FINAL TECHNICAL REPORT F l e x i b i l i t y
F u n d
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D F I D
R 7250
Miombo Edible Fungi CABI Bioscience UK Forestry Research Institute of Malawi Project period: March 1999 – April 2002
compiled by Eric Boa project leader August 2002
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U M M A R Y
We examined the productive potential of wild edible fungi (WEF) associated with native woodlands in Malawi. Annual yields were assessed in four forest reserves over three years and markets were regularly visited to measure the amounts and types of mushroom on sale. The project studied local collecting practices and marketing chains from forest to roadside and beyond. WEF are an important source of nutrition to the poorest rural people during times of food scarcity and the income from selling them is for many a significant part of their earnings. Add to this the fact that the most important edible species form symbiotic relationships with native tree species known as mycorrhizae and the combined ecological, social and economic significance of WEF makes them a key group in maintaining environmental sustainability and food security. Without the mycorrhizae formed by the macrofungi there would be no miombo woodland, a poorly appreciated fact. We described a number of these mycorrhizal associations and gathered evidence on the link between fungus species and tree host. This will help to predict which WEF occur in different types of miombo woodland and will be useful in planning expansion of local trade. We documented the links between local names and scientific names and created a database which can be queried online, the first time this has been done anywhere. The project website includes photographs of key species and other reports of our findings. It is an important means of sharing our results and knowledge with a wider audience, extending the benefits of the project to other miombo countries such as Zimbabwe, Mocambique, Tanzania, Zambia and Angola. The collaboration between CABI Bioscience and FRIM was a most successful and rewarding venture. Our work has identified new marketing initiatives that will bring more money to rural communities and increase the availability of food to communities that are, at the time of writing, experiencing severe shortages. How sustainable is the harvesting of WEF? The project period was too short to draw clear conclusions from the monitoring of yields but there is no evidence to suggest that the resource base is being materially damaged by collectors. Nor is this likely to occur in the future. Deforestation is the most significant cause of declines in total production. The value of WEF to local people is an incentive to maintain native woodland. The project has been widely publicised through invited talks, international meetings, publications and the website. FAO independently commissioned Dr Boa to write a book on wild edible fungi and rural livelihoods which will be published in the coming months. This timely project has identified simple measures for increasing income from local sales and providing more food to those most in need. The project sincerely hopes that these possibilities can be realised in the coming mushroom season. DFID and other donors are urged to consider closely the simples steps that could be taken to bring about material gains for local people in Malawi and other countries where WEF are collected, consumed and sold. Eric Boa CABI Bioscience, Bakeham Lane, Egham, Surrey TW20 9TY, UK TEL: 44 1491 829080 FAX: 44 1491 829100 EMAIL:
[email protected]
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C o n t e n t s SUMMARY 1.
COLLABORATORS AND CONTRIBUTORS
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2. C O N C L U S I O N S A N D R E C O M M E N D A T I O N S
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3. G E N E R A L I N F O R M A T I O N 3.1. 3.2. 3.3. 3.4. 3.5. 4.
Identifying fungi ......................................................................................................................................... 7 Monitoring production ............................................................................................................................. 7 Market surveys ............................................................................................................................................. 8 Local practices ............................................................................................................................................ 8 Ectomycorrhizae – wild edible fungi and native trees ....................................................................... 9
PUBLICITY AND PUBLICATIONS 5.1. Talks and meetings .................................................................................................................................. 5.2. Reports and articles ................................................................................................................................. 5.3. Website and other dissemination ..........................................................................................................
A
4 4 5 5 6
RESEARCH AND RESULTS 4.1. 4.2. 4.3. 4.4. 4.5.
5.
Purpose and planned outputs ................................................................................................................. Work schedule and execution ................................................................................................................. Field sites and other project locations ................................................................................................. Training ....................................................................................................................................................... Terms explained ..........................................................................................................................................
10 10 11
N N E X E S [numbered independently]
Annex 1 Proceedings of the first regional workshop on sustainable use of forest products: Miombo Edible Fungi. July 2000 ............................................................................................. 60 pp Annex 2 Local practices and indigenous knowledge of wild edible fungi. September 2001 Annex 3 Proceedings of a roundtable discussion held at FRIM. May 2001
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28 pp
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18 pp
Annex 4 Analysis of miombo edible fungi monitoring data for Malawi. May 2002
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16 pp
Annex 5 Wild edible fungi marketing channels and indigenous knowledge in Mzimba District. April 2002 ....................................................................................................................................
35 pp
Annex 6 Feeding People, Saving Forests. May 2002
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Annex 7 Linking fungi, ectomycorrhizae and host trees in the miombo woodland in Malawi. July 2002 ...................................................................................................................................... Annex 8 Commercialization of wild edible fungi; Extension knowledge. February 2001
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NB In some copies of this final technical report the annexes are only available via a CD ROM placed inside the back cover. All documents, including this report, will eventually be made available via the website: www.malawifungi.org.
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2 pp 27 pp 3 pp
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Collaborators and Contributors
The project used expertise from a number of different disciplines and this flexible approach made it possible to address social, economic, ecological and biological aspects of wild edible fungi.
Collaborators The project was managed by Dr Eric Boa of CABI Bioscience. Dr Paul Kirk, also with CABI Bioscience UK assisted with fungus identification and database management and worked closely with FRIM staff. Mr Gerald Meke managed the work at FRIM and was assisted by Chimuleke Munthali and Vincent Chitila. The project was established with the invaluable help of Mr Jimmy Lowore and benefited from the advice and interest of Dr Mzoma Ngulube. Both have sadly died but their contributions and efforts are not forgotten.
Contributors NAME, AFFILIATION
WORK AND ASSISTANCE
Barahona Carlos Statistical Services, U of Reading
Statistician. Provided initial help in analysis of data, sampling methods and analytical techniques for survey data
Buyck Bart Museum Nat. d’Histoire Naturelle, Paris
Mycologist and taxonomist. Helped to identify fungal collections made by Paul Kirk.
Chitedze David Greenline Movement, Malawi
NGO worker. Organized collection of field data from Liwonde in 2001
de Román Miriam Universidad de Navarra, Spain
Mycologist. Collected and studied ectomycorrhizae in 2002 – see separate report Annex 7.
Kafakoma Robert CURE, Malawi
NGO coordinator. Represented NGOs active in environmental areas and identified shared interests for wild edible fungi
Kirk Jonathan Independent, UK
Website developer. Built the project website in association with Paul Kirk (related).
Lowore Janet (Probyn) Lecturer, Mzuzu University, Malawi
Led studies of local practices and knowledge of wild edible fungi in Liwonde and the environs of Mzuzu. See separate reports.
Masuka, Anxious Mycologist, Zimbabwe
Contributed report on wild edible fungi in Zimbabwe and Mocambique (part of 2000 workshop on sustainable use of wild edible fungi).
Morris, Brian, Goldsmiths College
Anthropologist and Naturalist. Brian laid the invaluable foundations for this project through earlier studies of wild edible fungi.
Piearce Graham Independent, UK
Mycologist. Helped to identify collections from first major collecting trip in 2000 and has been consistently helpful with general queries.
Wong Jenny Independent, UK
Statistician and NTFPs. Analysed the final data sets and also gave interim advice on results. See separate report, Annex 4.
Kennedy Ndhlazi, Vicky Mzumara, Mr. Manyamba, Mrs. Mwagomba and Mr. Ngwira interviewed collectors and collected vital first-time information on local practices. I thank them on behalf of the project and the unnamed enumerators who monitored field plots and did market surveys.
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Conclusions and Recommendations
The project undertook an ambitious range of activities which explored ecological, social and economic issues. We avowedly set out to emphasise people in our research and not fungi. The invaluable information on local practices (Annexes 2 and 5) is a reflection of our desire to identify activities and initiatives which can be followed up immediately by development practitioners and local communities in Malawi. Our thoughts are summarised in Annex 6 and briefly at the end of this section. We gathered a lot of information and data and have still to complete their full analysis. The final results will be relevant to developing long term strategies for making best use of wild edible fungi. The final conclusions do not however hinder our ability to recommend what can be done now to help the rural people of Malawi. This is the first study in the South to explore yield of wild edible fungi in detail. Our market studies have shown who collects and sells and have confirmed the importance of sales to local people. There is as yet no export of wild edible fungi from Malawi though we discuss the possibility of this happening at the end of this section. Our market studies have shown the wide range of species traded and demonstrated clearly the opportunities for rural people to earn more money and to obtain greater nutritional benefits (through drying more mushrooms). The project has emphasised that the future of wild edible fungi use and trade lies in the capable hands of Malawi technical staff and NGOs. The information this project has obtained will help establish and sustain local efforts with a minimum of outside assistance. The achievement of what I call ‘sustainable extension’ – local workers and technical people able to gather and apply knowledge for the measurable benefit of rural people through locally supported initiatives – will be a fitting testimony to the keen interest and efforts already contributed to the project by FRIM and other Malawi collaborators. I believe this can be done. We catalogued and clarified the list of recorded species of macrofungi for Malawi and enabled crucial scientific assistance in the interpretation of local names. While the world of taxonomists active in tropical mycology is small, there is still significant work being undertaken (mostly outside the UK, such as Belgium and France) and we were able to call upon the expertise of scientific colleagues in tackling the key problems of identifying species. However, as stated above, this was not a project about fungus identification. Local names (‘ethnospecies’) provide a reliable means of identifying major edible species even if the local taxonomy is less sophisticated than that established by scientists. There are huge opportunities for research aimed at expanding our knowledge of fungal taxonomy and the vital fungus-roots (mycorrhizae) that so many of the edible fungi form with native trees in Malawi. There would be no miombo woodland without these mycorrhizae and the project has helped to renew scientific interest in this topic. It has a wider resonance throughout the region of miombo woodland which stretches from Tanzania to Zimbabwe and Mocambique to Angola – as does the applicability of our results and suggestions for new initiatives (Annex 6). We were unable to explore the ecology of wild edible fungi in the detail that was originally planned. The short but highly successful study of mycorrhizae at the very end of the project (Annex 7) makes available a wealth of information which will help future research. There are encouraging signs that this research will be continued and that a directory of fungus-tree associations will be created. This in turn will help to identify woodland areas where expanded harvesting could take place. Yields of macrofungi were monitored in each of the three years. The first year identified methodological and logistic problems which were resolved in the last years but the period of study was too short to draw any major conclusions about whether yields are declining. This has been stated so
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often in the past that it has rarely been questioned. Concerns about ‘picking too much’ are unfounded provided disturbance to the upper soil layer is minimized. There are few sites where trampling could or even does cause such damage and none of the species collected requires excessive excavation or digging – as is the case with truffles. The most obvious annual cause of reduced harvests is unfavourable rainfall. Only in year two did we see a productive season for wild edible fungi. Our market data and yield results have helped to establish baselines by which future investigations can effectively review trends. At the moment loss of forest area is the most worrying general factor which will reduce annual yields. However, an increased awareness of the value of wild edible fungi and greater financial value to rural communities is likely to act as a helpful incentive in protecting areas of woodland. Collectors and consumers are well aware of the link between fungus species and trees. The studies of local practices showed that collection areas are defined by the maximum distance a collector can travel, pick and return home within a maximum period of around six hours. Other household duties presumably limit the period that the mostly female collectors spend looking for wild edible fungi. We suspect that the bulk of collections are eaten locally but there are also significant amounts sold in markets. The income from selling can be substantially increased if the collector also sells. Some women already do this, others are either reluctant or unaware of the doubling of the value of their collections that could be achieved in the few hours that are necessary to sell to eager customers. We have four main recommendations to make: •
Publicise full range of edible species and highlight poisonous varieties
•
Facilitate local markets; organise collectors; improve quality of produce on sale
•
Increase amounts of bowa that are dried using local technologies
•
Develop guidelines for harvesting and forest management
More importantly, we believe that greater utilisation and improved benefits from collecting and selling wild edible fungi can be achieved NOW for the people of Malawi, and indeed for other miombo areas where famine is threatening the health of adults and children. A copy of Feeding People, Saving Forests (Annex 6) has been sent to DFID in Malawi and London and we look forward eventually to receiving a reply. The responsibility for taking forward the knowledge acquired by this project and applying it for the benefit of rural people is now with the Malawi government and local researchers and development people. A lingering dismissal of wild edible fungi still exists amongst the educated classes of Malawi, acquired it has been said through the indifference and even unwarranted fear expressed by British people. This is a potential barrier identified by the project to the expansion of sales within Malawi but one which we believe can easily be overcome through provision of suitable advice. We raise a final concern about an agreement signed in 2001 between the Forest Department (on behalf of the Government of Malawi) and EDULIS FOOD PROCESSORS LIMITED of South Africa, now registered in Malawi. This agreement cedes one million hectares of forest, including state reserves, for the purposes of collecting wild edible fungi for an initial period of thirty years. This agreement does not ostensibly prevent local communities from collecting for their own consumption but in practice it has yet to be seen how EDULIS will operate. A briefly worded section of the agreement prevents people from trading mushrooms they have collected. This is a worrying outcome that I have already raised in a briefing note (Annex 8). I trust that wiser council will prevail and that the Forest Department and others will continue to support sustainable use of an important natural product.
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General Information
The aim and objectives of the project are described and general details of what we did are outlined. See the final sub-section for an explanation of key terms used throughout this report.
ACRONYMS: WEF – wild edible fungi; FRIM – Forestry Research Institute Malawi; NTFP – non timber forest products. OPINIONS & COMMENTS: ‘I’ refers to Eric Boa, the author of this report; ‘we’ includes all project staff.
3.1 Purpose and planned outputs of project The goal of the project was to increase the productivity of Miombo through improved management by local communities. Our contribution to this goal was to enhance the production and sustained utilisation of wild edible macrofungi. This we attempted to achieve by realising the following three objectives stated in the original project memorandum: 1. Diversity, ecology and value of edible macrofungi established 2. Productivity of main edible species determined and factors affecting yield identified 3. Recommendations for enhanced productivity formulated We realised by the end of the first year that studying the ecology of macrofungi in the miombo was unrealistic, so too the identification of factors affecting yield. Miriam de Román kindly assisted in a short but fruitful study of mycorrhizae and further research on this topic is needed (Annex 4.5). Particular attention was paid to matching local names for species to scientific names and a major part of our field work was concerned with monitoring yields in woodland. The project prompted and assisted with productivity studies in Mocambique, led by Dr Masuka for a FAO project. Latterly we had a brief look at the fungus-root associations known as ectomycorrhizas and formed by many of the wild edible fungi. We also carried out two detailed studies of local practices in collecting and selling wild edible fungi. The miombo woodland extends over a vast area of central-southern Africa and much of what we did is applicable to other countries. There is a widespread tradition of collecting wild edible fungi and the opportunity exists for both repeating some of our own work in areas where little research has been done (e.g. Angola, Mocambique) and expanding the network of people interested in developing new initiatives which seek more direct benefits for rural people. This may be possible under FAO initiatives or linked to work supported under the NEPAD initiative, once this moves to an operational phase. 3.2 Work schedule and execution TIMETABLE: The project began officially in February 1999 but this was too late to undertake field work. The collecting season is a moveable feast. Our first season for collecting data did not begin until January 2000. The following year the rains came early and the season started in late November; in 2002 it was delayed again until January. The fruiting season lasts for about four months and we were still collecting specimens in May 2002 in Mzuzu.
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The productivity plots were established in December 1999 and soon after teams of enumerators began collecting data from four different forest reserves (section 3.4). Full details are provided in the proceedings of the first workshop (Annex 1). The proceedings also discuss how market data was collected. Data have been analysed and summarised in Annex 4 by Dr Jenny Wong. The project was extended, at no additional cost, to allow the third year data to be collected, and officially came to a close in May 2002. Total cost, including additional funds for Dr Boa to attend a conference in New Zealand, was in the order of £126 000. PEOPLE: Project staff were invited to attend a number of major meetings and to take part in other related initiatives. Mr Meke attended an FAO seminar in Zambia which Dr Wong helped to organise. I attended a meeting on inventory methods for non-wood forest products held at FAO in Rome in 2000. I was commissioned separately to write a book on wild edible fungi for the FAO. The project ran smoothly and effectively and it was a pleasure to collaborate with the staff of the Forest Research Institute. They provided timely and efficient contributions, often in difficult circumstances. Mr Meke took over leadership after Mr Lowore’s death in the first few months of the project. The project experienced three different directors of FRIM during its life. All three took a keen interest in the work. The project made extensive use of outside people, to help identify fungi, investigate local practices and to complete the analysis of productivity and marketing data (see Section 2). Several made unpaid contributions and I am particularly grateful to Miriam de Román for her dedication in studying ectomycorrhizae and to Bart Buyck for assisting with identifications. We would have liked to spend more time on identifying specimens, some of which are new to science, but a need to know more about social and economic issues took clear precedence. We began by working with CURE in Malawi, an organisation that represents environmental and other NGOs active in rural development. The results were slightly disappointing, perhaps because of expectations that we were going to fund separate activities or simply because wild edible fungi have always appeared to be a ‘fringe product’ – an assessment which this project has notably helped to dispel. Greenline Movement helped with data collection from Liwonde. We look forward to a widening NGO involvement in new initiatives. Good links have been established with the NGO sector. We also maintain close contact with COMPASS , a USAID funded project with allied interests, including wild edible fungi. 3.4 Field sites and other locations Productivity studies were carried out in four forest reserves: Liwonde, Dzalanyama, Perekezi and Chimaliro. FRIM were familiar with these areas and had local people available for data collection. Market studies were carried out in and on the edges of the reserves. There is relatively little movement of wild edible fungi from the forest areas to urban markets, though this could be easily achieved by working closely with traders. The biggest marketing area we observed was at Liwonde along the main road from Blantyre to Lilongwe. The quantities sold and money earned are substantial and when we consider how much is eaten directly – data that is hard to obtain – wild edible fungi have now been firmly established as one of the most valuable NTFPs of the Miombo woodland. The first study of local practices was carried out in Liwonde, the second in and around Mzuzu. Further studies in Mulange and Blantyre are needed as is a wider canvassing of wild edible fungi trading and collecting activities. Some of this may have already been undertaken by other donor projects though we were unable to get hold of details.
