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Personnel Review Examining the relationship between individual perceptions of control and contemporary career orientations Olusegun Babalola Nealia Sue Bruning

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Article information: To cite this document: Olusegun Babalola Nealia Sue Bruning , (2015),"Examining the relationship between individual perceptions of control and contemporary career orientations", Personnel Review, Vol. 44 Iss 3 pp. 346 - 363 Permanent link to this document: http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/PR-09-2013-0167 Downloaded on: 11 September 2015, At: 13:32 (PT) References: this document contains references to 92 other documents. To copy this document: [email protected] The fulltext of this document has been downloaded 158 times since 2015*

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PR 44,3

346 Received 25 September 2013 Revised 18 December 2014 Accepted 17 February 2015

Examining the relationship between individual perceptions of control and contemporary career orientations Olusegun Babalola Lagos Business School, Pan-Atlantic University, Lagos, Nigeria, and

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Nealia Sue Bruning I.H. Asper School of Business, University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, Canada Abstract Purpose – Contemporary careers research suggests that individuals are more likely to be proactive about their careers when they possess an internal, rather than an external locus of control (LOC). The purpose of this paper is to adopt the view that individuals can be both external and proactive depending on whether or not they possess an incremental implicit theory. Design/methodology/approach – Self-administered surveys were completed by 127 employed individuals in Nigeria. These surveys were used to gather information on individuals’ external LOC, protean and boundaryless career orientations and implicit theory beliefs. Findings – Results indicated partial support for positive relationships between external LOC and contemporary career orientations and that an incremental implicit theory can have a positive moderating effect on the relationship between an external LOC belief in chance and the values-driven protean career orientation. Research limitations/implications – The study was based on a cross-sectional study in one time period and all information was self-report. Practical implications – The results suggest that HR managers that operate in global environments should consider the importance of individual implicit theory and on career orientations and take a broader view of the role of internal and external LOC. Social implications – The study questions whether predominant perspectives of the relationship between proactive career orientations and internal LOC applies to contexts where external LOC predominate. Originality/value – This study is unique in the examination of positive relationships between implicit theory, external LOC and contemporary career orientations. Furthermore, the study examines these relationships in an unstable and unpredictable work environment context, Nigeria, where such positive relationships are highly necessary to improve the career self-management of individuals. Keywords Attitudes, Nigeria, Perceptions, Quantitative, Career development and management Paper type Research paper

Personnel Review Vol. 44 No. 3, 2015 pp. 346-363 © Emerald Group Publishing Limited 0048-3486 DOI 10.1108/PR-09-2013-0167

Introduction A career is an intriguing and complex phenomenon which affects various aspects of an individual’s life. Careers influence and are subject to economic, societal, cultural, and infrastructural factors (Gunz et al., 2011). In many cases, a person’s career can also constitute a major part of their identity, i.e., “what you do” determines “who you are” (Blustein and Noumair, 1996; Briscoe et al., 2011). The career has been defined as “the evolving sequence of a person’s work experiences over time” (Arthur et al., 1989, p. 8). As the field of career studies has progressed, career practices have evolved into what is referred to in the literature as the “new” or “contemporary” career. Contemporary career orientations differ from the “old” or “traditional” career orientation in the following ways:

