Evidence from Croatia and Austria using word ...

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BFJ 116,11

1726 Received 28 February 2014 Revised 28 May 2014 Accepted 8 June 2014

What motivates consumers to buy traditional food products? Evidence from Croatia and Austria using word association and laddering interviews Marija Cerjak Department of Agricultural Marketing, University of Zagreb, Zagreb, Croatia

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Rainer Haas and Florian Brunner Institute of Marketing & Innovation, University of Natural Resources and Life Sciences, Vienna, Austria, and

Marina Tomic´ Department of Agricultural Marketing, University of Zagreb, Zagreb, Croatia Abstract Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to explore the differences between consumer motives regarding purchase of traditional food in two European countries (Croatia and Austria) with a different history and development in regards to traditional and/or regional food. Design/methodology/approach – A word association test and soft laddering interviews were used to elicit consumers’ perception and purchasing motives for traditional food. Additionally, the questionnaire contained socio-demographics and questions about shopping habits concerning traditional food. Semi-structured, individual, face-to-face interviews were performed with 31 Croatian and 28 Austrian respondents. Findings – The most frequent associations/definition in both countries refers to heritage (food of generations) and elaboration (traditional receipt). The meaning of traditional food is for both samples positive. Hierarchical value maps for both countries contain ladders standing for health or support of local farmers. Additionally, the Austrians connect traditional food with environmental friendly production while for the Croatians sentimental hedonism ladder starts with perception of traditional food as a mean to connect with the childhood. Practical implications – The findings can be used by traditional food producers in order to better understand consumers’ motives and accordingly adapt their marketing strategies. Originality/value – This is the first work which uses free association test and laddering interviews to reveal consumers perception and motives for purchase of traditional food both in Croatia as well as in Austria. Keywords Croatia, Motives, Austria, Free association, Laddering technique, Traditional food Paper type Research paper

British Food Journal Vol. 116 No. 11, 2014 pp. 1726-1747 r Emerald Group Publishing Limited 0007-070X DOI 10.1108/BFJ-02-2014-0090

Introduction Traditional foods have played a historically important role in traditions of different cultures and regions contributing to their sense of identity and pride (Weichselbaum et al., 2009; Almli, 2012). They include foods produced in a traditional way, which have been consumed locally and regionally for an extended period of time (Weichselbaum et al., 2009). Even though most people can probably name at least one traditional food of the region they come from (Weichselbaum et al., 2009) it is not so easy to define traditional

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foods as traditional food can mean a million different things to a million individuals (European Commission, 2007). The EuroFIR definition acknowledged by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) (Weichselbaum et al., 2009) says that “Traditional food is a food with a specific feature or features, which distinguish it clearly from other similar products of the same category in terms of the use of ‘traditional ingredients’ (raw materials of primary products) or ‘traditional composition’ or ‘traditional type of production and/or processing method’ ”. Traditional food, from the consumers’ point of view, can be defined as “a product frequently consumed or associated to specific celebrations and/or seasons, transmitted from one generation to another, made in a specific way according to gastronomic heritage, naturally processed, and distinguished and known because of its sensory properties and associated to a certain local area, region or country” (Vanhonacker et al., 2010b). However, Guerrero et al. (2009) found out that consumers from different countries and cultures had, to some extent different image of traditional foods. Traditional food products are an important part of European culture, identity and heritage and they are recognized both at political and scientific level (Stojanovic´ and Barjolle, 2012). There are different measures supporting production and marketing of traditional foods at EU, national and local level. On the other side, the scientific community showed high interest in a research regarding production and consumers of traditional food with a number of published scientific papers in the last decade (Roininen et al., 2006; Trichopoulou et al., 2007; Guerrero et al., 2009, 2010; Licitra, 2010; Vanhonacker et al., 2010a, b). Apart from contributing to the preservation of tradition, culture and identity of a region (Licitra, 2010; Bessie`re, 1998; Trichopoulou et al., 2007), traditional products contribute to rural development and sustainability, conservation of biodiversity by preserving indigenous varieties of plants and breeds, support rural diversity and social cohesion (Berard and Marchenay, 2005). Commercialization and development of production of these products, especially if marketed as brands, lead to augmented demand and sales, higher employment and a raised income of the local population (Almli, 2012). The reasons for increased demand for traditional foods (Almli, 2012; Adams and Salois, 2010; Jordana, 2000; Banterle et al., 2008; Gellynck and Ku¨hne, 2007) are manifold. Today’s consumers are seriously concerned about food safety resulting in increased demand for quality assurance and information about the methods and the nature of food production and product origin (Cerjak et al., 2011; Capmany et al., 2000). Additionally, in the context of globalised markets, consumers are increasingly looking for indigenous products especially those with a known origin (Mesic´ et al., 2010; Banterle et al., 2008; Gellynck and Ku¨hne, 2007), for health and safety reasons, but also in order to satisfy their nostalgic or sentimental feelings (Belletti et al., 2007; Bromley, 2001; Ilbery and Kneafsey, 1998) and to help to preserve local economy and traditions (Almli, 2012; Belletti et al., 2007; Ilbery and Kneafsey, 1998). A growing tendency towards quality rather than quantity of food products has created a growing market for value-added products that carry a strong identification with a particular geographic region (Valkaj et al., 2013). These products are perceived as high-quality products with a positive image and positive health effects (Guerrero et al., 2009; Willet, 2006; Sivenas, 2006). In order to better satisfy consumers’ needs, it is necessary to understand consumer motives and cognitive structures in respect to traditional foods. This knowledge can

