eyal ivitam: women's traditional religious

EYAL IVITAM: WOMEN'S TRADITIONAL RELIGIOUS .FESTIVAL OF THE DELTA EDO OF DEGAMA Gabriel, A. O. I. Introduction The role of women in all aspects of human endeavour has gained much attention and recognition particularly in this last quarter of the twentieth century. Their roles as socialisers and custodians of aspects of our traditional religious beliefs, indeed our indigenous culture become very significant when the traditional religious practices of the Niger Delta people are examined. This paper, however, seeks to highlight these role Area as an example. The religious significance and implications for modern religious practices will also be retlected. 1.

2. The Delta Edoid Groups The Niger Delta, a larger part of which is found in Rivers and Bayelsa States was over the years built up from sediments brought down by the Rivers Niger and Benue. Alagoa (1972), vividly described the environment of the Niger Delta in his book, A History of the Niger Delta. The feature of the Niger Delta area, he noted, changed as a result of complicated factors which in turn affected the beds of the feeder creeks and rivers, as well as the amount of sediment deposited. The entire Niger Delta region has been divided into the Western, Central, Eastern and Northern Delta fringe . The Delta Edoid groups (a linguistic classification) are found in the central , eastern and northern fringe of the Niger Delta . The communities specifically are the Epie-Atisa (central delta), the AtaltkUswei-Ukun, Obonoma (Udekqna, group in the eastern delta) and the Engenni (northf rn fringe). Efere and Williamson (1989) have divided the languages of Rivers and Bayelsa States into six groups: Ijoid, Igboid, Ogoni, Central Delta, Delta Edoid and Lower Cross. The Delta Edoid group consists of three languages: (a)

Epie-Atisa, spoken in Yenegoa Local Government Area, varies slightly within the two main dialects of Epie and Atisa.

(b)

Engene (Engenni) is usually divided into three dialects, all spoken in Ahoada Local Government Area: Inedua and Ogua, which are closely related, and Ediro, which differs slightly. A fourth dialect is spoken in the town of Zarama in Yenegoa Local Government Area .

(c)

Degema (Atala, Udekema) is spoken in Degema Local Government Area and comprises two dialects which differ slightly: Atala (Degema Town/Opu Degema) and Uswei -Ukun (Kala Degema).

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The latter classification with reg ard k) Degema has not taken into consideration the Obonoma people who are also among the Delta Edoid group. The Obonoma people are located in the Akuku Toru Local Government Area of Rivers State. Peters in a study of cases of language shift and language maintenance in the Kalabari speech Community focused mainly on the Obonoma and Degema. He noted that they spoke dialects of the same language before Obonoma started shifting to Kalabari. Using lexico-statistics, he confirmed that the dialects spoken by the Degema and the Obonoma form a cluster and are mutually intelligible. Thus, it is pertinent to stress that the Obonoma in any classification be rightly grouped among the Delta Edoid. (Alagoa, E. and tamuno, T. (ed.), 1989)

3.

Eyal-Ivitam: Origin

Two traditions of origin explain the existence of this festival (eyal) which is exclusively for women (ivitam ) who are circumcised. This festival is held in honour of the goddess of fertility, Iziba.

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corr.z There is an oral evidence which states that Iziba originated in Engenni and was brought to Degema Town when the people of Degema migrated from Engenni probably in the early seventeenth century. While this tradition of origin does not authenticate reasons for the status accorded Iziba vis-a-vis other goddesses such as Okembudu, Ogururu, Umake , etc., it has been deduced that lziba being the eldest of all these goddesses which are located in the river, asserted her position during a disagreement regarding leadership. Consequently, the other goddesses are not honoured in what could be referred to as a 'national' festival as is organised for Iziba.

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imc.: The second oral source claims that Iziba, the goddess in whose honour eyal ivitam is celebrated is the name given to the daughter of a certain man Izi. While the Degema people were at Engenni, Iziba and other women went to the forest in search of ripe palm fruits. In the forest, they saw another woman harvesting at the top of a palm tree, harvesting palm fruits. Iziba could not exercise patience but started picking up some ripe palm fruits under the tree. Unfortunately, a bunch of palm fruits fell on Iziba's head (she was also pregnant) and she died instantly. Being pregnant, it was an abomination to die in such a state. Such deaths polluted the land spiritually and required a sacrifice to cleanse the land and appease the gods. This sacrifice was not performed and it resulted in the death of pregnant women in the community. In order to stop further deaths, an oracle was consulted. The oracle directed that women should appease Iziba annually. Women were also stopped from climbing palm trees and this is forbidden till date . From the above traditions of origin, it would be deduced that the Eyal Ivitam celebrated in honour of Iziba (eventually regarded as the goddess of fertility) originated among the Delta Edoid group and that other communities as a result of proximity and inter-group relations would have borrowed it from them. From all indications, the Degema group being the first Edoid group to settle in the eastern delta imported this festival from

