Ethnobotanic garden design in the Ecuadorian Amazon - Springer Link

Biodivers Conserv (2011) 20:429–439 DOI 10.1007/s10531-010-9984-9 ORIGINAL PAPER

Ethnobotanic garden design in the Ecuadorian Amazon Susanne Innerhofer • Karl-Georg Bernhardt

Received: 11 August 2009 / Accepted: 23 December 2010 / Published online: 21 January 2011 Ó Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2011

Abstract This study focuses on the documentation of traditional plant usage among Kichwa, the indigenous people from Canton Loreto, Ecuador. The relationship between people, plants and the natural environment is demonstrated in an ethnobotanical garden at the Capacity Building Centre of the town. The construction site for the ethnobotanical garden is a 1.5 ha secondary forest. The forest was analyzed with a local key informant and 150 different useful species were found. The plant species recorded are mainly used for medicinal purposes, followed by edible plants, and finally by food sources for animals. Open-ended interviews were conducted with the aim of identifying the most commonly used plant species among the Kichwas. The results showed that Ilex guayusa ranked most popular, followed by Myroxylon balsamum, Cedrela odorata, Banisteriopsis caapi, and Urera caracasana. Focus groups were held and the most important plant applications were evaluated. The collected data illustrated that Kichwas attach great importance to medicinal and ritual plants, followed by plants used for handcraft. Edible plants rank afterwards, followed by dye plants and plants used for hunting. The above findings serve as the backbone of the design for the ethnobotanical garden. The garden acts as a tool to preserve and promote the knowledge of plants, focusing mainly on medicinal plants. The growing areas for the plant species were determined according to their importance to the Kichwas. The concept of the ethnobotanical garden conveys the holistic picture drawn from the investigation on people and plants of the Kichwas. Keywords Ethnobotanical Garden design Kichwa Amazon Ecuador Medicinal plants

S. Innerhofer (&) K.-G. Bernhardt Department of Botany, University of Natural Resources and Life Sciences, Vienna, Gregor-Mendel-Straße 33, 1180 Wien, Austria e-mail: [email protected] K.-G. Bernhardt e-mail: [email protected]

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Biodivers Conserv (2011) 20:429–439

Introduction Due to climatic factors and topography, Ecuador is a highly species rich country. 15,000 species of vascular plants have been documented (Valencia et al. 2000), whereas 4,857 (31.7%) are native to Ecuador’s Amazon region (Ceroń et al. 2005). In an area of 0.1 ha, more than 260 species C2.5 cm diameter at breast hight (DBH) have been found (Ceroń 1996) and 1 ha encompasses 307 species C10 cm DBH (Valencia et al. 1994). Since deforestation is increasing rapidly, at a rate of 100,000–240,000 ha yearly (Varea et al. 1997), biodiversity and cultural identity of people living within the tropical forest are threatened (Breckling and Birkenmeier 2000). The decrease in biodiversity undoubtedly entails a significant loss of cultural diversity and loss of knowledge on the use of plants held by indigenous communities (Maffi 2001; Ceroń et al. 2005). This leads to the challenge of identifying and documenting species of cultural importance and ensuring their conservation (Hawkins 2008). Botanic gardens represent a tool for ex situ conservation of endangered species, while ethnobotanic gardens show collections of useful species and tell a compelling story about people and plants (Jones and Hoversten 2004). An ethnobotanic garden reflects the culture of a certain place, at a certain time and creates awareness for the dependence of humans on plants (Willison 2004). Ethnobotanic gardens provide visitors with information relating to threats to plant diversity and strategies for plant conservation. In addition to the educational and scientific efforts, ethnobotanic gardens should contribute to the needs of the local people (Maunder 2008). The aim of the project was to build an ethnobotanical garden that serves as a platform for the transmission of knowledge about useful plants, focusing on medicinal plants. Primarily health promoters and healers should be provided with plants from the garden in order to put forward traditional practices through education in the garden. Education measures contain the enhancement of knowledge on medicinal plants and the protection of endangered and over-exploited species. The Ecuadorian NGO, FONAKIN (Federacioń de las organizaciones de la nacionalidad Kichwa del Napo) owns a 20 ha site, which hosts a Capacity Building Centre and experimental areas for agricultural crops. 1.5 ha of secondary forest are designated for the construction of an ethnobotanical garden that combines in situ and ex situ conservation efforts. Preliminary investigations were conducted on the most commonly used plant species in the everyday life of the Kichwa people from the Canton Loreto. The collected data on useful plants provide the basis for the planting plan and design, which has been implemented with health promoters of different Kichwa communities and children from a bilingual school (Kichwa–Spanish).

