of the identity of homosexuals. Since the transgender people are identified with the third gender category, it may be relevant to exclude their sexual activities from the purview of homosexuals. Therefore, it is relevant to do necessary modifications in this section to deal with the transgender people as a separate category from that of homosexuals. It has to be ensured that such modifications in the section would provide the transgender people with all civil rights on a par with that of their fellow citizens. If necessary, amendments may be carried out in the section to extend the fruits of reservation policy to the third gender as well.

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It is concluded from the above discussion that the Section 377 takes a stringent approach to deal with the homosexual activity for various reasons. At the same time, it is understandable that there is no need to enforce this section on people with a particular sex identity. Nevertheless it may not be effective in the case of transgender people as they do not come under the purview of dichotomous classification of gender. Moreover, from the administration point of view, the major aim of the Section 377 is to overcome the lacunae in the laws related to women and child protection. But, in the case of transgender people, the question of going against the ‘natural sex’ does not arise for two reasons as mentioned earlier: firstly they belong to the third gender category and secondly if they are believed to be the creation of nature, the ‘unnatural sex’ as defined by the Section 377 may be treated as ‘natural sex’ for them.

Path of Inclusion In spite of all these facts, the transgender people occupy an ambiguous position in society, thereby facing a host of problems such as denial of civil rights, humiliation, discrimination, harassment, marginalization and also third degree approaches by the police. Besides, they meet their needs inadequately by begging, dancing and through prostitution. It is also reported that, within their community, a large section of those who have not undergone the Sexual Reassignment Surgery (SRS) are subject to discrimination by a limited number of their counterparts who had already undergone the SRS. Nevertheless, it does not mean that the former are not opting for the surgery, but they cannot afford to spend a large sum of money for this. All over the world the issues relating to the LGBT have been discussed and debated. Moreover a section of people are critical of sexual systems and are representing the problems of LGBT to the administrators to get them equal rights. Such discussions and debates do take place in institutional, community, domestic, and intimate contexts as they play a vital role in the formation and communication of individuals and group identity (Gross, 2005). In the same line, as pointed out by Subir K.Kole (2007), the global south is also, at present, experiencing the LGBT mobilization and sex identity politics raising fundamental questions addressed to citizenship and human rights. It warrants that the modifications in the law must be substantiated by a suitable policy intervention from the government side. As Surya Manro (2003) mentions the transgender people are posing problems to policy makers because the former have already started challenging the


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mainstream norms concerning gender and sexuality, looking for a more complex conceptualization of gender and seeking for a suitable social policy and practice. Evidence from India also show that addressing the problems of transgender people has become an issue for the policy makers at Central and State levels. Under the umbrella of sexuality minorities, both the transgender people and the LGBs may jointly fight for their civil rights and inclusive and non-discriminatory laws. But unlike the former, the latter are not deprived of such rights for two reasons: firstly homosexuality in India is still a hidden phenomenon and secondly the homosexuals do not reveal their identity in public. As it is being practice in a concealed way, there is no need for the homosexuals to disclose their identity. However they are denied those rights and are often subject to humiliation, discrimination and harassment owing to their obvious public presence and the stigma associated with them. Though the denial of civil rights is the manifestation of direct discrimination on the basis of sex identity, their inaccessibility to housing, social services, healthcare, employment, and participation in social activities, police protection and the like are the results of both the direct and indirect discrimination. Therefore, the policy intervention promoting a transgender inclusive society has to be two-dimensional, viz. one dimension concentrating on eliminating the direct form discrimination by inclusive laws and the other one focusing on decreasing the indirect form of discrimination including symbolic violence against them. The first step to realize a transgender inclusive society is to eliminate certain forms of direct discriminations. Though it is a complicated issue under the circumstances discussed above, certain points need to be focused. For instance, as enacted in certain developed countries, the discriminations based on gender identity have to be strictly forbidden. As discussed already, there is no need of repealing the Section 377, but it has to be modified to exclude the transgender people from its purview so as to safeguard their interests from all sorts of discriminations and harassments. Besides, taking into consideration their employability, all the public and private sector enterprises need to be advised to adapt the transgender non-discrimination law. In the absence of such a law, jobs have to be given to them under the disability non-discrimination law. In fact, such an opportunity would serve to be an important factor for their social inclusion. Therefore, the provision of non-discriminatory employment is to be extended to them in order to empower them economically. At the same time, the Sex Reassignment Surgery is to be legalized and

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medical certificates are to be issued to those who had the surgery so that they can make use of them as evidence for their sex identity for legal purposes. Other essential aspects such as marriage, adoption and property inheritance rights are also be addressed optimistically as those would enable them to become full-fledged citizens and also would lead them to join the mainstream society. However, in order to achieve the above mentioned suggestions, the government’s stand should be clear with regard to addressing their issues. In this regard, two possibilities are identified: one is to consider them as third gender category and the other one is to adapt a gender neutral stand. Of these two, as a matter of fact, the former is more viable than the latter for certain reasons. For instance, the rights and full-fledged citizenship would be accomplished only by changing the fundamental conceptualization of gender in terms of male and female. Incidentally any policy aiming at the construction of transgender people different from that of other gender categories can attract desirable results. But it is still doubtful as to what extent the legislation and society in India support the inclusion of third gender in the legal framework of gender dichotomous system. As mentioned, certain forms of direct discriminations faced by them are partly due to the lacunae in legal measures. However this can be rectified with the help of government policies and interventions. But, at the same time, the task of empowering transgender people at societal level is rather challenging because of the prevalence of indirect forms of discriminations against them. It is necessary to understand that the enduring social and cultural prejudices are also the root causes of some discriminatory laws and vice versa. Their rights and full-fledged citizenship can be realized only when the rest of the society understand their plight and problems sympathetically. In this regard, the network of NGOs and Civil Service Organizations has to play a crucial role in working out strategies. As Surya Monro (2003) mentioned, the inclusion of transgender people requires fundamental changes in the present system of sex and gender categorization that needs to be framed in terms of rights and social inclusion. What they need now is social support and political backing to overcome their problems.