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serve as a basis for new product development, for branding or communication strategies. A qualitative approach is the application of a means-end chain (MEC) analysis, which has become popular as a means of understanding consumers’ motivations for (food) product choice (Russell et al., 2004b). The objective of this paper was to explore the differences between consumer motives regarding purchase of traditional food in two European countries each with a different history and development in regards to traditional and/or regional food: Croatia, a recent EU member state and a transition country with a rapid change in consumer patterns in the last 20 years; and Austria, EU member since 1995, representing a well-established market for traditional and regional food. To achieve this objective the word associations test and the laddering method were used to identify and visualize how the consumers translate specific product attributes in its consequences and personal values, thus how they make their choices in the market of traditional food products. Traditional food products in Croatia and Austria Croatia has many fresh and processed food products, which possess specific characteristics and reputation due to their region of origin and/or traditional method of production (Radman et al., 2006). This is a result of topography, climate and cultural diversity of the country. In a relatively small geographic area there are plains, hilly and mountainous regions, the Adriatic Sea, three types of climate: continental, mountain and Mediterranean as well as various cultural influences from central Europe and the Mediterranean to the Balkans and Byzantium (Kovacˇic´ et al., 2014). Almost all Croatian regions are known for their traditional products; nevertheless there is no detailed register of Croatian traditional food products. Kovacˇic´ et al. (2014) listed some traditional products of interest according to the criteria of authenticity, image of the product, size of the existing production and market potential. The list includes several plant varieties (cherry Maraska, Neretva mandarin, Varazdin cabbage, Ogulin cabbage, Lika potato), domestic animal breeds (Zagorje turkey, Posavina goose, Pramenka sheep, Black Slavonian pigs, Istrian cattle Bosˇkarin), traditional meat products (Slavonian kulen, Dalmatian ham and Istrian ham, bacon, greaves), traditional cheeses (Pag cheese, Sˇkripavac cheese, Istrian cheese), wines (Dingacˇ, Postup, Babic´, etc.), fruit products (sˇljivovica, tepka, visˇnjevac, etc.) as well as traditional dishes particularly cakes and pastries (Zagorje sˇtrukli, soparnik, mantala, etc.). In spite of a large number of traditional products, only Istrian ham is registered at EU level with Protected Denomination of Origin (PDO) sign, and Varazdin cabbage applied for the registration. An additional 12 products are protected within PDO/Protected Geographical Indication (PGI) scheme at Croatian level (PDO – Ogulinski kiseli kupus (Ogulin sauerkraut), ekstra djevicˇansko maslinovo ulje Cres (extra virgin olive oil from the island of Cres), Dalmatinska maraska/Dalmatinska marasˇka (Dalmatian cherry) and Neretvanska mandarina (mandarin from the Neretva valley); PGI – Poljicˇki soparnik (Swiss chard in filo pastry), Meso zagorskog purana (Zagorje turkey meat), Licˇki krumpir (Lika potato), Krcˇki, Drnisˇki and Dalmatinski prsˇut (hams from Krk, Dalmatia and Drnisˇ), Baranjski kulen, Slavonski kulen/kulin (a flavoured sausage made of minced pork) and Viroviticˇka paprika (Virovitica pepper)) and additional seven products are in the process of registration. Opportunities for protection and marketing of traditional food products in Croatia are still not used sufficiently (Mesic´ et al., 2012) asking for additional efforts in promotion of these products. In order to encourage producers and other stakeholders to enter into protected schemes and

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to increase promotional activities of traditional products it is necessary to reinforce the educational activities as well as cooperation between all stakeholders in the supply chain including competent national and local authorities (Mesic´ and Cerjak, 2012). Compared to Croatia, Austria follows a different institutional marketing approach and can be seen as a highly developed market in respect to traditional food. Most of Austria (especially the western and southern parts) is covered by the Alps while the eastern provinces lie in the Danube basin. As a result of the topography and the climate traditional food products in the Alps stem from dairy or meat production, while in the eastern part traditional fruit and vegetable products are dominant. Austria has in total 14 PDO/PGIs registered; eight PDOs and six PGIproducts (EC, 2014). Examples of Austrian PDOs are “Wachauer Marille” (Apricots), “Tiroler Alpka¨se” (Alpin pasture cheese from Tyrol) or “Waldviertler Graumohn” (Poppyseeds from the Waldviertel region). Examples of Austrian PGIs are “Tiroler Speck” (Tyrolean Bacon), Styrian pumpkin seed oil or Marchfeld asparagus. Compared to southern European countries these numbers seem to be very small (Italy has 262 registered PDO/PGIs; EC, 2014) but on the other side the Austrian ministry of agriculture and forestry maintains a registry of 242 traditional food products, which have to be produced or processed in Austria for at least three generations or 75 years (Lebensministerium, 2014). The registry of these food products illustrates the wide variety and connotations of traditional foods. It reaches from autochthonous breeds such as Pannonian Mangalitza pig or Sulmtaler chicken over regional vegetable or fruit varieties (Styrian horseradish, Stanzer plums or the aforementioned Wachauer apricots) to traditional meals such as Apfelstrudel, Gulasch or Wiener Schnitzel. The aim of this registry of traditional food is to collect, publish and preserve the culinary heritage of Austria. Besides this registry of Austrian traditional foods the Agrarmarkt Austria Marketing – a governmental agricultural marketing organization – established an umbrella ¨ sterreich” (i.e. Austrian Region brand for traditional food products, called “Genuss Region O of Delight) (see Figure 1). All PDO/PGIs of Austria are part of this umbrella brand as well as 105 other traditional food products (www.genuss-region.at/). The umbrella brand “Genuss Region ¨ sterreich” was founded to provide a marketing platform for agricultural associations O and regions with traditional food products, who had not enough resources or have no intention to apply for a PDO/PGI registration. The difference to the registry of Austrian traditional foods is that the brand “Austrian Region of Delight” contains no meals and that an association or region, which applies for the rights to use this brand, has to fulfil a stricter list of criteria. Criteria are, for example that the product has to be typical for the region, it has to be produced or processed for at least three generations, raw material has to be produced in the region, the quality criteria have to be controlled by an accredited third party and the product has to be served by the local gastronomy ¨ sterreich, 2014). Examples of traditional food products under (Verein Genuss Region O this brand are Ennstal lamb, west styrian Turpolje pig, Bramberger fruit juice or organic hemp from the Mostviertel.