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control of the career is placed in the hands of individuals rather than organizations and career paths follow fluid, lateral and multidirectional moves instead of rigid, upward, linear progressions typically associated with traditional careers (Baruch, 2004; Slay and Taylor, 2007; Sullivan and Baruch, 2009). As a result of changing career patterns, the importance of the subjective career has been brought to the fore (Arthur et al., 2005; Hall and Chandler, 2005; Heslin, 2003, 2005; Ituma et al., 2011). The subjective career is intrinsic, intangible, and measured in terms of psychological and dispositional factors such as job and career satisfaction, sense of value, learning, self-awareness, etc., while objective careers are measured by tangible, extrinsic visible attributes such as income, promotions, job level/position, etc. (Arthur et al., 2005; Judge et al., 1995). A focus on subjective careers intuitively suggests that individuals’ attitudes, personalities, and traits are important if one is to understand how individuals view and make career decisions. A number of studies have directly (Chartrand and Camp, 1991; Hammer and Vardi, 1981; Kormanik and Rocco, 2009) and indirectly (Converse et al., 2012; Rodrigues et al., 2013; Sargent and Domberger, 2007) linked individual perceptions of control traits such as locus of control (LOC) to career orientation, career development behavior, and self-directed career management. LOC has also been linked to individual predispositions to autonomous learning and continuous self-improvement (Biddle, 1999; Cascio et al., 2013; Mihaela et al., 2013). The protean and boundaryless career orientations can be intuitively and conceptually linked to the above-mentioned constructs. Another important control construct in individual learning and self-development is implicit theory (Dweck, 1991). This study focusses on how the differences in individual perceptions of control (external LOC and implicit theory) are associated with contemporary career orientations such as protean and boundaryless career attitudes. Literature review Contemporary career attitudes The protean and boundaryless career orientations have received a revitalized interest in the last decade (Baruch, 2004; Briscoe and Hall, 2006; Briscoe et al., 2012; Rodrigues and Guest, 2010; Waters et al., 2014) since their initial introduction (Arthur, 1994; Hall, 1976, 1996). The term “protean” was derived from the mythical Greek god “Proteus” who could change shape at will to protect himself from enemies; in the same way protean individuals constantly reinvent themselves as the environment changes. According to Hall, “The protean career is a process which the person, not the organization, is managing […] The protean person’s own personal career choices and search for self-fulfilment are the unifying or integrative elements in his or her life […]. In short, the protean career is shaped more by the individual than by the organization” (Hall, 1976, p. 201). Thus, the protean career is mainly a subjective career, a protean individual would be guided by his/her own values and would seek to work in an organization with similar values so as to avoid conflict (Scheel et al., 2007). An individual with a protean career orientation is said to be self-directed (the individual has the ability to adapt as required by various performance and learning demands) and values driven (the individual’s guidance and measure of career success come from his/her internal values) (Briscoe et al., 2006). The boundaryless career orientation refers to an individual who “navigates the changing work landscape by enacting a career characterized by different levels of physical and psychological movement” (Sullivan and Arthur, 2006). Like the protean orientation, it is characterized by flexibility, marketable skills, and continuous learning

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but in addition relies heavily on networking skills. However, despite the fact that the concept refers to both psychological and physical boundaries, it is more frequently associated with physical mobility and is often described as the opposite of the organizational career (Rodrigues and Guest, 2010). The boundaryless career is based on three interdependent competence profiles (DeFillippi and Arthur, 1994). They are knowing-why (this is related to the individual’s job identity, values and interests and is employer-independent for a boundaryless career mindset), knowing-how (this is related to the individual’s knowledge, skills, and abilities for a boundaryless career and is characterized by flexibility), and knowing-whom (this is related to inter- and intra-firm relations, professional and social networks and is inter-organizational, non-hierarchical and emergent for a boundaryless career). Briscoe et al. (2006) capture these competencies as well as the psychological and physical aspects of the concept in their construction of a boundaryless career measurement scale. They introduce the boundaryless mindset (an individual’s general attitude toward working across organizational boundaries) and organizational mobility preference (individuals’ interests in either remaining with a single or multiple employers). The boundaryless mindset can be linked to the knowing-why and knowing-how competencies while organizational mobility preference is related to knowing-whom. Eby et al. (2003) in an empirical investigation of success in a contemporary and more boundaryless world adopt the three “knowing” competencies as possible predictors of career success and found support for DeFillippi and Arthur’s (1994) theoretical propositions. Due to the conceptual similarities in both orientations, protean and boundaryless career attitudes have been combined in a number of research studies (Briscoe and Hall, 2006; Briscoe et al., 2006; Briscoe and Finkelstein, 2009). Baruch (1998) even suggests that a protean career attitude would enable an individual to flourish in a boundaryless environment or context. Briscoe and Hall (2006), however, found that though both attitudes are related and somewhat similar, i.e., they are both driven by the individual’s subjective career and require a strong sense of self-awareness, flexibility, and continuous learning, they are conceptually distinct. Individuals could possess only one or both of these attitudes. Numerous studies have also shown a link between these career orientations and subjective and objective career success (De Vos and Soens, 2008; Eby et al., 2003; Volmer and Spurk, 2011). The evolving nature of work, largely due to globalization and technology, has led to a change in employees’ psychological contracts and these contractual agreements are considered to be one of the major influential factors in contemporary career orientations (Khapova et al., 2007; Rousseau, 1995). Therefore, individuals and organizations need to be prepared for more transformations in the way employment and employability are conceptualized. In a bid to remain lean and easily adaptable, organizations are constantly downsizing and outsourcing even their most valuable skills. The result is that potentially successful employees must work harder to remain relevant and competitive. Protean and boundaryless career orientations propose a win-win situation for organizations and individuals by stimulating individuals to take charge of their careers. Also, they encourage organizations to shed the traditional, paternalistic employment approach and adopt one that promotes flexibility and adaptability by embracing continuous learning and personal growth (Briscoe et al., 2012; Hall, 2004; Hall and Moss, 1998). LOC LOC is a trait which has consistently been found to have a positive relationship with subjective career success (Judge and Bono, 2001; Judge and Kammeyer-Mueller, 2007).

