Event Management, Vol. 11, pp. 81–88 Printed in the USA. All rights reserved.
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EVENTS FRAMED BY THE MASS MEDIA: MEDIA COVERAGE AND EFFECTS OF AMERICA’S CUP PREREGATTA IN SWEDEN
JESPER FALKHEIMER Department of Service Management, Campus Helsingborg, Lund University, Helsingborg, Sweden
There are usually two arguments for the support of public opinion in arranging events: the event will yield economic benefits, and the event will attract journalists and gain media exposure leading to positive image effects. In this article the latter argument is analyzed in relation to earlier research in media and communication studies and an empirical media analysis of the America’s Cup preregatta that took place in Malmö, Sweden in 2005 is presented. It is concluded that generally held belief in media effects of events is oversimplified and that there is a need to develop a political and public understanding of these processes. The empirical analysis shows that the preregatta media coverage was negative regionally while appearing neutral at the national and international levels. Key words: Media effects; Events; News management; Media analysis; Public relations; Destination image
Introduction
This analysis is based upon a media analysis of Malmö-Skåne Louis Vuitton Acts 6&7 of the 32nd America’s Cup—Valencia, a preregatta of the legendary sailing competition The America’s Cup that took place between August 24 and September 4 in 2005. The Swedish event consisted of 2 out of 13 preregattas (named “acts” by the America’s Cup Management) that also took place in Marseille (France), Trapani (Sicily, Italy), and Valencia (Spain) from 2004 to 2007. In other words, these preregattas are not equivalent with the final America’s Cup Match or the final Louis Vuitton Cup that takes place in Valencia during 2007. Based upon current theory and this empirical study three major conclusions are made. First, that the role of the mass media in event management processes must
One of the main arguments behind bidding for major and hallmark events is that the host city, region or nation will benefit from the media coverage generated before, during, and after the event. In this article the aim is to discuss this argument in relation to theories of media effects and to test the validity through an empirical event case study. Despite the relevance of massmediated communication in event management, there have been few theoretical and empirical attempts to understand or explain the roles and effects of the media. Further, the few case studies that have been done seldom use media and communication theory (Getz &Fairley, 2003; Jones, 2001).
Address correspondence to Jesper Falkheimer, Ph.D., Assistant Professor in Media and Communication Studies, Department of Service Management, Box 822, Campus Helsingborg, Lund University, 251 08 Helsingborg, Sweden. E-mail:
[email protected]
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be viewed as complex and different depending on the place context. Second, that the belief in image effects through general event media exposure in international and national mass media is oversimplified and has no support in contemporary communication studies. Third, that media coverage and media relations in event management processes have more in common with political communication than commercial marketing. Events and Media Coverage: A Blind Spot of Research Arranging and supporting events aiming to develop destinations such as cities, regions, and nations is nowadays a common public strategy (Jones, 2001; Westerbeek, Turner, & Ingerson, 2002). In Sweden, as in other developed nations, there is increasing efforts to use events as attention and image tools, especially as visits to events have increased by 9% between 1998 and 2003 (Swedish Tourist Delegation, 2005) with sporting events being the second largest category after entertainment events. The America’s Cup is, according to the events literature (Getz, 1997), a typical “mega event” because it draws international visitors and mass media interest, is peripatetic (therefore having no natural link to the geographical place where it is hosted), and is related to long-term tourism, business, and image effects. There are usually two arguments for the support of public opinion in arranging events: the event will yield economic benefits, and the event will attract journalists and gain media exposure leading to positive image effects. In North America, Australia, and the UK media coverage and exposure was seen to be the main argument behind events. In practice, the organization of event management has many similarities to political processes, involving coordination and interaction between several actors with certain and not always interlinked interests (Larson, 2003). This organizing principle is, as will be revealed in this article, very important for understanding the media coverage and effects. The focus upon the role of media and communication in social, political, corporate, and cultural systems is a contemporary phenomenon, which may be linked to a broad-based societal shift where the media saturates and influences all levels of society, from everyday life (such as the private home) to global institutions (such as the sports industry). Sociologist John B.