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3.5 Training Throughout the project period CABI Bioscience staff and contributors ensured that methods and approaches were carefully explained and introduced to FRIM staff. The topics ranged from field mycology to interviewing techniques, data analysis to database use. Wherever possible training was given on-job. There were no separately funded training visits or studentships undertaken as part of this project (though note that Warren Priest in Ireland based his MSc thesis on our work). We looked carefully at the misunderstood area of ‘participatory research’. The meeting with local forestry officers applied a new extension method devised by another DFID project (Tree Health in Bolivia). See Annex 3 for more details. 3.6 Terms explained Our work is intended to benefit a general audience, not only within Malawi but in other countries where wild edible fungi (WEF) are collected by rural people. We have kept the use of technical terms to a minimum though some cannot be avoided. The excellent Dictionary of the Fungi (9th Edition) – and edited by Paul Kirk – is the standard global reference book on technical terms and taxonomy. It is published by CABI Bioscience. Here I explain some key terms (shown in bold): Firstly, we refer to wild edible fungi and not mushrooms. There are two main reasons: to emphasise and distinguish species collected from nature with those that are cultivated; the more trivial reason is that not all edible fungi have the shape or habit of a mushroom (a term which is itself variously defined). ‘Mushroom’ is of course a familiar term and it does on occasion appear in this and other project reports. There should be no confusion about the biological identify of fungi: they are distinct and different from plants. The statement that ‘fungi are plants without chlorophyll’ is utterly wrong! Fungi belong to at least two separate kingdoms – the highest taxonomic rank of living organisms. Thus the term flora is inappropriate to describe an array of fungal species. The correct term is mycota. The Miombo or Miombo woodland is a vast wooded area which extends from Tanzania to Zimbabwe and Moçambique to Malawi. It is characterized and dominated by native species of which Brachystegia, Isoberlinia and Julbernardia are prominent. It is the presence of these and other trees which determines the existence and hence fruiting of the vast majority of wild edible fungi collected in Malawi and neighbouring countries. Relatively few wild edible fungi are saprobic (fungi growing on dead organic matter) The majority of macrofungi (fungi with clearly visible fruiting bodies) are part of a fungus-tree symbiosis known as a mycorrhiza (lit. fungus-root – see Annex 7). The majority of wild edible species form a particular type known as ectomycorrhiza. There are many products which derive from the miombo woodland. Wild edible fungi belong to a group referred to as non-timber forest products or non-wood forest products, often shortened to NTFP and NWFP respectively.
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Research and results
We paid particular attention to interpretation of local names and matching these with scientific identities. A summary of the productivity and market surveys is presented and the two key reports on local practices introduced. A preliminary study was completed on the ecology of miombo fungi seen through the mycorrhizal associations they form with key native tree species.
4.1 Identifying fungi The tropical macrofungi mycota is poorly known and rarely studied. The macrofungi of the Miombo woodland have in the last two decades received more attention than in other developing countries1 but there are still major gaps in our understanding of species and uncertainty about which names to apply. The diversity of wild edible fungi and related species2 is indeed staggering and while it is disappointing that the published lists contain errors and omissions it was not our stated intention to concentrate on naming unknown species. It goes without saying that a solid and reliable system of names for macrofungi is essential for information exchange and application of results. We did come across new species and specimens that we could not identify to species but these gaps never obviously hindered our progress in tackling the ultimately social and economic goals of the project. We were greatly helped in our identification of specimens by contributions from Graham Piearce and Bart Buyck in particular. We also benefited from literature reviews by Walleyn and Rammeloo. Despite the complaints of some mycologists there is an active network of taxonomists – albeit a small one – willing to assist with identifications. The business of identifying species was organised and led by Paul Kirk and catalogued specimens have been deposited in FRIM with duplicates held at CABI Bioscience in Egham. Details of local and scientific names for species are available on the website. We plant to prepare a illustrated guide to key species in the near future and have completed the preliminary assessment of which species to include. Photos have been scanned and digital images of about 60 key species are ready for producing posters and other illustrated material. One of the main problems we detected in commercialisation of WEF was the concern about which ones could be eaten. This was a fear expressed by middle-class people in Zomba and Blantyre and one that needs to be addressed. 4.2 Monitoring production Carlos Barahona helped to sort out initial details of plot design and data collection. Paul Kirk created databases and data entry systems while Dave Pilz of Oregon State University made pertinent comments. The project drew upon the US experience with inventory methods and benefited from the extensively published work on wild edible fungi trade in the Pacific northwest. We also had widespread contact with scientists around the world as information was sought for the FAO book on wild edible fungi.
1 For example work in Burundi by the sedulous Bart Buyck and, in particular, by the indefatigable Marja Härkönen in Tanzania.
Most of which are inedible – there are few notable poisonous species in the miombo woodland and few instances of poisoning each year. 2
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Jenny Wong has completed a preliminary analysis of data and her report appears in Annex 4. We had only a short time in which to analyse data was still being finalised as late as April 2002. Further analyses will be completed before the end of 2002 and Warren Priest will be separately completing work that was not possible within the framework of the existing project. It is important to note that there are many areas from which WEF are not collected. The maximum collecting distance is that which can be walked there and back in about half a day, the maximum period of time for collections. Although this needs further examination there are undoubtedly many areas where little or no collections take place, mainly we feel because they are inaccessible to collectors à pied. Our data do not show any obvious effects of trampling, the main factor identified by other studies in suppressing yields. The other important factor is ground disturbance by digging or raking. There is no high value mushroom in Malawi which prompts the collecting frenzy associated with matsutake in China or truffles in Europe. We found no evidence of ‘WEF-rage’: collectors keep to their patches, some of which are well-known while others are found opportunistically. We did find some conflict between collectors and forestry department officials (see Annex 5 for further details). This was mainly because of fears that collectors would also remove timber (in Perekezi), but worries were also expressed by official about the impact of over-collecting. Assurances were given on the latter issue to forestry department officials studying at Mzuzu University. The enumerators or data collectors worked diligently throughout. Gaps and errors were identified after the first year and most problems were resolved, but this needs regular attention for distant sites that cannot be visited in a day by the organising institute. By the third year FRIM and enumerators had gained more confidence about procedures and gaps and errors were greatly minimised. 4.3 Market surveys A preliminary report appears in section 9 of the workshop proceedings (Annex 1). The final analysis of market data was made by Jenny Wong and is presented in Annex 4. The actual amounts sold and types of WEF are useful but of greater importance is a knowledge of how the markets operate. Two studies led by Janet Lowore (Annexes 2 and 5) explain how markets in Liwonde and nearby Zomba and Blantyre function and are essential reading for anyone attempting to expand markets and deliver greater benefits to local people. 4.4 Local practices The two studies of WEF markets and marketing have audited for the first time the trail from forest to selling point. We are still largely ignorant of how much is collected and consumed directly but we do know that large amounts of WEF are ‘wasted’ each year because people do not or are unable to process them. Drying is the most common form of processing. Our impression is that a significant proportion of each year’s harvest is for personal consumption. There is clearly scope for more families to store WEF for use throughout the year. Earlier studies at FRIM sponsored by DFID, and carried out by Patrick Abbott, showed that 1.2 kg of dried relish is sufficient for a family of four for two weeks. In the context of Malawi ‘relish’ is a nutritious and necessary addition to a base food (commonly maize or cassava), providing essential protein, vitamins and other health benefits. WEF are dried for relish and stored by themselves or with leafy vegetables also obtained from forest areas, and then dried. One kg of dried relish represents about 10 kg of fresh produce. The WEF are as valuable a food as most vegetables and in the case of the termite mushrooms (Termitomyces) significantly better for protein. There are significant amounts of porcini (Boletus edulis) produced in the pine
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plantations of Malawi. They occur in pine plantations on Zomba plateau yet no one collects or eats them. Porcini are also notable for their high protein content and could with suitable promotion be added to the variety of WEF currently eaten and sold. 4.5 Ectomycorrhizae – wild edible fungi and native trees There have been studies of ectomycorrhizae on native species in the past but these had few explicit links with local use of wild edible fungi or woodland management. The study completed by Miriam de Román (Annex 7) for this project is principally about fungal ecology. The longer term aim is to understand which WEF grow with which trees. The important point to bear in mind is that wild edible fungi are, along with their allied inedible relatives, essential to the health and growth of the native woodlands. Remove the mycorrhizae and the trees would fail to thrive. The fungi facilitate uptake of essential soil elements and increase the water gathering capacity of the root system. We hope that our preliminary study will stimulate further research and again emphasise the rich opportunities for original research in the tropics. We are most keen to know which fungi grow with which trees. There are one-to-many and many-to-one relationships: a fungus can form a mycorrhizae on different trees; one tree can have more than one fungal partner. An early conclusion is that Uapaca kirkiana supports a particularly rich diversity of mycorrhizae. This is interesting because U. kirkiana is a pioneer species. Cleared areas of woodland which revert to woodland are capable of supporting a potentially rich harvest of WEF. We were able with some ease to trace physical links from macrofungi to tree roots and the main trunk of the tree. This is often difficult to do or just not attempted in other studies of mycorrhizae in the North. It means that there are good possibilities for establishing relationships between fungus species and trees. The practical benefit of knowing these relationships is that forest reserves can be assessed for WEF potential, particularly those where people do not collect.
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Publicity and Publications
Project activities and results were widely disseminated and as a result there is a good awareness of what we did and achieved. The development implications and possibilities for contributing to poverty alleviation and environmental sustainability have been clearly stated.
5.1 Talks and meetings Five talks were presented by Dr Boa and one meeting attended by Mr Gerald Meke. I took part in the following major meetings, where I gave general introductions to our work: •
British Mycological Society, Millennium Meeting: Tropical Mycology 2000, Liverpool, April 2000 Invited speaker: ‘Wild edible mushrooms and their potential to feed the poor.’
•
2nd International Workshop on Edible Mycorrhizal Mushrooms. New Zealand, July 2001 Talk: (for which additional funding was provided by DFID)
I took part in a meeting held in FAO, Rome on developing needs-based inventory methods I also gave talks at Mzuzu University in Malawi, University of Urbino3 in Italy and to the Society of Economic Botany in the UK about the project. The latter has led to a link with the Royal Botanic Gardens and the University of Reading on nutritional aspects of wild edible fungi and the possibility of taking part in a related series of studies that will help understand more about the contributions made by WEF in Malawi. This is another example of the way in which the project has helped open new lines of investigation based on new sources of funding. Gerald Meke attended an FAO seminar in Zambia that was organised by Dr Jenny Wong in 2001. I am on the organising committee for the 3rd International Workshop on Edible Ectomycorrhizal Mushrooms, to be held in British Colombia in 2003. This will help to promote closer links between scientific and technical knowledge in the North and development needs in the South. It also allows scientists and foresters in the North to learn of participatory approaches in the South which have increased relevance to tackling rural poverty and forestry employment in the developed world. Contracting timber industries in both the USA, Canada, Russia and elsewhere have prompted keen interest in valuable wild edible fungi. 5.2 Reports and articles The most significant publication in the first half of the project was the Workshop Proceedings (Annex 1). The two reports on local practices by Janet Lowore and colleagues (Annexes 2 and 5) are an important and valuable contribution to our knowledge of social and economic factors. Both have helped shape the future directions that we would like to see our work develop towards. There were a number of other articles which introduced the project and these included: Wild edible fungi are a valuable source of income to many rural people in Europe and while such people could not be classed as ‘poor’ there are often few alternative sources of income. Agricultural communities in Marche benefit considerably from the trade in truffles, for example, and collaborative links have been established with Dr Amicucci at Urbino and Dr Zambonelli in Bologna. 3
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Boa, E. (2002) How do local people make use of wild edible fungi? Personal narratives from Malawi. Proceedings of the 2nd International Workshop on Edible Mycorrhizal Mushrooms. New Zealand, July 2001. Crop and Food Research Institute, CD ROM.
•
Boa E and Meke G (2001) Wild edible fungi, miombo woodland and rural livelihoods. In: Developing Needs-Based Inventory Methods for Non-Timber Forest Products. European Tropical Forest Research Network. ETFRN Series No. 2. Report on workshop of same name, held 4-5 May 2000 in Rome Italy. pp 97 - 99
An MSc student from Dublin, Warren Priest, based his thesis on the potential of wild edible fungi to contribute towards rural people in Malawi and southern Africa. Warren has since maintained his interest in the topic and we are now exploring how he could continue his studies. Scientists in countries such as Ghana, Armenia, Mexico and Turkey have expressed a strong interest in exploring the neglected social and economic aspects of WEF. The present project and the work undertaken in preparation for the FAO book have done much to stimulate this wider set of interests amongst the scientific community. 5.3 Websites and other developments The website was created midway during the project and has in general . I am grateful to Paul and Jonathan Kirk for the extra time they contributed towards making new information available on the web for the first time. The website provides the first searchable database of local names matched to species names. Mushworld (www.mushworld.com) serialised our first report on local practices (Annex 2) in six instalments, helping to distribute out findings to a much wider audience than would have been possible through traditional means. The final project summary on ‘feeding the poor and saving the forest’ (Annex 6) was summarised in an article published by the webzine New Agriculturist. •
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www.mushworld.com [Wild Edible Fungi Markets in Malawi
•
www.new-agri.co.uk/ 02-4/develop/dev03.html [A Fungal feast]
Finally, Plant Resources for Tropical Africa (see www.prota.org) will hold their inaugural meeting in Nairobi in September 2002. I have been in contact with the lead Dutch organisation to see how wild (useful) fungi could be included in the commodity groups to be studied under this long term initiative.
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Annexes With the exception of Annexes 5 and 7 all other documents have been sent out to interested parties. If the annexes are not bound as part of this report they can be viewed and printed from a CD which should be lurking inside the back cover. Copies of reports can also be obtained from Dr Eric Boa (
[email protected]).
Annex 1 Proceedings of the first regional workshop on sustainable use of forest products: Miombo Edible Fungi. July 2000 [Boa, Ngulube, Meke, Munthali] .........................................
60 pp
Annex 2 Local practices and indigenous knowledge of wild edible fungi. September 2001. [Lowore, Boa] ..................................................................................................
28pp
Annex 3 Proceedings of a roundtable discussion held at FRIM. May 2001. [Chitila, Bwanalil, Chomanika] .................................................................................
18 pp
Annex 4 Analysis of Miombo Edible Fungi monitoring data for Malawi. May 2002. [Wong] .................
16 pp
Annex 5 Wild Edible Fungi Marketing Channels and Indigenous Knowledge in Mzimba District. April 2002. [Lowore, Munthali] .......................................................................................................
35 pp
Annex 6 Feeding people, Saving Forests. May 2002 [Boa] ...............................................................................
2 pp
Annex 7 Linking fungi, ectomycorrhizae and host trees in the miombo woodland in Malawi. July 2002. [de Román] ..................................................................................................................
27 pp
Annex 8 Miscellaneous briefing notes and other project documents. Various dates 1999 – 2002. [Boa] ...............................................................................................
3 pp
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Annex 1
Proceedings of the first regional workshop on sustainable use of forest products: Miombo Edible Fungi July 2000 E Boa, M Ngulube, G Meke, C Munthali 60 pp
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Sustainable Use of Forest Products The Forestry Research Institute of Malawi, Zomba, Malawi 17 July 2000
Proceedings edited by Eric Boa Mzoma Ngulube Gerald Meke Chimuleke Munthali prepared 21 July 2000
Miombo W ild E dible F ungi
UK DEPARTMENT FOR INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT: FLEXIBILITY FUND CA B I B I O S C I E N C E U K C E N T R E FORESTRY RESEARCH INSTITUTE MALAWI
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Table of Contents 1 Workshop participants
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2
2 Introduction to workshop and organisation ....................................................................................
3
3 Workshop Programme
4
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WORKSHOP CONTRIBUTIONS 4 Welcome Dr Mzoma Ngulube ..................................................................................................................
5
5 Development and poverty: the role of wild edible fungi Dr Eric Boa ...........................................
7
6 Wild edible fungi in Zimbabwe and Moçambique Dr Anxious Masuka ......................................
10
7 Research on miombo and the role of NTFPs Dr Mzoma Ngulube ...............................................
22
8 Introduction to the MIOMBO EDIBLE FUNGI project Mr Gerald Meke ......................................
29
9 Preliminary marketing results from the MIOMBO EDIBLE FUNGI project Mr Chimuleke Munthali ...........................................................................................................................
31
GROUP DISCUSSIONS 10 Group discussions on wild edible fungi in Malawi. problems, constraints, opportunities
...
34
11 Findings of discussion groups ........................................................................................................
35
12 Summary of group discussions: conclusions and action points Dr Eric Boa ............................
37
RELATED PROJECT DOCUMENTS 13 Malawi NGO involvement in the MIOMBO EDIBLE FUNGI project Mr Robert Kafakoma ......