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Engenni. The Uswei -Ukun, Obonoma, Bukuma and Abua also celebrate this festival. The Bukuma and Abua are not Edo speaking communities. They speak languages of the central Delta group but are neighbours of the Udekema clan (Degema Town, UsweiUkun and Obonoma) of the eastern delta. Secondly, the religious belief in Iziba and the eyal Ivitam are reactions or responses to the environment as well as abstract philosophical strategies for coping with the environment. Eyal ivitam, as Kiebel and lyalla (1989) in their study of Religious Beliefs and Practices would put it, is a concrete action or ceremony in respect of religious beliefs which were and are abstract philosophical strategies of the Degema people. Thirdly, the Degema people in spite of their belief in a supreme being believe in deities usually connected with predominant features of the environment (Iziba water deity) and their attendant and apparent supernatural manifestations.

4. Pre-Eyal Activities Two factors , the tide and the appearance of the moon to a large extent determine the commencement of the festival. For the Degema people, the year's calendar is determined by the appearance of the moon. Thus, the Eyal Ivitam is celebrated during the appearance of the ninth moon which corresponds with the moon of September. Sometimes this festival is celebrated in October and even November when the appearance of the moon is irregular (claims of interviewees) or when the favourable tide has not been experienced. It is also important to mention that the men also have a festival they celebrate (the Igugule y before the women can celebrate theirs. The favourable tide for the festival refers to the period when the river overflows its banks at high-tide. This period of over-flooding is called Amin Engenni (Engenni, water riverj) implied in Degema language. The festival lasts for five market days , namely, Ogru, Ofaram, Ozogu, Adake and then Ogru. These correspond with the market days of the Igboid Group (or lower Niger Group) of Eke, Orie, Afor and Nkwo and not the European seven days week. Eyal lvitam is celebrated mainly by circumcised women who also believe and uphold the traditional religion. These women on the Adake market day go to the shrine of lziba to inform the goddess of the festival, thereby seeking permission to take her out, protection and hitch-free celebration throughout the period of the festival. They keep the surrounding of the shrine tidy and those of the Ogbolo (town square) where the final dance would take place and Okembudu, another female goddess.

Eyal Ivitam: Day One The market day Ogru marks the first day of celebration. All the women (circumcised believers of the traditional religion) assemble at the lziba shrine very early in the morning to gain inspiration. At about mid-day, the eldest of them all chants (lp ola) Chei, chei, chei, chei i and oth ers respond by saying e--e--e--e--e !.

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-

This is chanted four times after which the women start the processing (half-nude) to the Ogururu shrine (another female goddess) located near the Orururu stream. The Ipola is a collective invocation of the spirit of Iziba which also inspires the women to embark on the celebration. At the shrine of Ogururu, they perform some rituals (undisclosed) after which they go back to the town square in their recession. At this stage, they dance till it is dark. It is forbidden for men to see these women during the procession to Ogururu shrine. However, if any man does so knowingly or unknowingly, he is bound to appease the goddess with one he-goat, five big tubers of yam, four cups of salt, one cup of pepper (dried), four bottles of palm oil, two bottles of indigenous gin and two jars/pots of palm wine. This is done to avert the wrath of the goddess. It is necessary to point out that the men are informed of the procession well ahead of time .

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The leaders of the Iziba festival dance stay back at the shrine (because they are now sacred) after recession from Ogururu stream until the end of the festival. They include the Iziba and Umake priestesses and their Ebina (stool) carriers. Their welfare becomes the responsibility of the Ebilikia family, one of the Degema patriarchs and custodian of Iriba shrine. In recent times. these women can go to their homes and eat before retiring to Izlba shrine.

Day Two:

Very early in the morning on the second day, Ofaram market day, the priestess of Iriba and Umake (another goddess) go to the Upoku water front and bathe in between the sections for men and women. The reason for choosing this position was not disclosed. It is plausible that since Iriba is the goddess of fertility which is desired by both men and women, there is need for both sexes to benefit from her. This assumption could be true because these women having taken that position, invoke the name of the goddess seven times after which they tell her their personal problems and those of the community and solicit for assistance. The other women worshippers process to another or different utie (water front) called Ekunam-edi to bathe and get ready for the day's dance. By mid-day when the women are ready to commence the dance they assemble first at

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lziba shrine and from there unaccompanied by the Priestess and her attendants, dance round the town and at the shrine of Okembudee (goddess of protection). Okembudu shrine is located at utie OkUTU (a strategic water front in Degema and also famous for the trade in Okro). Here, they dance for a longer period before returning to the town. First, they dance round the shrine four times and then individuals can display their skills and knowledge of the rhythm of the songs. On their way back to the town, the women can be invited by other non-participants to dance while they are presented with gifts in cash and kind.

