Explaining the motivational forces of - Springer Link

Ed Sleebos, Naomi Ellemers & Dick de Gilder

Explaining the Motivational Forces of (dis)Respect: How self-focused and group-focused concerns can result in the display of group-serving efforts

Abstract: The current article explains the motives underlying respect- and disrespect induced groupserving efforts. Research showed that intra-group respect increases individuals’ engagement with their group and subsequent intentions to show group-serving efforts. We refer to this process as ‘the group-focused motive’. Based on a recent program of research on actual effort and performance evaluations, we conclude that respect-induced group-serving efforts are not only due to enhanced engagement with the group. In addition, we posit that behavioral motivations can also stem from self-focused concerns – we refer to these as ‘self-focused motives’. We argue that the perception of being respected boosts the self-evaluation of individual group members. Maintenance of this positive self-evaluation, together with respect-induced enhanced self-confidence, can cause individuals to show more contextual performance. Finally, when individuals are disrespected, this impacts negatively on their self-perception. As a result, these individuals show group-serving efforts in an attempt to re-establish their selfworth, and this occurs relatively independently of improvement concerns for the group. Keywords: Respect/disrespect; social identity; self-esteem; performance; relational models of justice. Zusammenfassung: Dieser Beitrag erklärt gruppendienliche Bemühungen durch die Motive, die Respekt und Disrespekt zugrunde liegen. Die Forschung hat gezeigt, dass Respekt innerhalb von Gruppen sowohl die Bindung der Individuen mit ihrer Gruppe als auch hierauf folgenden Vorsätze, gruppendienliche Bemühungen zu zeigen, vergrößert. Wir bezeichnen diesen Prozess als ,gruppenbezogene Motive‘. Basierend auf einem Forschungsprogramm der letzten Jahre, das tatsächliche Bemühungen und Leistung untersuchte, folgern wir, daß Respekt-induzierte gruppendienliche Bemühungen nicht nur auf eine erhöhte Bindung mit der Gruppe zurückzuführen sind. Wir nehmen weiterhin an, dass Verhaltensmotive auch aus selbstbezogenen Interessen hervorgehen können – wir bezeichnen diese als ,selbstbezogene Motive‘. Wir argumentieren, dass die Wahrnehmung, respektiert zu werden, die Selbsteinschätzung individueller Mitglieder einer Gruppe positiv stimuliert. Die Aufrechterhaltung dieser positiven Selbsteinschätzung zusammen mit einem durch Respekt evoziertem erhöhten Selbstbewusstsein kann dazu führen, dass Individuen mehr kontextuelle Leistungen zeigen. Auf der anderen Seite, hat es einen negativen Einfluss auf die Selbstwahrnehmung von Individuen, wenn diese respektlos behandelt werden. Diese Individuen zeigen folglich gruppendienliche Bemühungen als Versuch, ihr Selbstwertgefühl wiederherzustellen. Dies geschieht relativ unabhängig von gruppenbezogenen Verbesserungsinteressen. Schlüsselwörter: Respekt/respektlos; soziale Identität; Selbstwertgefühl; Leistung; relationale Gerechtigkeitsmodelle