38
14 Literature survey Mr Gerald Meke, Mr Jimmy Lowore and Dr Mzoma Ngulube ...........................
41
15 Global references on wild edible fungi Dr Eric Boa ...................................................................
51
16 Malawi names of wild edible fungi obtained from local markets Mr Chimuleke Munthali, Mr Gerald Meke and Mr Vincent Chithila ...................................................
55
17. Local knowledge of wild edible fungi at Dzalanyama, Chimaliro and Perekezi forest reserves Mr Chimuleke Munthali and Mr Vincent Chithila ........................................................................
58
The above documents represent information generated by the project since April 1999 and which may have a wider relevance to those who took part in the workshop as well as others with an interest in wild edible fungi.
The opinions expressed in this publication are not necessarily those of the Department for International Development.
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1. Participants [alphabetical order] NAME
ORGANISATION
ADDRESS
TELE/FAX
EMAIL
Mr. Paxia Chirwa
Forestry Research Institute of Malawi (FRIM)
Box 270, Zomba
t 524866 f 524548 / 782
[email protected]
Mr. David Chitedze
Green Line Movement
Box 16, Machinga
t 549249 f 549204
Mr. Vincent Chithila
FRIM
Box 270, Zomba
t 524866 f 524548 / 782
[email protected]
Dr. Dennis Kayambazinthu
FRIM
Box 270, Zomba
t 524866 f 524548 / 782
[email protected]
Ms. Janet Lowore
Private Consultant
Box 135, Zomba
524708
probynlowore @malawi.net
Mr. Joel Luhanga
SADC FSTCU
Box 30048, Lilongwe 3
771812/831133
[email protected]
Dr. Chris Masamba
FRIM
Box 270, Zomba
t 524866 f 524548 / 782
[email protected]
Dr. Anxious Masuka
Kutsaga Research
Box 1909, Harare, Zimbabwe
t/f 263 04 575289/94
anxious_masuka @kutsaga.co.zw
Mr. Gerald Meke
FRIM
Box 270, Zomba
t 524866 f 524548 / 782
[email protected]
Mr. Charles Mukiwa
Emmanuel Int./ Evangelical Baptist Church of Malawi
Private Bag 12, Zomba
t 524391
[email protected]
Mr. Chimuleke Munthali
FRIM
Box 270, Zomba
t 524866 f 524548 / 782
[email protected]
Mrs. P. Munthali
Land Husbandry Training Centre
Box 233, Zomba
524201/531
Mr. M.L. Mwanyambo
National Herbarium Botanic Gardens Malawi
Box 528, Zomba
525388
Herbarium @chirunga.sdnp.org.mw
Mr. Nakamura
FRIM
Box 270, Zomba
524866 f 524548 / 782
[email protected]
Dr. Mzoma Ngulube
FRIM
Box 270, Zomba
t 524866 f 524548 / 782
[email protected]
Mr. W.W. Phiri
Machinga District Forestry Office
Box 1, Machinga
549216
Mr. Shaba
Forest Development Division (FDD)
Box 30048, Lilongwe 3
t 771812
[email protected]
Mr. Soko
Department of Agriculture Research
Bvumbwe Research, Box 5748, Limbe
471334/507
[email protected]
Dr. Eric Boa
CABI Bioscience
Bakeham Lane, Egham TW20 9TY UK.
t 44 1491 829044 f 44 1491 829100
[email protected]
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2. Introduction [The following text was prepared for the workshop participants]
The miombo edible fungi project started in 1999 and, as of June 2000, has completed its first season of collecting field data. The project is looking at the productive potential of wild edible fungi. This means looking at yields from different miombo areas and examining the influences of woodland management, but it also includes a broader appraisal of how the edible fungi are used and sold. Although the project carries out its field work in Malawi there is a wider interest in wild edible fungi which includes other areas of miombo woodland, as well as non-timber forest products in general. We have links with scientists and projects in both Zimbabwe and Moçambique and look forward to strengthening collaboration in the future. We are very pleased to welcome Dr Anxious Masuka of Zimbabwe to this workshop. The present project will continue until April 2002 and we are keen to take this early opportunity to introduce our work to a wider audience. It is also an opportunity for those with a nascent interest in wild edible fungi to learn more of the active research and development being carried out here in Malawi and neighbouring countries, and to explore new initiatives. We hope the workshop will therefore help to stimulate collaboration and generate a wider and more active involvement between researchers and those working directly with rural communities. STRUCTURE OF MEETING The workshop has three parts. The first two sessions comprise presentations on the background to the project and some of the initial findings. In the third session we will be asking you to contribute and to give us your thoughts and opinions. The workshop programme starts with an introduction to the general issue of wild edible fungi, taking both a global development and regional perspective (Session 1). We will then concentrate on miombo management and the present project (Session 2). In the afternoon, participants will be asked to put on their thinking caps and to take a broad view of wild edible fungi in relation to potential issues such as woodland management, conservation and livelihood strategies (Session 3). In conclusion, we will distil the contributions from the afternoon session to identify closer linkages and working collaborations that might be established in the future.
Dr Eric Boa CABI Bioscience
Dr M R Ngulube FRIM
Forestry Research Institute of Malawi, Zomba 17 July 2000
‘Find out what people are doing, and help them to do it better.’ E F Schumacher
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3. WORKSHOP SCHEDULE 0900
Welcome by DR NGULUBE, CFRO, on behalf of FRIM and the Forestry Department of Malawi Welcome by Dr Eric Boa, on behalf of DFID Break: Snack
0930
SESSION 1
T h e W i d e r V i e w : Global and Regional Perspectives
1000
Development and poverty: the role of wild edible fungi DR ERIC BOA
1030
Wild edible fungi in Zimbabwe and Moçambique DR ANXIOUS MASUKA
1100
Break: Coffee
SESSION 2
M a l a w i M a t t e r s : The Miombo and Edible Fung i
1130
Review of past and current research in miombo woodland in Malawi and the role of NTFPs DR MZOMA NGULUBE
1200
Introduction to the Miombo Edible Fungi project: objectives, activities, methods, preliminary survey MR GERALD MEKE
1220
Preliminary results from the Miombo Edible Fungi project: productivity and marketing MR CHIMULEKE MUNTHALI
1245
Break for lunch
SESSION 3
T h i n k i n g L o c a l l y : Linkages and Collaborations
1400
Group discussions on wild edible fungi in Malawi: problems, constraints and opportunities DR ERIC BOA
1445
Groups report on findings. GROUP SPOKESPERSONS
1530
Break: tea
1545
Conclude group presentations GROUP SPOKESPERSONS
1615 – 1630
Summary of group discussions; recommendations and action points. Close DR ERIC BOA
[The afternoon session was modified from the original programme, giving more emphasis to the group debates and reports]
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4. Welcome to the workshop Dr Mzoma Ngulube FRIM, Zomba WORKSHOP CONVENORS REPRESENTATIVE OF THE DIRECTOR OF FORESTRY THE PRINCIPAL, LAND HUSBANDRY AND TRAINING CENTRE DISTINGUISHED PARTICIPANTS INVITED GUESTS LADIES AND GENTLEMEN It is a pleasure for me to be here this morning, to welcome you to this important first regional workshop on sustainable use of non-timber forest products: wild edible fungi. The Director of Forestry would have wished to be with us this morning to officially open this workshop, but due to other pressing official duties, he is unable to do so. He has therefore requested me to officially welcome you on his behalf as well as my own behalf, particularly those of you who have come from outside of FRIM and the Department of Forestry. Please feel at home, and take the opportunity to interact and share knowledge and experiences with your peers from FRIM and the Department of Forestry.
through manipulation of the growing stock is nowhere documented, although such a technique is of fundamental importance to effective management.
In southern Africa, the importance of miombo woodlands in supporting the livelihoods of people living within or adjacent to them has been appreciated for many years. While miombo woodlands are important for soil and water conservation, provision of animal habitat, beautification of the countryside and the enhancement of ecotourism in the region, they also provide a diverse range of wood and non-wood products. These attributes make management of miombo potentially attractive to local communities that reside within or beside them. Although there is a good level of ethnobotanical knowledge, precise usage figures have only recently began to emerge. Miombo woodlands are scarcely understood ecologically.
Among the most notable and cherished NTFP of the miombo woodlands are edible mushrooms. Edible mushrooms are important sources of food and income in rural areas, particularly in the lean months during the rainy season. Once collected, they are frequently sold fresh, but may also be processed and stored for future use. Unfortunately, the current high deforestation rate has serious impact on the production and availability of mushrooms from the miombo woodlands of southern Africa. Although the symbiotic relationship between mycorrhizae and miombo trees are documented, there is limited information on factors influencing the production of these mushrooms. Project R7250: Edible fungi of the miombo woodlands, under which this workshop is being held aims to address some of these factors in order to enhance productivity of local edible mushrooms in miombo woodlands. The project is therefore assessing the productive potential of wild edible fungi, measuring production and examining the influence of woodland management and other ecological and social factors. This is a collaborative project between FRIM and CABI Bioscience, which started in April 1999 and ends in April 2002.
Although basic characteristics, such as coppice and sucker regeneration and the importance of fire and grazing control are common knowledge, the precise response of individual species to light, competition and cutting is not well understood. The impact of treatment of the tree component on the ground/shrub flora and the possibility of altering the species balance
Workshop Convenors, ladies and gentlemen, I acknowledge the impressive calibre of participants here. This matches well with the workshop objective of sharing and synthesising available information and data on wild edible fungi assembled under this project. I am glad to note that the workshop will also explore how the interests and concerns of NGOs and other
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community-based organizations are related to the research project on miombo edible fungi. This is critical for future strategic planning and implementation of the project. This type of approach will encourage collaboration and partnerships among scientists, practitioners and strong support from all stakeholders in research and development. This workshop therefore presents an opportunity for the participants to discuss the project achievements, share their experiences and assist in planning for the way forward in the implementation of the project. The miombo woodlands cover a larger part of the SADC region, with over 200 million people dependent on it directly and indirectly for their livelihood. Scientists need to know what other scientists are doing, if not to learn from them, to avoid reinventing the wheel. The presence of other scientists from the SADC region is therefore appreciated. Although the sites of field investigations are in Malawi and project collaboration is Malawi, it is a known fact that the inter-
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est in wild edible fungi extends to other countries with miombo woodlands. Experiences from other SADC countries are therefore relevant to this project and it is pleasing to note that there is a slot in the programme for sharing such experiences. Finally, I wish to take this opportunity to sincerely thank the Department for International Development (DFID) for making this workshop possible, through their generous financial assistance to Project R7250. I would also like to take this opportunity to acknowledge the generous gesture of the Principal of this place for allowing us to use this Conference Room and facilities for the workshop. With these few remarks, Workshop Convenors, Distinguished Participants, Ladies and Gentlemen, I wish you all success in your deliberations. Thank you for your attention.
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5. Development and poverty: the role of wild edible fungi Dr Eric Boa CABI Bioscience, UK There has been a gradual change in the way we attempt to use science and scientific research to help with the process of development. Where once it was imagined or hoped that scientific advances would eventually filter their way down to reach and benefit the disadvantaged and the poor, this is no longer accepted as an efficient model. In an attempt to reverse the original method for supporting scientific research, a much clearer link is needed by donors and funding bodies between the intended output of the research and its demonstrable or measurable effect on agreed beneficiaries. The search for better or more appropriate scientific research has resurrected the neglected category of what was once dismissed as ‘minor forest products’. There has been an explosion of interest in what we now refer to as either non-timber or non-wood forest products. We will refer to them as NTFPs and they include items such as honey, wild foods, including fruits and vegetables, medicinal plants and of course edible fungi. (We prefer the term ‘wild edible fungi’ to mushroom, if only to distinguish their natural origin. There is sometimes confusion about the precise meaning of mushroom, and not all edible fungi have the shape or form of a ‘mushroom’.) There is a widespread recognition that NTFPs from miombo areas provide many benefits and enhance the value of the woodland, something that research at the Forestry Research Institute of Malawi and similar organisations has helped to establish and confirm. This carries with it a danger of being carried along on a wave of enthusiasm for NTFPs and failing to address real issues about their use, the nature of the resource and the potential for development interventions. The Miombo Edible Fungi project has a special emphasis on the many and varied fungi which appear in this extensive woodland ecosystem, a natural forest type that ranges from Tanzania to Zimbabwe. The tradition of collecting, eating and selling wild edible fungi obtained from natural sources in the miombo is a long one, probably extending hundreds of years. Early colonial administrators and other P
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foreigners who settled in Africa in the 19th century seem to have made little reference to this topic and it still remains a neglected area of investigation to this day. This is slowly changing, however, and the present project and other initiatives described in these proceedings confirms the positive yet slow steps to understand the rich and varied wild edible fungi harvest. This has received little scientific attention, either in Malawi or other countries with miombo woodland. There have been steady efforts to document local names and efforts to link these with sound scientific names, but a review of the literature and a quick visit to local markets soon reveals the depth of our ignorance. We know that the wild edible fungi gatherers are largely woman and that there are, at least here in Malawi, extensive markets. There are suggestions if not outright declarations that the mushroom harvest is declining. These statements may well be correct but we do not have any accurate data to support them. We know that wild edible fungi form an important part of the diet when other foods are in restricted supply; that significant quantities are sold by the road; and that abundant quantities appear each year during the relatively short rainy period in Malawi. Yet we lack accurate data that allow us to assess and manage the resource effectively. Money from selling or food at times of low food security are both important features of wild edible fungi harvests around the world, but there are also vital ecological services that these fungi provide to the maintenance and survival of the miombo woodland itself. Many of the tree species are mycorrhizal – they have an intimate and essential relationship with fungi, a relationship that benefits both the trees and the fungi. Remove the trees and the production of wild edible fungi decreases. Remove the fungi and the trees will not survive. So, in addition to providing direct benefits to local people, the wild edible fungi (and of course other species that are not edible) contribute directly towards the health and overall
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productivity of the miombo woodlands. The absence in the past of detailed studies on miombo fungi thus becomes both a curious omission and an urgent priority for future research. There are many questions to ask about the wild edible fungi harvest in Malawi and this project is only able to address a few. We will pay particular attention to the ‘productive potential’ of the resource though we also hope to learn much from their uses, marketing and general importance to people who rely on miombo woodland for their livelihoods. It is important not to lose sight of other efforts to improve our knowledge of wild edible fungi. There are significant harvests in many other parts of the world, and not only in the South. The greatest advances in knowledge have come from an intensive programme of scientific research in the Pacific northwest of the USA, for example. There are expanding harvests in Mexico in native pine forests while wild edible fungi are gathered in northern India, Nepal and southern Argentina, to name only a few examples. The Scandinavians have a long tradition of collecting wild edible fungi and Finland has perhaps the best described system for harvesting, including detailed production data. Work in Japan has examined the effect of harvesting on yields of matsutake (Tricholoma matsutake), a highly valued edible fungus. Research from non-miombo areas of production allows us here in Malawi to borrow, adapt and test methods, particularly for productivity. When it comes to understanding the social and economic importance of wild edible fungi, then there are fewer case studies to draw upon, though studies on other NTFPs may well be relevant. The list of the references towards the end of these proceedings highlights some of these studies. The early yield investigations in Japan were not widely acknowledged until studies of wild edible fungi began about ten years ago in the USA. Similarly, a study carried out by Dr Jenny Wong and funded by DFID through its forestry research programme (www. nrinternational.co.uk), which appraised inventory methods for NTFPs, has unearthed references to work in eastern Europe, some of which are incorporated in the list of references. P
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The other wild edible fungi harvests around the world do not necessarily have the same importance to poor people, but it is surprising to see how often low income groups, from Cambodians in the USA to tribal people in India, figure large in the beneficiaries. I have summarised a number of features of the wild edible fungus harvest around the world in Tables 1 to 4. This is not a comprehensive summary and is intended only to indicate the resurgence of interest in the topic and how we are slowly beginning to understand use of an important natural resource. We have now (July 2000) completed our first season of field measurements and market investigations here in Malawi and some of the preliminary results are presented by Mr Chimuleke Munthali. I am very pleased that Dr Anxious Masuka from Zimbabwe was able to attend the workshop and describe his own investigations in both Zimbabwe and Moçambique. We look forward to strengthening ties with Moçambique, Botswana and other countries in the region. Behind the scenes, Dr Paul Kirk of CABI Bioscience and Dr Graham Piearce have been working hard to identify the fungal species. This is a topic of general interest to all who struggle with complex folk taxonomies. This project was jointly developed and encouraged by the late Jimmy Lowore of FRIM and we hope he would have approved of the progress we have made. Mr Vincent Chithila has helped with collection of field data. Mr Robert Kafakoma has been helping us to identify suitable NGO partners for this project. These proceedings, and the workshop itself, are aimed at stimulating interest and action, while ensuring that we keep a clear vision of what we are trying to achieve and who it is aimed at helping. The group discussions held at this workshop were a most useful opportunity to explore these points. All who attended the workshop were adamant that wild edible fungi are an important part of miombo woodland management and those who rely on the miombo for their livelihoods. As the project proceeds we hope to show how science can support development initiatives which benefit people and conserves the woodland.