Conclusion The above discussion brought to our attention the need for distinguishing the transgender category from that of the LGB. This separation is essential both conceptually and practically. The conceptual clarity about


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the differences between sex identity and sexual orientation as mentioned earlier may get be reflected in the attitude of people toward the transgender people. Such clarity is more important in a country like India which is culturally more sensitive. It does not mean that the authors are insensitive toward the plight of homosexuals. But, we want to prioritize the rights of the transgender people taking into consideration the issues discussed. From the analysis of certain conceptual issues in the terms ‘transgender’ and ‘LGB’ the authors support the queer theorist perspective that ‘genders’ is neither a dichotomy nor a continuum, but a sphere where ‘maleness’ and ‘femaleness’ constitute an infinite number of possible points. It is also argued that the transgender people may be considered as third gender category instead of mixing them with the LGBs. As Bornstein (1994) advocates, gender flexibility is the ability to become a part of one or many of a limitless number of genders at any length of time and at any rate of change. Therefore, it is better to take the debate on the empowerment of transgender people outside the dichotomous boundaries of gender. Anyway, in history, it is acknowledged that different patterns of sexual discourses have legitimized different sexual imageries at different points of time. But, why do we decline to accept different patterns of sexual expressions, interests and identities together still remain a question.

References 1. Bornstein, K. (1994). Gender Outlaw: On Men, Women and the Rest of Us. New York and London: Routledge. 2. Britzman. (1995). Is There a Queer Pedagogy? Or, Stop Reading Straight. Educational Theory, 45 (2), 151-165. 3. Colvin, R. (2000). Improving State Policies Prohibiting Public Employment Discrimination Based on Sexual Orientation. Review of Public Personnel Administration, 20(2), 5-19. 4. Devi, S. (1977). The World of Homosexuals. New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House. 5. Denial of Rights to Sexual Minorities (Editorial). (2008). Economic and Political Weekly. 43(6). 6. Ekins, R. & Dave, K. (1996). Blending Genders: Social Aspects of Cross Dressing and Sex-Changing. London: Routledge. 7. Ekins, R. & Dave, K. (2005). Virginia Prince: Pioneer of Transgendering. New York: Haworth Medical Press. 8. Foucault, M. (1990). The History of Sexuality. (Trans.) Hurley, Robert. New York: Vintage Books.

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9. Fuss, D. (1991). Inside Out: Lesbian Theories. New York: Routledge. 10. Gross, L. (2005). The Past and the Future of Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and Transgender Studies. Journal of Communication, 55(3), 508528. 11. Halperin, D. (1995). Saint Foucault: Towards a Gay Hagiography. New York: Oxford University Press. 12. Halperin, David. (2003). Normalization of Queer Theory. In A. Yup Gust (Eds.), Queer Theory and Communication: From Disciplining Queers to Queering the Discipline (pp. 76-99). New York: Harrington Park Press. 13. Heyes, C. (2003). Feminist Solidarity after Queer Theory: The Case of Transgender. Signs, 28(4), 1093-1120. 14. Homosexuality Okay if Practiced in Private. Sify News. India. Retrieved from http://sify.com/news/othernews/fullstory. php?id=13250892 (accessed June 11, 2010). 15. Jonathan, A. (2005). Transgender Rhetorics: (Re) Composing Narratives of the Gendered Body. College Composition and Communication, (57), 45-82. 16. Kole, S. (2006). To Trade in Pleasure. The Telegraph, Calcutta, India. Retrieved from http://www.telegraphindia.com/1060125/asp/ opin ion/story_5700323.asp (accessed June 10, 2010). 17. Kole, S. (2007). Globalizing Queer? AIDS, Homophobia and the Politics of Sex Identity in India. Globalization and Health, 3(8), 1-16. 18. Law Commission of India. (2000). 172nd Report on Review of Rape Laws. Retrieved from http://www.lawcommissionofindia.nic. in/rapelaws.htm (accessed June 10, 2010). 19. Marks, S. (2006). Global Recognition of Human Rights for Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, and Transgender People. Health and Human Rights 9(1), 33-42. 20. Monro, S. (2003). Transgender Politics in the UK. Critical Social Policy. (23), 433-452. 21. Narain, A. (2003). Queer People and the Law. Retrieved from http:// www.india-seminar.com/2003/524/524%20arvind%20narrain.html (accessed June 10, 2010). 22. Narayan, R. K. (1978). Mahabharata. London: Heinemann. 23. Plea to Legalize Prostitution. (2005). Times of India, 5. 24. Prince,V. (1976). Understanding Cross-Dressing. Los Angeles: Chevalier Publications.


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25. Roche, M. (1992). Rethinking Citizenship: Welfare, Ideology and Change in Modern Society. Cambridge: Polity Press. 26. Somasundaram, O. (2009). Transgenderism: Facts and Fictions. Indian Journal of Psychiatry, 51(1), 73-75. 27. Stryker. (2008). Transgender History, Homonormativity and Disciplinarity. Radical History Review. Winter, (100), 145-157. 28. Tauches, K. (2008). Encyclopedia of Gender and Society. New Delhi: Sage Publications. 29. Vanita, R. & Kidwai, S. (2000). Same-Sex Love in India: Readings from Literature and History. New York: St. Martin’s Press.