Gruppendynamik und Organisationsberatung, 38. Jahrg., Heft 3, S. 327-342

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Introduction Recent theory and research examining what causes individuals to exert themselves on behalf of their group has established the significance of intra-group respect (see for overviews Smith, Tyler, & Huo, 2003; Spears, Ellemers, Doosje, & Branscombe, 2006; Tyler & Blader, 2000, 2003). This literature has elaborated on the processes through which group procedures and intra-group interactions that convey respect elicit a sense of commitment to the group, which in turn motivates individual group members to be loyal to and invest in the group. We refer to this process as representing a group-focused motive. In the present contribution we consider the possibility that additional, more selffocused motives can also emerge as a result of the affordance of intra-group respect - or the lack of it: disrespect. We review a recent program of research with the aim to further examine the operation of these different motives, as well as their consequences for effortful group-relevant behavior. Although there has been some debate about how to best conceptualize, manipulate, and measure intra-group respect, many authors share the idea that perceived respect indicates the extent to which one feels valued and accepted as a group member (Boezeman & Ellemers, 2007a; Boezeman & Ellemers, 2007b; De Cremer & Tyler, 2005; Sleebos, Ellemers, & de Gilder, 2006a; Smith et al., 2003; Spears et al., 2006). Based on this literature, we conceive of respect as the subjective appraisal made by individual group members of the perceived value of the self for the group (Sleebos et al., 2006a; Smith et al., 2003). Intra-group respect can be expressed in many different ways (see Dillon, 2003). For example, respect can be conveyed indirectly through the nature of intra-group interactions (e.g. considerate treatment) or it can be communicated more directly, for instance in evaluative judgments received from fellow group members. What is most relevant in view of our present purposes is that both intra-group interactions and evaluative judgments can affect subjective feelings of respect, which determine subsequent attitudes and behaviors of individual group members (Spears et al., 2006). This is why, in this contribution, we do not elaborate on the potential origins of respect, but take subjective feelings of being respected by other group members as a point of departure for our further analysis. Thus, instead of examining how different aspects of group life may convey respect, we focus on the motivational forces and the behavioral consequences of the extent to which individuals subjectively feel respected by their fellow group members (see Erez, Sleebos, Mikulincer, van IJzendoorn, Ellemers, & Kroonenberg, 2007; Sleebos et al., 2006a; Sleebos, Ellemers, & de Gilder, 2006b; Sleebos, Stam, Ellemers, & de Gilder, 2007a; Sleebos, Ellemers, & de Gilder, 2007b). The main aim of the current contribution is to elaborate on perceived intra-group respect as a determinant of the extent to which people actually exert behavioral effort on behalf of their group. In doing this, we complement previous work that has focused on how intra-group respect can induce group-focused behavioral motives. We argue and present evidence showing that contributions on behalf of the group are not only activated by these motives. That is, while we acknowledge that a subjective sense of engagement with the group constitutes a powerful motive for individuals to exert themselves on behalf of the group (Tyler & Blader, 2003), we propose that similar efforts may ensue from what we refer to as ‘self-focused motives’. As we will explain further below, such self-focused behavioral motives can stem from the desire to maintain positive selfviews, the desire to enhance negative self-views (Sleebos et al., 2007a, 2007b), or from

Explaining the Motivational Forces of (dis)Respect

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anxiety about individual acceptance into the group (i.e. acceptance anxiety, Sleebos et al., 2006a). Figure 1: Figure Self-focused and group-focused motives group-serving efforts 1: Self-focused and group-focused motivesto to display display group-serving efforts

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β*ß*==significant significant βns = =not ßns notsignificant significant Reproduced permissionfrom fromCopyright Copyright Clearance Center Sleebos et al. (2006a). Reproduced with with permission Clearance Center fromfrom Sleebos et.al(2006a). Sleebos, E., E., Ellemers, && de Gilder, Gilder, D.D.(2006). TheThe carrot and and the stick Respected and disrespected group Sleebos, Ellemers,N.N., (2006). carrot the: stick: Respected and disrespected and Social Psychology 244members' motives motives to engageto in engage group-serving efforts. Personality group members’ in group-serving efforts. Personality and Bulletin Social, 32, Psychology 255. Bulletin 32, 244-255.

As far as we know, only a limited number of studies in this area of research have investigated the actual, behavioral consequences of intra-group respect, as most studies have focused on proxies (i.e. stated willingness or intentions to exert effort). This is somewhat precarious, as empirical findings show that the effects of perceived intra-group re-

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spect on actual effort exertion on behalf of the group only partly converge with results obtained with proxies of such behavioral effort (see Sleebos et al., 2006b). This is why we will draw on our recent program of research (carried out in both the laboratory and in the field), that focuses on actual displays of behavioral effort as a consequence of respect, to offer empirical support for the existence of different motivational mechanisms that can be induced by intra-group (dis)respect (see Sleebos, 2005 for an overview). In our experimental research, we compared the effects of perceptions of high respect to the effects of average respect and low respect on actual effort exerted on behalf of the group, and investigated the underlying motives that incited individuals to demonstrate these behavioral efforts. We assessed the effects of respect at these three levels (high, average, and low) to be able to establish whether or not there would be a steady increase in the effort exerted, as a result of the respect group members received. The behavioral effects we observed, consistently revealed a curvilinear pattern. That is, high respect caused individuals to show more effort on behalf of the group than did average respect, consistent with the operation of group-focused motives.1 At the same time, low respect also induced an increase in behavioral effort on behalf of the group, compared to average respect. However, further examination of these differences revealed that the increased effort displayed by individuals who received low respect was caused by different motivational concerns than those that played a role in the case of high respect (Sleebos et al., 2006a, experiment 2). To be able to further understand the different group-relevant and self-relevant processes at work in the case of high vs. low respect, we will consider the evidence pertaining to each of these different motives separately (see Figure 1). That is, we will first address how the affordance of high respect differs from average respect to explain the operation of the group-focused motive. Subsequently, we re-examine the data from these same studies to assess how the effects of low respect differ from those of average respect, to elaborate on the operation of self-focused motives.