Materials and methods Study area and description of interview partners The field study was carried out between April and October 2007 in Canton Loreto (see Fig. 1) in north-eastern Ecuador. In 2007, Loreto was the only canton in the federal state Orellana without mineral oil production. It is named cantoń ecolo´gico and contains the Biosphere Reserve Napo-Galeras and National Park of Gran Sumaco. Loreto is home to 14,777 people, with an area of 215 km2, whereas 69% of the land is owned by indigenous people, 14% by colonists, and the rest belongs to the above-mentioned nature reserves (Canãdas 2005). Biodiversity in Loreto is very high due to the high variety of geological and climate factors. Altitudes vary between 3,732 m (Sumaco Peak) and 260 m above sea

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Fig. 1 Map of Ecuador—study area Canton Loreto

level. The average annual precipitation is about 4,000 mm; average humidity is approximately 90% with an average annual temperature of 25°C (Revelo and Palacios 2005). The ethnic group inhabiting Canton Loreto belongs to the Quijos-Kichwas, which are Ecuador’s largest indigenous group with over 60,000 members (Bennett 1992). 95.7% of the Kichwas in Loreto originate from north-western parts of Ecuador (federal state Napo), ` vila Viejo (Canãdas 2005). whereas only 4.3% are native, living in the community A The interview partners were Quijos-Kichwas from 22 different communities in Loreto. 40 people were interviewed, from whom 25 were male and 15 were female, with an age range between 20 and 70 years. Twelve interviewees were living at the same place where they had been born. All other informants came mainly from the two cities of Archidona and Tena. Concerning those who changed their home town, the vegetation in their place of birth was the same as in their communities of choice. 17 of the 25 male interviewees were farmers; all of the 15 interviewed women were housewives and farmers. Education level of the interviewees was very low, with the average interview partner having attended 6 years of school. Only three persons had attended University, and four had never gone to school. Ethnobotanical data collection methods and participatory planning The methods used for data collection are designed for participatory research purposes, and promote free knowledge and information sharing between healers, researchers and community members. Informal conversations, semi-structured interviews and focus groups were held to generate ethnobotanical data, whereas detailed explanations are given in the textbook of ethnobotany (Martin 1995; Cunningham 2001). The construction site of the garden (1.5 ha) was divided into squares of 20 9 20 m (Fig. 2). A team drew up an

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Fig. 2 Local key informant surveying the site using GPS

ethnobotanical inventory, identified in situ all useful plants, regardless of their size, and recorded them. Semi-structured interviews were held with members of the indigenous group after we had been working for 3 months within the organisation FONAKIN. By that time people were familiar with us and our work, which resulted in high participation rates. Interviews were conducted at the Capacity Building Centre, at a local market and at a congress of Kichwa communities. An interpreter lent support to people not able to speak Spanish. Freelists, a technique used in the course of an interview, were used to compare informants’ perception of what items are important (Puri and Vogl 2005). We always asked the same question, for example: Please tell me as many medicinal plants as you can think of. They were completed in the ‘‘fill-in-the-blank’’ mode, in the order they were given. The data were analysed using the informant consensus method (Heinrich et al. 1998). The method gives information about which plants are commonly known and what is rare (Puri and Vogl 2005). Traditional medical practitioners and traditional midwives were invited to focus group discussions at the Capacity Building Centre where participatory planning actions were held. Traditional medical practitioners and midwives are experts in plant usage and were known to the organisation FONAKIN. Eight midwifes and healers attended, which is an average size for focus group discussions (Bloor et al. 2001). Trainees of the health promotion program and school children from a bilingual high school were involved in the planning and construction process of the ethnobotanical garden.

Results and discussion Ethnobotany of Kichwa 352 plant species were documented as being used in different areas of life and cultural practices of the Kichwa people of the Canton Loreto. Plants listed were sorted into the following main categories: medicines and rituals, wild edibles, dyes, construction and handcrafts, fishing and hunting and culturally important plants.

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Medicinal and ritual plants Medicinal plants show the highest number of species (132), whereas Maytenus krukovii shows the highest Smith’s S (0.45). Smith’s Salience is a measure of salience, or recognition, for each item and reflects frequency and rank in the informants’ list (Puri and Vogl 2005). A high correspondence level was found between Bryophyllum pinnatum, Uncaria guianensis and Zingiber officinale. Data analysis shows little variability but high reliability, which leads to the conclusion that the information given is coherent and that the mentioned plants are used frequently. This is proven by the outcome from conducted questionnaires when asking for the most recently harvested medicinal plant, with Maytenus krukovii being mentioned most frequently (Fig. 3).