Is Doing Research too Complex? Some Reflections1 –Sandeep Jagdale2, Jagdish Jadhav3 and Mahesh Chougule4

Abstract Today’s educational environment is not so conducive either for students or educators. Most of the institutions are taking the students view point of teaching-learning process and framing the institutional policies which may be called ‘students friendly education’ but teachers are at risk to protect the integrity of personal and professional values, ethics. Research in post-graduate courses believed mandatory to learn the perspective that research is not an ‘activity’ or ‘event’ but a way of understanding issues around and develop systematic interventions to address them. Doing students research is perceived as so complicated. It is the real crux in front of teachers involved in research process of students. This article aims to understand the reflections of two schools of thoughts that teachers have. And try to define what is good for students and profession at postgraduate level. How can social research as auxiliary method of social work be enjoyed with rigour and enthusiasm within odd circumstances. The authors are from social work education so article takes the context of social work research. Key Words: Research, Perspective, Intervention

Introduction Research, a word modern people can’t stop themselves to use in their teaching, training and extension activities but may have less experience 1 This paper is presented in state level seminar on ‘Innovative Approaches and Best Practices for Quality Assurance in Social Work Education in Maharashtra’ (Quality Improvement Programme of University of Pune) Organized by Karve Institute of Social Service, Pune. 2 Assistant Professor in Department of Social Work, Walchand College of Arts & Science, Solapur, India Corresponding Author: [email protected] 3 Assistant Professor in Department of Social Work, Walchand College of Arts & Science; Solapur, India 4 Associate Professor in Department of Social Work, North Maharashtra University, Jalgaon; India

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about it. It is said and well accepted that any science which want to grow consistently must believe in objective and rigorous research efforts. If we look at the seventy five years of social work education/profession we found that many social workers are engaged in developmental activities and or social service activities but less in doing research. Why the students of social work are not at par with the minimum standards of research? Is doing research too complex? Honesty, enthusiasm, passion and many more words have been used by UGC second review committee (1980) for social work in its report and wish to inculcate them in students of social work. But many of us have a question that these qualities or mostly values can be plant in students and if yes, how to check it? We think in such situations research process may be instrumental to find out that whether student have faith in social work education and philosophy of work or not. The objectives of social work education are; to enable students to integrate social work knowledge (understanding, raising consciousness), attitude (enthusiasm and commitment) and skills (functional competence), through a process of critical inquiry, via student-centred class room teaching and learning, self study, field work practicum and practicebased research, to educate students for developing qualified social work personnel for social work practice, administration, education, training and research (Desai, 2003). But, research is surrounded by many myths and became an area of social loafing that creates a delusion that research is an ‘activity’ like other activities in fieldwork or as an assignment. Authors of the paper are strongly believe that research is not an activity or event but a perspective to understand the ground realities around us which leads a scientific way of thinking to address such issues with less emotional reactions and wiser professional interventions. Research is the only way to improvise any matter of science and today’s world is mostly convinced by this only.

Research and research in social work Research is something like discovering truth, verifying old conclusions, theories and rejecting or modifying them. It may be defined as a careful critical enquiry or examination in seeking facts or principles; diligent investigation in order to ascertain something (Ghosh, 1982). Research in social work is nothing but applying research knowledge in the fields of social work. Dr. Lal Das (2000) revealed that social work

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research may be defined as systematic investigation into the problems in the field of social work. The study of concepts, principles, theories underlying social work methods and skills are the major concern of social work research. Research in social work, in broad sense, concerns with the problems faced by social workers while working with different clientele. If it is so, then this is an area of concentration that why our most of researches are not based on practice of social work and problems of doing social work. If we could answer this question; we think, we are exploring the new avenues for innovations and interventions. But, it is sad to accept that we are not working for it or we are failed to create a trustworthy, conducive environment for research in social work field. We have gone through the all student and faculty researches in our library but have not found any project which applied qualitative analysis type of research. What it indicate is that people irrespective of specialization or generic background, years of experience have taken a common stand point ‘to stay away’ from research and innovations in research/ experiments in research. This can be proved if we take the account of research publications of social work educators and practitioners.

Two Schools of Thought: Some Reflections Sometime, it seems that every business, event or realities have two basic sides or everything has a spectrum of at least two ends. We found two schools of thought that social work educators can fit into. The first perspective, where social work educators believe in capacity of research and it’s importance in people’s life. The teachers are good enough in doing and supervising research process but they have severe concerns with the students stuff, institutional support and freedom to experiment. It is found that people with this school of thought often advocate different options for research subject like term paper, compilations or other subject. They often concerned with the time limit, language, budget, and student’s initiatives; where they found that students are not ready to undergo the process of doing research, and they do so because they know that research is a concentrative work and need extra care and caution. They feel doing research is too complicated. They found difficulties in trusting student’s abilities to conduct research and have validated data, for them it is a waste of time, energy and resources. According to them, it also has a problem with evaluation. To make students ease with the social work course they keep on advocating options for research project. It is not the question of


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quality of an educator but the value of teaching one gives to it. We can call this school of thought as ‘Blaming the Quality’. The second perspective, here people are still in process to learn research in functional manner. People of this school of thought believed that research is a process and one cannot be perfect in one or two attempts of research. They are of opinion that it is better to expect good results from students but expecting something is different than teaching research process. People of this school have a mindset to experiment with self, environment and knowledge though they are not perfect in research. They search for possibilities of local resources available to students for review and soft-wares. They believed in making students responsive through research process. They believe that if students have given trust and hope they do well in research. They emphasize research as an important social work method to learn because this is the only method that can make social work profession alive, protect its integrity and uniqueness. They believe that research cannot be overlooked. They are not much concerned with the end product of research but the process or approach of looking into the matter from research point of view. Research has a use not only in studying social phenomena but students can use research perspective in their personal and emotional purview also. We can call this school of thought as ‘Striving for Quality’. It is important here to declare what authors are of opinion. We are more convinced by the second approach of working with students and dealing with student’s research projects. We believe that knowledge which fails to create and give wisdom to those who are interested and intended to use it make people confuse and develop the controversies among ideology and application of such knowledge. It becomes mere information which has no or little value in pragmatism that people believe in most. It should not happen with the social work education, training, research and practice.