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GENUSS REGION ÖSTERREICH

Figure 1. Logo of Austrian region of delight

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Methodology Consumers from two different locations in Austria and Croatia were interviewed during two separate surveys between 15 and 23 of December 2013. Beside sociodemographic variables, the questionnaire contained several questions about shopping habits concerning traditional food and knowledge about selected traditional and regional food labels. Furthermore it contained a word association test and guiding questions for the laddering interviews. The same questionnaire was used for both samples. First the questionnaire was made in German and then it was translated in Croatian. Due to the qualitative nature of the study and the small but sufficient number of the sample size (28 and 31) the respondents were selected over convenience sampling. Word association tests are a projective technique. At the start of a word association test one single word of interest – in this survey it was “traditional food” – was presented to the interviewee and he/she was asked to mention the first meaning that came to his/her mind. Projective techniques were used to reveal non-conscious thought processes such as consumer feelings or attitudes that would not be necessarily observed by more direct questions (Steinman, 2009). The association can be an abstract or specific object like a product, an image or a thought. The word of interest can generate many associations or images, which reveal consumers’ beliefs or attitudes about a specific topic. The associations that first come to the respondent’s mind regarding food products, may be the most relevant for consumer’s purchase decisions (Roininen et al., 2006) so this technique is an interesting tool for exploring consumer perception of food products (Ares et al., 2008). Since it was introduced in food research the number of studies using association tests with food products increased in the last decade (see Ares et al., 2008; Ares and Deliza, 2010a, b; Guerrero et al., 2010; Haas et al., 2013). Normally this technique is not applied in quantitative research. Analyzing the response of a small number of interviewees is the norm. Roininen et al. (2006) used samples of 25-30 persons in their research about consumers’ perception of local food in Finland. Laddering interviews were used to collect data for MEC analysis. MEC describe cognitive structures of consumers by linking specific product attributes with functional and psychosocial consequences (C) of product use (Grunert and Grunert, 1995). In a consecutive step these consequences are linked with personal higher-order values (V), which are seen as the final goal to strive for these consequences. “The objective of laddering interviews is to obtain a hierarchical network of meanings (i.e. ladders and/or means-end chains (MEC) consisting of attributes, consequences, and values) using a bottom-up process of questioning that begins with questions about lower-level attributes and ends with questions to uncover the higherlevel values” (Phillips and Reynolds, 2009). MEC is one of the few methods in consumer behaviour research, which links specific product characteristics such as freshness or origin of food with preferences or needs and their respective, often “hidden” personal values, which are seen as primary drivers of product choice (Audenaert and Steenkamp, 1997). MEC analysis uses hierarchical values maps, which consist of multiple ladders, to visualize the motivational structure of probands for buying or preferring products (Zanoli and Naspetti, 2002, p. 644). The means-end approach sees the consumer’s purchase decision as a problem-solving process. Consumers consciously or unconsciously apply a thought process by seeking specific means (the consequences) to fulfil important personal values (Reynolds and Whitlark, 1995, p. 9). Reynolds and Gutman (1988) propose a step-by-step process for measuring MEC. It normally starts with the choice