Fig. 3 List of medicinal plants

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The more often the plant is mentioned by different people, the greater its importance in Kichwa traditional medicine. Uncaria guianensis, Banisteriopsis caapi and Brunfelsia grandiflora are among the most commonly used medicinal plants, whereas Banisteriopsis caapi, Brugmansia arborea and Brunfelsia grandiflora are used exclusively as hallucinogens and in shamanic rituals, and not as medicines. Asking the interviewees how they cured the most recent illness, 62 medicinal plants were mentioned and only two people interviewed mentioned that they did not recently apply any medicinal plants but instead had bought conventional medicine from a pharmacy. The investigation shows that interviewees use medicinal plants (97%) more likely then pharmaceuticals (3%) and that western medicine is still looked upon with a lot of scepticism. Figure 4 illustrates that illnesses are preferably treated at home (38%) or by a shaman (22%). When we asked where their last illness was cured, results showed that 15 interviewees were cured at home, compared to 9 people who took shamanic treatments and 11 who had visited the hospital (27%). Our studies showed that the most used and harvested plant among the informants is Ilex guayusa, a tree grown in every Kichwa home garden. A handful of brewed leaves provide the daily morning drink with multiple effects besides the caffeine kick, like luck in hunting and fishing, or the protection from snake bites. According to the output of the interviews shown in Fig. 5, Ilex guayusa is the most significant plant in the daily life of the Kichwa, indicating that it is representing their culture as a national plant. Bryophyllum pinnatum, second on the list in Fig. 5, is also in the freelist of culturally important plants, and is thus not only a very commonly harvested plant but linked to great importance in the Kichwa’s everyday life. Wild edible plants In Kichwa culture, wild edible plants play an important role in the diet and different parts of a plant are harvested. Results show that 108 different wild edible plants were mentioned 396 times. The plant mentioned most, with a frequency of 26, is Grias neuberthii producing a fruit, which is consumed grilled or raw. Gustavia macarensis, Bactris gasipaes and Jessenia bataua are plants with a high frequency, followed by Theobroma bicolor, Pouteria caimito and Caryodendron orinocense. Many of the edible plants are harvested in the wild but also grown in gardens around houses.

Fig. 4 Place of treatment

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Fig. 5 Ilex guayusa ranks top—it is the most commonly harvested plant

Fishing and hunting Fishing and hunting are major activities within Kichwa communities. Different fishing methods can be distinguished (nets, fishing-rods and fish poisons), which each use different plant sources for the construction of their fishing gear. Interview results show that the use and knowledge of the ichthyo-toxins Lonchocarpus nicou and Clibadium asperum are most widespread among the Kichwa. Minquartia guianensis and Lonchocarpus utilis, as well as Thinouia obliqua were mentioned frequently. Cardulovica palmata, Aechmea strobilacea and Astrocaryum chambira are harvested and processed into fishing equipment. Our study shows that the knowledge on plants and cultural practises is transferred from generation to generation. Data show that parents and grandparents are the guardians of knowledge on plants and that one generation learns from the other (Fig. 6). Only 5% of the interviewees gained their knowledge on plants from people other than their parents (father and/or mother) and/or grandparents.

Fig. 6 Knowledge transfer for plant species

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Design of the ethnobotanic garden The ethnobotanical garden Amazonia in Loreto is a project initiated by Kichwa communities of the region. In cooperation with the FONAKIN, the Austrian development aid agency Horizont 3000, and the Institute of Botany of the University of Applied Life Science in Vienna launched the ethnobotanical garden project in the summer of 2007. Health promoters are being trained in the Capacity Centre of the town. The course promotes the usage of local medicinal plants, which can be found at the ethnobotanical garden. The investigation on medicinal and ritual plants, as well as other culturally important plants, built the basis for the design. The output of the focus group discussion and participatory planning event with midwives and traditional healers showed that the garden should be divided into different plant usage areas, with the category of medicinal plants being the largest, followed by the category of ritual plants and plants used for handcrafts. The site of the ethnobotanical garden is a secondary forest hosting 150 useful species, belonging to 65 families. Data in Table 1 show that trees represent the most used habitus (57.38%), followed by herbaceous species (18.57%) and shrubs (15.61%). Trees are used as construction material, merchandise, medicinal purposes and provide food for animals hunted by the Kichwa. The design of the garden shows the relationship between people and plants. In the Kichwa mythology the jaguar (Panthera onca) plays an important role because wise men are transformed into jaguars after death (Iglesias 1989). Therefore the jaguar represents the counterpart of the human body and is used as a synonym for the perfect, immortal body. The bird’s eye view of the garden contains pathways that represent a jaguar. The jaguar is divided into seven compartments, each containing a collection of medicinal plants used for a different part of the body (Fig. 7). For example, medicinal plants for the treatment of illnesses of the respiratory tract can be found at the nose of the jaguar. Comparison of results 352 different useful plant species were registered by using freelists. In a 1.5 ha plot, 150 different useful species were found, with trees identified as the most used plants. Trees are Table 1 Plants at the secondary forest site, listed according to their use and habitus Use-categories