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Table 5.1 General features of wild edible fungi studies and activities around the world Countries where wild edible fungi have been studied
USA (Pacific NW), Canada, Mexico, Tanzania, Malawi, India, Japan, China, Finland, Estonia, PNG
Some important species
Tricholoma (‘matsutake’), Cantharellus, Termitomyces, Boletus, Amanita, Russula, Morchella (‘morels’)
Yield data is available from plots
Pacific NW, USA & Canada (Table 3), Finland, Estonia, Czech Republic
Stakeholders
Harvesters, processors, merchants, researchers, foresters, land owners, vendors, purchasers
Table 5.2 Origin of interest and stimulus for research on wild edible fungi USA: Pacific NW
decline in logging industry, general conservation fears, commercial opportunities
Central and Southern Africa
scientific curiosity, development initiatives and concern for human welfare
India
scientific curiosity, minor commercial opportunities
Papua New Guinea
scientific curiosity
Table 5.3 Harvesting of wild edible fungi from USA Pacific northwest (ca. 1994) Yields
morels (601t), chanterelles (506t), matsutake (374t), boletes (518t)
People involved
southeast Asians, Hispanics, native Americans, Caucasians [note that prior to the ‘boom’ none had a previous interest or involvement in wild edible fungi gathering]
Who regulates?
USA government, local authorities, land owners (native Americans)
Who benefits?
harvesters, processors, government, researchers
Table 5.4 Some beneficial aspects of the wild edible fungi harvest Source of employment
harvesters - highly seasonal, uncertain; processors - follow the harvest; supporting service industries (USA, Canada)
Revenues (1992)
Washington+Oregon: harvesters $17m, total industry, including processors $37m
Food security
source of protein, relish, micronutrients
Ecological services
mycorrhizae, nutrient recycling
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6. Wild edible fungi in Zimbabwe and Moçambique Anxious Masuka Bioservices, Zimbabwe Terms of reference The Miombo edible fungi project whose field work is being conducted in Malawi focuses on the productivity of wild edible fungi in selected representative forests. The purpose of this study was to gather and consolidate published and unpublished information on edible fungi in Zimbabwe, Moçambique and other parts of the region. The terms of reference were to: 1. Prepare a bibliography of published sources of information on wild edible fungi in Zimbabwe, and neighbouring countries 2. Summarise existing activities and interests of NGOs, research institutes and other scientists 3. Provide a brief description of areas known to be important or of particular interest for production of wild edible fungi 4. List and describe reference collections which include macrofungi Summary The continued presence of many important miombo tree species depends on the maintenance of their fungal macro-symbionts, many of which have prominent fruiting bodies and are edible. Although there are many descriptive, taxonomic and socio-cultural studies on wild edible fungi, there is a paucity of information on the actual productivity of forests. In most studies forest productivity has been estimated from the amounts gathered for sale or consumption. There is a large disparity between forest productivity and actual amounts gathered. Non timber and non wood products are receiving increasing attention in many community-based forest management projects in the region. In Zimbabwe the studies have focussed on the socio-economic importance of non wood forest products to rural communities such as gum arabic from Acacia trees, mopane worms from Colophospermum mopane trees, and wild edible fungi. In Moçambique, Zambia and Zimbabwe there have been successful attempts to commercialise some species of wild edible
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fungi, but not those that have an obligate (essential) relationship with trees. It is estimated that the benefits to harvesters of wild edible fungi collection and trade in Zimbabwe was about US$ 125 000. Several areas of Moçambique are known to have higher wild edible fungi productivity but there are no precise data on the financial benefits to harvesters. The major areas where wild edible fungi have been commercialised are along the highveld of Zimbabwe and in areas in the eastern highlands. In Zambia, the Luangwa Valley conservation project has deliberately targeted wild edible fungi as one of the commercialisation options, to spur communities to better manage their forests. In Moçambique there are efforts aimed at commercialising wild edible fungi in Nampula province, including the country’s biggest forest reserve, Mecuburi. In Manica Province, Moçambique, an international NGO has assisted communities in setting up commercial wild edible mushroom projects. The major issues still to be addressed in connection with the commercialisation of wild edible fungi include issues of equity, certification, tenure, sustainability and environmental impact assessments. Amounts of wild edible fungi consumed range from 10-20 kg per household per year in Zimbabwe to about 130 kg in northern Moçambique. Several national organisations including the National Botanic Gardens of Malawi, Forestry Commission of Zimbabwe, and Mount Makulu Central Research Station house collections of fungi, including wild edible species. However, the general upkeep of these collections requires improvement. INTRODUCTION The Miombo woodlands are the major forest type in the SADC region. They are found from northern Uganda and Tanzania to Zimbabwe, and from the Democratic Republic of Congo to Moçambique, making up over 60% of the region’s forest cover.
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Current activities and interests Studies on edible wild fungi in the region have in the past been mainly descriptive, focusing on taxonomy, and socio-cultural importance. Only recently have systematic scientific studies begun. Wild edible fungi have been a little studied forest product in the region, despite their abundance and important contribution to rural economy and food security. Some of the constraints to their study have been: 1. A marked seasonal occurrence, at best found for five to six months a year, but generally only available in good quantities for a much shorter period. 2. Localised occurrence, being associated with particular trees or termite mounds. 3. Sporadic occurrence within any one year, determined mainly by rainfall and temperature. 4. Suspicion, both real and imagined, regarding poisonous species and cultural beliefs. 5. Highly perishable and short life in the wild; inadequate techniques for preserving. 6. Past studies have been led by ethnobotanists and ecologists. Limited mycological interest has meant that many species are still undescribed, and there is confusion about local names. In particular, spatial and temporal variation in occurrence and abundance, have been prominent impediments to the systematic study of wild edible fungi in the region. More recent studies in the region have begun to consider: 1. Occurrence, relative abundance and seasonality of different types of edible fungi. 2. Social and economic importance and implications for local and national forest policies. 3. Training in identification of common species with potential commercial value. 4. Developing recommendations for sustainable harvesting. 5. Improved practices for sorting, grading, and preserving (storage). 6. Investigating and developing appropriate markets and marketing structures. Cultural importance of wild edible fungi Some wild edible fungi have been described and scientifically identified from Zimbabwe and other parts of the miombo region (Piearce, Ryvarden and Masuka, 1994; Masuka, 1996; 1998; Masuka and Utete, 1996). They are seaP
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sonally gathered for consumption and for sale and occur with the early rains, signalling the end of the long dry season. They contribute much to foods consumed during this time, since supplies of vegetables are still low. The consumption of wild edible fungi (and other NTFPs) increases dramatically during periods of strife (e.g. drought, war, floods). Wild edible fungi enhance the taste of bland foods (e.g. cassava leaves) in many rural communities. Some wild edible fungi are still equated with meat in many rural societies. Participatory rural appraisal methods have been used to describe the importance of wild edible fungi to local people in Moçambique, and to determine their relative significance compared to other forest products. The relative importance and availability of various forest products by communities in northern Moçambique is shown in Table 6.1. On average, a family eats wild edible fungi 2-7 days a week in northern Moçambique. It was estimated that between 6 kg to 10 kg were consumed per week by local people from December to March. This is equivalent to 72 – 160 kg per household per year. The average consumption for Termitomyces schimperi is 30 35 kg per household per year and this represents about 50 % of the wild edible fungi consumed in an area. In Zimbabwe, households can consume up to 20 kg in a productive year in areas where the miombo forest is still intact, and 5-10 kg in areas where deforestation is more advanced. In the Shaba region, Democratic Republic of Congo, some 20 000 tonnes of wild edible fungi are consumed annually (Masuka, 2000a). There is a mythology surrounding some wild edible fungi of the region (Piearce et al; 1994; Masuka, 2000). Generally, traditional wild edible fungi naming and classification systems are based on colour; size and shape; taste; contemporary features; and habitat. In Zambia, Zimbabwe, Malawi and Moçambique (Pegler and Piearce, 1980, Morris, 1987; Ryvarden, et al., 1994; Masuka, 2000) up to 60 species of wild edible fungi are consumed. Forest policy and wild edible fungi Wild edible fungi are a non-equilibrium resource whose occurrence is limited to certain trees because of their symbiotic association;
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and thus limited to the distribution of those tree species. Wild edible fungi are also associated with termites, and occur throughout the countries where the termite species occur. Wild edible fungi do not feature prominently in many studies on non wood forest products in southern and eastern Africa. For example only 4 out of 10 papers presented at a workshop included wild edible fungi as a non timber/wood forest product (African Academy of Sciences, 1995).
water is drained immediately or after 24 hours, and the mushroom is laid out in the sun to dry. It is doubtful that the fermentation practice in some parts of the region prevents moulding and helps to retain wild edible fungi taste. There are no secure, aerated and waterproof storage facilities in many rural communities. Furthermore, during the peak of the rainy season, incessant rains are received, making any natural drying virtually impossible for a week or more.
In many rural communities, natural resources management is not accorded the priority it deserves. Health, education, transport and agriculture have higher status in those areas. Such communities should be the choice for community-based natural resource management strategies because of their proximity and constant access with the forest resource. The rationale being that wild edible fungi, and other non wood forest products, being abundant in those areas, if commercialised can provide incomes to improve the financial resources of households, and provide real incentives for the better management of the forest resource on whose continued occurrence the products depend. The effective management of these products can improve rural incomes, while ensuring the sustainable management of forests in which they occur.
Quality assurance and quality control
Productivity of wild edible fungi There are no published reports on the productivity of forests in the region (Masuka, 2000a,b), and studies in this field are urgently required. The studies currently being undertaken in Malawi are an exception. Conversion weights of common wild edible fungi have been established to assist with calculating amounts sold in markets (Table 6.2.) Processing techniques Wild edible fungi are mostly consumed in the fresh state. They are simply boiled, and served as the main relish or as an accompaniment to other dishes. They can also be fried in oil in the more affluent families. Some wild edible fungi are roasted by the fire first to taste, before being cooked. Lycoperdon and Afroboletus species are good examples. Sun-drying is reserved for the surplus of the species that are liked and do not lose their taste with storage. These are boiled in water for 30-60 minutes (salt may be added at this stage), the excess P
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There are currently modest quality assurance practices in place. Wild edible fungi are picked and “mixed” in baskets. For commercial purposes, often the wild edible fungi collection is immediately followed by a trip to the village market. Quality assurance begins with ensuring that only the right species is picked, at the right stage, by experienced gatherers Certification issues impinge on aspects of quality and the dividends are to be reaped in higher prices and better markets. Marketing approaches The perishability of wild edible fungi imposes a general limitation on their shelf in any part of the world. Access to markets by communities is complicated by the state of the roads, which are at times virtually impassable during a part of the rainy season. This is exacerbated by the long distances to markets. The sale of wild edible fungi in the fresh state, therefore, presents many logistical headaches. In Zimbabwe, Moçambique and Zambia, however, many impromptu road side stalls are established during the rainy season (Table 6.3). The vulnerability of sellers to price manipulation by buyers is partly dictated by the short shelf life of wild edible fungi. Sellers have been observed to be keen to sell and realise some income before the wild edible fungi spoil, or to avoid the load of carrying them back home. The local exchange economy is important in some parts of Moçambique where T. schimperi can be exchanged for cassava, fish and maize meal in the village. But these barter deals are not limited to household level exchanges. Tenure, equity and wild edible fungi Tenure and tenurial security are central to resource access and extraction. There are legal issues involved in tenure and tenure security.
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Equity issues should be examined in detail when a product has reached a commercialisation stage. Economic benefits accrue throughout the marketing chain. Too often the benefits are not shared equitable with the communities, and in some instances very little investment has gone into the technological and ecological aspects of improving the extraction, processing and management of the product. There is a concern that some communities might be turned into mere labourers, while increased job opportunities also occur. In Zimbabwe tenure influences access to wild edible fungi. In the communal areas, i.e. freehold land, access to forests is unrestricted. These areas carry 65 % of the country’s population of over 12 million but are also characterized by very high amounts of deforestation. The national figures for Zimbabwe are estimated at 100 0000 hectares annually, predominantly due to conversion of land to agriculture. Communal areas are state-owned. In the resettlement areas, acquired by government under its rural resettlement programme, deforestation is also an increasing problem. Access to edible fungi here is also unrestricted. In well-wooded areas large amounts are collected for consumption and for sale. Resettlement areas are state-owned. Forest reserves and demarcated forests comprise a substantial proportion of the stateowned land in Zimbabwe. However, the larger proportion of this land is not miombo, being predominantly Pterocarpus angolensis and Baikeaea plurijuga woodlands in the southwestern part of the country. There are very few wild edible fungi associated with these woodlands and communities in these areas have little knowledge of edible fungi. Commercial farms are privately owned, and comprise the majority of the relatively undisturbed miombo woodlands in the higher rainfall areas of the country. Access to farms by wild edible fungi gatherers (mainly spouses of farm employees) is determined by the proprietor. There are instances where farmers with drying facilities (mainly tobacco barns) have entered into agreements with companies for the purchase of wild edible fungi collected on their farms. In such cases, the farm owner may insist that the better grades of mushrooms (Cantharellus species) be sold to him. Lower grades may be offered for sale by the roadP
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side, or reserved for household consumption. In some cases however, the farm owners have allowed spouses of their employees to collect and market mushrooms to supplement family income . It is rare for ‘cross-farm collection activities’ to be sanctioned by farm owners. Surreptitious collections also occur. Bribes may be offered to farm guards to facilitate collections from productive but prohibited farm areas. In the case of Boletus edulis in pine plantations, where some 100 tons are collected annually, access to the forest estate is authorised by contract agreements between the collecting company and the forest owners. Picking rights are often based on a royalty levied on the actual amounts gathered. In these forests the gatherers are unemployed local people or are transported for seasonal harvesting. The areas foraged are large, and can be up to 40-50 km from the mushroom processing plant. The different ownership types affect access rights into forests, and have implications for local and national forest policy decisions. Ownership influences who benefits from the (increased) commercialisation of wild edible fungi. The promotion of wild edible fungi as non timber forest product would need to be targeted at selected communities, but it is unlikely to play a significant role in the deforested communal areas. In these areas simple mushroom cultivation technologies are an option, as recently considered by Mswaka and Tagwira (1996). Compared to Moçambique, where donor agencies have actively assisted communities to collect and market wild edible fungi, the commercialisation of the industry in Zimbabwe has been entirely through local entrepreneurs. A system of collectors and middleman, with mushrooms destined for the American and European markets, is operational. Greater involvement of NGOs would perhaps improve prices for collectors, and ensure the equitable distribution of proceeds from the sale of wild edible fungi throughout the marketing chain. Certification of wild edible fungi Certification initiatives for wild edible fungi have lagged behind that of timber products. The motivation comes from increased markets and higher prices for certified products, especially if the products are destined for sensitised
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markets. Certification also implies that environmental impacts and sustainability issues have been articulated clearly in the management of the product, and that the community is promoting diversified forest management approaches. Collaboration and networking are required to learn and share experiences. Linkages should be established, and joint marketing mechanisms should be actively explored. This is especially the case if the markets are regional or international. Le Breton (2000) has recently proposed a broader and regional framework for the development for natural products and requirements for marketing and research and development. Sustainability and environmental impact assessments Sustainability can be viewed from socioeconomic and ecological perspectives. A decrease in wild edible fungi amounts could occur due to mushroom harvesting or may not be related to this activity. In the latter case, the incidence of fire, for example, is very high in many forests where large tracts are burnt annually in wildlife hunting pursuits and the preparation for cultivation of crops. The severity of the impact of fire on fungal biomass will depend on several factors, principally wind speed, season, time of day when the fire occurs, humidity, and quantity and flammability of the fuel. The effect of continued harvesting wild edible fungi on the productivity of the forest is debatable. The harvesting might not have a direct effect per se on productivity as only a small proportion of the fungus biomass is removed (i.e. the fruit body). However, the continued disturbance of the mycelium by gatherers might lead to a gradual decline in productivity of temperate forests (Arnolds, 1991). The effect of the disturbance would be more apparent in intensively foraged areas. In many tropical natural forests, disturbance studies are unlikely to yield information of practical significance. Other factors, e.g. climate change, fire and pollution, may have bigger repercussions on wild edible fungi productivity. Insects, millipedes, tortoises and other small fauna may eat wild edible fungi. In many cases, however, sustainability and environmental impact studies at the ecosystem level are, perhaps, too complex to be modelled and studied.
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Economic value of wild edible fungi Several important features of wild edible sales in Zimbabwe are shown in Table 6.3, and for Moçambique in Table 6.4. In 1999 one of three Zimbabwean companies exporting fresh Cantharellus reported exports of 4-5 tonnes. This company is medium sized. It is estimated that some 10 t of fresh mushrooms are exported, and about 1-1.5 t are exported in the dry state. These estimates indicate some 20-30 t of fresh saleable Cantharellus is harvested from miombo woodlands. Household valuation of wild edible fungi The value of mushrooms at the household level has been defined less explicitly. A preliminary analysis for wild edible fungi in Moçambique is shown in Table 6.4. The valuation techniques present a conservative estimate of the global value of wild edible fungi. The importance of wild edible fungi as medicines to rural communities, their direct contribution to the growth of trees through symbioses; and indirectly to the ecological integrity of the forest through decomposition and nutrient cycling; and to biodiversity aspects; have not been included in the analyses. Previous studies on valuation of miombo woodlands (Campbell, et al., 1991, and Cavendish, 1996) found values of US$ 100– 320 per household per year. The derived demand of miombo woodland products – the surplus traded - was found to be US$80 – 85 in the drier miombo (Campbell et al., 1995). Contingent valuation was not used in these studies because it fails to distinguish between resource availability and resource extraction, so may result in double accounting. Its appropriateness to predominantly rural subsistence communities is also questionable. There may be strategic and compliance biases, embedding of valuation questions, and the problem of using hypothetical questions, in addition to translation problems. The observed demand technique may also not be an appropriate valuation method because subsistence gatherers, might not impute a high exchange value to wild edible fungi, even though they might have a higher assigned value. The community might not have a good idea about prices for which a market never existed. When wild edible fungi are collected
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for household consumption only, and when there is no market information on wild edible fungi, the observed demand techniques might be more applicable. This operates on the basis that the implicit value of wild edible fungi can be derived from the model of choice from substitute food alternatives. For its application to be successful in arriving at objective monetary values, the cultural context should be defined, the attributes and opportunity costs of the choice alternatives should be known, and markets should function perfectly.