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of the most relevant product attributes of the probands. “The critical first step for most instruments used in analysing consumer choice and motivation is the identification of product attributes which are important to the consumer” (Bech-Larsen and Nielsen, 1999). One possibility is to offer them a predefined list of product characteristics out of which they make a ranking of the most important ones. A priori defined lists are normally part of hard laddering. This could have two different effects. First it may help the respondent to remember product attributes, which they could not recall themselves. Second it could frame and therefore limit the answers to the ones on the list. In the second case researchers are not able to observe a potentially wider variety of product attributes (Russell et al., 2004a). The other possibility is to use free elicitation, which does not frame the answers of the respondent and stimulates a free recall of product attributes. The cognitive effort consumers make in eliciting product attributes is related to the importance of attributes to consumers. The smaller the cognitive effort, the more important the cognitive influence on consumers’ behaviour. “Top of mind” attributes are considered to be the most important ones for consumer choice (Fazio, 1986). We decided to use free elicitation for the Austrian and Croatian survey and the participants ranked the mentioned attributes, starting each laddering interview in the order of importance. Free elicitation is the norm for soft ladderings. Soft ladderings produce more complex hierarchical value maps but are also prone to a stronger influence of the interviewer in case of topics with high complexity (Grunert et al., 2005; Russell et al., 2004a). In all, 31 consumers were interviewed in Zagreb and surroundings and 28 consumers in Vienna and surroundings. In both surveys semistructured, individual, face-to-face interviews were performed. Only respondents, who were at least occasionally responsible for food purchase and preparation of food or cooking participated in the interviews. Each interview lasted between 25 and 35 minutes and all were recorded. The interviews were conducted in a quiet atmosphere either in cafe´ bars or private apartments making interviewees feel comfortable. To freely elicit product attributes we asked the question: “What are the most important reasons or product attributes for you to buy traditional food?” We supposed that the first mentioned attribute was the most important one and from there we started the laddering interview by asking “Why is this attribute important for you?” From there we continued to ask “Why is this important for you?” until the respondent mentioned a terminal value, which is the recommended procedure for laddering interviews (Reynolds and Gutman, 1988; Kacia and Cullen, 2006). After completion of the first ladder we selected the second mentioned product attribute to start the next ladder and this procedure was repeated with all attributes. The interviewers read the questions to the respondents and filled out the paper questionnaires for them, thus the respondents could talk without being preoccupied. Both surveys collected data for the MEC analysis over “soft laddering” (Russell et al., 2004a) by recording the association tests and laddering interviews digitally for consecutive coding and analysis. Each interviewer coded the interviews first himself and handed them then over to his local co-researcher for cross-examination. Then the answers and list of codings were translated into English and send to the research partners in the other country. They examined the codings vice versa and together all involved researchers agreed on a finalized coding list before the generation of hierarchical value maps started (Kacia and Cullen, 2006, p. 14). Traditional food is in general more often bought by consumers who are middle aged (around 40) to elderly, health conscious and enjoy cooking (Vanhonacker et al., 2010a).

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Based on this assumption we used a non-random judgement sample to achieve a more homogenous group of consumers compared to the total populations of Austria and Croatia. Grunert and Grunert (1995) suggest using more homogenous groups for MEC to increase the validity of results in respect to specific target groups. Description of the samples The following table summarizes socio-demographic variables of the Croatian and Austrian sample. The Croatian sample had a higher share of females (61 per cent) than the Austrian sample with 46 per cent females. The majority of respondents in both samples were always or mostly responsible both for food purchase and preparation of food for the household’s members (Austrian sample 64 per cent, Croatian sample about 60 per cent). Concerning age the Austrian sample had a higher share of younger consumers from 21 to 29 years and slightly fewer consumers over 40 years, but both samples had a more or less equal distribution over age categories, which are normally engaged in work life and have sufficient purchase power (see Figure 2 and Table I). All respondents in both samples lived in towns, with two-thirds living in the capital cities of Vienna and Zagreb. Regarding household size there were five times more singles in the Croatian sample, but concerning family size the sample was comparable; in the Austrian sample were 39 per cent of the respondents from families with at least two or more children (four and more members) compared to 35 per cent in the Croatian sample (see Figure 3). The personal income showed a high disparity between Austria and Croatia. The mean of the national annual income was 29,723 euros in Austria in 2012 (Statistik Austria, 2012) and in Croatia it was 94,500 HRK (B12,533 euros) (NN 32/2013). Both samples had a higher share of consumers with above average income compared to their national populations – 64 per cent of the Austrian respondents and 49 per cent of the Croatian respondents were at least 11 per cent above the personal national average income. Results and discussion In the following section we describe first the results concerning how the respondents defined traditional food, the share of traditional food in their weekly shopping, what

Croatian sample Sample size Gender (%) Age Age Up to 29 years (%) 30-39 years (%) 40-49 years (%) 50 þ years (%) Education Table I. Description of Croatian and Austrian sample

Place of residence Capital city (%) Town (%)

31 Croatian consumers 61 female, 39 male Average age 42, youngest 26, oldest 64 16 29 32 23 45% High school, 55% University degree 58 42

Austrian sample 28 Austrian consumers 46 female, 54 male Average age 36, youngest 21, oldest 56 33 27 20 20 29% High school, 64% University degree, 7% other 61 39

Austria 7%

5 and more members

16% 32%

4 members

19%

29% 32%

2 members

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1733 25%

3 members

1 member

Traditional food products

Croatia

16%

Figure 2. Household size

4% 19%

Croatia

Austria

120%+ above national average

51-119% above national average

16% 36% 10% 29%

11-50% above national average

23% 25%

49% below-10% above national average

50% below national average

32% 11% 19%

importance they attributed to the origin and other questions concerning traditional food, before we explain the results of the word association test and the laddering interviews. It is important to note here that the results cannot be generalized for the population of the Austrian and Croatian consumers, because of the qualitative character of this study. We first let the consumer freely associate to the word “traditional food” and then we asked them in a consecutive question to define “traditional food”, because we did not want to frame their spontaneous associations. The question about the definition of a traditional food product tried to reveal more cognitive or rational aspects, while the association test aimed to reveal the affective and emotional elements behind the concept and a wider range of associated images, beliefs and attitudes (Dean et al., 2006). Asked about the definition both consumer groups defined traditional food in a similar way. They used the same concepts which Guerrero et al. (2010, p. 231) found in their study about traditional food: heritage, elaboration (made in a specific way), linked to a region, special occasions, health and sensory attributes. The participants in Croatia mentioned most frequently that “products with a long production tradition and with a traditional recipe” (which overlapped with two concepts of Guerrero et al. (2010,