Group-focused vs. self-focused motives Theory and research on intra-group respect so far have mainly focused on demonstrating that respect can induce a subjective sense of engagement with the group, which in turn leads individuals to exert more effort to achieve collective goals (see for overviews Smith et al., 2003; Spears et al., in press; Tyler & Blader, 2000, 2003). We refer to this relation as indicating the activation of a group-focused behavioral motive. The proposed rationale underlying this mechanism is that the affordance of respect helps individual group members to focus on the collective as a relevant target for effortful, individual behavior. According to this reasoning, individuals who perceive themselves as respected by fellow group members will feel more subjectively and emotionally attached to the group and they will define themselves more in terms of the group (Tajfel, 1978; Tajfel & Turner, 1979). Consequently, they will be more willing to exert themselves on behalf of collective goals and are more likely to act to the advantage of the group. Although we endorse the validity of this reasoning, we propose that it is not sufficient to explain the full range of ways in which intra-group respect can be understood as


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a motivational construct. That is, we argue that besides this group-focused motive, other, more self-focused motives can emerge from the degree of respect afforded by other group members, which may likewise activate individuals to commit effort on behalf of their group, albeit for fundamentally different reasons. Multiple studies on perceived intra-group respect have demonstrated that individuals’ perception of being respected by other group members not only enhances group engagement, but also positively relates to individual self-esteem (De Cremer & Tyler, 2005; Smith & Tyler, 1997; Smith, Tyler, Huo, Ortiz, & Lind, 1998; Tyler & Blader, 2002; Tyler, Degoey, & Smith, 1996). Hence, we propose that respect-induced positive self-views can also encourage individuals to engage in group supporting behaviors, relatively independently of the extent to which the individual experiences psychological engagement with the group (Sleebos et al., 2007a). This reasoning extends the core selfevaluation literature, which has demonstrated a consistent, positive relationship between self-esteem and performance (Judge, & Bono, 2001). Based on this literature, we argue that individuals with respect-induced self-esteem are more confident that they can perform well, and in turn will address their efforts on behalf of their team, in order to secure maintenance of the respect received from other team members (Bono & Judge, 2003; Leary, Gallagher, Fors, Buttermore, Baldwin, Kennedy, & Mills, 2003; Sleebos et al., 2007a). This represents a relatively self-directed and individually instrumental motive, elicited by intra-group respect. Based on previous theory and research on intra-group respect, it seems likely that individuals who do not feel respected by their fellow group members will psychologically disengage from their group (De Cremer & Tyler, 2005). The resulting lack of commitment should undermine the operation of group-focused motives. Furthermore, the lack of respect received prevents the operation of a self-evaluation maintenance motive as described above (Bono & Judge, 2003; Leary et al., 2003), that might constitute an alternative source of behavioral effort on behalf of the group. Nonetheless, we argue that individuals who are disrespected may have an additional motive to commit efforts on behalf of their group. Importantly, these individuals’ display of group beneficial behaviors is not intended to gain positive regard from others in the group or to support the group, but is thought to contribute to a positive evaluation of the self, relatively independently of the group (Erez et al., 2007; Sleebos et al., 2006a). Individuals who perceive themselves as disrespected will experience feelings of anxiety and distress as a result of this negative evaluation of the self (Erez et al., 2007; Sleebos et al., 2006a; see also Baumeister & Leary, 1995; Eisenberger, Lieberman, & Williams, 2003; House, Landis, & Umberson, 1988; Uchino, Cacioppo, & KiecoltGlaser, 1996; Williams, 2001). These feelings of anxiety and distress likely challenge the individual’s private self-esteem (Smith, Murphy, & Coats, 1999). In order to restore feelings of personal self-worth, we propose that self-focused concerns are activated, which induce attempts to restore one’s self-view by showing a superior behavioral effort (Erez et al., 2007; Sleebos et al., 2006a; see also Luhtanen & Crocker, 1992; Steele, 1988). In other words, we posit that individuals who are disrespected will feel compelled to reaffirm their self-views and therefore are willing to exert themselves on behalf of the group when this might benefit their personal image (Branscombe, Spears, Ellemers, & Doosje, 2002; Erez et al., 2007). Now that we have distinguished between these different behavioral motives, we will address them more closely, and consider the empirical evidence in support of the

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operation of each of these motives, as they are activated by the degree of respect received. We will in turn focus on: (1) engagement with the group as a result of respect, (2) self-esteem and self-confidence as a result of respect, and (3) improvement of the self as a result of disrespect. Subsequently we will consider further evidence concerning groupengagement and disengagement to establish the extent to which these different motives can indeed be seen as group-focused or self-focused.