Forest Research Centre, Forestry Commission, Mr M Mushongahande
Production areas
Manica Province; Provincial Forestry and Wildlife Service, Chimoio
MOÇAMBIQUE Manica and Nampula Provinces
ZIMBABWE Highveld; Harare-Mutare Road; Eastern Highlands Collecting localities in Zimbabwe Harare-Mutare Road The 265 km road joins the capital city to Mutare, the third biggest city in Zimbabwe, and straddles commercial farming areas in relatively high rainfall miombo areas. It is perhaps the busiest road for sales. Wild edible mushroom gatherers have permanent and non-permanent selling ‘spots’ along the highway. The fungi offered for sale are predominantly Cantharellus species and Amanita loosii. Sales also occur on other major highways: Harare – Bulawayo, Harare – Masvingo, Harare – Chinhoyi and Harare – Bindura Roads. Most of the wild edible fungi are collected from woodland on commercial farms. In the eastern highlands miombo areas abutting pine forests are relatively undisturbed. This has recently attracted commercial enterprises already involved in the collection and sale of B. edulis. Cantharellus pseudocibarius has been collected and marketed in the fresh sate to Europe, and there are efforts to popularise the other Cantharellus species. Contact people ZIMBABWE National Herbarium and Botanic Garden, Harare, Ms N Nobanda
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MOÇAMBIQUE FAO Project : Support for Community Forestry and Wildlife Management: Mr P Mushove or Mr E Mansur, Directorate of Forestry and Wildlife, Maputo and Provincial Forestry and Wildlife Service, Nampula.
Activities of NGOs
ZAMBIA Luangwa Valley
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Plant Protection Research Institute, Department of Research and Specialist Services, Harare, Dr S Sithole
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Ford Foundation, Moçambique, is supporting community based natural resource management that includes developing linkages with companies, local communities and NGOs (Groupo Ambiental), and government agencies. The project, in the Chimanimani area, Manica Province, has collaborative linkages with the provincial forestry and wildlife service. The species of interest are Cantharellus and Amanita. German and British companies have expressed an interest (contact Mr Garbers, Worlee, Gunostr 22, 22113, Hamburg, Germany; possibly Tropical Wholefoods, UK). The FAO project in Nampula Province provides a field ground for the development and implementation, in participatory ways, of appropriate and adaptive technologies for improved community use of miombo forest resources. Households in the pilot areas depend heavily on the miombo forests for their food security during the year when agricultural products are out of season or in short supply. Edible fungi were identified as one of the key forest products, and investigations were required to determine productivity, determine commercial potential of selected species and to advise communities on the management and trade of these mushrooms. Work on the productivity of the forests was carried out at the beginning of 2000. Commercialisation of some of the Cantharellus species locally, regionally and internationally may is being explored. Markets in UK and Germany and USA are being sought. In Zambia a Miombo Project funded by the European Union (c/o Liaison Office, Building Supplies, Zaone Avenue PO Box 90793, Lu-
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anshya, Zambia) initiated mushrooms commercialisation activities in 1996. They considered Cantharellus, Lactarius, Russula and Termitomyces. Exports were targeted at the French market.
rooms properly) and middleman who would buy from collectors and in turn sell to the company. There has been a gradual expansion of indigenous mushroom marketing to include Amanita loosii.
All these projects identifying the drying the mushrooms as an important issue.
Reference collections of macrofungi
Private sector initiatives in Zimbabwe Colica Investments commenced operations in pine forests in the mid to late 1980s, exporting dried Boletus edulis to Italy. They initially harvested from the northern forests of the eastern highlands of Zimbabwe. This was the sole company operating in the B. edulis industry until the early 1990s when another company, Savanna Mushrooms, entered into a contract with one of the forestry companies to collect and market B. edulis from forests closer to Mutare. The collection of B. edulis then expanded to the southern estates in the mid to late 1990s, but the low productivity of the forests led again to a concentration on the northern forests. Two more companies started collecting mushrooms for export to UK in the 19981999 season. One of these is investigating the possibilities of expanding into indigenous edible fungi marketing in both Moçambique and Zimbabwe. The mushrooms are destined for markets in the UK. Hyveld Seed, a seed company in Zimbabwe, investigated the possibility of marketing Cantharellus species to USA in early 1995. To ensure better and consistent quality, the company produced a wild mushroom handbook with details on picking, cleaning, sorting, grading, drying and packaging. The handbook was for use by both collectors (how to pick mush-
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MOÇAMBIQUE National Collections of Macrofungi, Department of Agriculture, Quarantine Section, Maputo ZAMBIA National Collections of Macrofungi. Mount Makulu Central Research Station. Zimbabwe (all Harare) National Collection of Fungi, Forest Research Centre, Forestry Commission Department of Biological Sciences, University of Zimbabwe, National Herbarium and Botanic Gardens Plant Protection Research Institute ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The information contained in this document is a result of a desk study on the edible fungi of Zimbabwe, Moçambique, Zambia. It was commissioned as part of the workshop held in Zomba on the 17 July. Information was collected from both published and unpublished sources. Several authors have contributed to this wealth of information over the years. In Zambia Dr G D Piearce contributed immensely to the knowledge on mushrooms and in Zimbabwe Mrs C Sharp has enthusiastically contributed on both edible and poisonous fungi. Several agencies have sponsored collections trips and studies in connection with fungi of the region. Prominent among them are DfID, FAO and NORAD.
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Table 6.1 Relative value and availability of forest-based products in three forest areas of northern Moçambique MARRAVI (N = 8) FOREST PRODUCT
+
NAPAWA (N = 31)
NARINI (N =15)
Imprtance *
Abndance *
Importance
Abundance
Importance
Abundance
Bamboo
4
3
4
3
2=
2=
Building timber
8
2
5
4
2=
2=
Bushmeat (animals)
1
8
8
9
7
7=
Firewood
6
4
1
5
6
9
Grasses
3
1
6
1
2=
1
Honey
10
10
11
11
11
12
Medicines
5
6
7
6
1
7=
Rope
nm
nm
3
2
2=
2=
Tubers
11
9
2
7
8
6
Wild edible fungi
7
5
9
8
9
10
Wild fruits
9
7
10
10
10
11
Data from Masuka, 2000b. * Given as a rank, where 1 = highest and 11 = lowest. nm = not mentioned.. + Emeralds and iron ore from surrounding granite massifs have been omitted, along with ‘water’, ‘cooking utensils’ and ‘soil amendment’, all of which were recorded as ‘forest products’.
Table 6.2 Conversion weights for selected edible species from Zimbabwe, wild and cultivated SPECIES
AVERAGE FRESH WEIGHT PER FRUITING BODY g *
Agaricus campestris (cultivated)
33
Amanita cf. aurea
27
Amanita loosii
235 (138)#
Cantharellus cibarius
6
Cantharellus congolensis
19
Cantharellus symonsii
4
Lactarius kabansus
2
Lactarius sp.
24
Lycoperdon sp.
51
Russula cellulata
22
Termitomyces cf. schimperi
200 (108)
Termitomyces clypeatus
13
Termitomyces microcarpus
2
Data from Masuka, 2000a. * n = 50. Samples were not weighed individually.
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#The figures in parenthesis indicate the average weight of edible portions. They are included where there is a large discrepancy between the weights of unprocessed and processed wild edible fungi.
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Table 6.3 Economic contribution of wild edible fungi to road vendors on the Zimbabwe highveld FEATURE
DATA
UNIT
Group size
5 – 20
people
Proportion of females
%
50 – 100
Age distribution
years
10 – 65
Selling Price Roadside
0.5 – 1.5
US$/kg
0.5
US$/kg
Middlemen Income (month net)
30 –50
US $
Number of selling days
2–4
days/week
Distance to road site from homestead
< 16
km
Mushroom foraging radius from home
< 20
km
Collecting time
1–5
hours
2
hours
Cleaning time Mode of cleaning
100
% respondents
20
% respondents
Grading
100
% respondents
Average storage length before sale
15 cm dbh were pollarded while at Phuyu trees equal to or greater than 20 cm were pollarded. • Coppice with standards - Trees of all size classes were coppiced or pollarded removing between 70 to 80% of the basal area. 'Standards' were selected on the basis of ensuring that mature 'plus' tree of good form for timber would be retained to also assume the role of 'seed trees'. Rare and valuable timber species were preferentially retained to ensure genetic diversity. • Selective thinning - 30 to 40% of the basal area of the growing stock was removed. Silvicultural thinning criteria was used to determine which trees were removed first followed by a crown thinning. • Control - The plots were left undisturbed. No felling or extraction was done. Within the study sites each replicate block was laid on a relatively uniform site. Overall results indicate that that there is a distinct variation in species composition between sites. The important environmental gradients responsible for this variation appear to be altitude, rainfall, soil moisture and nutrient status. At Phuyu the four important species were Bauhinia pertersiana, Diplorynchus condylocarpon, Diospyros kirkii and Pterocarpus rotundifolia.
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Over the last eight years following coppicing, the results indicated that coppicing does not significantly change the woodlands species composition. In each treatment, survival and mortality is species specific, but also depends on size, age, health and vigour of the trees initially coppiced. Mortality of coppiced trees was highest in complete coppice and least in selective thinning treatment plots, reflecting that the degree of canopy cover has a bearing on stump survival and/or mortality. Overall, stump mortality increased where the proportion of trees coppiced with an initial diameter greater than 25 cm was high. In subsequent years, site was the only factor that consistently displayed a source of variation in height and diameter growth of regrowth while treatments did not vary significantly. Incremental height and diameter growth was noticeably higher in the open treatments (complete coppice and coppice with standards) than in the more closed selective thinning plots. Number of shoots produced per stool was independent of size of trees felled. For dominant species of Brachystegia and Julbernardia, a maximum number of shoots were produced on stumps with 2025 cm diameters. It has been demonstrated that coppicing can be employed as a means for regenerating and managing miombo woodlands. The high rate of stool mortality from mature trees is likely to affect stocking in the long term. To increase stocking in sites with low coppice shot production, it is suggested that coppicing should be combined with soil scarification to enhance root suckering. For successful regeneration of miombo woodlands, coppicing should be restricted to trees less than 25 cm diameter. This will increase the rate and vigour of coppice regeneration, enhance stool survival and reduce stump mortality. The choice of which silvicultural system to use rests will largely depend on the objectives of the forest management. 1.2 Socioeconomic and cultural factors determining miombo woodland use and management The miombo woodlands are the most important sources of forest products in Malawi. Communities living in and around these woodlands continue to rely directly upon a variety of these products and services for their P
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daily subsistence requirements as well as economic, religious and cultural sustenance. Historically, policy-makers, forest economists and foresters viewed forests primarily as a source of national revenue with timber as the most dominant product. This view is, however, rapidly changing. Awareness is now emerging of the importance of forestry products other than timber – known collectively as non-timber forest products (NTFP) – to address the needs of the communities dependent on forests for their livelihood and income needs. Ethnobotanical studies have documented NTFPs from the miombo woodlands of Malawi, including uses of the derived products, but data on quantities utilized and marketed are largely lacking. A study was therefore undertaken in three districts in Malawi to identify the most important NTFP from the miombo woodlands with regards to domestic use and/or cash income. The sites selected for the study covered areas on the fringes of Chimaliro (Kasungu district), Chongoni (Dedza district) and Liwonde (Machinga district) Forest reserves. The three sites were primarily chosen for their dissimilarity in terms of ethnic composition (Chewa, Yao and Tumbuka), as this would allow one to document influence of different cultural and socio-economic framework conditions on miombo woodland utilization. The sites also represent wet (Chimaliro) and dry (Dedza and Liwonde) miombo woodlands. The fieldwork was conducted from January 1998 through to September 1999. In Chimaliro, Kasungu, the study was undertaken in 14 villages within Traditional Authority Kaluluma. In Liwonde, Machinga, the work was undertaken in 32 villages in Traditional Authorities Nkula (23 villages) and Ndaje (9 villages). In Dedza, the study involved 42 villages within Traditional Authority Kaphuka. At each site, enumerators were recruited to collect data on a daily basis using enumeration data forms. Where applicable, graduated balances were used for weighing commodities. In some cases, only numbers, bundles or headloads of products such as bamboo, grass, palms, small woods and firewood were recorded. The data was analysed using SPSS Statistical Package. The study identified mushrooms, fruits and firewood as the overall most important commodities. Curios, construction material, im-
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plements, bamboo, reeds and pharmaceuticals are also some of the major products in specific sites. Apart from curios, which are mainly for generating cash income, most of the products are primarily used for subsistence consumption, with mushroom, fruits and firewood being the most important products for generating local cash incomes. During the wet season, in Machinga, mushrooms are the most important cash income earners, whereas in Dedza, fruits of Uapaca kirkiana are the most important. The study also revealed that most NTFP are collected and traded by the rural poor, both men and women, as well as children. Collection of different commodities is however, done during different seasons and often along with other activities like fuelwood gathering or hunting, making data collection difficult. Further more different products are collected from different parts of the woodlandecosystem, either on customary land or forest reserve, making it difficult to develop values on the basis of a clearly demarcated area. However, economic value on its own as a criterion for allocation of resources for development of NTFP-based industries is not adequate as this may not reflect the intangible environmental benefits which are equally critical to the society at large. A careful balance between socio-economic and ecological issues is therefore required to derive a meaningful valuation process for developing appropriate management options for sustainable productivity and utilization of targeted NTFP from the miombo woodlands. Any management options for Liwonde, Chongoni and Chimarilo forest reserves should therefore evolve around improving productivity of the major NTFP outlined in this study. Such management options should aim at selecting the optimum combination for realising sustainable production of the three products with ease. However, more research should be undertaken to generate more information on the major NTFPs with focus on extraction rates and use-patterns that vary with time. Good inventory data on growth rates, distribution and density of different NTFP in the forest ecosystem is also hard to find. Without good yield data and matching data on extraction rates (the flow) per unit of area, it is almost impossible to decide whether a given practice is sustainable in the long run or not. P
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1.3 Guidelines and model plans for community-based management Chimaliro forest reserve in north Kasungu was chosen as the model study site in communitybased management of forest reserves in Malawi. At this site, nine villages are involved in co-management. These villages have grouped themselves into three different management units each having a block of forest to manage (18, 118 and 74 ha respectively). For each comanagement unit or block of forest there is a block natural resources management committee (BNRMC). A participatory rural appraisal (PRA) approach was adopted in developing management plans in order to actively involve all players in making decisions. Three co-management plans were the output from this consultative process. So far constitutions, by-laws and tentative management plans have been drawn up by each of the BNRMCs but there is a delay in the implementation of co-management as the constitutions and by-laws have yet to be ratified by the Minister. As part of the agreement, the communities harvest products from the reserve in the blocks they manage. These include dead wood for firewood, thatch grass, mushrooms, reeds, bamboo, medicines, tubers, honey, caterpillars, cattle grazing and wild fruits, but harvesting of live trees for firewood or construction purposes is still awaiting development of proper management plans. The project has also facilitated introduction of bee keeping as an income generating activity. The communities have agreed that the woodland should be used for domestic purposes and sale of non-timber forest products (NTFPs) only. Wood products such as poles, timber and firewood must not be commercialised as this would lead to unsustainable woodland utilisation. The BNRMC comprising ten members were elected to manage each block. In spite of a lack of legal status, these committees provide leadership in policing illegal activities in their respective blocks. In collaboration with traditional leaders they organise community-based forest management activities, fire breaks maintenance, forest patrol, controlled early burning, and non-destructive procurements of some NTFPs. There is a good working relationship between forestry frontline personnel i.e. forest guards
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and patrolmen and the block committees. The guards still operate as enforcers in the parts of the reserve where there is no co-management. Due to a lack of formally approved channels offenders apprehended in blocks have been referred to forestry staff instead of block committees. The forest guards and patrolmen are playing a dual role as enforcers and extension services providers. People from local communities also assist in policing other areas of the forest reserve. Several studies have been undertaken within Chimaliro on various aspects to support the current co-management effort and most of these have been documented. An inventory of the blocks was undertaken and permanent sample plots have been established in each of the blocks for monitoring purposes (Chanyenga & Kayambazinthu, 1998). A comprehensive analysis of data from the silvicultural systems trials looking at early coppice regeneration was done by Lowore (1997) and seasonal woodland use study was carried by (Abbot, 1998). There are several issues arising from this study, which require further attention for improvement of this process at Chimaliro. The following are some of the major issues which are still not clear to the communities: • •
Institutional arrangements Policy framework, tenurial and collaborative arrangements • Costs and benefit sharing mechanisms • Monitoring and evaluation mechanisms • Involvement of other stakeholders, including NGOs 1.4 Dissemination of project results Various reports have been produced on studies conducted under this project and some of these appear on the attached list. In addition to normal reporting through research reports and journal articles, the project also field days, meetings and workshops to provide information to practitioners and selected communities and to gather feedback on work in progress. Two study tours were conducted for communities of Chimaliro and Magweru to co-learn from each other on their involvement in co-management. A national workshop to present the project findings was organised in September 1999 and the proceedings will be published in due coarse. It was not possible to P
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organize a regional workshop due to limited funding. Project promotional training courses were held to present the findings to frontline extension agents involved in community-based management of miombo woodlands in Malawi. 2 CURRENT RESEARCH PROGRAMME
2.1 Characterisation, quantification, harvesting and marketing of non-timber forest products (Priority A) BACKGROUND AND JUSTIFICATION The results from seasonal woodland use studies in Chimaliro have shown that some nontimber forest products (NTFPs) are of significant importance in the livelihood of communities living close to woodlands. Among these are indigenous fruits, mushrooms, green vegetables, medicines, honey, fodder, ropes, thatch grass, gums and resins, firewood and poles. One of the major thrusts of the revised forest policy is to enhance the contribution forests make to the betterment of the living standards of the rural poor, as part of “Poverty Alleviation”. It is therefore important to carry out research that aims at increasing the productive potential of essential NTFPs. Most NTFPs occur in specific ecological and silvicultural zones. It is therefore of paramount importance to characterise and quantify what NTFPs occur in which silvicultural zones. Thereafter research should focus on managing woodlands to enhance the productive potential, harvesting, processing and marketing mechanisms. Harvesting techniques must ensure sustainability of the product, so that future generations continue to enjoy the benefits. The following aspects will be undertaken under this project: •
Characterise (identify) important NTFPs in selected study sites. • Quantify use and yield of woodland products by households on a seasonal basis and determine potential for increased production. • Identify potential markets and marketing structures. • Determine possibilities for primary and secondary processing and storage.