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It is defined as how much control individuals believe they have over their lives. There are typically two types of LOC beliefs – internal, where individuals believe they are in control of their own fate and external, where individuals believe they have little or no control over what happens to them and attribute what happens in their lives to external forces or chance (Rotter, 1966). While LOC is a highly popular construct, it is important to note that it has often been misconstrued by researchers who have not taken into consideration some of Rotter’s underlying arguments (Lefcourt, 1982; Phares, 1976; Spector, 1982). Rotter (1975) argues that the value of the reinforcements must be of importance to the individual if the construct is to be applied correctly and he also notes that the initial conceptualization of LOC was for generalized expectancies of reinforcement rather than specific contexts. Rotter’s (1966) unidimensional view of the LOC construct which places individuals on a spectrum ranging from internal to external has been criticized (Joe, 1971; Lange and Tiggemann, 1981; Kormanik and Rocco, 2009). According to Rotter’s classification, because externals do not see any link between occurrences in their lives and their personal actions, they are less inclined to take charge of their lives as they believe that their lives take shape regardless of their individual efforts (Rotter, 1966). Internals on the other hand, are more likely to take responsibility for their lives as they believe that most of their successes and failures are a direct result of their own actions (Rotter, 1966). Studies, however, found that while internals tend to be a homogenous group, externals are more heterogeneous with some externals behaving like internals, i.e., taking certain proactive measures while attributing the results to external sources (Cherlin and Bourque, 1974); the singular dimension view was thus termed inadequate by some and a multidimensional view deemed more appropriate (Gurin et al., 1969; Mirels, 1970). Levenson (1975) created a multidimensional scale that differentiates between the two types of externals referring to some as those who believe in “chance,” i.e. those who believe in a basic, unordered, and unpredictable world and those who believe in “powerful others.” Externals with a powerful others view have a tendency for control as they may perceive the actions of the powerful others to be reliable giving them the belief that they can obtain certain reinforcements or rewards through certain actions that are in line with the powerful others. Levenson’s (1975) scale provides a means for capturing internal and external beliefs and their outcomes in a more nuanced manner. A second major criticism of the LOC construct is the issue of scholars and researchers promoting the concept of internalism as “good” and externalism as “bad” (Kormanik and Rocco, 2009; Rotter, 1975). Numerous organization studies associate an internal locus with positive and satisfactory work outcomes ( Judge and Bono, 2001; Ng et al., 2005, 2006). Ng et al.’s (2006) meta-analysis classified work LOC and behavior outcomes according to three theoretical perspectives: well-being, motivation, and behavioral orientation. Motivation studies included variables such as intrinsic task motivation, self-development, self-efficacy, and psychological empowerment which all have strong conceptual links to protean and boundaryless orientations. The review study found support for the hypothesis that an internal LOC is positively related to the above-mentioned subjective measures of work-life thus supporting the general but biased notion that internalism is better than externalism. However, the concept of internalism is generally a “Western” one where individualism and personal self-determinism are considered more favorable than values of deference to authority and collectivity. Marks (1998) calls for researchers to be less dismissive of externalism and to consider various factors such as cultural and social differences that do