Engagement with the social group Research on relational models of justice has supported the assumption that the affordance of respect helps individual group members to focus on the collective as a relevant goal for effortful behavior (De Cremer, 2002, 2003; De Cremer & Tyler, 2005; Simon and Stürmer, 2003; Tyler & Blader, 2000, 2001). For example, Simon and Stürmer (2003; see also De Cremer, 2003) investigated the effects of intra-group respect. Under controlled circumstances, Simon and Stürmer (2003) showed that respectful treatment (versus disrespectful treatment) enhanced individuals’ willingness to engage in groupserving behaviors, and that this depended on the extent to which individuals’ attached value to their social identity derived from the collective. However, most of this research has focused on intentions or willingness to work on behalf of a group as the central dependent variable. We argue that self-reported willingness to work on behalf of the group is conceptually and methodologically close to measures of psychological engagement with the group (i.e. group commitment) but does not necessarily predict actual, effortful behavior. Therefore, to examine whether respect-induced engagement actually incites individuals to show behavioral effort on behalf of the group, we conducted a series of experimental studies (chronologically, Sleebos et al., 2006b, experiment 1 and experiment 2; Sleebos et al., 2006a, experiment 1 and experiment 2; Erez et al., 2007). In these studies, the manipulation of intra-group respect was based on the procedure developed by Branscombe et al. (2002). In groups consisting of four individuals, participants were asked to provide positive as well as negative information about themselves on two behavioral dimensions relevant to their participation in task-groups, that is, individual achievements and cooperation (Motowidlo & Van Scotter, 1994). In turn, by means of bogus feedback, participants were informed about the degree to which they were respected in terms of these two behavioral dimensions (Sleebos et al., 2006b), with ratings allegedly provided by the three other members of their group. Subsequently, participants were requested to perform a task that assessed their effort on behalf of the group, in which it was explicitly stated that the effort exerted by the individual could only help improve the joint result of the group. As hypothesized, results clearly indicated that participants who had received high levels of intra-group respect for both individual achievements and cooperation (high respect condition) exerted more effort on behalf of the group than participants who had received less respect (moderate respect condition) from other group members as they were respected only for one of the behavioral dimensions but not for the other (high/low respect or low/high respect condition1). These results demonstrated that higher levels of intra-group respect not only increase individuals’ intentions to engage in behaviors that


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contribute to the performance of their group (Simon & Stürmer, 2003; Sleebos et al., 2006b, experiment 1), but also energize individuals to show actual efforts on behalf of the collective (Sleebos et al., 2006b, experiment 1). Although this is consistent with theoretical reasoning concerning the effects of intra-group respect (e.g., Tyler and Blader, 2000, 2003), it does not inform us why people displayed this behavior. Therefore, in an additional series of studies (Sleebos et al., 2006a, experiment 1 and experiment 2) our goal was to confirm that the actual efforts participants demonstrated on behalf of the group indeed stemmed from a group-focused motive – i.e., an intra-group respect induced concern with the collective. In our subsequent research, we used a manipulation to induce respect that was highly similar to the procedure described above. However, this time we explicitly manipulated respect at three different levels (high, average, and low intra-group respect). To uncover the motivational concerns underlying the behavioral effects we observed, we asked participants to indicate their level of affective commitment with the collective (see Ellemers, de Gilder, & van der Heuvel, 1998) after they had received differential respect from their fellow group members. The results of this experiment were in line with previous research and with predictions made. Again, we demonstrated that high respect encouraged participants to increase their actual effort on behalf of the group compared to participants who had received average respect from their fellow group members (Sleebos et al., 2006a). In addition, moderation analyses showed that the effort respected participants exerted on behalf of the group originated from the extent to which participants were affectively committed to the collective due to their being respected (Sleebos et al., 2006a, experiment 2). This offers converging support for the operation of a group-focused motive, as proposed by the relational models of justice (Lind & Tyler, 1988; Tyler & Blader, 2000; Tyler & Lind, 1992). To further validate these results, which were obtained in experimentally created groups with student participants, we also examined whether similar processes occur in field settings (Sleebos et al., 2007a). Using a SEM mediation model (Bentler & Wu, 2004), we replicated our experimental results in a study of two Royal Netherlands Armed forces battalions. That is, the extent to which individuals’ perceived themselves as respected by others in their military group, strengthened their feelings of engagement with this collective. Additionally, we found that psychological engagement with the group significantly predicted perceived team ability, which at the group level highly correlated with the team’s effectiveness as evaluated by their supervisor. In sum, when comparing the effect of receiving high versus average respect from other group members, the results of our experiments as well as field data pertaining to real groups show evidence of the operation of a group-focused motive (Sleebos et al., 2006a; Sleebos et al, 2006b, Sleebos et al., 2007a), and are in line with previous theory and correlational studies. This confirms that respect-induced psychological engagement with the group indeed can energize individuals to show behavioral effort on behalf of the group.