Figure 3. Average personal income

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p. 231) termed as “elaboration, made in a specific way” and “heritage, transmitted from one generation to the other”). This was similar to the Austrian respondents, which most frequently mentioned “food of generations” (heritage) and “homemade food/ traditional regional cooking” (elaboration) on the third rank (see Table II). Concerning the share of traditional food in respect to total food purchase there was a clear difference between the respondents of the Croatian and Austrian sample (see Table III). For Croatian respondents traditional food did not form an important part of their food purchases; for 38 per cent of Croatian respondents traditional food represented only up to 10 per cent of the whole weekly food purchase and a further 23 per cent claimed only between 10 and 19 per cent of traditional food as part of the weekly purchased food. Austrian consumers seemed to be more oriented towards traditional and regional food specialities. 85 per cent of the Austrian respondents claimed that at least 30 per cent of their weekly food shopping was traditional food. Nevertheless these numbers have to be used with caution because they are based on respondents’ own definitions of what they perceived to be traditional foods. Concerning the importance of country of origin when purchasing food, consumers from both countries seemed to be very patriotic (see Table IV). The majority of respondents (83.8 per cent Croatian sample, 82.1 per cent Austrian sample) paid attention to the country of origin of food products very often or often. No. of answers

Table II. Traditional foods – definition from perspective of consumer

Croatia (n ¼ 31) Products with long production tradition and with traditional recipe (transmitted through generations) Produced at family farms Natural production Products from my region Non industrial products Healthy products Austria (n ¼ 28) Food of Generations (grandmother, childhood) Typical for region Home made food/traditional regional cooking including typical Austrian and farm dishes Seasonal prepared food Food for special occasions Food for hard working people Specific emotion you get when you eat

23 5 3 3 3 2 12 8 4 3 2 1 1

% of respondents Share in weekly shopping (%)

Table III. Share of traditional food in weekly shopping

1-9 10-19 20-29 30-39 40-49 450

Croatia

Austria

48.4 22.6 9.7 3.2 – 16.1

0.0 3.6 10.7 25.0 28.6 32.1

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We also asked the respondents what the maximum distance between the place of living and the site of the production of a traditional food might be. The answers from the Austrian consumers ranged from ten to 200 km, some mentioned everywhere in Austria. The Croatian respondents agreed that there is no maximum distance from the place of living for a product to be considered as traditional product (distance is not important). When asked about the maximum size of production area for a specific traditional food, both samples showed strong discrepancies (see Table V). The majority of Croatian respondents thought that the maximum area could be within the borders of one country (58.1 per cent of respondents), even around 13 per cent of Croatian respondents saw the whole EU as a possible maximum production area, which none of the Austrian respondents answered. Interestingly 23 per cent of the Croatian believed that a specific traditional food could be produced within one historical/cultural region, which was stated by 49 per cent of the Austrian participants (the checkbox “region as historical/cultural unit” was the only answer allowed to be combined with the other areas). The place of living seems to have an influence on this answer. The Austrian respondents who live in Vienna mentioned that they see the Habsburg Monarchy as a strong influence on how they perceive the area for traditional food. So national borders for them were less important than cross border areas to the Czech Republic or Hungary representing a common cultural and historical heritage. Respondents living in the south of Austria near the Italian-Slovenian border mentioned the region Carinthia-Friuli-Slovenia. Compared to the Croatian sample, the Austrian respondents showed a tendency to see the production area as being smaller. 54 per cent of them answered a valley, a district or several neighbouring districts as the maximum production area for traditional food.

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Word associations for traditional food We asked the respondents the following question: “When you think about traditional food, what comes spontaneously into your mind?” The free association test resulted in a total number of 158 valid elicited words in the Austrian sample with an average How often do you pay attention to the country of origin indications on food products you buy?

% of respondents Croatia Austria

Very often Often Sometimes A very few times Never

A valley or district Several neighbouring districts One county Region as a historical/cultural unit A national state EU

54.8 29.0 9.7 3.2 3.2

50.0 32.1 14.3 3.6 0.0

Croatia (%)

Austria (%)

– – 7 23 58 13

29 25 25 49 11 –

Table IV. Importance of country of origin

Table V. Perception of the maximum area of production for a product to be called traditional

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5.6 words per participants. In the Croatian sample the total number of valid elicited words was 141, which represented an average of 4.5 words per participant. In all, 26 of the 28 respondents in the Austrian sample (92 per cent) could name at least three different associations; all of them were able to provide at least one association; 15 of the 31 respondents in the Croatian sample (48.5 per cent) could name at least five different associations; all of them were able to provide at least three associations. Eliciting words about abstract concepts such as traditional food could be more difficult than for specific objects. Guerrero et al. (2010) reported an average of 2.42 associations per participant in their word association study about traditional food, and even 8.5 per cent of their respondents could not name any association at all to the word “traditional food”. Compared to this study the Austrian and Croatian respondents seemed to be at ease with finding associations. In general, the meaning of traditional food was positive for both samples (Austrian sample: “freshness,” “higher quality”, “better taste”, etc.; Croatian sample: “childhood”, “enjoyment”, “safety”, etc.). Comparing the associations in Table VI it is noticeable that the Croatian respondents elicited specific food products (three of the first four associations) much more often than Austrian respondents. The most frequent associations for Austrians were “freshness”, “healthy”, “autochthonous breeds and plant varieties”, “support for local farmers” and “environmental protection”. If we use the ten concepts found by Guerrero et al. (2010) we can assign the associations, which both samples have in common, to the following categories(Table VII). There were no associations related to the concepts of “basic/simple”, “habit” (daily, often habitual) and marketing (includes expensive, stores, distribution). Related to the marketing concept was the association of “farmers market” (Austrian sample). In both samples respondents mentioned “organic”, which did not fit in any of the ten concepts of Guerrero et al. (2010). It was noticeable that the Austrians mentioned associations strongly related to environmental friendliness (environmental protection, organic, shorter transportation, sustainability, emission reduction), which are indicators for the positive association with traditional food and it seems that the concept is strongly related to regional and organic farming. Hierarchical value maps for traditional food The following Figure 4 shows the Austrian HVM. In all, 28 Austrian respondents generated 83 ladders. A ladder represents a sequence from product attribute to consequences to values. The average elements per ladder of the Austrian HVM are four and in average one respondent produced 2.96 ladders. The cut-off level for concrete attributes and functional consequences was 3, which means that only links (direct and indirect) between categories that were at least three times listed were taken into account for the visual display. For the psychosocial consequences the cut-off level was 2 and for the instrumental and terminal values it was 1. The differing cut-off levels were necessary to reduce the complexity of the HVM while not losing too much information (at a higher cut-off some terminal values would not have been visible). The Austrian consumers freely elicited the product attributes “no chemicals”, “more flavour/better taste”, “domestic origin” and “bigger range of products” on the first level. “More flavour/better taste” was the most frequently mentioned attribute (in 20 per cent of all ladders), followed by “freshness” (17 per cent) and “domestic origin” (11 per cent). “More flavour/better taste” is connected with “more nutrition”, “specific