Our attempt Walchand College is one amongst old social work institutions. Previously, research was for option like (students choice (?)), educators made a point to make it mandatory. Accordingly BOS and other formalities were done and now it is compulsory. We arrange research methodology workshop for second year students where all the faculties take active part is discussions e.g. selection of problem, forming objectives, hypothesis and methodology are facilitated in first semester. Faculties help students to develop questionnaire or semi-structural interview schedule or

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standardised psychological scale based on research objectives and do feasibility study for tools and in the month of December students are going for data collection. In the month of January, students attend research and SPSS workshop in which they come to know about coding, master sheets, electronic master sheets, writing reviews, compilation of report, SPSS package and different statistical tests. Students also visit to different libraries for research review work on fieldwork days officially e.g. Gulbarga University library. We have annual research presentation of students where they present shortly their research and research findings. This programme is owned by students and faculties are judges for assessing the researches done by students, one of which will be given award of best researcher in the year. UGC and Knowledge Commission of India (2007) expect teacher must perform the role of knowledge creator, knowledge manager and work with the multidisciplinary team to effective learning. Authors believed that this can only be true if social work educators are continuously engaged in field of research. We should not underestimate the research for any other option; it may be good for individual but harm great for profession as a whole and being an educator we must shoulder the professional standards of social work.

Scope for Innovations In Research It is understood that educators are not deriving any kind of pleasure form supervising a research process of students so it is overlooked and not justified, not enjoyed. If we take research in the purview of fieldwork practicum it may be good. Writing good number of articles in renowned journals is an innovation in personal life, it could give us feeling that I am good with several subjects but making someone understand and undergo the process of research can give us a feeling that we have professionally contributed something. Research has many things for educators to experiment into like using qualitative analysis type for research. Doing intervention research on small scale by forming groups in communities, schools and establishing different models and manuals for working in particular circumstances e.g. FAQ’s for practicing social work in community setting, practicing counselling and developing indicators. Now a day’s research is used anywhere and everywhere, in market, media, advocacy, law, personal and intra-personal issues, braking values,


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individualized life and many more issues are wanted to be studied continuously where educators can go for innovative strategies/ methods of research. Such attempts of research will surely made us more researcher than theorists.

Conclusion It is observed that educators from former perspective are little bit uneasy with research and tend to blame external locus of control for their behaviour; whereas educators who take latter perspective seems enjoying research with students. If we had believed on ‘practice makes man perfect’ we must practice research to make us perfect. To do this we have to leave ‘to stay away’ policy and get ready to confront within and between. As it can only bring change in personal and profession. It is always in favour of profession to chase standards of profession whatsoever the conditions of our working rather to make profession to meet limitations of the individuals and students.

Limitations Followings are some of the limitations found by authors in respect to present disclosure; 1. Authors are from social work background; it may happen that reflections have limitations for other streams. 2. There may be another school of thought in respect to research but to have comparative underpinnings dominant two were given. 3. Present disclosure is mostly based on the personal experiences of authors and informal discussions with the social work educators and students, so it may invite second thought. 4. Given value for teaching is very much personal and has low professional check. 5. Authors do not claim for replication of experiment.

Acknowledgement Authors highly acknowledge the support given by colleagues and students of social work education through their fair and free dialogue with authors.

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References 1. Desai, M. (2003). Perspective for Quality in Social Work Education in Report of National Seminar-Standards for Assessment of Quality in Social Work Education. Mumbai: Tata Institute of Social Sciences. 2. Ghosh, B. N. (1982). Scientific Method and Social Research. New Delhi: Sterling Publications. 3. Government of India. (2007). National Knowledge Commission Report to the Nation, 2006. Govt. of India. 4. Lal, D. K. (2000). Practice of Social Research-Social Work Perspective. New Delhi: Rawat Publications. 5. Toohey, S. (1999). Designing Courses for Higher Education. Buckingham: Open University Press. 6. University Grant Commission. (1980). Preview of Social Work Education in India – Retrospect and Prospect. New Delhi: UGC.

A Review on Social Network and Loneliness in Elderly –Joji Rajan1

Abstract Every individual born on this earth wants to live their life happily as they desire. For some it so happens but not for all. Fortunately or unfortunately some of us face lots of problems in our life. In this competitive commercial and digital world of life, a threatening problem faced by most people invariably is being alone - “loneliness”. Indifferently it is found among young and old, rich and poor, literate and illiterate, male and female. More than an individual problem, it is become one of the major social problems. Feeling of being alone is not only among the old people but it is commonly found in all age groups including adolescents, young adults, middle aged group as well. Aging is gradual natural procedure that marks the passage of years in everyone’s life. The elderly population of the society generally have varieties of problems and social issues and needs. The elderly people can be grouped as young old those are between the ages of 55 and 64; old are between 65-74; old-old are people between 75-84 and people with above the age of 85 years can be considered as very old. This study aims at a Review on Social Network and Loneliness in Elderly. Key Words: Social Network, Elderly INTRODUCTION

We the human beings are social animals and are dependent. We depend on plants and animals for the very basic need of food. We depend on social relationships for the exchange of our feelings and emotions. We would like to share our happiness as well as grievances with one another that gives happiness and relieve our stress also. It is one of our basic needs to have social relationship. Our social relationship gets extended and through our friends and relatives. We develop our social relations with our class mates and playmates during our schooling, peer group relations in the 1 Assistant Professor at AMA International University, Kingdom of Bahrain; Bahrain; E-mail: [email protected]

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work, and so on. When any of these network get disconnected we feel aloof and lonely. “Social relationships are at the core of our life. That is, we all need, and desire to, feel integrated in a net of subjectively meaningful relationships. The crucial of this human need is reflected, as it were, in the scientific literature, especially the psychological, sociological and health ones.” Vanda Lucia Zammuner,(2008) “Loneliness is the painful feeling of social isolation that accompanies perceived deficiencies in the number or quality of one’s social relationships” (Peplau & Perlman,1982). “People can live rather solitary lives and not feel lonely, or they can have many social relationships and nevertheless feel lonely. Consequently, loneliness is more closely related to the perceived quality than the quantity of social relationships, (Pinquart & Sorensen,2003).