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Self-esteem, and self-confidence Although we have established that respect-induced concerns with the collective can energize individuals to exert effort on behalf of the group, this does not necessarily imply that respect always influences behavior through such group-focused motives. In fact, we think this is not the case, as additional concerns can play a role. Indeed, others before us have offered evidence to show that group engagement is not the only possible consequence of intra-group respect. For instance, in a series of correlational studies, Smith and Tyler (1997; Tyler & Blader, 2002) demonstrated that the extent to which individuals perceived themselves as respected by others in the group was positively related to their personal self-esteem (see also Leary et al., 2003). Accordingly, self-esteem related concerns may also elicit motivational forces that guide the behavior of individual group members. In line with previous theory and research on intra-group respect, we have established that respect can increase individuals’ efforts on behalf of the group because of the subjective importance of the group for the self. However, we argue that this is not the only concern that plays a role. In addition, we propose that respect-induced selfesteem can affect individuals’ behavior on behalf of their group. Specifically, we posit that respect can energize individuals to act on behalf of the group as a way to maintain respect-induced self-esteem – a self-focused concern. As a result of their enhanced selfimage, individuals address their efforts on behalf of their group, which in turn helps them to secure maintenance of the respect received from their fellow group members (Bono & Judge, 2003; Leary et al., 2003; Tyler & Blader, 2000). Thus, the extent to which individuals feel that the respect they receive increases their self-esteem, makes them more likely to show their willingness to engage in group-beneficial behaviors (e.g. help fellow team members and correct problems that arise). Validation for the operation of this individual motive was provided by our data collected in military groups in the field, which we already referred to (Sleebos et al., 2007a). In addition to the results described above, these data showed that intra-group respect positively influenced participants’ performance self-esteem, which subsequently enhanced their willingness to engage in individual behavior that was beneficial for the group. We think this demonstrates that the perception of ‘how individuals think they are regarded by their fellow group members’ impacts on the way they think about themselves, which in turn affects the way they behave. This again shows that the supportive behaviors individual members are willing to commit on behalf of their team not necessarily arise from a concern with the collective, but can also originate from a concern with the ‘self’.

Acceptance anxiety and improvement of the self The reasoning proposed by relational models of justice – namely that respect causes individuals to focus on the group and hence makes them exert effort on behalf of the group (Tyler & Blader, 2000, 2003) – implies that a lack of respect should result in decreased feelings of engagement with the group. In turn, this should negatively affect individuals’ motivation to show group-beneficial behavior, and therefore reduce individual displays of efforts on behalf of the group.