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not align with the internal biased viewpoint. Also, even in western settings, minority groups have been shown to score higher on external LOC belief in powerful others than their white counterparts (Cain, 1994; Garcia and Levenson, 1975). Similarly, Krampen and Nispel (1978) found that Germans scored higher on external dimensions and lower on internal dimensions than Americans using Levenson’s (1975) multidimensional scale. While cross-cultural studies have revealed that African and Asian individuals typically exhibit externalism (Jaeger and Kanungo, 1990; Reimanis and Posen, 1980; Smith et al., 1995), such as belief in powerful others and chance, this does not necessarily suggest that individuals in such cultures are not proactive in terms of setting and achieving goals (Spector et al., 2004). Those with external LOC beliefs are shown to have optimistic career development prospects (Spector et al., 2004). Counsell (1990) in a study of employees in Ethiopia found that in many cases they were motivated, committed, skilled, appropriately qualified, and optimistic even though they expressed higher levels of external LOC chance beliefs. While there is relatively consistent support for positive career outcomes associated with internal LOC, the research on external LOC is less prominent. In addition to the above-mentioned concerns, Lefcourt (1982), in his comprehensive review of LOC, noted among other limitations, that the construct typically cannot account for a large amount of variance in behavior. Thus, researchers working with LOC need to exercise a great deal of caution in attributing causal or deterministic properties to the construct. Rotter (1975), in an attempt to clarify widely perpetuated misconceptions about the construct, argued that it is more useful as a predictor for generalized rather than specific situations but even then at a very low level. Due to the complex nature of the LOC construct, as well as the relative difficulty in changing people’s LOC beliefs, it is therefore pertinent to consider other variables or constructs that can be conceptually linked to LOC to further understand individual perceptions of control and motivation (Sodowsky et al., 1995). One such model is Dweck’s (1991) implicit theory. Implicit theory Dweck (1991) proposed a theory, labelled implicit theory, about how individuals form judgements and react to situations. Implicit theory proposes that individuals are either entity theorists, where they believe individuals’ (including their own) attitudes and traits are fixed and, thus generally unchangeable regardless of situations; or incremental theorists, where the individual believes that individuals’ traits and attributes (including their own) are dynamic, malleable, and context/situation specific. Empirical evidence shows that individuals with an entity theory are more likely to have performance goal orientations, i.e., they set goals that provide more opportunities for positive judgements about their ability and avoid negative judgements while incremental theorists are more likely to have mastery/learning goal orientations, i.e., goals which provide the opportunity for them to increase their ability regardless of the possibility of failure (Dweck and Leggett, 1988). Briscoe et al. (2006) found learning/mastery goal orientation to be positively correlated with protean and boundaryless orientation measures while performance goal orientation was negatively correlated. In terms of conceptual similarities to LOC, Dweck and Leggett (1988) suggest that LOC could be rooted in implicit theory as the latter could influence an individual’s formations of his/her perception of control. Thus, they argue that an entity theory may hinder a perceived control of events while the incremental theory may enhance it. If one feels that the reason for their failure is due to their ability, when ability is viewed as a stable trait, this could lead to individuals believing they are not in control of their future