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Day Three and Four: Activities of the third and fourth market days, Ozogu and Adake are similar. As usual, the Priestesses of Iziba and Umake bathe at Upoku water front very early in the morning and pray to Iziba for assistance of solutions to their personal

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and communal problems. They leave for the shrine where they adorn their bodies with camwood. The other participants bathe collectively at Ekunam-edi. They dance round the town and at the Okembudu shrine. These women by the fourth day, Adake, would have adorned their bodies with Ibruma (dye stuff from a pod-like fruit) which is used to make beautiful patterns on the arms, legs and other desired pans of the body. This special body beautification is in preparation for the final day celebration. The women perform undisclosed rituals each day during their collective bathing. Some of the songs they sing while dancing round the whole town are: 1.

Urukpuna Uka tutu kom? Iziba so, Imonu iwol kom? Iziba Atala Imonu iwol kom? ltiba so.

Meaning Is this the first year we are celebrating? Iziba so, What has happened? Iziba of Degema What has happened? Iziba so.

2.

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. Meaning My children, celebrated the festival The year before and last year too. From the above songs, much information regarding the status of the goddess and the implicit confidence reposed on her by the women is deduced. From the first song, for example, the goddess is reminded of her role as one who brings succour to women, particularly those seeking for children. The goddess is also seen as having solutions to many problems , hence the priestess intimates her with the community's problems. Lines one and two remind the goddess of some problems that have not been solved while lines one and three affirm the importance attached to the festival in honour of the goddess. This confirms her higher status vis-a-vis other goddesses in Degema. The second song reminds the women of their duty to honour the goddess annually while the goddess in turn is informed that she has never been neglected. Consequently, the goddess must not fail in her responsibilities to the people of Degema.


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Day Five: On the last day of the festival , Ogru, all participants process to the Ogururu shrine from Iziba shrine. Here, the oldest woman chants the Ipola and others respond as usual. After the chant, they perform lkukwadi that is call back the goddesses they bad called out at the beginning of the festival. It would be recalled that the men-fold are informed about this procession so that they do not see the women half nude. It is believed that any man who sees them nude, would be struck blind if he does not perform the necessary sacrifices for appeasing Iziba. It is lziba priestess who actually performs this sacrifice. The offender produces the ingredients. From Ogururu , the women proceed to Iziba shrine and then to the town square Ogbolo for the final dance. The women dance around the Ogbolo three times in an anti-clockwise direction. The reason for this was not disclosed. But at the third round, they throw some fingers of unripe plantain at the male drummers . This is done in appreciation of their services. While dancing, it is forbidden for a participant's foot to touch that of the person behind her. It is now at the Ogbolo that the priestess of Iziba , her stool (Egbina ) porter and the priestess of Umake and her stool porter can dance. The women dance till the evening then they confer and perform some more rituals before dispersal. During this final celebration at Ogbolo. men, women, children, and the uncircumcised women, irrespective of their religious beliefs take part as participants. They present gifts to the women dancers - cloth. cash, etc. The position of the women while dancing is noteworthy. The priestess of Iziba leads , followed by her stool (Egbina) bearer, then the priestess of Umak e and her stool (Egbina) bearer. A wide gap is left before the other women join the dance. The priestesses and their stool bearers are still sacred at this stage and nobody goes near them. It is only the circumcised who are their stool bearers.

5.

Mode of Dressing

The priestesses of Iziba and Umake tie velvet or Akwete cloth. This starts below the navel and ends about one inch above the knee. All other parts of the body are left bare because Iziba (the goddess) does not wear clothes. It has also become the tradition. They adorn their bodies with camwood, earrings, necklaces and bracelets made of coral beads. They also rub native chalk (Otwain ) on their forehead to show that they are possessed by the goddesses. The stool bearers tie what the Degema people call Atown cleram (dyed cloth). This is a specially hand-woven cloth with horizontal lines but dyed with dye-stuff from the fresh bark of mangrove trees . The dyed product is of orange-reddish or orange-yellowish colour. They tie the cloth short, beginning below the navel and ending just one-inch above the knees. They also rub camwood (alu) allover the body and native chalk on their foreheads . They wear necklaces, earrings and bracelets of coral bead. The other women wear blouses and tie their wrappers (any type) up to their ankles . They also adorn themselves with coral bead jewellery. It will be observed that the women do not cover their heads with either scarf or head gear. This is forbidden because Iriba does not wear clothes.

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6.