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However, we argue that there is an alternative process that is activated when group members perceive themselves as disrespected. Our position differs from other views on this particular issue, and at first sight is paradoxical. That is, we argue that when individuals’ perceive themselves as not respected by others in their group, this will activate them to re-establish their self-worth, and this provides them with an alternative motive to exert effort on behalf of the group. Based on previous research addressing the effects of peripheral or marginal group membership (Jetten, Branscombe, & Spears, 2002; Noel, Wann, & Branscombe, 1995; see also De Cremer, 2002), one might assume that such efforts are exerted with the aim of improving the group’s image of the self, and to secure future inclusion in the group. Indeed, it can be argued that when respect from others in the group is not forthcoming, individuals will experience the threat of becoming a marginal group member (Jetten et al., 2002; Noel et al., 1995). Nevertheless, we argue that such threat primarily elicits the need to reaffirm the general integrity of the self (Luhtanen & Crocker, 1992; Noel et al., 1995; Steele, 1988), which can motivate individuals to express an enhanced exertion of effort on behalf of the group (Erez et al., 2007; Sleebos et al., 2006a, 2006b). Importantly, this can occur relatively independently of the question of whether such selfenhancement will eventually improve one’s position in the group, or enhance the amount of respect received from others. Thus, we suggest that through this alternative process group members who perceive themselves as disrespected can demonstrate an increased exert effort on behalf of the group that is similar to the behavior displayed by respected group members, but this occurs for fundamentally different reasons. To address the operation of this motive, we re-examine the same experimental studies that were discussed above (Sleebos et al., 2006a; Sleebos et al., 2006b). However, this time we focus on group members who are disrespected, and compare their responses to those who have received average respect.1 We predicted the self-focused motives to emerge in conditions where respect was low rather than average, i.e. in the situation in which participants were disrespected (Sleebos et al, 2006a, 2006b). In line with relational models of justice, the prediction would be that participants who are not respected by their fellow group members should decrease their efforts on behalf of the collective, because they care less for the group. In contrast, on the basis of the self-focused motive described above, we predict that disrespected participants will enhance their behavioral efforts on behalf of the collective, despite their lack of group engagement. When comparing the responses of those who had received low respect with group members who had received average respect (Sleebos et al. 2006a, 2006b), it turned out that disrespected group members did not exert less effort on behalf of their group when they are compared with the respected ones, as might be predicted on the basis of the current respect literature (Tyler & Blader, 2000, 2003). Instead, we found that disrespected group members actually increased their contribution on behalf of the collective as compared to group members who had received average respect. Although these behavioral findings were in line with our reasoning, further evidence was necessary to support the hypothesis that this behavior is driven by self-focused motives. We therefore more closely investigated the motivational concerns of group members who were disrespected. To do so, we connected the effort participants could contribute on behalf of the group to different motives we thought they might have. After participants were subjected to the respect manipulation, we introduced two motives that would reveal individual engagement with the group during a task on behalf of the group

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(Sleebos et al., 2006b). Participants were told that the efforts they displayed on a task on behalf of the group could help achieve a particular goal, depending on the experimental condition they were in. In one condition, participants could work on a task on behalf of the group with the aim to ‘stay in the group’. In the other condition, work on a task on behalf of the group would help them to ‘leave the group’, so that greater behavioral effort would indicate a concern with the self, not the group. When individual effort on a task on behalf of the group would allow participants to stay in the group, the amount of respect received did not affect behavioral efforts. However, in the condition where working on behalf of the group might help individual group members to leave the group, those who were disrespected showed increased behavioral effort, and significantly outperformed their fellow group members who were more respected (i.e., those in the high respected and average respect conditions). This implies that disrespected individuals do actually exert effort on behalf of the collective, however, not out of involvement with the group, but primarily out of concern with themselves.

Engaged or disengaged? Cognitive accessibility of justice and fairness concerns The outcomes of our studies revealed that individuals’ perception of either being respected or of being disrespected by fellow group members can enhance their levels of effort on behalf of the group. We argued that these increased efforts were either energized by the extent to which individuals felt affectively committed to the group (groupfocused motive; Sleebos et al., 2006a; Sleebos et al., 2006b) or could be elicited by selffocused motives. These include the extent to which group members feel valued and confident to perform (self-focused motive; Sleebos et al., 2007a) in the case of being respected, as well as feelings of anxiety and distress in the case of disrespect (self-focused motive; Sleebos et al., 2006a; Sleebos et al., 2006b). These latter results in particular have the potential to offer an important step forward in existing insights into the effects of intra-group respect, and broaden our theoretical understanding of how individuals can be motivated by relational factors to exert effort on behalf of the collective. Thus, we attempted to more fully understand and correctly interpret the paradoxical finding that disrespected individuals enhanced their efforts on behalf of the group despite their lack of psychological engagement with the group. Although we had used a conventional indicator (i.e. self-reported acceptance anxiety; Sleebos et al., 2006a, experiment 2) as well as an experimental manipulation (i.e. work to leave motive; Sleebos et al., 2006b, experiment 2) to demonstrate that the behavior of disrespected individuals was not driven by a group-focused motive, we also incorporated a more unobtrusive measure to show that disrespected individuals do not increase their efforts out of concern with the collective (Sleebos et al., 2006b, experiment 2). To examine (dis)respected individuals’ psychological engagement versus separation of the self from the group, we used a lexical decision task (i.e. response latencies; Miedema, Van den Bos, & Vermunt, 2000) to measure individuals’ cognitive accessibility of justice/fairness concerns. Insights from relational models of justice suggest that individuals are attentive to indicators of procedural justice and fairness concerns because these indicators inform them about their standing in the group (Skitka, 2003; Tyler & Lind, 1992; Van Prooijen,