Thompson (1995) uses the concept of mediatization to explain how, “our sense of the past becomes increasingly nourished by media products, so too our sense of the groups and communities with which we share a common path through time and space, a common origin and a common fate, is altered, we feel ourselves to belong to groups and communities which are constituted in part through the media” (p. 35). Event management may be interpreted as a consequence of this process, as a proactive strategy to manage media visibility. But there is a lack of knowledge and research when it comes to the media dimension of events. The analysis of events in this context has mainly been based upon tourism and marketing studies not taking into account media and communication perspectives which emanate from mass communication research in sociology, political science, cultural studies, and economic psychology (McQuail, 2005). In media studies the concept event is used in several ways and it is usually explained in cultural and ritual terms. Dayan and Katz (1992) analyzed broadcasted national “media events” from a narrative angle and focused upon the ritual role of events. They found three different kinds of media events: contests, conquests, and coronations. The contests may be political spectacles as well as sports events, and this is where America’s Cup fits in. Contests are ceremonies and strongly dependent on rules of behavior, regulating that the best man or woman will win. Analysis of events as persuasive media communication is common in news management research, targeting relations between professional sources (such as press officers) and journalists (Manning, 2001). News management is, as a research field, grounded in media research and public relations, where the latter focus upon how legitimacy between organizations and society is constructed (through communications and relations). But researchers in news management have mainly been interested in political, crisis, and war propaganda where these relations are of certain democratic importance (Jowett & O’Donnell, 2006). The main issue in news management analysis is the classical sociological one: (1) is it the structure (such as organizational routines, media technology, or economics) that defines the communication process, (2) or the agents of communication (the sources or the journalists). Several studies (Cameron, Sallot, & Curtin, 1997; Falkheimer, 2005; Hall, 1978; Schlesinger, 1990) indicate that the influence of well-organized professional sources should not be underestimated. The de-
MEDIA COVERAGE/EFFECTS ON AMERICA'S CUP PREREGATTA IN SWEDEN velopment in late modern media industries—increasing speed of production and hybridization between entertainment and factual journalism—has gained the influence of professional sources. But it is also a fact that professional sources have been a part of society since the mass media emerged (Ewen, 1996). From a strategic standpoint, media coverage is optimized when the professional source: (1) has a good serious reputation among journalists, (2) only distributes relevant and trustworthy information, (3) understands the storytelling genres of the media, (4) has a high-ranked organizational position, and (5) is easy to find and contact (Manning, 2001). The long-term socioeconomic effects of events are hard to generalize. The effects of media coverage upon tourism and business investments are even harder to investigate (Van den Berg, Braun, & Otgaar, 2002). Getz and Fairley (2003) shares the same conclusion, stating that it may never be possible to prove any general correlation between media exposure and demand. Instead, Getz and Fairley have done some case studies focusing on event organizers media relations and found out that to optimize the effects: (1) big, unique, and repeated sport events should be preferred, and (2) that the media strategy should be integrated into the total place brand strategy. The saying that “all publicity is good publicity” is certainly not true when it comes to events. For example, Jones (2001) analyzed the economic impacts and media effects related to the World Cup in Rugby 1999 in Wales and showed how the event turned into a media scandal as a result of an ineffective bidding process and bad event management. Harsh media criticism, regionally as well as nationally based, may have lead to a negative image towards the destination. Swedish media scholar Jansson (2005) analyzed a similar event, the staging of a housing fair, Bo01, in Malmö, Sweden in 2001. The vision of the newly built postindustrial district in the former shipyard of the city gained very negative publicity especially regarding the public financial risks. Jansson (2005) concludes that the “catchwords of the place-marketing discourse were re-encoded . . ., transformed into a negative back-drop to the more dramatic socio-political events that took place in the local context” (p. 1679). The visionary branding project collided with the news media narrative that questioned the fair from several angles. It was accused of being a district only for the very rich, public tax money was embezzled, and few visitors came. As a conclu-