2.2 Characterisation, production and functional properties of Sterculia quinqueloba gum (Priority A)
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BACKGROUND AND JUSTIFICATION Studies aimed at evaluating the potential of Sterculia quinqueloba for production of Karaya gum used in the food and pharmaceutical industries was initiated during the past three years. Karaya gum has the potential for increasing income generation for the rural poor and providing foreign exchange for Malawi. Some preliminary conclusions from the earlier study were as follows:
chi, Chulu catchment in Kasungu and Chilindamaji catchment in Nkhata-Bay. There is need to continue monitoring changes in vegetation cover in these catchments. The objectives of this project are to monitor the dynamic ecology of managed miombo woodlands, determine effect of wood and non-wood products harvesting on the ecology and Sustainability of woodlands and monitor changes in vegetation cover over time.
•
2.4 Survey and classification of natural and semi-natural vegetation in Malawi (Priority B) BACKGROUND AND JUSTIFICATION Experience has shown that a reliable account of the nature and variation of Malawi’s vegetation and its relation to soil and climatic conditions can be acquired by assessment of relatively large numbers of small sample plots. These would be distributed across Malawi according to known climatic zones and geomorphological features to ensure a comprehensive coverage. Since much of the vegetation has been influenced by man, efforts will be made to include forest reserves, village forest areas and traditional graveyard sites where the natural vegetation has been protected. This work will complement, and act as ground truthing, for the vegetation mapping carried out jointly by FD and the Swedish Space Corporation Agency in 1993. Soil and climatic data will also be collected to help in analysing of species composition and variation. This survey will help in measuring and monitoring floristic biodiversity in Malawi. The following will be undertaken:
There appeared to have been seasonal variation in gum yield; • Tree size had a significant effect on gum yield; • The size, type and orientation of cut also influenced yield; and • Use of certain chemicals had a significant effect on gum yield. These studies were not accomplished due to the untimely death of the then wood scientist. It is essential that factors that influence gum yield are studied and verified. It is also of importance to monitor the effect of tapping on the health of Sterculia quinqueloba so as to ensure sustainability in gum production. The project will continue to quantify gum yield in selected localities, monitor seasonal variation in gum yield, determine effect of tree size on gum yield, ascertain effect of chemicals on gum yield and monitor and determine residual effect of tapping on the health of trees. 2.3 Population dynamics, growth & yield of indigenous woodlands (Priority B) BACKGROUND AND JUSTIFICATION Permanent sample plots are an important tool for monitoring the dynamic ecology of natural woodlands. This information is essential when planning and implementing woodland management strategies. During the past three years PSPs have been established in Mangweru Village Forest Area and Chimaliro and Liwonde Forest Reserves. There is need to continue laying PSPs in some of the proposed comanagement blocks. In addition, FRIM has been involved in studies to monitor changes that occur in vegetation cover over time. The objective was to determine and predict the impact of growing burley tobacco by smallholder farmers on indigenous woody resource. The studies concentrated on the Kamundi catchment in MangoP
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Catalogue the abundance of plant species at each site. Enrich herbarium collections at Zomba and construct plant species distribution maps. Develop a classification of Malawian vegetation based on floristic surveys. Relate the floristic composition to soil and climatic conditions Construct maps linking vegetation data to existing geographic information and satellite imagery. Construct a database of all information assembled by the project. Train Malawian staff in methods for: field taxonomy, herbarium techniques and GIS. , 17 J
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Strengthen links between Malawian institutions (FRIM, Chancellor College, NHBGM) and British institutions (University of Aberdeen; RBG; Kew; Macauley Land Use Research Institute, Aberdeen).
2.5 Integrated management of Mulanje Forest Reserve (Priority B) BACKGROUND AND JUSTIFICATION The Mulanje Mountain Massif is extremely important both economically and ecologically. Mulanje cedar (Widdringtonia cuppressoides), the national tree of Malawi, is endemic and grows naturally on Mulanje Plateau. Several other plant species are also said to be endemic to Mulanje Plateau making the massif unique and a place of significant scientific interest. Mulanje cedar is threatened by several factors including invasion by Pinus patula, wild bush fires, aphids and over-cutting. Due to land pressures encroachment has slowly been creeping in. In order to effectively manage the massif, there is need that FRIM works with the recently formed MMCT to draw up project proposals that look at integrated management of Mulanje Mountain Massif. The type of studies would have wide implications aimed at satisfying the local peoples’ needs without jeopardising sustainable productivity and environmental concerns. The wide range of studies would include: needs assessments, regeneration ecology of Widdringtonia cuppressoides; impact of Pinus patula invasion on the growth of Widdringtonia cuppressoides; quantification of the woody resource on Mulanje; identification and quantification of important NTFPs; and production of sustainable management plans. The specific research proposals will be formulated in liaison with MMCT and FD HQ, and so will be the mechanism for funding the research projects. The objectives of the project are to provide information and research expertise supporting integrated development of Mulanje Mountain and to gain a better understanding of the natural and artificial conditions under which regeneration of Mulanje cedar would be enhanced. 2.6 Ecology, productive potential, use and marketing of edible fungi in Malawi (Priority A) BACKGROUND AND JUSTIFICATION Edible mushrooms are an important part of diet for communities living in the miombo P
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woodland area, especially in the lean (‘hunger’) months during the rainy season. Under projects R-4599 and R-6709 edible fungi have been recognised as one of the most important non-timber forest products harvested from miombo woodlands. A total of 21 edible fungi were identified as being consumed around Chimaliro Forest Reserve. Limited information on a range of factors that influence the production of edible fungi, of which more than 60 different species are recognised. The project aims to examine the ecological characteristics of key species, most of which grow in association with miombo tree species, and to investigate how woodland management practices and harvesting procedures could be adjusted to maximise the productive potential of an important but neglected source of food. The use, processing, storage and marketing of edible fungi will also be studied. The project will assist in increasing income generation for the rural poor, improve nutritional status of both urban and rural dwellers, enhance the value of natural woodlands and lead to increased conservation efforts. The following are the main objectives of the project: •
To improve the productive potential of local edible fungi from miombo woodlands by gaining a better understanding of the environmental and ecological conditions where edible fungi thrive. • To monitor productivity in sample plots. • To quantify productivity in various localities [Chimaliro, Liwonde and Dzalanyama and Perekezi). The following activities will be undertaken: • • • • •
Set up ecological experiments and collect fungi specimens for identification. Collect data on fungi productivity and monitor seasonal changes in productivity. Gather climatic and environmental data. Plan for domestication (cultivation) of mushrooms. Culture and cultivate selected fungi species
2.7 Enhanced natural and coppice regeneration (Priority A) BACKGROUND AND JUSTIFICATION In the past three years results from trials have shown that coppice and other forms of natural regeneration vary considerably between spe-
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cies. Among the species that coppice less well are the dominant miombo woodland species of Julbernardia and Brachystegia. Large trees appear to coppice less well and tend to be susceptible to high stump mortality. To enhance natural regeneration there is need to study more closely the factors that influence natural regeneration. This should begin with collection of indigenous knowledge on how the intensively used (managed) woodlands on customary land are regenerated. Building on this knowledge, regeneration patterns on customary woodlands will be studied using TSPs. The impact of tree size, season of cutting and cutting height will be studied for the important but difficult (to regenerate) species, e.g. Julbernardia paniculata. Project objectives are to: •
• • • • •
Study factors that influence natural and coppice regeneration and gather indigenous knowledge on regeneration of miombo species Consolidate data on early coppice and ground regeneration in silvicultural trials Monitor coppice growth rates and determine rotations for specific end uses (poles, firewood, ropes, timber etc.) Construct growth models. Determine effect of the different management systems on NTFPs. Determine criteria for choice of management systems.
2.8 Management of miombo by local communities (Priority A) BACKGROUND AND JUSTIFICATION The role of government in regulating natural forest resource exploitation in the region is being questioned, both from pragmatic and ethical viewpoints. The basis of the pragmatic viewpoint is that central government resources are becoming increasingly limited, to the point where the central government is unable to effectively manage large tracts of the country. The basis for the ethical views rest in the new paradigms which see local people and their welfare as critically important. We are now seeing a clear move away from the centralised state-driven forest and woodland management
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of the colonial and post-independence periods towards decentralised, and mainly communitybased regimes. In the course of this shift, the social formation of ‘community’ and the institutions and mechanisms that support its functioning as a management entity, are being defined in new and significant ways. Overall, the lead institutional transformations appear to be at local level, with government and NGOs accordingly reshaping their own functions away from direct management functions towards supporting technical and advisory roles. This work has been initiated in the form of co-management of state-owned forest reserves with the following objectives: •
To assess the role and potential of local institutions to manage woodlands. • To assess tenurial arrangements for local community and household control of woodlands. • To identify values of woodlands that stimulate the promotion of private and local community based systems of management and control of woodland. • To explore the relationship between commercialisation and institutional change and reform. 2.9 Effect of fires on miombo regeneration (Priority B) BACKGROUND AND JUSTIFICATION Joanna Abbot, Paddy Abbot, Janet Probyn, Jimmy Lowore and Ray Lawton have covered the effect of fire on miombo regeneration in literature reviews and other publications. A case study with specific reference to Malawi is that of the Chikala Indigenous Woodland Management Trial which was exposed to late dry season fires for a period of over 10 years. Data on regeneration under these conditions has been collected pending analysis and report writing. The overall objective of this project is to determine the effect of fire on regeneration and regrowth of coppiced dry miombo.
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Selected Reports and Articles on Miombo Woodland Research in Malawi Abbot PG and Lowore JD. 1995. Livestock grazing in Chimaliro Forest Reserve: Initial results and implications for management of browse resources. FRIM Report No Abbot, J. (1996): Rural subsistence and protected areas: Community Use of the Miombo Woodlands of Lake Malawi National Park. PhD. Thesis. University College London. University Of London. Unpublished. Pp 281-283 Abbot, PG, Lowore, J, Khofi, C and Werren, M. 1997. Defining firewood quality: a comparison of quantitative and rapid appraisal techniques to evaluate firewood species from a southern African savanna. Biomass and Bioenergy 12(6):429-437. Abbot, PG. Lowore, J and Werren, M. 1997. Models for the estimation of single tree volume in four Miombo woodland types. Journal of Forest Ecology and Management 97:25-37. Abbot, PG. 1997. The supply and demand dynamics of miombo woodland: a household perspective. Ph.D. Thesis. University of Aberdeen, UK. Abbot, PG, Lowore, JD and Makungwa, SD. 1996. Models for the estimation of single tree volume in some Miombo woodlands of Malawi. FRIM Report No. 96008 Andreas, PKP 1996. A. Non-timber products as miombo resources: a Malawi case study with special reference to bark fibre. Post Graduate Diploma. Universitat fur Bodenkur, Wien. 81pp. Chanyenga, T., and Lowore, J., 1999. Composition and abundance of Sterculia quinqueloba for karaya gum tapping at Kamwamba in Mwanza East. FRIM –Report No. 99007, ODC No. 535 Chapola GBJ. 1996. Factors influencing Karaya Gum Yield of Sterculia quinqueloba.. Edited by M. Lawrence and M. Stewart FRIM Report No. 96002. Chapola GBJ. 1996. Sterculia quinqueloba and Karaya Gum production: a literature review. GBJ Chapola. Edited by M. Lawrence. FRIM Report No. 96003 Coote C, Lowore, J., Luhanga, J. and Abbot, P. (1993): Community use and management of indigenous trees and forest products in Malawi: the
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case for four villages close to Chimaliro Forest Reserve. FRIM Report No. 93007. Pp. 1-24. Hall, JB 1999. Ecology of miombo woodlands in Malawi. Consultancy report for Forestry research institute of Malawi. Lowore JD, Abbot, PG and Werren, M. 1994. Stackwood volume estimations for miombo woodlands in Malawi. Commonwealth Forestry Review. 73:193-197. Lowore, JD, Abbot, P. and Khofi, C. 1995. Proceedings of the Miombo Management Training workshops conducted by the Forestry Research Institute of Malawi at Lunzu RTC and Lisasadzi RTC. Edited by J Probyn. Lowore, J., Coote, C., Abbot, P., Chapola, G. and Malembo, L. (1993). Community use and management of indigenous trees and forest products in Malawi: the case for four villages close to Chimaliro Forest Reserve. FRIM Report No. 93008. pp. 1-59. Lowore, JD 1997. Coppice regeneration in some miombo woodlands of Malawi. M.Phil. Thesis. University of Aberdeen, UK. Malimbwi, RE 1999. Inventory of miombo woodlands in Malawi using permanent sample plots. Consultancy report for Forestry Research Institute of Malawi. Ngulube, M., Mwabumba, L. and Chirwa, P.W. (eds). Community-based management of miombo woodlands in Malawi. Proceedings of a national workshop, Mangochi, Malawi: 27-29 September 1999. Probyn, J. 1997. Cattle grazing and browsing in Chimaliro forest reserve central Malawi: ideas for management and further research. FRIM Report No. 97005. Probyn, J. 1997. An inventory of three blocks within Chimaliro Forest Reserve designated for comanagement. FRIM Report 97004. Probyn, J. 1997. Management of Miombo woodlands for local communities: Preliminary guidelines for local communities. FRIM Report No. 97006.
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8. Introduction to the Miombo Edible Fungi project: objectives, activities, methods Mr Gerald Meke FRIM, Zomba Background This is a three year project which began in March 1999. It will examine some of the biophysical, social and economic issues relating to wild edible fungi collected from miombo woodland. This woodland occurs extensively in central and southern Africa and is under threat from the demand for forest products and new land for agriculture and settlement. Edible fungi are a valuable non-timber forest product from the miombo, yet little is known about: the quantities being removed each year, productivity, the marketing chain. The relative importance of ecological, social and economic factors is not known. Without this data, accurate and appropriate interventions to enhance production and improve local benefits cannot be planned. There is a concern that production is declining and this also needs to be addressed. The project is funded by the UK Department for International Development. Who is involved? The project is managed by Dr. Eric Boa of CABI Bioscience in association with the Forestry Research Institute of Malawi. NGO involvement is being initially moderated through the Coordinating Unit for Rehabilitation of the Environment (CURE). FRIM is active in miombo management, balancing scientific knowledge and expertise with social needs and conservation concerns. CABI Bioscience incorporates the former International Mycological Institute and maintains a global centre of excellence on fungi. CURE links the biophysical research with a range of NGOs working with local people to develop sustainable natural-resource-based livelihood strategies. Aims and objectives The project will improve knowledge on miombo edible fungi with a view to enhancing production and sustained utilisation. Areas of study
2. Productivity and factors affecting yield of main edible species determined 3. Make recommendations for enhanced productivity (This will be a final output of the project). Progress 1. DIVERSITY, ECOLOGY AND VALUE OF MIOMBO EDIBLE MACROFUNGI A preliminary literature survey (p 41) identified the following points concerning edible fungi from Malawi.
Over 70 edible species occur
They are an important source of food and income for both town and rural communities
Few published records of poisoning
They occur widely, the greatest production is from forest reserves.
Production is declining on customary land
There is little active research
A survey (p 58) of traditional knowledge in edible fungi was conducted in October 1999 in Lilongwe, Mzimba and Kasungu Districts. Information collected included: type of edible fungi collected, where collected, who collects, which types are eaten, preserved and stored, and sold, where they are sold. Other areas investigated included: income generated from sales and market chain involved. Major findings on wild edible fungi included:
Marketing data non-existent
Local names vary from area to area, and one name can stand for several species; accurate scientific names are needed Production and diversity is on the decline due to deforestation and population growth Non-edible fungi not well known by villagers, except poisonous mushrooms
1. Diversity, ecology and value of miombo edible macrofungi described P
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Identification of fungi:
1. Type of edible fungus
A short introductory course was conducted to train data collectors
2. Number of each type of mushroom
One researcher went on a general mycorrhiza course which examined fungal ecology and identification
4. Nearest tree species (local and botanical names)
Over 100 edible and non-edible specimens (and pictures) were collected by Dr Paul Kirk of CABI Bioscience in February 2000, from all four study sites. A reference collection will be setup in FRIM or National Herbarium Botanic Gardens of Malawi, based in Zomba. A field identification manual will be prepared, combining new knowledge with previous descriptions published by Dr Brian Morris. A small collection of larger fungi already exists at NHBGM and will be combined with new specimens collected and identified. The same database also contains an extensive list of published local names and scientific equivalents. Unrecorded local names will be added from market studies. An inventory of trees in the sampling plots has been conducted. The data has not been summarised, However, there are compressive inventory reports for Chimarilo and Liwonde at FRIM Forest Reserve registers also contain general descriptions of types of trees in the four reserves. 2. MEASURING PRODUCTIVITY; FACTORS AFFECTING YIELD; MARKETING STUDIES Factors affecting productivity: Four sites were selected: Liwonde (Machinga), Lilongwe (Dzalanyama), Kasungu (Chimaliro) and Mzimba (Perekezi). Fifty trial plots were established per site. At each site five locations were selected based on topography, history of mushroom production and composition of vegetation. At each location, 10 plots, 50 m x 2 m were established, making a total of 50 plots per site. The plots were laid at a minimum distance of 10 metres apart. No specific randomization procedure was followed. The rainy season began and ended later than normal. The following information was collected from January to May 2000.