Discussion Definition of Loneliness The dictionary meaning of loneliness is the state of being alone in solitary isolation and sadness resulting from being forsaken or abandoned. It is a disposition toward being alone. Loneliness is a feeling and it is not a clinical entity. Loneliness need not always bring sadness to one; it may help a person to transform in their life style and may bring pleasure. Unfortunately, in reality the monotonous way of living made most of the elderly people to experience a lot of problems than pleasure and happiness as they grow older. The society is facing the rapid changes in the life style due to greater geographical mobility and the desire to have easy and comfortable living style that result in adoption to cross cultural life style; old people find it difficult to be adoptive to rapid changes. This causes for the degree of loneliness felt to increase. Loneliness most of the time gives negative experience and is subjective to individuals including the elderly people. de Jong Gierveld, (1989) has defined “Loneliness as a situation experienced by the participant as one where there is an unpleasant or unacceptable lack of (quality of) certain social relationships.” Weiss (1973) defines “Lonliness as a lack of human intimacy that is experienced by the individual as unpleasant. He specifies that it is

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conceptually compromised of two primary dimensions, emotional isolation and social isolation. Emotional isolation refers to a lack of others to whom the individual can be emotionally attached; preventing the experience of social bonding that is instinctively desired. Emotional isolation is recognised as negative experience. Social isolation occurs when an acceptable social network is lacking. However, social isolation is not always perceived as a negative outcome as time spent on one’s own can be perceived as enjoyable and productive.” “The experience of loneliness includes both emotional and social isolation and is therefore unpleasant by definition” (Forbes,1996; Killeen,1998). It is hard to believe that the men, stronger gender of the community is , the men are more vulnerable to loneliness than women. Women are more capable to adapt and adjust to situations that makes them to manage better when they are alone “Women are better able to build new networks following divorce or that they lose fewer contacts as a result of divorce. Among the married, gender differences in loneliness were less consistent than they were among divorcees” (Pearl A. Dykstra and Tineke Fokkema 2007). “Men tend to find it more difficult to live without a partner than women do” (Chipperfield & Havens,2001). “The experience of inner loneliness is different. The feelings of being an outsider and longing may cause a loneliness which is quite independent of external circumstances. The experience of rejection and of being useless connects with the experience of self and existence” (Hanna Palkeinen, 2005). It is important to analyse the causes of this social problem and how it could be solved is a challenge for the society, since these elderly people form a part of the society. We cannot neglect them just by saying that they are economically unproductive and just causing expenses to the family or burden to the society. In fact this negligent approach will reflect more of negativity rather than providing a way for a solution.

Causes of Loneliness Different reasons could have caused a person to feel aloof and lonely. The causes for loneliness vary from one individual to another. Major causes in general may be deterioration of relations such as loss of spouse, children or other close family relations, due to retirement and deteriorating physical

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and mental health, social isolation as well as less time spent on leisure activities, retirement, demographic characteristics of the society they live, life style, change in living conditions are the commonly found causes of loneliness in elderly people. Either of them or all of them could cause elderly people to feel isolated and depressed. It results when a person’s network of social relationships is deficient in some important ways, either qualitatively or quantitatively. The review of various articles of the study has given the insight to the following discussions as causes of loneliness. Firstly, many of the sources referred have commonly identified old age is the reason for high degree of loneliness. It is more felt among the elderly people than other age groups. Ageing is a natural process and loneliness at this age becomes unavoidable. Secondly, the social factors or relationship has a greater role in loneliness among elderly people. The importance of social contacts is acknowledged in much of the extensive literature on loneliness ( Bondevik & skogstad1998;Kim1999;Tijhuis et.al 1999). For instance, the old people either themselves stop going outside much due to their health conditions or the change in the family structure push them back and keep themselves to be at home. Ethnographic investigations suggests that older adults living alone are more vulnerable to social isolation due to estrangement from their social networks (Klienberg,2001). Thirdly, There is lack of communication among the family members and no time hear what the elderly people at home want share with. This causes poor understanding and unfulfilled expectations of elderly people. The younger generation at home are running back of their hectic mechanical life to race in the world; hence find no time to spend with their parents or grandparents and they get neglected very easily. Some cases they are almost treated like a waste remaining at home. Fourthly, the negligent attitude of children is another cause of loneliness. Loss of relations and company causes for emotional loneliness. Modern style of living, made most of the societies to go for nuclear family. The joint family concept is getting vanished year after year. As the children grow and start their family life, the parents become someone not required any more. For instance, in countries like India, the houses where the husband and wife are employed, the role of their parents is to do babysitting for their grandchildren or to do the house core just to adjust with the family environment. They do not find time for themselves and at the old age these full time responsibilities are more tiring and a burden


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not a stress reliever. The density of loneliness is felt more because of this reason. Fifthly, the feeling of loneliness is all the more felt among elderly people who are representatives of conservative societies where joint family concept was rooted for centuries. The younger generations start to work abroad after their education leaving their parents back in their native places. They get separated for years; and they visit the parents in short vacation without having quality time to be spent with them. This geographical mobility has caused not only a gap in physical distance between the places but also a large gap that never can be refilled in the relationship between family members. The closeness of family bondage is lost slowly. The society is become more self- centred and people have no time to think about others. “Needs for intimacy or companionship are not met, or are insufficiently met, and this results in feelings of loneliness” (Pearl A. Dykstra And Tineke Fokkema,2007). Denial of meaningful social contact may cause isolation. The absence of specific role relationships in which are generally activated and sustained through direct personal face-to-face interaction.