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Associations Croatia (n ¼ 31) (Specific) traditional meat products (Specific) traditional dishes Childhood (Specific) traditional milk products (mostly cheese) Village Traditional recipes Domestic Grandma Healthy Higher quality History Good taste Enjoyment Birthplace Delicacy Safety Family farm Autochthonous breeds Olive oil Natural Good appearance Celebrations Authenticity Organic Austria (n ¼ 28) Freshness Healthy Autochthonous breeds, plant varieties Support for local farmers and local economy Environmental protection Memories and celebrations Related to region Kitchen and traditional recipes Seasonal Higher quality Organic (Specific) traditional food specialties, traditional dishes Shorter transportation Sustainability Animal welfare Emission reduction Better taste Meat Local farmers, farmers market Domestic vegetables, fruits

No. of answers 15 9 8 8 8 6 6 6 6 5 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 4 4 4 4 4 6 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 2 2 2 2 2 2 1

appearance” and “freshness”. There were three prominent ladders identifiable in the Austrian HVM: one for health, one for environmental friendliness and one for supporting domestic/local farmers. The health ladder starts with the attributes “no chemicals (pesticides [y]; 8 per cent)” and the attribute “more flavour/better taste”, which is linked with “more nutrition”.

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Table VI. Word association test results for traditional food – Croatian and Austrian sample

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From there it leads to the consequence of “healthier products”, “healthy lifestyle” and finally to the value of “personal well-being”. It is noticeable that the Austrian respondents saw traditional food as healthy food and believed it had less chemical residues. Healthiness is normally a very common product attribute for organic food, which makes more sense because of the different production process (Haas et al., 2013; Zanoli and Naspetti, 2002). But obviously the Austrian respondents believed that traditional food was produced without pesticides, maybe because in the past there were no pesticides available and the word “traditional” provokes that association. The environmental friendliness ladder starts with the abstract attribute “domestic origin” over which it is connected with the consequences of “reduced transportation/ time” and “reducing emissions”. These consequences lead to the instrumental value “protecting environment/planet” and the terminal values of “human/social responsibility” and “environmental health”. Again this seems to be surprising that the Austrian respondents connect traditional food with a positive environmental impact. But in respect to the previous answers about how they define traditional food (“connected to a region”, see Table I) and what they think about the maximum size of a production area (over 50 per cent say from a valley, district or neighbouring districts, see Table V), they seem to connect the concept of traditional food with local, small-scale production (small scale probably because Austrian agriculture is run predominantly by family farms). Also in the association test “support for local farmers and local economy” was one of the most frequent elicited associations (see Table VI). The assumption that locally produced traditional food is per se environmentally friendly is not always scientifically correct (e.g. a lack of economies of scale in processing can lead to less efficient production and more resources being using during production; see Scho¨nhart et al., 2009). But as for health, despite a lack of scientific evidence, consumers seem to connect small scale and local production with environmental friendliness. The third identifiable ladder expresses the support for domestic/local farmers. Due to the chosen cut-off level the connection between “healthier products” and “trustworthy products/producers” is not visible in the Austrian HVM, but was mentioned by two respondents. But it is noticeable that the consumers buy traditional food because they want to support domestic/local farmers. They perceive the local farmers as trustworthy, and the food which they produce as safe (i.e. consequence “food safety”). But they also see it as a way to reduce migration from rural areas to cities. This motive to support local farmers is not existent when European consumers are interviewed about their motives concerning organic food. For them the health and hedonism aspect are the dominant motives (Zanoli and Naspetti, 2002). US American consumers show a strong motive to support domestic/local famers when they buy local food, but also Concepts detected by Guerrero et al. (2010) Heritage

Table VII. Association of the Croatian and Austrian sample grouped by concepts of Guerrero et al. (2010)

Health Sensory Special occasions Elaboration Origin Variety

Associations in the Croatian or Austrian sample Specific traditional food products and dishes, childhood, grandma, traditional recipes, birthplace, history, autochthonous breeds, plant varieties Healthy, safety Better taste, good taste, freshness, enjoyment, delicacy, natural Memories and celebrations, seasonal Higher quality, good appearance, kitchen Domestic, village, related to region, domestic vegetables, local farmers Autochthonous breeds, plant varieties

Concrete Attributes

Abstract Attributes

Trustworthy Products/Producers

Better Food Safety

Retention Of People In

Instrumental Values

Terminal Values

More Nutrition

More flavour/better taste

Freshness

Domestic Origin

Reduced Transportation/Time

Pleasant Eating/Enjoyment

Better Quality

Reducing Emmissions

Environmental Health

Better Processing/Cooking

Protecting Environment/Planet

Human/Social Responsibility

Specific Appearance (colour,...)