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Van den Bos, & Wilke, 2002; Van Prooijen, Van den Bos, & Wilke, 2004). We argue that this same reasoning should also imply that individuals who are not interested in their standing in the group should be less concerned about justice/fairness information (Van Prooijen et al., 2004). The results we obtained with the lexical decision task corroborated our reasoning. Whereas the perception of being respected by other group members enhanced the cognitive accessibility of justice/fairness concerns, the notion of being disrespected caused these concerns to become less accessible (Sleebos et al., 2006b, experiment 2). Moreover, in line with our reasoning, subjective identification with the group (Ellemers, Spears, & Doosje, 1997) moderated the relation between differential respect received from others in the group and the cognitive accessibility of justice/fairness concerns. That is, respect caused differences in the cognitive accessibility of justice/fairness concerns because it affected individuals’ feelings of engagement with group. This supports our reasoning: The significance individuals attach to the group as indicated by the cognitive accessibility of justice/fairness concerns varies according to whether group members perceive themselves as respected or disrespected, even if they show similar group-directed effort in both cases.

Conclusion and Discussion Our research shows that the role of respect and disrespect in group processes may be more varied and more complex than was previously believed. The notion developed in relational models of justice literature (see Tyler & Blader, 2003 for an overview), that individual group members who feel respected direct their efforts at the advancement of the collective, is widely supported. Our research is consistent with this notion as it shows that the perception of being respected by others in the group indeed motivates individuals to direct actual efforts on behalf of their group when respect results in group engagement (Sleebos et al., 2006a). However, respect has further effects, as it also impacts upon self-focused concerns. The perception of being respected by others in the group can also contribute to a more positive perception of the self and increase individual self-confidence (Judge & Bono, 2001; Leary et al., 2003). In turn, both the desire to maintain positive self-views and increased confidence in their ability to perform well will incite individuals to display more group-serving efforts (Sleebos et al., 2007a). Thus, group- and self-focused motives both contribute to maintaining a high level of individual efforts that enhance group performance, as these efforts are needed to affirm that the respect is deserved and should be continued. Even though respect affects individuals’ efforts and self-perceptions, disrespect does so as well, but in a more complex way. Paradoxically, the levels of behavioral exertion may be equal for respected and disrespected group members alike. However, high levels of effort by disrespected individuals are mainly found when they see possibilities to leave the group, as if they apply for a more respected position in another group by showing their motivation and ability. This can only be interpreted as a selffocused motivation (Sleebos et al, 2006b). While leaving a group is a clearly visible, behavioral way of showing disengagement that provides evidence for self-focused motives, disrespected individuals are also

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self-focused in their concerns and cognitive processing. This is, for instance, reflected in the relatively high level of acceptance anxiety displayed by disrespected individuals. Although these worries about approval and acceptance are based on interactions with other group members, they induce self-relevant concerns of self-perceived worthlessness (Sleebos et al., 2006a; see also Erez et al., 2007). Furthermore, the whole idea of being a group member seems to become less relevant for disrespected individuals, as can be derived from their low level of cognitive accessibility of justice/fairness concerns. In this sense, our results are in line with social identity theory and relational models of justice. While respect contributes to a positive social identity and a positive relationship with the group, people who are disrespected tend to decrease their level of engagement with the group. Our findings may have practical implications as well. For instance, in task-oriented groups, in sports teams or work teams in organizations, it seems beneficial to create an atmosphere in which individuals can feel respected as these feelings truly contribute to the overall performance of the collective. Our research shows that such feelings not only depend on good supervisor/subordinate relations, but can be developed and sustained among colleagues and team members who mutually value and support each other. This might imply that choices have to be made in composing such collectives to optimize the chances that feelings of respect develop, and minimize the risks of entering a cycle of disrespect and disengagement. This is by no means self-evident, as modern work conditions routinely involve the use of rotating project teams, or different forms of job mobility, which require that successful teams are broken up or adapted after a while to meet changing work requirements. For example, when new, highly competent individuals are introduced into the group, this can raise feelings of disrespect among those present in the group who feel surpassed by these newcomers. In a similar vein, when friends or colleagues at work who value or respect ‘the self’ leave (or are requested to leave) this depletes ‘the self’ of important sources of respect, which can in turn decrease feelings of being respected and induce psychological disengagement from the organization. In the long run, it is likely that these ‘survivors’ will try to leave the organization too. On a number of occasions, these events will make a valuable team member or employee leave, which will be an undesirable outcome for the organization. Indeed, the initial effects of disrespect will be quite subtle, as it may lead to non-visible signs of psychological disengagement. Even if such disengagement does not lead to conscious decisions to reduce efforts, eventually it may reduce involvement in interaction, less sharing of information, and reluctance to make long term commitments. Therefore, on such occasions, it should be questioned whether an apparent improvement of the team or organization e.g., through the introduction of – in our example – new or highly competent individuals truly will boost the performance of the group, or in the end will raise feelings of disrespect among existing group members resulting in a loss of collective performance. Obviously, it is not always possible to avoid actions that may make people feel disrespected, as organizational development and adaptation to new markets or clients require that existing practices are abandoned, or that novel expertise needs to be introduced. The big challenge within teams or organizations is thus to get some grasp on the development of the reactions to disrespect, that may arise as a result of such developments and to generate ways to break through the cycle of negativity, and attempt to pre-