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outcomes (Sarrazin et al., 1996). However, Dweck et al. (1995) note that in the case where an entity theorist holds a high view of a certain attribute, they could still hold the view that control is possible. Implicit theory is considered a unidimensional construct, however, Dweck et al. (1995) recognize that it is plausible (but not logical) that people can hold more than one view at the same time. Research reported by Dweck et al. (1995) has also shown a strong predisposition for individuals to hold either an entity or incremental view and not both. Implicit theories can also be easily manipulated whereas LOC beliefs are considered stable traits. Multiple studies have shown that researchers have been able to (even if only temporarily) manipulate individual’s implicit theories for experimental purposes by conditioning their thinking through deliberately worded reading texts and videos (Dweck, 1999; Dweck, 2008; Rattan et al., 2012). Cross-cultural studies have shown that culture can also affect individuals’ implicit theories. Stevenson and Stigler (1992) found that collectivist Asian cultures breed a more incremental view of intelligence than American culture, an individualistic culture. The context of the study Based on Hofstede’s (1980) culture classifications, Nigeria, the context of this study, is a collectivist, high power distance culture which emphasizes interdependence, family ties, obedience, status, hierarchy, deference, and respect to authority and older individuals, and conformity. However, although culture has a significant influence on individuals, research has shown that its impact is not as strong as is commonly believed (Zagorsek et al., 2004). It has been observed that over time, globalization and technology have resulted in the infusion and diffusion of local and international cultures and practices and it is important to consider economic, social, and political factors (Thomas and Inkson, 2007). Nigeria, though it is the seventh largest producer of crude oil in the world with crude oil accounting for about 90 percent of its exports, is consistently ranked among the poorest nations in the world (World Bank, 2012). The country suffers from poor infrastructure, under-developed legal and social systems, and an unstable business environment which typically leaves employees at the mercy of organizations (Adewumi, 2007). Similar to other parts of the world, the Nigerian economic, political, and socio-cultural systems are constantly evolving and as such the contemporary Nigerian workers find themselves in a world which consists of both traditional and modern aspects, with the former holding on to collectivistic notions and the latter pursuing independence by emphasizing personal responsibility and action (Salami and Aremu, 2007). Therefore, Nigerian workers’ careers are played out in much less stable and predictable systems than those in which most protean and boundaryless research has taken place (Briscoe et al., 2012). The fact that the Nigerian context is one in which individuals typically exhibit an external LOC makes it an ideal context for the study. As per the recommendation by Ng et al. (2005), this study extends the exploration of contemporary career orientations by examining additional antecedents such as implicit theory and LOC. Hypotheses The main thesis of this study is that externally oriented individuals (LOC belief in chance) may exhibit the protean and/or boundary orientation if they also possess an incremental implicit theory. Since the possession of an incremental implicit theory promotes perceptions of control in individuals particularly in the face of harsh and