Habitus Trees Shrubs Herbaceous Epiphyte Hemiepiphyte Bulbs Vines

Medicinal plants

23

15

Merchandise

21

1

Household equipment Culture and custom

19

4

1

9

8

1

72 22

4

4

2

Edibles

20

7

7

Animal food source

25

5

4

Others

1

P

1 2

12 36 34

4

4

3

Fuel and firewood

22

3

2

27

Construction material

13

1

2

16

Fishing and hunting P Use per habitus

123

1

1

1 136

37

44

13

1 2

6

1

11

Uses


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Fig. 7 Bird’s eye view of the ethnobotanical garden

used as construction material, as merchandise and medicinal plants. As the bark of the trees contains tannins and other active agents they are used as drugs. Ceroń (1996) and Ceroń et al. (2005) registered 173 useful species in three communities in Loreto and found 401 different species at the biological station Limoncocha. Bennett (1992) shows that Kichwa use more than 90% of all species found in a 1 ha plot C10 cm DBH. Due to his findings the number of useful species should be considerably higher, considering the fact that a 1 ha plot can host more than 307 species (C10 cm DBH) (Valencia et al. 1994). Bennett (1992) estimates that the Amazon Basin contains 25,000 useful plant species. On the other hand, a study by Reyes-Garcıá (2001) indicates that the knowledge and potential use of plants is higher than their actual use. Reyes-Garcıá (2001) showed that out of 410 documented useful species, Tsimanes (Bolivian indigenous group) actually only used 253 species within a year. When it comes to plant families, the findings of this study are similar to those of Macıá (2004), who showed that the most used plant family among indigenous people in the Amazon region is Arecaceae. The interviewees named 17 different Arecaceaes, whereas Iriartea deltoidea was mentioned most frequently. Although gender and socio-cultural aspects were considered when data was collected, the result shows that neither age nor education nor distance to cities influenced the extent of plant knowledge. The fact that elderly people do not have a greater knowledge of plants than younger ones leads to the conclusion that knowledge is transferred from one generation to the next. This verifies our results on knowledge transfer, as we showed that only 5% of the interviewees had learnt about plants from someone other than their grandparent or parents (Fig. 6). Our results are similar to those of Iglesias (1989), who shows that ethnobotanical knowledge is passed on by the entire family and that wise council from the elderly (‘‘rucucuna’’) is still highly valued in Kichwa communities. The design of the garden underlies physical and economic restrictions. Due to its abiotic factors (radiation, microclimate, soil) the site is generally suitable for the establishment of

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a garden. But plants from a primary forest will struggle to adapt to the different conditions, like relatively high solar radiation, temperature and relatively low soil fertility in the secondary forest. Furthermore, healers prefer primary forest species as they perceive these plants to be more ancient and stronger than secondary forest species (Bourbonnais-Spear et al. 2006). Scientific studies partly support this because medicinal properties in plants are mainly due to the presence of secondary metabolites which the plants need in their natural environments under particular conditions of stress and competition (Shippmann et al. 2002). The ethnobotanic garden is still seen as an important and successful tool for plant conservation practices in Loreto as it offers information about cultivation of medicinal plants for the public. If educational measures take effect the pressure on wild populations will be relieved.

Conclusion This study highlights the use of plants by the Kichwa from Canton Loreto and describes the challenging ethnobotanical garden project initiated by members of Kichwa communities with the aim of promoting traditional healing practices. By documenting the usage of plant species, transmission of knowledge from one generation to the next is ensured and the link between the environment and culture is strengthened. Against the backdrop of ongoing destruction of the rainforest, early formation of ex situ measures for the preservation and conservation of biodiversity in the form of ethnobotanical gardens is of utmost importance. The garden might enhance living conditions, offering jobs for people taking care of nurseries and medicinal plant production. The negative effects of climate change caused by habitat devastation like deforestation and implementation of intensive agriculture by the inhabitants of the canton Loreto and others can be alleviated through educational measures at the Capacity Building Centre and ethnobotanical garden. Acknowledgments This work was supported by the University of Bodenkultur, Vienna and the Office of International Relations. The authors wish to acknowledge FONAKIN, Paz y Desarollo and Horizont 3000 for the possibility of working within their organisation and their support. The authors are grateful to P. Alvarado and C. Ceroń who identified numerous species. Thanks are equally due to A. Amores and A. Albań for accommodation and research support. Thanks to all those who participated in the interviews, to L. Aıńda for his work of interpreting into Kichwa and to P. Alvarado for his support in the field work.

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