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vent the occurrence of disengagement. One way to achieve this is to value and cherish those teams or work groups in which mutual respect helps them focus on their collective effort and to perform optimally. A further notion to keep in mind is that even if respect raises work effort out of self-focused motives (such as the desire to maintain positive self-esteem) this may still benefit collective performance. Finally, management can encourage and take the lead in more explicitly expressing its appreciation toward employees by reinforcing the norm that efforts of others need to be valued and respected. Importantly, this can be done with non-material rewards, which are not easily depleted. Even though this may be seen as a ‘soft’ and intangible strategy, it can have quite hard and robust effects on business performance that is more long-lasting than more conventional strategies (such as bonuses, salary raises, etc.) that intend to raise engagement and effort among individual employees. Notes * 1

We gratefully thank Niels van Quaquebeke and Erich Witte, and the anonymous reviewers for their efforts and constructive comments on previous drafts of this article. Attentive researchers (see for example Simon in this issue) have commented on the parallel we drew between the ‘moderate respect conditions’ in our initial research and the ‘average respect conditions’ in our more recent research. In view of our aim to examine how subjective feelings of respect affect subsequent motivational concerns and group-relevant behaviors, our main concern when comparing the results obtained with different experimental procedures was whether these result in similar or different subjective feelings of respect. Additional analyses (see Rosenthal, Rosnow, & Rubin, 2000) accordingly indicate that in terms of participants’ ‘perceptions of being respected’, the manipulations we used in different studies had comparable effects. Specifically, in our initial studies (Sleebos et al., 2006b, experiment 1 and experiment 2) respect was induced on two dimensions and could be either high or low. Here, additional analyses established that people indicated they felt respected when they had received high respect on both dimensions, they experienced moderate respect when they had received high respect on one dimension and low respect on the other dimension, while they report feeling disrespected after having received low respect on both dimensions. In our more recent research (Erez et al., 2007; Sleebos et al., 2006a, experiment 1 and experiment 2; Sleebos et al., 2007b, experiment 1 and experiment 2) we adapted the experimental procedure to more directly manipulate respect at three levels: High, average, low. In these studies, additional analyses confirmed that people felt they were moderately respected when they had received average respect on both dimensions. Thus, these additional analyses justify our decision to draw a parallel between the conditions conveying ‘moderate respect’ in our initial studies with the ‘average respect’ condition in our more recent research.

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Authors: Ed Sleebos ([email protected]) currently is assistant professor of organizational behavior at the VU University, Amsterdam. He studied at Leiden University, The Netherlands, where he received his Ph.D. in social and organizational psychology. His research interests include the psychology of respect and social identity theory. Naomi Ellemers ([email protected]) currently is professor of social and organizational psychology at Leiden University. She studied at the University of California at Berkeley and at the University of Groningen, The Netherlands, where she received her Ph.D. Her research focuses on the role of social identity in group interactions and intergroup relations. Dick de Gilder ([email protected]) currently is associate professor of organizational behavior at the VU University in Amsterdam. He studied at the University of Amsterdam and received his Ph.D. from the University of Groningen, The Netherlands. His research interests include organizational commitment, error management, and research management. Address: Ed Sleebos, Department of Public Administration and Organization Science, Faculty of Social Sciences, VU University Amsterdam, De Boelelaan 1081c, 1081 HV Amsterdam. Phone: +31 (0)20 598 6896, Fax: +31 (0)20 598 6820. Email: [email protected]