Significance and role of Women

Eyal Ivitam has become the tradition of Degema women and has to be transmitted from generation to generation. Women now serve as custodians of this aspect of the people's culture and socialisers in the process of enculturation. It is also possible for them to cause changes or serve as agents of change considering that culture is dynamic and susceptible to other influences. It is believed that whenever this festival is not celebrated, the goddess becomes angry and causes the death of many people; women in particular. It is also believed that the priestess of Iziba would die any year the festival is not celebrated. The custodian family, Ebilikia, will also suffer many misfortunes. The celebration of this festival, indeed its existence affords women the opportunity of occupying the status of priestesses and playing the role of mediums. Consequently, they intercede on behalf of the community. They contribute in promoting the spiritual, physical, economic and social well-being of the people and the community. The existence of the festival despite the introduction and widespread of Christianity and Islam as well as western education shows the derivation of spiritual fulfilment and the ardent belief in the traditional religion.

Eyal Ivitam celebration, like other festivals, gives meaning and cohesiveness to an individual and to the community. The period of the festival is sacred to the participants who do not engage in their various occupations - fishing, trading, etc. They participate in the spiritual realm in which patterns of man's religious, social or cultural institutions and activities were or are established. Thi s festival is religious and gives eloquent · expression to its deep religious feeling by all forms of activities involved.

7.

The Impact of Christianity and Other Factors on Eyal Ivitam

Many women have been converted to Christianity following its advent and spread in Degema. Thus, the number of female participants has reduced considerably. It is not unusual that panicipants are mainly women from abOu4 the age of forty and above. However, female Christians participate on the final day as spectators and even present gifts to the women. The celebration still fascinates them. Current health education programmes discourage female circumcision and this has greatly reduced the number of circumcised females in Degema. Consequently, the number of prospective participants are reduced because only circumcised women take part actively in the Eyal Ivitam . The spate of female education has exposed prospective participants to ideas that discourage participation in indigenous festivals. This attitude has reduced the number of female participants. From the above influences, it is plausible that this festival may be discontinued in future. However, the custodian family, Ebilikia, of Iriba, must ensure its continuity, else , it will be visited with attendant misfortunes. There are some Iziba worshippers who still influence their children and grand-children (particularly, the illiterates) to be


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circumcised and thereby participate in the festival. The continuity of Eyal Ivitam is certain as long as there are traditional religious believers.

8.

Conclusion

Man, as a material being in a material world, is confronted by forces beyond his control and which govern his world. They are sometimes easily noticed - earthquake, disease, and sometimes , unobserved - fate , luck. etc . The why and how of these happenings are impenetrable mysteries which influence man to seek for ways of controlling the capricious forces. to dominate nature and destiny, to be sovereign over their lives in their world. Man s defensive impulse makes him to concretise the invisible and make the superhuman human. The latter. the tendency to anthropomorphise, generates the idea of gods and goddesses with whom he can communicate as he would with his fellow human beings. although in a more exalted and stylised manner.

Refe

Eyal Ivitam is celebrated in honour of Iziba , the goddess of fertility. The period of

Ender .

celebration is set in a religio-cultural dimension that views time as cyclical as most nonmonotheistic religio ns and cultures do. During this period, rituals are performed by priestess and participants at various shrines, people gather together at a community centre, dance and promote the sense of belonging and cohesiveness for their individual and community identification.

Peters

The rituals performed during the festival are shrouded in secrecy and so is the innermost chamber - the abode of the goddess which non-participants have no knowledge of and are not permitted to enter. Their mode of dressing and dances are colourful, attractive and fascinating. The continuity of Eyal lvitam is certain, given the fact that it still exists amidst Christianity and Islam, influences of western education and health campaigns against female circumcision. There are still many traditional religionists who may influence their children and grand-children into worshipping Iziba. Many of these children accompany these women for the final dance and at an impressionable age, may be positively influenced. Women, it can be concluded, play a prominent role as custodians of culture and socialisers. They can also bring about cultural change. Their activities promote unity, project the community's culture and identity as seen in the Eyal Ivitam of Degema people.


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eriod of .no st non_' rmed by : ~ :nmu ni ty

Aguh, N. and Obu, J., "Eyal Ivitam", Term Paper presented in partial fulfilment of the requirements for Anthropology 100, 1992. Alagoa, EJ., A History of the Niger Delta, Ibadan, Ibadan University Press, 1972. _ _ _ _ and Tamuno, T.N. (eds.) Land and People of Nigeria: Rivers State, Port Harcourt, Rivers State, Communications, 1989. Endeboh, c.H., "The Emigration of the Degema People from Bini in the Pre-Colonial Days" , an original essay submitted to the Department of History/Geography, Federal Advanced Teacher's College, Okene, for the Award of the NCE, June, 1982.

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Peters, A., "Cases of Language Shift and Language Maintenance in the Kalabari Speech Community", an original essay submitted to the Department of Linguistics, U niversiry of Port Harcourt, 1981 . Nigeria Magazine, 1980 .

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