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sion, the media may gain the image of a destination but it may just as well create a boomerang effect. This boomerang effect may be devastating from a democracy perspective, because it usually sinks the public trust in fundamental public institutions. Effects of Brand Exposure in Media Does exposure by a place brand in media content by itself influence people’s attitudes and behavior? This is without doubt one of the main issues in academic as well as professional discussions about media exposure and events. However, most media and communication researchers would probably say “no” and traditional consumer marketers would perhaps say “maybe.” According to several psychological experiments (Dahlén & Lange, 2005), brand exposure, no matter if the context is positive or negative, leads to behavioral effects. But the communication objects in these experiments are usually low-involvement consumer products such as chewing gum or soap. Beside the fact that this stimuli–response research may be criticized for their epistemological and ontological assumptions, the results may fit well with low-involvement products. But there are heavy differences between high-involvement places or destinations that are the cultural contexts of events, and consumer products. Places are contested terrains with political, cultural, and social connotations that differ in every social context. Another argument is that the behavior that is called for is usually highly involvement (as decisions and actions). This is not to say that consumer products are not also “contested terrains,” but this argument is not developed here. In non-mainstream marketing theory, a relational perspective grounded in contemporary communication theory challenges the rational model of information exchange that has dominated the field since its emergence. “Central to modern marketing thinking, then, is the centrality of consumption in creating meaning and significance in people’s life’s” (Dermody & Scullion, 2001). Research about events effects upon images among people reveal different patterns. Mossberg and Hallberg (1999) conclude that, “different events lead to different image effects” (p. 214) depending on variables such as size, theme, and frequency. In a research project about the image effects of the Athletics World Cup in Gothenburg, Sweden in 1995, no obvious image effects upon international target groups were found. Bohlin (1996) analyzed the media profile through con-
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tent analysis and found that about 10,000 sport articles—not including the week of the sport event—were published in the national and international press from 1991 to 1995. The highest amount of media interest was local. The capital (Stockholm) press wrote comparably few articles while other national locals published many articles, but seldom with reference to anything else than local connections or the sports events. The place and destination of Gothenburg was hardly mentioned in the international press. When it comes to research of media effects in media and communication research, three theories may be mentioned as premises for events media effects. First, the agenda setting theory that was developed in opinion formation studies (McCombs & Shaw, 1972). From a historical view, media research has seldom confirmed the strong everyday belief in media effects. The agenda setting thesis does, though, conclude that media exposure does have an effect upon what people talk and think about, but not how or in what direction. The theory is based upon empirical analysis of attitudes and opinions among newspaper readers. Second, agenda setting theory has been developed empirically and there are studies that show that the media may also frame reality and influence the media consumer notions. Framing theory does not conclude that all consumers are influenced in the same way, but it takes the agenda setting theory one step further. Entman (1993) has found that the mass media has four main framing characteristics: (1) they define the problems, (2) frame correlations, (3) expresses moral judgments, and (4) show possible solutions. Third, framing theory needs to be complemented with cultural theory (which is a strong field in media studies) that nuances the media effects discourse. This is in deed necessary from an events management perspective, where media effects are often taken to easily for granted. Qualitative research is the ground for using the concept of negotiation instead of transmission of messages between a sender and a receiver. Hall (1980) has concluded that all media messages are texts that may be interpreted in three ideal different ways: according to a dominant reading where the intent of the sender is decoded, a negotiated reading where some aspects of the text is interpreted as intended, some not, or an oppositional reading where the receiver totally re-encodes the intended message. In all communication contexts these processes are taking place at the same time.