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uncertain realities (Dweck et al., 1995) like those experienced by the average Nigerian worker, incremental implicit theory should enhance the presence of protean/boundaryless careers, particularly in external individuals. Fazey and Fazey (2001) showed that both LOC and perceptions of competence are integral factors in understanding the nature of autonomous or self-directed learning which is central to the protean and boundaryless orientations (Hall and Mirvis, 1995). Also, based on the implicit theory literature, which identifies two major types of goal setting, performance (for entity theorists) and learning (for incremental theorists), it is highly likely that incremental theorists would exhibit protean/boundaryless careers that are characterized by an emphasis on personal growth and continuous learning with less emphasis on others’ evaluation of their performance. We therefore hypothesize that: H1. LOC belief in chance will have a negative relationship with a (an): (a) protean self-directed orientation; (b) protean values-driven orientation; (c) boundaryless mindset orientation; (d) organizational mobility preference orientation. H2. Individuals’ implicit theory will positively moderate the relationship between a LOC belief in chance and the protean and boundaryless orientations whereby those with an incremental implicit theory will have lower negative relationships between LOC belief in chance and the protean and boundaryless orientation than those with an entity implicit theory. Method Sample Respondents were full-time workers. In an attempt to be as representative of the working population as possible, the study included workers who were taking part-time post-graduate courses such as MBA courses and those that were both working and getting an undergraduate degree at the same time. The sample of respondents who were studying part time was obtained from one of the satellite campuses of Lagos State University (the response rate at the campus was 10 percent). A target sample size of 120 was set for the study based on sample size calculation tables determined by the statistical research method (linear regression), type of data (continuous data), set alpha level ( p ¼ 0.10), and the average effect size of the independent variables on the dependent variables in previous similar studies (Bartlett et al., 2001; Dewberry, 2004). In total there were 145 respondents who met the basic study requirement that they were employed. In all, 18 of the respondents failed to complete requisite sections of the questionnaires thus leaving 127 final respondents. The average age of the respondents was 29.6 (SD ¼ 5.51), 38 percent were female, 24 percent married, and respondents had an average of 5.7 years of work experience (SD ¼ 4.84). The survey took place in Lagos State, the most diversified urban region in Nigeria in terms of ethnicity. In total, 111 of the 127 respondents completed the question about ethnicity. Of those that provided this information, 81 percent were Yoruba, 11 percent were Igbo, 3 percent were Delta, 3 percent were Urhobo, 1 percent was Ishang, and 1 percent was Efik. The sampling method was a convenience sample taken from several populations of respondents. Respondents were recruited from the part-time undergraduate and postgraduate university programs, churches, and personal e-mail contact lists. In all, 5 percent of the respondents were self-employed. Sectors represented in the survey included: Financial services (30 percent), media (9 percent), manufacturing (6 percent), public sector (5 percent), marketing, health and education (4 percent each),

legal and technology (3 percent each), writing and publishing (2 percent), others (7 percent combined) and non-specified (23 percent).

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Procedure Data collection took place via e-mail and in person. Respondents were informed that the questionnaires were designed to measure their views on life and their careers but they were not briefed on the constructs that each section represented. Respondents were not required to provide their personal contact details, but those interested in receiving feedback on their scores and the research were asked to include their e-mail addresses and phone numbers. Respondents were assured of full confidentiality. Questionnaire The questionnaire was divided into several sections: demographic variables (age, marital status, work experience, and gender), external LOC (belief in chance), protean orientation variables, boundaryless orientation variables, and implicit theory variables. Other variables were collected but are not included in this paper. LOC. This study employed Levenson’s (1975) external LOC (chance) scale (eight items). The items are scored on a six-point scale ranging from 1 (“strongly disagree”) to 6 (“strongly agree”). High scores represent a higher belief in chance LOC. Protean orientation and boundaryless orientation variables. Protean orientation variables measured an individual’s tendency to be protean in their attitude toward their career (Briscoe et al., 2006). The scale was separated into two dimensions: self-directed and values driven. The boundaryless orientation variables measured an individual’s tendency to exhibit a boundaryless mindset or organizational mobility preference. The respondents scored all the items on a five-point scale ranging from 1 (“to little or no extent”) to 5 (“to a great extent”). High scores represent self-directed and values-driven orientations as well as boundaryless mindset and organizational mobility preference. Incremental implicit theory. Incremental implicit theory was measured using Dweck’s (1991) eight-item implicit theory scale. Questions captured their implicit views on whether or not people can change basic things about them. Higher scores represent individuals with an incremental theory. Since the questionnaire scales were established in previous research studies we conducted confirmatory factor analyses (CFA; AMOS, Version 22) on each of the scales. Table I summarizes the fit indices for the scales. The basic latent model was first tested and then the models were revised according to the modification indices, using the rule that only covariances could be allowed between error terms of measured variables on a given latent factor. The table summarizes the rule of thumb criteria used for each fit index and the results from the CFA analyses. As can be seen from the table the CFA results were generally strong for all study variables. Data analysis Moderated multiple regression was used to assess the relationships between incremental implicit theories and the four protean/boundaryless career orientations. The demographic variables were entered first into the equations, followed by the implicit theory and the chance LOC variable and in the third step the interaction term between implicit theory and chance LOC was entered. Missing data were minimal in the data set,