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3. Weight of fungi
5. Major tree species in each trial plot The data collected has been entered into a specially developed Microsoft Access database. The data has still be analysed. A reporting facility will be added to permit rapid analysis of results. The sampling technique will be reviewed for possible improvements. Marketing: Data on wild edible fungi was collected from markets at Chimaliro, Dzalanyama, Liwonde and Perekezi and included:
Name of respondent, sex and age
Types for sale
Quantity for sale (kg)
Collection site and characteristics.
Selling prices
Data was entered into a custom designed data base. Preliminary data analysis has been conducted using Microsoft Excel and the results are presented by Mr. Munthali next. Problems and constraints Organizing and monitoring the field enumerators at Machinga and Dzalanyama proved difficult. Some enumerators found other jobs and left midway or earlier in the data collection period. Steps are been taken to increase the reliability of data collection for the next growing season. Project reports These proceedings contain an edited version of the literature survey carried out before the first field season; a report from CURE on NGO involvement in the project; summary of knowledge and activity in wild edible fungi in Zimbabwe and Moçambique; and preliminary results from the field and market surveys.
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9. Preliminary marketing results from the Miombo Edible Fungi project Mr Chimuleke Munthali FRIM The data presented in Tables 9.1 to 9.6 are preliminary findings from interviews held at four different sites: Chimaliro, Dzalanyama, Liwonde (Machinga) and Perekezi. The majority of the data were carried out at the last three areas. Only a limited commentary on the significance of the results is offered here.
along the road and are within reach of Blantyre, and the lower prices obtained in the essentially rural markets at Dzalanyama. A number of points were raised at the workshop: the relationship between effort in collecting (distance to site) and price; the role of middlemen in mediating between collectors and consumers; the importance of sales to local people, comparison of income with other foodstuffs and products sold. The age profiles at different localities are quite different and this led to other questions: what determines who sells, by age and gender; proportion of edible fungi collected which are sold and what determines this; factors influence selling prices.
Interviews were carried out on selected dates during the edible fungus season. The figures for total weight sold and maximum income obtained are thus based only on a proportion of the potential market opportunities, as indicated at the bottom of each table. The end of the market period is not known precisely but was unlikely to be beyond mid-April. This is the first time such comprehensive data has been collected and even at this early stage of analysis we can see the higher prices obtained at Liwonde, where edible fungi are sold
These points and other issues will be addressed in the complete data analysis and through further market surveys in the 2001 season. US$ 1 = 54 kwacha. 21 July 2000
Table 9.1 Age profile and number of males and females selling wild edible fungi at three sites in Malawi, January to April 2000 AGE, YEARS
DZALANYAMA
LIWONDE
PEREKEZI
n=54
n=281
n=526
females n=39
males n=15
7 – 10
females n=146
males n-135
females n=325
males n=201
1%
1%
7%
6%
11 – 15
3%
10%
11%
30%
27%
16 – 20
31%
12%
21%
14%
15%
21 – 25
44%
38%
24%
11%
14%
20%
26 – 30
23%
44%
12%
15%
14%
15%
31 – 35
10%
13%
5%
3%
36 – 40
5%
1%
6%
4%
41 – 45
3%
4%
7%
4%
3%
3%
51 – 60
4%
2%
61 – 70
1%
1%
46 – 50
6%
>70
6%
not known
6%
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Table 9.2 Selling price of edible fungi: LIWONDE FUNGUS
KWACHA PER KG
MODE
5 – 20
20
Chipatwe (black)
10 – 40
20
Chipatwe ( yellow)
10 – 20
20
Chipindi
20 – 50
20
Nakajongolo
10 – 50
20
Utale / Utenga
10 – 60
20
Chipatwe
Assessed on 37 days, 17 January – 15 March [59 days]; 63% sampling rate.
Table 9.3 Selling price of edible fungi in four markets: DZALANYAMA FUNGUS
KWACHA PER KG
MODE
Chipindi
3 – 10
5
Dzanje
5 – 10
10
3–5
3
Katerera (red)
3 – 10
6
Manyame
2 – 10
5
Tswatswa
2 – 10
5 and 10
Katerera (purple)
Assessed on 17 days, 5 January – 17 March [73 days]; sampling rate 23%.
Table 9.4 Number of edible fungi species and price: DZALANYAMA LOCATION
# SPECIES
KWACHA PER KG
MODE
Chigwirizano
11
3 – 10
3, 5, 10
Chawantha
13
5
5
Chiputu
15
5 – 10
5
Malingunde
14
3 – 10
5, 10
N’thang’ombe
15
2 – 10
3
Assessed on 17 days, 5 January – 17 March [73 days]; sampling rate 23%.
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Table 9.5 Total weight and maximum income from major edible fungi: LIWONDE FUNGUS
TOTAL WEIGHT (KG)
INCOME (KWACHA)
Chipatwe
193
3565
Chipatwe (black)
135
2680
Chipatwe ( yellow)
476
9460
Kungulokwetiti
948
17590
Usinda
183
3145
Utenga
1024
19560
Others
297
6125
TOTAL
3256
kw 62 125 [US$ 1130]
Assessed on 37 days, 17 January – 15 March [59 days]; 63% sampling rate. Income was calculated from the product of amount for sale (which was weighed) and unit price at time of interview.
Table 9.6 Total weight and maximum income from major edible fungi: PEREKEZI FUNGUS
TOTAL WEIGHT (KG)
INCOME (KWACHA)
1568
10823
Masutwe
395
3275
Ndezu
820
8695
Other
224
2747
Manyame
TOTALS
3007
kw 25540 [US$ 464]
Assessed on 58 days, 3 January – 6 April [95 days]: 61% sampling rate. Income was calculated from the product of amount for sale (which was weighed) and unit price at time of interview.
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10. Group discussions on wild edible fungi in Malawi: problems, constraints and opportunities All participants Four topics or general themes were identified quickly. These were:
A:
Conservation of miombo woodland; added value; domestication of edible fungi What were the issues in considering wise and sustainable use of wild edible fungi? Would an increased importance of wild edible fungi help to add value to the miombo woodland and thus support conservation efforts? Someone asked about the role of domesticating edible fungi – getting people to grow the fungi for themselves, possibly reducing pressure on the woodlands.
B.
Livelihoods; processing; marketing This group were asked to look at some of the social and economic factors concerning the role of wild edible fungi in livelihoods; their importance to people harvesting forest products; and how existing benefits might be enhanced and new opportunities developed.
C.
Ecology and names This was loosely described as the ‘biophysical’ topic and had the most overt emphasis on science: what were the relevant issues concerning the interactions between (edible) fungi and miombo trees, for example. The group was also asked to look at local and scientific names for wild edible fungi.
D.
Networking What knowledge existed on wild edible fungi. What helped or hindered transfer, uptake and use of that knowledge? What mechanisms existed for creating new knowledge or enhancing existing knowledge? Who were the important players or stakeholders in the knowledge process? At what scale was networking important or relevant?
Each group was asked to consider some of the problems they had encountered or could think of which prevented either a clearer understanding of issues or might limit initiatives. What were the constraints to developing these initiatives or improving our understanding. Finally, what opportunities existed for getting more from wild edible fungi, for example in support of conservation and wise management of miombo woodlands, enhanced support for livelihood, improved knowledge of the fungi themselves and simply a better and wider understanding of important issues.
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11. Findings of discussion groups on wild edible fungi in Malawi Presented by group representatives
A: Conservation of miombo: added
B. Livelihoods; processing; marketing
PROBLEMS
PROBLEMS
• • •
• • • •
value; domestication of edible fungi
Deforestation Fire Weak forest management of natural resources within and outside forest reserves
CONSTRAINTS • •
Negative impact on forest productivity. GoM policies concerning community management of natural resources not fully implemented • People not willing or able to take responsibility for local management of miombo • Forest department lacks resources to implement agreed management policies • Potential conflict between users e.g. charcoal production and edible fungi; one removes wood, the other relies on trees • Uncertain tenure and ownership is not conducive to conservation; people consider management of forest reserves exclusively the responsibility of the government.
OPPORTUNITIES •
Market expansion has multiple benefits e.g. increase of income to grassroots • People willing to take greater role in natural resource management • Add value to edible fungi by processing and widening markets • Create partnership approach to natural resource through GoM and communities. • Part of income from sale re-invested in maintaining production base e.g. better fire control • Permit system for harvesting run by communities
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Wastage: wild edible fungi rot before sale Sellers cannot guarantee freshness -Knowledge and drying skills vary Limited organisation of marketing; markets are essentially local • Mixtures of different types sold with no proper grading or quality control • Food Security low during collection/marketing time
CONSTRAINTS •
Collection is an individual activity and not coordinated by a group or association • Lack of packaging material for storage • Limited understanding or awareness of potential for increased commercialisation • Enhanced role for NGOs in either processing or marketing requires secure funding • Market acceptability of dried fungi low? • Protecting drying fungi on homesteads is labour intensive • -Lack simple but secure drier • People scared of edible fungi from pine plantations • -How people collect/who collects.
OPPORTUNITIES • •
Scope for increased commercialisation Make better use of wild edible fungi from pine plantations • NGOs to act as focal point for collection and enhanced marketing • Develop suitable facilities for processing (drying) edible species
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C. Ecology and names
D.
PROBLEMS
PROBLEMS
•
•
Disparities in and across the country in terms of pricing
•
No information flow within and between countries with miombo woodland
•
Lack of knowledge of fungus products
•
Knowledge of edible fungi incomplete; some considered poisonous are edible
•
Scare press reports on poisonous escapades affects consumer interest in cities
Associations between edible fungi and miombo trees not known
•
Inadequate knowledge of fungal ecology
•
Lack data on productivity
•
Different names for the same fungus species; different species have same name
•
Local names differ within short distances
CONSTRAINTS
CONSTRAINTS •
Lack of specialist advice on scientific identification of fungi
•
No standard sampling techniques for estimating yields
•
-Inadequate reference material in collections to help link local and scientific names
•
Miombo edible fungi project can assist with identification and some ecological studies Training in identification; better publications
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Access to email variable and unreliable
•
Cultural antipathy to wild edible fungi amongst educated classes
•
Limited funds for NGOs to develop better links to local people on edible fungi
OPPORTUNITIES
OPPORTUNITIES •
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Use middlemen to sell mushrooms overseas
•
Learn more from local people
•
Processing, quality control, storage improved through better information exchange
•
Organisations to share information through electronic mail
•
Counter negative press on poisonous events with publicity about wild edible fungi
•
Show local communities examples in other parts of country of successful (marketing) of edible fungi
•
Better liaison between community approach of NGOs and scientific interests of research institutes
•
Better dissemination of appropriate scientific information to communities.
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12. Summary of group discussions; conclusions and action points. Dr Eric Boa CABI Bioscience 1. The analysis shown above has some inconsistencies which we were unable to explore because of limitations of time. That being said, there was a remarkable consistency between the different groups when it came to the topic of marketing. There was a clear agreement amongst participants of varied backgrounds (research, forest department, NGOs) that much more could be done with wild edible fungi. 2. Quite what activities or initiatives this might involve was another matter that again we did not fully consider, and which, it was emphasised, may well be beyond the remit of the Miombo Edible Fungi project. Developing local dryers, for example, was not a priority for the project, nor were we able to look at the wider policy implications for miombo woodland management and harvesting of wild edible fungi. Nonetheless, the implementation of a new DFID strategy based on livelihoods, acted as a timely reminder that the project needed to continually look outward and engage with other organisations that had closer links with local communities. 3. The topic of growing mushrooms was initially mentioned but subsequently did not emerge from either the individual group discussions or the final plenary session. 4. We visited the issue of wastage and loss of fungi collected at some effort to the vendors. Developing better processing methods was a clear priority but we also agreed that this needed to be organised centrally. It was not clear who would do this – NGOs was one suggestion, though there was interest in the Zimbabwe model where local entrepreneurs had created a market for pine edible fungi which were being successfully exported to Europe. 5. The idea of exporting miombo edible fungi was raised yet this was not seen as being a high priority, at least for the immediate future. There were more pressing problems, for example ensuring that fresh produce got to the right markets on time. There was concern that dried fungi were less acceptable to potential markets in towns and cities and that this would require further effort to overcome any wariness. 6. The accurate identification of edible species was universally agreed to be a high priority for further action, and it was good to report that the project was acting on this issue. Regional networking was seen as an important mechanism for sharing knowledge of local names and also sharing a diminishing pool of taxonomists able to put scientific names to local edible varieties. 7. The discussion on networking looked less at the mechanisms for sharing information and more at the specific issues concerning edible fungi, their use, ecology, marketing and so on. This will be a topic to revisit at a later date, and not necessarily in a meeting or event organised solely for edible fungi. We were clear, however, that the information requirements of the varied groups involved in edible fungi needed to be emphasised. Scientists need scientific names to access the literature; field workers need to accurately identify and distinguish different types of edible fungi, either to distinguish poisonous types or to reliably report market data or yields. 8. Finally, a small reminder that the edibility issue is not the only reason why we should be interested in these fungi. The ecological role they play in maintaining the productivity of miombo woodland through mycorrhizae is also important. The present project is helping to improve our knowledge of these associations.
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13. Malawi NGO involvement in the Miombo Edible Fungi Project Robert Kafakoma CURE, Blantyre
1
INTRODUCTION
1.1
Background to CURE
The Coordination Unit for the Rehabilitation of the Environment (CURE) is a Malawian Non Governmental Organisation established in 1994 whose objective is to assist NGOs enhance the impact, gender equity and sustainability of community based natural resource management interventions through capacity building, coordination, information exchange and advocacy. CURE believes in an environment that will provide for, support and maintain Malawi's present and future generations in a productive, sustainable and dignified manner. To this end, CURE seeks to improve coordination, planning, implementation and the overall management of environmental activities amongst NGOs but also through consultations with government, donors and other stakeholders. CURE’s activities are concentrated in the areas of: • •
service delivery in the form of training, provision of advisory services and capacity building, information, communications and environmental networking and advocacy.
CURE has made commendable progress in the provision of a series of gender sensitive and participatory training programmes to a number of partner organisations involved in Community Based Environmental and Natural Resource Management (CBENRM). CURE has also been a key catalyst organisation in the facilitation of information sharing, networking and learning among various stakeholders in Malawi. This has been through the organisation of the quarterly environmental coordinating meetings, facilitation of thematic workshops and meeting in CBENRM, publication of newsletters and directories, management of the Environmental Learning and Resource Centre, exchange visits and effective participation in national, regional and international networks and fora.
1.2
CURE’s role
CURE has used its extensive network and relationship with the environmental NGOs to publicise the Miombo Edible Fungi project and identify organisations that are interested in the activities of the project. This report gives brief descriptions of those that have expressed interest in the project, for example in carrying out market surveys of wild edible fungi. Many people in both urban and rural areas in Malawi eat mushrooms in Malawi. Mushrooms are eaten fresh after harvesting or dried. Mushroom collection and selling is one of the seaP
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sonal income generating activities for women in the rural areas and for men mostly in the urban centres. Women sell along the main roads while men buy from the roadside markets and sale in the urban centres. Many people and organisations agree that mushroom availability in the country has declined over the years and few understand the underlining cause of the decline. The introduction of this project has attracted a lot of attention and support from the people and nongovernmental organisations.
2
PROFILES OF NGOS
CURE has, during 1999 and early 2000, organised meetings and visited the various NGOs to solicit their view and interest in the topic of wild edible fungi. A brief description those that would like to take part in the project is given below.
• •
Wildlife Society of Malawi
Contact: Mr Daulos Mauambeta Executive Director. P Bag 578, Limbe
email:
[email protected]. fax: 643765
WSM is a leading organisation in promoting community based natural resource management in Malawi. The organisation has projects in Mangochi, Mwanza and Blantyre. It has projects in forestry conservation and utilisation, wildlife management, timber and nontimber forest products processing and marketing. As a means of reducing poverty in the rural areas, WSM is the only NGO that has a community based indigenous fruit juice processing plant. It has a very good network of village natural resource management committees. It also trains rural communities on sustainable utilisation of non-timber forest products such mushrooms, insects, and others. The organisation has expressed great interest in the research and hope that the findings will help create an understanding of why mushrooms are on the decline in the country. According to the Executive Director of the organisation, he commended the introduction of the project in the country because it will direct-
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ly help solve some of the problems that rural communities are facing in sustaining the availability of mushrooms. The organisation has very competent members of staff that has skills in community mobilisation, participatory rural appraisals and is ready to take part in the market surveys.