The Empirical Case Study The America’s Cup is one of the most prestigious sailing races in the world and has been arranged since 1851. Lately, the race has been commercially developed and is complemented by preregattas. Cities and regions compete to arrange the event through providing service and infrastructure and paying a fee. The marketing and promotion strategy is managed and controlled by America’s Cup Management. In 2003, team Alinghi was the first European team in history to win the whole race and bring the Auld Mug to Europe. The political decision to support the hosting of the preregatta of America’s Cup in the south of Sweden was taken in January 2005 by the regional and local municipalities. Professional staff were engaged and the marketing and public relations work started soon there after. The main task was to plan the handling of hundreds of national and international journalists that would visit the preregatta 8 months later. The decision to support and host the race was heavily debated in the regional newspapers, television, and radio shows. The main issue was whether it was right to take such a risk with taxpayers’ money. Other issues developed soon. There was political turbulence and the decision process was accused of being corrupt; however, the sailing competition turned out fine. Four hundred journalists covered the race; 250 of these journalists came from countries other than Sweden, representing 21 nationalities. Fifteen television companies bought rights to send the race live, but there was still heavy regional media criticism. This case study is aiming to show in quantitative and qualitative terms how the regional, national, and international media coverage of the preregatta of America’s Cup in Malmö-Skåne in 2005 was framed. The possible methods used to evaluate media effects are several. Following the coding–decoding process of all communication, one may either focus upon the strategic communicators (professional sources or spin doctors), the media texts (as content, profiles, stories), or the intended target groups (as opinions, publics, etc.). Ideally, one studies the whole process but in practice this is difficult. A method, or rather a rhetorical way of selling services, sometimes used by public relations actors is to count quantitative media exposure and compare this with advertising space. This often leads to the conclusion that editorial publicity is 7, 12, or 15 times cheaper or more efficient than advertising. But, of
MEDIA COVERAGE/EFFECTS ON AMERICA'S CUP PREREGATTA IN SWEDEN course, this is only pseudoscience—like comparing apples and oranges. The lack of qualitative analysis and image construction in different publics are neglected. This case study focuses on the media content through a quantitative as well as a rhetorical analysis (Falkheimer, 2005). The political scientist Berelson (1952) founded content analysis as a research methodology in a positivist tradition. In contrast to hermeneutic textual analysis, content analysis was meant to be objective and scientific. The analyst creates categories (medium, genre, source, bias) and counts the frequency of these in large amounts of media material. Putting the positivist argument aside, since this method also includes selection and interpretation, content analysis is still a very useful method to give a descriptive overview. But there is naturally a need for a deeper understanding of the media profile, going from answering what to how. Qualitative textual analysis is therefore a natural complement. By using rhetorical or critical discourse analysis (Fairclough, 1992, 1995), that there is not unfortunately space here to explain in depth, the hermeneutic process comes in the center. Since journalism is usually constructed through polarization (spatial, structural, personal), it is optimal to analyze the media texts as themes of oppositions. Finally, there is a need for connecting the quantitative and qualitative analysis to attitudes and opinions among the target or opinion groups. Making direct correlations between media image and public image is hardly possible when it comes to complex social phenomenons, such as major events. Secondary opinion polls were used to show trust in the political institutions that were involved in the event decision; however, it was not possible to complete empirical audience surveys. The analysis is made upon 1,800 publications, mainly newspaper articles, but also some radio and television material, published between January and September 2005. The selected material in some way or another contained the name of the preregatta. Of special concern to the analysis was how the place (as tourism destination or business investment area) was presented. The sample was divided into three groups: (1) a total sample of local and regional material (1,060 texts) containing the name of the preregatta, (2) an almost total sample of national material (530 texts), and (3) a minor sample of international material (250 texts) from several nations, such as the US, UK, Germany, France, Spain, Italy, and Denmark. The latter material was collected by the regional organizers in cooperation with