Healthy Lifestyle

Healthier Products

No Chemicals (Pesticides, etc.)

Supporting Domestic/Local Farmers

Supporting Local Community

Personal Well-Being

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Bigger Range Of Products

Variation/Curiosity

Convenience

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Figure 4. Austrian HVM

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organic food, because of the lack of subsidies for organic and local farmers (Haas et al., 2013). Again this ladder is connected with the final value of “environmental health”. Due to the cut-off levels two instrumental values are not shown, one is “maintaining national identity” and “transmission of traditional values to the next generation”. Seeing food as part of one’s identity is a typical European cultural trait. Based on these observations we can conclude that the cognitive motivational structure of Austrian respondents in respect to traditional food follows the rationale of “small is beautiful”. In other words traditional food tastes good and is fresh, it gives joy and it is domestically produced with fewer chemicals. It is environmentally friendly, because it is produced not far from “my” place of living and to buy traditional food is an act of supporting local farmers and the local community. The following Figure 5 shows the Croatian HVM. 31 Croatian respondents generated 113 ladders. The average elements per ladder of the Croatian HVM were 3.8 and in average one respondent produced 3.6 ladders. The cut-off level for concrete and abstract attributes, for functional and psychosocial consequences was 3. For the instrumental and terminal values the chosen cut-off level was 2. The Croatian consumers elicited the following product attributes on the first level: .

“more flavour/better taste” (24 per cent);

.

“traditional/better way of production” (10 per cent);

.

“specific appearance (colour, shape)” (10 per cent);

.

“freshness” (8 per cent); and

.

“supporting domestic farmers” (12 per cent).

“More flavour/better taste” was the most frequent mentioned attribute (24 per cent of all ladders), followed by “no chemicals” (pesticides; 19 per cent of all ladders) and “traditional ingredients” (15 per cent of all ladders), both connected with “more flavour/ better taste”. “Supporting domestic farmers” ranked on the fourth position with 12 per cent of all elicitations. This is very similar to the Austrian sample. The difference is that the Austrian respondents see the freshness and specific appearance as attributes being responsible for the better taste. The attribute “no chemicals” was more prominent for the Croatian respondents (in 19 per cent of the ladders) than for the Austrian ones (only 7 per cent). Overall there is one dominant and comprehensive quality ladder in the sample of Croatian respondents, which bundles two other ladders (health ladder and “sentimental” hedonism ladder) with the central functional consequence of “better quality”. The product attributes “more flavour/better taste”, “specific appearance”, “traditional way of production” and “freshness” seem to serve as important quality cues for the Croatian consumers. Part of this comprehensive “quality” ladder is on the left part of the HVM the health ladder, which leads over “no chemicals” to the abstract attributes of “healthier products” to the central consequence “better quality”. The health ladder further contains the consequences “healthier diet” and “no negative impact on personal health” and “good for me and my family/our health”. The terminal values of the health ladder are “health” and “enhanced quality of life”. Again it is remarkable that traditional food seems to stand for an agricultural production with no chemicals or pesticides. The sentimental hedonism ladder starts with the attribute “better taste” and then bifurcates, with one ladder leading over “domestic origin”, “traditional ingredients” to

Freshness

Healthier products

Traditional/better way of production

More flavour/better taste

Domestic origin

Traditional ingredients

Trustworthy products/producers

Specific appearance (colour, shape, etc.)

Better quality Reminder of Childhood

Keeping a habit

Pleasant eating/ enjoyment in food More enjoyable food

Satisfaction, happines, pleasure

Good for me and my family/our health

Enchanced quality of life

No negative impact on personal health

No chemicals (pesticides, additives,...)