Problems of being alone Man is a social animal and seeking for pleasure and company are considered to be basic needs of human beings. Maslow, the management authority in his need hierarchy has rightly pointed out that social needs are basic lower order needs which every individual is desperate to satisfy. Elderly people are not exempted from this need for socialising. “Friends are important to aged people - may be even more important in relieving loneliness than children”. (Bondevik M, Skogsta A, 1998; HolmenK, Ericson K Anderson, L Winbald B 1992). Chan and Rance (2005) “indicated that friends and relatives constitute a dominant part of social networks and are often important sources of support for the aged.” Weakened social support leads to declining of both physical and mental health. At a point of time, this could lead them to feel unsecured about their life and leads to depression and in some cases they even attempt to commit suicide. There is a change in the population structure and there is an increase in population in the age group of 60 is growing faster than the other age groups. “As the proportion of older people in the population increases and

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more live alone (World Health Organisation 2002), the problem of social isolation among the age group is of growing concern.” “ In a survey of the empirical literature published between 1948-1991, Victor et al.(2000) found that between two and 20% of people over the age of 65 years, were socially isolated.” “An increasing proportion of older adults now live alone” (Fields, 2004; Saulter, 1994). There could be a possibility to an increased rate of depression among people who are living alone. Health risk is associated with social isolation as compared to the dangers of smoking cigarettes and drinking alcohol or obesity. Individuals who lack social connections or report frequent feelings of loneliness tend to suffer higher rates of morbidity and mortality (Brummett et al.2001; Seeman 2000; Uchino, Cacioppo, and KiecoltGlaser 1996). It is hard to differentiate between loneliness and depression. “Dejection may be one element of loneliness (Weiss 1980)”. Loneliness is the symptom of depression and other psychological problems. “Living alone is also likely to be more harmful to the psychological well-being of older adults with a physical disability. The physical disability of man make him to be motionless and becomes total dependent on some one. Physical disability represents a source of chronic stress that involves lasting difficulties in managing everyday instrumental and social activities. (Turner & Noh,1988) and is strongly linked to depression in studies of older adults (Adams, Sanders, & Auth,2004; Mills & Henretta,2001)”. “ Loneliness in an old age often results in an increase in depression, sleeping problems and disturbed appetite (Weidinger B.1992), which may lead to institutionalization (Mor-Barak ME, Miller LS., 1991). The daily routine of old people get changed in most of the cases, since they lose their appetite and sleep on time; everything gets upside down making their life very hard. When a person gets occupied with his work or more involvement in leisure activities, prevent the negative thoughts haunting their mind when that reduces, they feel lonelier. Different losses and depletions mark the aging process. When the mental and physical healths are diminishing, it gives way for people to consider that they are obsolete and added expense and burden to the society. “ Higher levels of loneliness are associated with living alone (Routasalo, Savikko, Tilvis,Strandberg, & Pitkala,2006)

Interventions “In the last two decades, there has been growing interest in evidence-based policymaking in the field of public health. For this, policymakers need


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information about the effectiveness and cost-effectiveness of interventions to prevent diseases and promote health. Public health problems do not stand alone but are embedded in macro level socio-economic environments. Therefore, public health problems require a combination of strategies that take the local context into account. “The best way to break the cycle of loneliness is to get involved” (Kallejian, 2003) (Jerrome1991) has argued that “interventions at the group level are advantageous in working with older people who are vulnerable to loneliness. The group approach recognises the value of interaction with peers and the benefits of mutual help; also he emphasises that “in later life contact with friends serves to reduce loneliness and increase feelings of usefulness, unlike those with kin.” People who have companionship or social network share information and knowledge, mutual help and assistance at times of functional disability; also they can have leisure time activities together; older people get support from neighbourhood provided they develop a good relation built with them. “The contribution of friendship to well being in later life can be understood in terms of the provision of companionship and social support” (Rook, 1990). Building relationship is the outcome of one’s feelings and which is highly of qualitative nature. In this regard rather than the quantity, quality plays a prior role. Feeling of loneliness is not just a feeling for social net work but it is something more that fetches some satisfaction to individuals. A person cannot get satisfied just because he/she is surrounded by people. Loneliness is not simply a desire for any company (Weiss 1980), but the relationships need to be specific and important to the individual. The right choice of the group with whom the individual is associated gives him/her the longing mental satisfaction. So loneliness is not just the product of nobody around someone but it is more reflecting the feelings and emotions of a senior citizen. Social participation is very important for elderly people to remain active. Elderly people need to be functionally fit enough to live independently and get involved in family and social activities. It is possible that part of the reason why low social participation has such strong influence on functional decline is that social participation gives meaning to an individual’s life by virtue of enabling him or her to participate in it fully, to be obligated and to feel attached to one’s community (Berkman et. al., 2000)

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Social participation provides opportunities for companionship and sociability. It has been suggested that participation in social activities is essential by promoting sense of control and self-efficacy (Adelman,1994). Social disconnectedness and perceived isolation are not interchangeable indicators. Instead they have separate and distinct associations with physical and mental health. Social disconnectedness is associated with worse physical health, regardless of whether it prompts feelings of loneliness or a perceived lack of social support. Socially disconnected older adults have worse mental health only to the extent they feel isolated. This is an interesting finding that deserves more attention (Erin York Cornwell, Linda J. Waite (2009). The social contacts create feeling of security and usefulness in the minds of elderly. When they are left alone they feel more as a burden to the family and an economic waste; some cases they end up with fruitless arguments that mentally disturbs them and other members at home. To manage this situation, elderly people can engage themselves with some activities like practising yoga or exercises, doing their hobbies, listening to music, etc. they can try keeping themselves busy; books may become good friends, if they cultivate the habit reading; they can try learning something which they did get a chance as a child or youth; “For elderly people, participation in leisure activities is a way to maintain full participation in society and show that being old does not equal being useless, passive and dependent. In addition, social activities provide room for personal contacts and a daily routine that is a substitute for productive work” (Angel Rodriguez-Laso et. al., 2007). The of research articles have mostly identified with the need for social relationships, friendship, social networks, intervention activities etc. are required for the elderly people to overcome the state of being alone. The study by Hanna Palkeinen, 2005 (Article 17) states that the qualitative aspects and subjective experiences of loneliness among elderly people have received little attention. Though social relations have considerable influence on the loneliness, of the elderly people, most of the elderly people were stable and maintained their functional ability.