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America’s Cup Management and therefore has lower reliability. The media material was coded into different categories such as date, media genre, source, theme, and bias. Statistics were then produced and compared. Finally a qualitative text analysis was done focusing on central oppositions, narrative patterns, and themes in samples of the material. The qualitative-rhetorical analysis was done by reading through all articles and texts twice and selecting articles and texts that were interpreted as representative and relevant. Results The media interest in America’s Cup as a sports contest is very high. But the highest interest from a contextual perspective was local and regional. The local newspaper Sydsvenskan dominated the media profile. The national coverage mainly consists of neutral news bureau material or local stories (e.g., a local lorry factory that is hired to take care of transport). The media coverage in the Swedish capital Stockholm is comparably weak. Forty percent of articles are sports news with a further 40% containing other news material. The national and international media discusses nothing other than the sports race. When it comes to frequent and visible sources in the media material, the competitors are dominant. The municipal and regional public actors and the political decision process are very visible in the local and regional media while the business actors are all together invisible. Links to the regional business sector are very few. The total media profile is dominated by the contest, surrounded by several commercial brands (the ships are often sponsored and given brand names). The geographical, cultural, and social context is not visible. The total image of the contest was neutral (nationally and internationally) and negative (regionally) due to criticism from regional television and radio broadcasters. Only 12% of the 1,800 media publications had a direct positive bias towards the event or location with the city of Malmö, where the event had its base, receiving a more neutral profile than the region of Skåne. The city of Malmö and region of Skåne is mentioned in international media coverage, but only as name exposure due to arguments between America’s Cup Management, the city, and the region. Citizens were not frequently used as sources, except as writers of “letters to
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the editor.” This material tended to be very negative, often questioning why taxpayers’ money was being spent upon commercial and risky events. The qualitative analysis revealed six main themes. Three of these were typical of regional and local media coverage. (1) Welfare for all or sailing for a few. The opposition between traditional public welfare politics, illustrated through examples from savings done in the public health sector, and risky public managerialism, illustrated by the nickname of America’s Cup as “the billionaires cup,” dominate the regional and local media news stories. (2) The tensions between center and periphery. There is an obvious polarization and opposition between the event city of Malmö and the surrounding region, which is caused by the idea that all resources are targeted towards the center. (3) A turbulent political project. The political turbulence when it comes to the decision phase is hot news showing an internal division. Three other themes are more typical of the national and international media coverage. (4) National uniformity. The media stories in the national media are very uniform, and often exactly the same since they are bought from news bureaus. The stories are focused upon the sport contest and the participants. (5) International brand competition. The international media profile has several common characteristics with the national profile. But in the international media the brand competition is especially interesting. America’s Cup is the main brand, of course, and then we have the commercial brands (such as Louis Vuitton, BMW-Oracle) that dominate exposure, while the destination brand is very uncontextualized and demands prior knowledge or experience. (6) Images of ships and sea. This visual analysis has not been the focus of the study, but it is fact that most images show ships and the sea within a placeless framing. The media coverage of the preregatta has several similarities to the coverage of the Athletics World Cup in Gothenburg, mentioned earlier (Bohlin, 1996), although it did not receive as much negative publicity as the preregatta. Discussion The media coverage and public relations effects of the America’s Cup preregatta in Malmö-Skåne in 2005 may be interpreted in different ways. The framing of the event was rather consequential at the three differ-
ent levels: regionally the decision to support the event with public money was central while nationally and internationally the sailing race was central. Support for the event needs to be put into its regional context. Since the 1990s the politicians and business leaders in Malmö have worked hard to transform the former industrial city into a postindustrial economy. The Öresund Bridge between Copenhagen in Denmark and Malmö, inaugurated in 2000, is the hallmark of this new development. The construction of an amazing skyscraper in the old harbor, designed by famous architect Santiago Calatravas, is another example of the new regeneration strategy. Arranging an international sailing race was, according to the protagonists of this urban transformation, another step to realize the postindustrial vision of the city and the region. From a local and regional perspective the decision to host the sailing event was based upon the belief that it would lead to positive regional, national, and international media and image effects. This case study, however, did not confirm these assumptions. The local and regional media coverage, mainly negative, has created a legitimacy gap between politicians, stakeholders, and public opinion, with democratic consequences. Opinion polls as a result of the event show a decline in trust of regional and local politics and government (Nilsson & Antoni, 2005). The national media coverage was neutral but may have positive image effects. In an optimistic interpretation, destination, and name exposure may work in a national context, enforcing an image of the region as visionary and active, since the national public has prior knowledge and sometimes experience of the place. The quantitative national exposure may in this case be linked to an agenda setting effect, but the lack of contextualization in the media probably limits framing effects. Internationally, the neutral name exposure without contextualization gives no ground for any general positive image effect. Localization of business or tourist visits are usually not based upon lowinvolvement decisions; simple name or brand exposure is not enough. It is also a fact that the region of Skåne is not primarily associated with sailing, but with food and golf according to the regional destination marketers. Getz and Fairley’s (2003) conclusion that events need to be strongly integrated into the destination brand strategy enforces this negative interpretation. From a framing perspective (Entman, 1993) the media rather than the hosting region, city or the America’s Cup Management defined the problems, framed corre-