Healthier diet

Health National economic prosperity

Supporting domestic farmers

Retention of people in the countryside/ reduction of depopulation

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Figure 5. Croatian HVM

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“trustworthy products/producers” and “better quality” and from there it connects with the terminal value “satisfaction, happiness, pleasure”. This ladder seems to reflect the cognitive structure that traditional food is food which consumers can trust and this leads to satisfaction and pleasure. The other bifurcation has a strong pleasure component but also addresses a sentimental aspect of traditional food. The respondents connect it with keeping a habit from the past and it reminds them on their childhood. Again enjoyment in food and happiness and pleasure complements this ladder. This sentimental hedonism ladder seems to indicate that the Croatian consumers see food as part of their identity. This motivational structure of seeing traditional food as a means to connect with their childhood is completely missing in the Austrian HVM. On the right side of the Croatian HVM (see Figure 5) there is the distinct ladder representing the support for domestic farmers. Similar to the Austrian respondents Croatian consumers buy traditional food to support domestic farmers, because they see it as a measure to reduce depopulation of rural areas and to reduce migration, which is connected with the terminal value of “national economic prosperity”. Based on these observations we could say that Croatian consumers have very similar cognitive structures in respect to traditional food when compared to Austrian consumers. Both HVM contain ladders standing for health or support of local farmers. Also the pleasure component and trustworthiness are important parts in both HVMs. Croatian respondents buy traditional food because it tastes better; it is made with traditional ingredients, and from trustworthy producers. It gives them joy because it is a way to connect with their childhood and it represents healthy food. The last part is perhaps remarkable because in terms of nutritional guidelines traditional foods such as Wiener Schnitzel, Gulasch, Kulen or Sacher cake with whipped cream are typical foods, which are considered to have too much fat, too much sugar and too much salt. The biggest difference between the Austrian and Croatian sample is the lack of the environmental ladder in the Croatian HVM. The Austrians mentioned the consequences “reduced transportation”, and “reduced emissions” connected with the values of “protecting the environment” and “environmental health”. In the word association some of the Austrian respondents associated traditional food with organic food. Another reason for this stronger association with environmental friendliness could be that the Austrian consumers perceive traditional food as food produced in comparable smaller areas with short transport distances (see Table V; 29 per cent from a valley or district, 25 per cent from neighbouring district; none of the Croatian consumers indicates these answers). Conclusions The results of this study visualize the cognitive structure and motives of Croatian and Austrian consumers in respect to traditional food. Croatia and Austria produce a wide variety of traditional foods in their countries, but on a marketing level Austria has actively promoted an umbrella brand for more than 100 different traditional food products for several years, called “Genuss Region O¨sterreich” (Delight Region Austria). In Croatia up until now there is no governmental marketing organization involved in marketing of an umbrella brand of traditional foods. For both countries the results of this study deliver interesting insights for further marketing activities, such as the marketing communication strategies, product development, further analysis of consumer attitudes, as well as useful segmentation of the market of traditional food products. In both countries consumers perceive traditional foods as “natural”, healthy and trustworthy products, which are produced without chemicals or pesticides. This natural

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aspect of products should be emphasized for communication strategies. The use of traditional ingredients and the domestic origin are important aspects for brand development and quality management. Quality criteria for traditional food brands should recommend that producers have to use local or domestic raw material. Third-party certification has to guarantee that the existing trust level is not damaged between the consumers and the domestic producers. Traditional recipes and ingredients emphasize the unique character; while on an agricultural production level an environmental friendly and sustainable (integrated pest management or organic) production should confirm the image of a more natural production system. The study also identified differences in motives between Austrian and Croatian consumers. The biggest difference is the lack of the environmental ladder in the Croatian HVM. The Austrians mentioned the consequences “reduced transportation”, and “reduced emissions” connected with the values “protecting the environment” and “environmental health”. A reason for this stronger association with environmental friendliness of the Austrian respondents could be that they perceive traditional food as food produced in comparable smaller areas with short transport distances (which they mentioned during the associations test). For both samples buying traditional food is an act of supporting local farmers and the local community. Communication strategies should use images and stories, which communicate traditional foods as part of a healthy lifestyle, as part of a cultural heritage and a kind of food which brings back sentimental memories of the childhood. The hedonistic aspect has to be emphasized by striving for outstanding taste qualities. Values of enjoyment with food, pleasure and better quality make the necessity for positioning of traditional food as quality leaders. Traditional food products have to be branded and positioned as domestic high-quality specialties with a strong regional identity, artisan knowledge, unique climatic conditions and a rich cultural heritage. The historical, traditional dimension should be incorporated by use of autochthon breeds and heirloom plant varieties. Traditional food stands for a unique variety of food products with a cultural identity opposed to the anonymous global food supply in supermarket shelves. The support of domestic farmers has to be communicated together with the positive implications for rural development. Both HVM represent a sound basis for future marketing strategies, to make sure that traditional food continues to play an important role in the European food landscape. For future research it would be worthwhile to clarify how consumers differentiate between traditional, local and regional food and if marketing activities for these kinds of food can be streamlined or have to follow different paths. References Adams, D.C. and Salois, M.J. (2010), “Local versus organic: a turn in consumer preferences and willingness-to-pay”, Renewable Agriculture and Food Systems, Vol. 25 No. 4, pp. 331-334. Almli, V.L. (2012), “Consumer acceptance of innovations in traditional food. Attitudes, ˚ s. expectations and perception”, doctoral thesis, Norwegian University of Life Sciences, A Ares, G. and Deliza, R. (2010a), “Identifying important package features of milk desserts using free listing and word association”, Food Quality and Preference, Vol. 21 No. 6, pp. 621-628. Ares, G. and Deliza, R. (2010b), “Studying the influence of package shape and colour on consumer expectations of milk desserts using word association and conjoint analysis”, Food Quality and Preference, Vol. 21 No. 8, pp. 930-937.

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Rainer Haas is an Associate Professor of Agricultural and Food Marketing at the Institute of Marketing & Innovation at the University of Natural Resources and Life Sciences Vienna. He is working in the field of consumer behaviour and sustainable food marketing. Dr Florian Brunner received a Master’s Degree (2010) in Agricultural Economy from the University of Natural Resources and Life Sciences (BOKU), in 2010-2013 was Marketing and Sales Manager at Noackgroup (Feed and Feed Specialities) (2010-2013) and since 2013 has been a University Assistant and a PhD Student at BOKU – Research in Cradle to Cradle Design. Marina Tomic´, MSc, is a Teaching Assistant at the Department of Agricultural Marketing, Faculty of Agriculture, University of Zagreb. Her research focus is on food consumer behaviour.

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