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Conclusion An attempt to this comparative study of the works of various scholars has helped in identifying the correlation that exists between the loneliness in elderly people with the social networks, however there are some discrepancies to these opinions. Almost all the studies have one way or the other identified that elderly people are highly vulnerable to loneliness and they go through physical and mental health problems. Lack of social support will increase the risk factor in the development of depression in old age (Green BH, Copeland JRM, Sharma V. et.al., (1992). The age, gender, marital status and other demographic features have comparatively lower degree of influence in elderly people with loneliness. But “the social networks and supports play a powerful role in influencing quality of life and general well being of everyone in particular the elderly people. Social support is assessed as the more qualitative aspects of the support relationship including how satisfied individuals are with the support they receive” (Antonucci TC, et.al., 1997). Many interventions focusing on loneliness is to engage people in new social relationships or social activities. Loneliness may be triggered by transitions such as retirement, the death of the partner or close friends, relocation, or chronic health problems (Peplau & Perlman,1982; Pinquart & Sorensen,2001). Older adults often turn to a network of friends in times of need. Some research suggests that friend contact may be more integral in preventing loneliness than family contact (Pinquart & Sorensen, 2001). The social network of elderly can be developed and sustained by creating opportunities for interactions through entertainment programs, and providing commutation to bring the people together. Instead of starting old age homes, a center for kids and old can be started together where these elderly people can spend their time with those children by playing, teaching and taking care of them; this makes both the way life to be happier; living together with the choice of their companions, encouraging remarriages if the people decide to do so; getting them involved in some social work , arranging for picnics with friends and relatives can also be given importance as a new way of managing the loneliness in the old age. Man being a social animal enjoys spending time with family and friends, get mentally relieved while sharing personal ups and downs, and the exchange of ideas. Being together will make them feel happy, connected

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to the family and society, and help them to come out of depression and not to feel loneliness.

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Current Theory, Research and Therapy, (1-20). New York: Wiley Interscience. 25. Pettigrew, M., Whitehead, M., Macintyre, S. J., Graham, H. & Egan, M. (2004). Evidence for Public Health Policy on Inequalities 1: The Reality According to Policymakers. Journal of Epidemiology and Community Health, 58(10), 811-816. 26. Pinquart, M. & Sorensen, S. (2001). Influences on Loneliness in Older Adults: A Meta-Analysis. Basic and Applied Social Psychology, 23, 245-267. 27. Pinquart, M. & Sorensen, S. (2003). Risk Factors for Loneliness in Adulthood and Oldage- A Meta Analysis. In Shohov, S. P. (ed.) Advances in Psychology Research. (19, 111-143.) Hauppauge, NY: Nova Science. 28. Rook, K. S. (1990). Social Relationships as a Source of Companionship: Implications for Older Adults’ Psychological Well-Being. In B. R. Sarason, I. G. Sarason & G. R. Pierce (Eds.), Social Support: An Interactional View (243-267). New York: Wiley and Sons. 29. Russell, D., Peplau, L. A. & Cutrona, C. E. (1980). The Revised UCLA Loneliness Scale: Concurrent and Discriminant Validity Evidence. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 39, 472480. 30. Routasalo, P. E., Savikko, N., Tilvis, R. S., Strandberg, T. E. & Pitkala, K. H. (2006). Social Contacts and Their Relationship to Loneliness among Aged People- A Population - Based Study. Gerontology, 52(3), 181-187. 31. Tijhuis, M. A. R., Jong-Gierveld, J. & Feskens, E. J. M. (1999). Changes In and Factors Related to Loneliness in Oldermen. The Zutpen Elderly Study. Age and Ageing, 28,491-495. 32. Turner, R. J. & Noh, S. (1988). Physical Disability and Depression: A Longitudinal Analysis. Journal of health and Social Behaviour, 29, 23-27. 33. Victor, C., Scambler, S., Bond, J. & Bowling , A. (2000). Being Alone in Later in Later Life: Lone- Lines, Social Isolation and Living Alone. 34. Weidinger, B. Einsamkeit und ihre Auswirkung auf das subjective Krankheitsempfinden bei uber 60 jahrigen Patienten in der Allge-


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Commentary

The ‘Anna Movement’ and Its Message –Nirupam Hazra1 With the decision of Team Anna to form political party, the Anna Movement or the so-called ‘Second Movement of Independence’ comes to an end. But was the movement only about sound and fury or had it some message for every one of our society? The hurly burly is done, but the battle is neither lost nor won, because the battle has reduced into a burlesque. With the decision of fighting corruption in a democratic political way, the phenomenon called Anna Movement comes to its much expected farcical end. In a country where a new scam hits headline every second day; Anna suddenly appeared as a Saviour, a Messiah. Clad in white khadi, this short, supple, septuagenarian instantly caught nation’s imagination. Nation suddenly woke up to ‘Second Independence’ movement and in Anna people found another Bapu and media stumbled upon a treasure trove of 24/7 reality show. When Anna began the first fast in April 2011, people gradually started to lend support. The demonstration against corruption slowly took the form of an urban movement, a movement of middle-class. Joining the movement became a moral obligation for the middle-class who so far has been part of the conundrum called corruption. It is the middle-class who implicitly supported the corruption either as a victim or as a beneficiary. Anna movement brought to them an opportunity of collective catharsis. It became a spectacle to vent out their frustration in a meaningful, if not patriotic way. Apart from that it also became an escape from humdrum of mundane middle-class life. On the other hand for the young generation, who did not have the opportunity be part of any great movement like freedom struggle or JP movement, Anna gave them their ‘Rang de Basanti’ moment. It was their chance to prove that they still exist beyond Facebook, gyms and Roadies. It was for them to show that they are not less patriot than their pre-Independent counterpart. With tricolor in one hand and Blackberry in other, they became the new revolutionary. Media played the role of catalyst in this ‘Second Independent’ 1 Pursuing Masters in Social Work [MSW] from Delhi School of Social Work; University of Delhi: Email : [email protected]