MEDIA COVERAGE/EFFECTS ON AMERICA'S CUP PREREGATTA IN SWEDEN lations, and expressed moral judgments. It is not an easy task to reframe the negative media image and it may be that the regional criticism and weak national and international place coverage showed that the hosting of the pre-regatta was a mistake from the start. In other words, the outcome of the event must be related to the bidding and decision process and this may have lacked a developed public and communicative analysis. The case study shows the need for event organizers to accept the fact that event management is also political communication, at least from a media perspective. Ooi (2004) has made a similar conclusion after analyzing place-branding projects. Instead of only focusing on the external publics (e.g., international) and working reactively with news management in the internal arena, event organizers should work harder to create understanding in a proactive manner applying a public opinion perspective upon the decision. On another level, the negative media coverage of the America’s Cup preregatta may be viewed as an expression of a lack of media support in alliances between commercial and public actors. Harvey (1989) viewed the development of such alliances as a radical shift in public management (from managerial public management where public functions are well defined and strictly public, to entrepreneurial public management where public actors imitate or cooperate with commercial actors). News journalism has a fundamentally critical approach to alliances that restrains transparency and there is nothing as news worthy as public money spent on risky projects. The quantitative exposure of the preregatta in Malmö had agenda-setting and framing effects in the regional arena, but because of the lack of contextualization, not automatically in the national and international arena. Attention through name exposure is a first step in a long decoding or re-encoding process. From the organizers point of view, it is not uncommon to overestimate the role of neutral media exposure far away on the one side, and underestimate the media coverage close to the event. According to the logic of cultural theory (Hall, 1980), one may conclude that the postindustrial brand strategy that the hosting of the event was linked to was re-encoded in the regional and local news media (Jansson, 2005). Conclusion There is a need for more multidisciplinary and empirical analysis of how event management relates to
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media coverage and effects. This theoretical overview and case study leads to three conclusions. First, that the role of mass media in event management processes must be viewed as complex and different depending on the level of analysis, character of event, and news management strategies. Theories of framing could be useful to develop this dimension. From an applied perspective, a proactive approach is needed, where communication issues are prioritized. Second, that the belief in general image effects through event media exposure is oversimplified and has no support in contemporary communication studies. Third, the professional stakeholders in the event management processes would benefit from using concepts and theories from political communication and public relations rather than from commercial marketing. References Berelson, B. (1952). Content analysis in communication research. New York: Free Press. Bohlin, M. (1996). Utländska tidningars bevakning av Göteborg under 1995. In Evenemang: affärsmöjlighet och imageskapare: dokumentation. Gothenburg: Institutet för hotel- restaurang- och turismforskning, Handelshögskolan. Cameron, G., Sallot, L., & Curtin P. (1997). Public relations and the production of news. A critical review and theoretical framework. Communication Yearbook, 20, 111–155. Dahlén, M., & Lange, F. (2005). Advertising strong and weak brands. Who gains? Psychology & Marketing, 22, 473–488. Dayan, D., & Katz, E. (1992). Media events: The live broadcasting of history. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Dermody, J., & Scullion, R. (2001). Delusions of grandeur? Marketing’s contribution to “meaningful” western political consumption. European Journal of Marketing, 35, 1085– 1098. Entman, R. M. (1993). Framing: toward clarification of a fractured paradigm. Journal of Communication, 43(4), 51–58. Ewen, S. (1996). PR! A social history of spin. New York: Basic Books. Fairclough, N. (1992). Discourse and social change. Cambridge: Polity Press. Fairclough, N. (1995). Media discourse. London: Arnold. Falkheimer, J. (2005). The formation of a region. Public Relations Review, 31, 293–295. Getz, D. (1997). Event management & event tourism, New York: Cognizant Communication Corp. Getz, D., & Fairley, S. (2003). Media management at sport events for destination promotion: Case studies and concepts. Event Management, 8(3), 127–139. Hall, S. (1978). Policing the crisis: Mugging, the state, and law and order. London: Macmillan. Hall, S. (1980). Encoding/decoding. In S. Hall, D. Hobson, A. Lowe, & P. Willis (Eds.), Culture, Media, Language. London: Hutchinson.
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