The ‘Anna Movement’ and Its Message

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movement. For media, especially electronic media, Anna movement came as an Indian version of Arab Spring. The electronic media, which generally remains obsessed with three Cs –crime, cricket and celebrity –, found another one, corruption. After 26/11, Anna’s movement was the major event that provided substantial fodder for 24/7 news channels for several days at a stretch. On the other hand, Anna desperately needed the disproportionate attention that the media bestowed upon for the movement to thrive and survive. So, it resulted into a symbiotic relationship for news hungry media and attention-starved Team Anna. So, armed with formal mandate of middle-class and maddening media coverage, Team Anna marched ahead to save the country, the democracy and the ordinary people. But, unfortunately they ended up setting a classic example of putting the cart before the horse. To save the country and its people, they resorted to challenge the very foundation of a democratic country and the faith of its people. With the casual support of a few lakh people in a billion plus country, Team Anna became the pseudo-representative of the whole nation. They got engaged to build a superman called Jan Lokpal, which will eventually wipe out the corruption on the face of India. The thousands of gullible, myopic Indians set an ideal example of ‘willing suspension of disbelief’ by blindly supporting whatever proposed by Team Anna. But a superman must be built through a supernatural (or unconstitutional) process. So, they demanded to be part drafting committee of the Bill, a demand which was not only extra-constitutional, but also outrageously ridiculous. What encouraged them more were the government’s initial genuflection and opposition’s opportunism. Actually; government did not know how to deal with such an unusual phenomenon. So, suddenly Anna became India, and the ubiquitous ‘Main bhi Anna’ cap the totem of patriotism. Then the tug of war began between inefficient, corrupt, elected government and megalomaniac members of Team Anna. They obstinately stood at their demand. One fast was followed by another fast, then another one, until it was reduced to the level of farce. Media grew disinterested and cynical, people got disillusioned and the government turned indifferent. The ‘Second Independence’ failed to reach epiphanic moment of Independence. But it taught some lessons to all. Team Anna realized that end cannot justify the means. It is not possible despotically to achieve anything in a democracy by holding the government to ransom. The government learnt it well that it was the vacuum created by their ineptitude and inefficiency that led to

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the rise of Anna and his team. The media realized they went overboard in creating a halo of hype and hoopla surrounding the movement. And the gullible common people, who accepted everything on just face value, may find them disillusioned and dejected – but they had learnt the muchneeded lesson of critical thinking. A democracy becomes stronger when the common people start ‘thinking’ instead of being swept away by anything and everything.

Book Review

Society and Social Justice: A Nexus in Review by Brij Mohan. 2012. Bloomington, IN: iUniverse (ISBN: 978 1 4759-4 sc; $13.49 hc; $23.95; $3.99 ebk; P. 102) About a decade ago, I had the pleasure of writing a Foreword (with S.Zafar Hasan) to Professor Brij Mohan’s Social Work Revisited (2002). We noted 5 trilogies of his books evolving as a formidable Magnum Opus. Brij Mohan’s unmatched ability to deconstruct and conceptualize complex constructs has earned him an enviable international status, not only as the most published social work author, but also as a social philosopher in the tradition of Sartre, Foucault and Habermas. When length and breadth acquire depth, the outcome assumes the oceanic quality. The book under review is an embodiment of this rare attribute. Brij Mohan’s work spans through half-a-century of journey on the vast spectrum of social-psychological phenomena. The outcome is a compendium of about thirty plus concepts broadly clustered around five major themes (chapters) intertwined in their nature and scope. Each theme substantiated by relevant samplers is assiduously revisited and reflectively commented upon with concluding observations. The nexus of human society and social justice sits at the heart of Mohan’s theory of new social development, a requiem for social work and its anachronistic situation in the realm of social sciences. Students and scholars in the field will find this outstanding book immensely beneficial for strengthening their intellectual bases commanding authority in a simple but complex world. There is no match to rival the significance of this laconically detailed, politically incorrect, and philosophically sound book in social work. This uniquely self-anthologized opus is guided and constructed by three former colleagues- Dr. Kapur,Dr. Soodan and Dr. Srivastava, of the author whom he graciously acknowledges as his co-editors. Their preferences and selection of ‘quotes’ is doubly helpful to readers who seek to find some jewels in fathomless depth of Brij’s work A profession adrift in its missionary direction, increasingly assuming uncritical—Mohan calls it

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anti-intellectual—strides should read through and in-between the lines of this challenging expose. The last three components offer a penetrating insight into the author’s odyssey--triumphs and travails—that capstone his take on the human condition. The 10 + 7 unvarnished questions, brilliantly framed and answered with outrageous honesty, is a rare treat for intellectually hungry readers: The man behind his words; the words depicting a world that is so uplifting amidst the banality of madness. The Afterword, a neoNietzschean essay on contemporary social reality, sums it up well: “Man is a lonely creature, incomplete at best, predatory at worst” (p. 73). Reviewed by John W. Landon1

1. Professor Emeritus; College of Social Work; University of Kentucky; USA; Email: [email protected]