• •
LOMADEF
Contact: Mr J. Kanjanga Executive Director: Box 26, Matale, Ntcheu
Lipangwe Organic Manure Demonstration Farm (LOMADEF) is a community based NGO with over 46 community based farmer’ clubs in Ntcheu, Balaka and Machinga district. The main focus of the organisation is to promote and train farmers in organic farming in the rural areas. The organisation is also promoting use of indigenous technical knowledge and sustainable utilisation of non-timber forest products such as mushrooms. Being a community based NGO, they are well placed to undertake market surveys in the villages using the network of farmers clubs they have. The organisation has a demonstration farm that is used for training farmers on various aspects of organic farming. The farm will in future serve as the centre for indigenous technical knowledge if what they are planning is going to materialise. At present, the organisation grows most of the crop landraces that have become extinct or are on the verge of extinction in Malawi. It would like to use information from the research to try and grow local mushrooms on their farm if possible.
• •
Green Line Movement
Contact: Mr David Chitedze Executive Director: Box 16 Machinga
Green Line Movement is a community based NGO involved in river catchments conservation and food security. They are rehabilitating the Lisanjala river catchment in Machinga district through tree planting along the riverbanks, soil conservation and agroforestry. It is also promoting production and marketing of vegetables by the rural people. GLM targets rural communities living along the Lisanjala river catchment area. The project area is one of major mushroom harvesting and marketing areas in the country. The organisation has project activities on the edge of the Liwonde and P
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Machinga Forestry reserves where rural communities are very active in mushroom collection and marketing along the main road between Zomba and Balaka districts. The NGO is very much interested in the project because it is going to provide them with information on how their target communities can utilise the mushroom resources sustainably. The Executive Director said that their involvement in the project activities is very important being an organisation operating in mushroom growing area.
• •
Evangelical Lutheran Development Programme Contact: Dr Meena Country Rep.: Box 2467, Blantyre.
email:
[email protected] fax: 675316
ELDP has field offices in Blantyre, Zomba, Lilongwe, Dedza, Mzuzu, Nkhata Bay, Chitipa and Rumphi. The main areas of focus are environmental rehabilitation, food security, adult literacy, energy saving technologies and promotion of income generating activities. The organisation operates through both the church and village level structures. ELDP has field extension workers in all the project areas that are willing to take part in the research project. They are interested in promoting incomegenerating activities based on non-timber forest products.
• •
Livingstonia Synod- Development Office Contact: Mr Mwalwimba Proj. Coord.: Box 27 Ekwendeni
fax: 332344
The Development office of the Synod operates through the churches in the Northern Region of the Country. The Development Office has a number of projects in the five districts of the northern region. The organisation main areas of focus are food security, water and sanitation, afforestation, small-scale businesses and agroforestry. The organisation has extension workers in many parts of the region and hence provides a very good channel upon which the market surveys can be conducted. The Coordinator of the Development Office supports the research project and indicated his offices interest to participate in the project. The Northern region has more forests than any other region in the country and mushrooms
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are readily available during the rainy season. The Coordinator said that the project has come at a time when many people are talking of how the forest resources in the northern can be conserved.
•
The activities of the office focus on the rural people. Even though their entry into the community is the church, their project activities target all the people regardless of gender, and religion.
CARD has projects in Thyolo, Nsanje and Mchinji districts. For many years they have been involved in relief and rehabilitation activities. They are also active in food security and other development activities. They have projects in forestry, agroforestry, livestock production, income generating activities, nutrition and food processing. Apart from working directly with the communities, CARD implements its activities through member churches. These member churches have their own development programmes through the country that are also interested in the research project. Project activities target the resource poor people in the villages. CARD expressed its interest to take part in the research project. Their food nutrition and food-processing department is very keen to see the outcome of the research project. Mushrooms form a major part of the diets of rural people. The decline in availability has made it impossible for many people to access this important relish. According to the Projects Manager, the project has come at an opportune time when many people are questioning the availability of some important non-timber forest products such as mushroom. The organisation indicated their interest to partake in market surveys if sites for the research project are closer or within their target areas or area of service.
• •
Rural Foundation for Afforestation (RUFA) Contact: Mr Jonda Nkhazi Director: Box 890, Mzuzu
phone: 334246
The organisation operates in Mzuzu and Rumphi mainly in the areas of natural resources management and networking. The organisation operates through community-based organisations that are implementing forestry activities in the two districts mentioned above. The organisation has expressed a lot of interest to participate in the project. RUFA has strong ties with local leaders in its target areas who can easily be mobilised to provide information on the past and current status of mushroom availability in the districts.
• •
Christian Service Committee Contact: Mr Martin Banda
mobile phone: 831433
CSC is one of the biggest organisations with field offices in many districts in the country. They have regional as well as district offices. The organisation’s main areas of focus are food security, water and sanitation, small-scale business promotion, urban environment, community based natural resources management. They have projects in seed multiplication, agroforestry, catchment conservation, loan scheme and many others. The organisation supports the research project and is willing to participate in the project activities. Most of their beneficiaries are smallholder farmers in the rural areas. The organisation uses the church structures as the entry points into the community. It has a well-established network of village volunteers who are used as community mobilisers and demonstrators.
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Churches Action in Relief and Development Contact: Mr Melton Luhanga Box 2733, Blantyre
email:
[email protected] fax: 652999
3
Concluding remarks
Many people in Malawi eat mushrooms, however availability is on the decline. People in the rural areas do not understand the relationship between deforestation and the decline in mushroom harvests. This is why many people as well as organisations welcome this research project and expressed their interest to participate in the project activities. Few people recognise the relationship between deforestation and the decline in availability of mushrooms. The results of the research will help create an understanding of the relationship that exist between certain tree species and mushroom in turn this will promote miombo woodland conservation.
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14. Literature review: indigenous edible fungi from miombo woodlands in Malawi Mr G Meke, Mr J Lowore and Dr Mzoma Ngulube FRIM, Zomba This literature survey was completed in September 1999 General introduction Malawi has a population of over 9.8 million people, 90 % of which live in rural areas (National Statistical Office, 1999). For employment and daily livelihood the rural people depend on farming, which is mainly at subsistence level. Food security records indicate that most rural families run out of food before the next harvest season. In such cases these farmers engage in wild food gathering and various income generating activities to raise funds with which to purchase food and other life sustaining necessities and to pay for services. Some of such activities are temporary employment (sell their labour) or collection of non-timber forest products (NTFP) or and timber products for sale and consumption. Some survey statistics indicate that villagers that live near forest reserves get over one third of their income from forest reserves (Plus, 1998). With the current rate of deforestation, the ‘collection enterprise’ is greatly threaten, leaving government protected areas as the only remaining areas where NTFP can be collected. Most of forest areas under customary land have disappeared in most areas, where there are still vast areas of uncultivated land, trees have been felled. In most cases trees are very essential in production of the NTFP. Where most of the trees are cleared, the production of such NTFP is greatly reduced. The NTFPs collected from the forest reserves, range from plants to animals. These include: thatch grass, fruits, edible caterpillars, indigenous vegetables, medicine, edible fungi, honey, wild animals like rabbits, mice, birds, and firewood, clay soil for pots and other kitchen ware and ornaments, precious stones, just to mention a few. As mentioned earlier, these products are mostly harvested from government protected forest reserves, which comprise 10% of the total land area of 94,270 km2 (Anon, 1990). With the advent of co-management of the government forest reserves, where total protection by government will be replaced by P
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shared responsibility between government institutions and the rural communities, there is bound to be overexploitation of certain resources if no proper management guide lines are laid down for sustainable management of such resources. The first requirement for development of such management guidelines is knowledge about the resources, for example edible fungi; this will be the ecology, species composition, utilisation and biology. The aim of this paper is to appraise the status of current knowledge about indigenous edible fungi harvested from our forest reserves, and to review effort towards improving production. Methods This literature survey involved both library search and interviews in various institutions in Malawi. To come up with current state of wild edible fungi in Malawi, several libraries were visited (Chitedze Agriculture Research Station, Bvumbwe Agriculture Research Station, Bunda College of Agriculture, FRIM and Chancellor College), interviews were also conducted with scientists (appendix 1) who have worked on edible fungi and plant pathology and also a few villagers who utilise this resource as food or for sale. Research and information on edible indigenous edible mushrooms in Malawi is very scanty and limited. Research work on indigenous edible fungi has been ethnobotanical studies (Morris, 1990), descriptions (Chipompha, 1985; Morris, 1987) and very little on domestication of preferred species and their economic contribution to the livelihood of rural or urban societies (Kulapani, 1996a & b; Abbot, 1997). In this report the current state of knowledge on edible fungi in Malawi will be presented in terms of species held in various collections, ecology, economic aspects, cultivation efforts and any information gaps. Status of fungi collections in Malawi In Malawi over 500 species of larger fungi (agarics and boletes) have been documented in
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Zomba, Mulanje, Machinga, Mzimba and part of Nkhata Bay, and Dedza (Morris, 1987, 1990; Chipompha, 1985; Williamson, 1980). Out of the 500 species documented, only less than 70 species are regarded as edible species (Table 1)(Rammeloo & Walleyn, 1993).
Even on edible fungi, the knowledge is limited to the common and obvious types which societies have been using over the years. Some of the fungi that the villagers considered poisonous and inedible are known to be edible in some countries (Table 2).
Voucher specimens of these edible fungi are found scattered in various reference collections, herbaria and museums. Since most of the early edible fungi collectors were of European origin and that curation facilities were not established in Malawi, most specimen were taken away with them, only less than 200 specimens are stored at the National Herbarium of Malawi. Most of the specimens are deposited at the Royal Botanical Gardens Kew in the UK and in Belgium (Rammeloo, 1994; Rammeloo & Mitchell, 1994; Sutton, 1994). Now, with the rapid erosion of the mushroom growing environment due to deforestation, there is a higher chance of extinction of some of the species. Also, with the introduction of new plant species there are also high chances of introduction of new fungal species. Therefore, there is need to continually carry out specimen collection to enrich the existing collection. Since the cost of specimen transportation to specialists for identification and also the identification costs are high, there is need to develop local identification capacity. To do this, there is need to have a well maintained and comprehensively documented reference collection and also well trained personnel in fungal taxonomy. The trained personnel will also be expected to teach rural communities edible fungus identification to reduce incidences of mushroom poisoning.
Folk names are mostly based on common features on the fungus, trees associated with it and in some cases the growing environment, such that two or more species can have one folk name or one species can have several folk names. This means that for taxonomic work, the folk names are less reliable and confusing.
Ethnobotanical surveys and classification Morris (1994) did a thorough study on the ethnobotany of the larger fungi of selected areas in Malawi. His folk classification of the larger fungi of Zomba, Machinga, Mulanje and Blantyre is quite detailed. However, there are other areas where edible fungi form a major part of the diet in the rainy season such as Mangochi, Dzalanyama (Lilongwe), Nkhata Bay and Mzimba which are not adequately covered. Inclusion of these areas can greatly expand the current state of edible fungus knowledge. In his folk classification, indigenous knowledge was quite detailed on edible species, but limited on poisonous fungi such that most of them do not have folk names. P
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The knowledge of edible fungi amongst villagers is mainly vested in the older women who have developed the skill over time. This is so because it is women, along with young girls, who collect edible fungi in early morning hours (Morris, 1987). These women know where to collect which types, which trees are associated with which fruiting bodies, and when to collect which edible fungi. Therefore, for planning an ecological survey these women should be taken as key informants. However, it should be noted that there are a few men, mostly traders, who also have some skill in fungus collection and identification. Ecology of larger fungi Not much has been done on the ecology of larger fungi in Malawi, what is known is the distribution of some of the species in Malawi, roughly when they occur and the growing environment (associated vegetation, rainfall pattern and soil types) (Chipompha, 1985; Morris, 1990 & 1987; Abbot, 1997; Dept of Forestry, 1993). Some fungus inventory work has been done in Chimarilo Forest Reserve, to establish tree-fungus association. From work done by Morris (1987) and Chipompha (1985) it is roughly known which fungi are associated with which group of trees and environments (Table 1). However, it is still crucial to establish which fungi are associated with which trees, environment and season if any conservation or productivity promotion work is to be done. Cultivation of Edible fungi in Malawi There are no records of indigenous edible fungus cultivation in Malawi. Efforts by scientists to cultivate edible fungi in Malawi were met with failure (Kulapani, 1996). The only mushroom cultivation done in Malawi is restricted
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to introduced species; even these are hardly cultivated now due to lack of spawn and other propagation materials and facilities. Records show that countries such as Zaire, Burundi, Congo, Rwanda and Mauritius indigenous edible fungi are cultivated on various agriculture waste materials and on dried water hyacinth (Rommeloo & Walleyn, 1993). Though literature from these countries is mostly in French, the methodology for cultivation can be determined such that a viable industry of indigenous edible fungi could be initiated. Economic role of edible fungi in Malawi In Malawi, the economic role of edible fungi is quite broad ranging from causing diseases to food. Larger fungi like Armillaria mellea are known to cause diseases such as root or stem rot in pine plantations. Most disease causing fungi, however, are not mushrooms (higher fungi) and are not covered here. Larger fungi also serve as food for people and wildlife. Most villagers in Malawi know edible fungi because of their dietary role. Edible fungi are a delicacy in most societies in Malawi (Chipompha, 1985; Morris, 1990). Some edible fungi contain more than 22% protein and more minerals and vitamins than most vegetables. Edible fungi in Malawi occur when most of the food has run out (Morris, 1987). Food security records show that most households in Malawi run out of food before the rain season. Therefore, growth of edible fungi at the onset of and throughout the rainy season comes as a great relief to most families in terms of food. For those families that have enough food, wild edible fungi add variety and also the food to last longer, or the excess food may be sold. Sometimes wild edible fungi are bartered for other foods like maize flour (Coote, Luhanga & Lowore, 1993). Edible fungi are cooked and eaten along with ‘msima’ maize pulp. Preparation of Edible fungi vary from area to area and also whether the fungus has some poison in it or not. Most of the Edible fungi are eaten on the day of collection, while others are boiled and dried or boiled and rinsed several times then dried; others are dried without cooking then cooked seasoned with groundnut flour (Morris, 1987). The role of edible fungi as a cash generator is well documented (Morris, 1987 & 1990, P
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Chipompha, 1985). In the rainy season, edible fungi are collected and sold by vendors along the roadsides, in produce markets and outside most shops in towns. Just like any other NTFP harvested from Forest Reserves, there are no data to quantify species sold and income generated. Villagers, however, know which edible fungi they harvest the most and which types buyers like the most. The edible fungi which are eaten the most and available in large quantities are species of Cantharellus, Termitomyces and Amanita. (Morris, 1987). In terms of cash generation and job creation, edible fungi, though seasonal, play a very important role. Along the roadside those who can not construct the selling shelters will definitely employ someone who is skilled, small time collectors, will collect and sell to wholesalers who will then sell to vendors or consumers. Just like with all other NTFP such as curios and honey, edible fungi, do generate cash and provide employment especially for the gathers and vendors. Fungi have also the central role of environment cleaning as decomposers and also some larger fungi are also used as medicine (Chipompha, 1985). In other countries larger fungi are also used as dye, for fumigation, and for their psychotropic substances (Rommeloo & Walleyn, 1993). In areas where phosphorous is limiting, association of fungi with trees roots, in a symbiotic relationship called mycorrhiza, is central for tree establishment. Some larger fungi are known to be poisonous. The poisonous fungi mostly do a disservice to the community. Amateur collectors have ended up poisoned, or have poisoned other people who buy their fungi. Every year in Malawi there are cases of fungus poisoning reported on the radio. Even some edible fungi if not prepared properly are known to be poisonous. Some societies have exploited the poison from the fungus to develop insecticides (Morris, 1987; Chipompha, 1985). OTHER SOCIAL ECONOMIC ASPECTS Gender Gender roles in edible fungus collection are quite distinct, except where collection is done for sale. Edible fungus collection in most societies is predominantly a female occupation (Morris, 1987 & 1994). Women and children,
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especially girls, set off early in the morning to collect edible fungi, before they are eaten by wild animals and damaged by insects. Over the years the women have by and large acquired the skill of determining when to start collecting, where to collect and which trees are associated with which fungal fruiting bodies. Most of their skills are reflected in the nomenclature they use. These women often name the fungi according to the trees they are associated with, growing environment, colour, texture, smell and other morphological features and using these they are able to distinguish an edible fungus from a poisonous fungus(Morris, 1994). Men who have tried to collect mostly end up frustrated because they do not know where to collect or in some cases, fatally, end up collecting poisonous fungi. Collection practices With the disappearance of indigenous woodlands under customary land, fungus collection is mostly done in Forest Reserves which, in most cases, are located far away from villages. In the past it is documented that a fungus collection exercise would last about 2 to 3 hours, or some times less than this (Morris, 1987). Now with the increased demand for edible fungi, following increase of sale outlets, coupled with erosion of most mushroom-growing environment, more time is spent collecting edible fungi. A quick survey among women and men selling edible fungi revealed that, villagers now spend the whole day collecting edible fungi and in some instances there is division of labour such that some family members go fungus collecting while other members go selling or processing the edible fungi for future use (Morris, 1987; Abbot, 1997). In Chimaliro, Kasungu, where some woodlands exist on customary land, in 1994, 16% of the trips made to the woodland between January and July were for fungus collection (Lowore, Abbot & Meke, 1995). As far as fungus collection is concerned, there are no specific locations where they are collected. Edible fungi are collected wherever they occur. Some of the documented areas are around the anthill, in abandoned fields or field under fallow, in fields under cultivation and Forest Reserves (government protected, private land or under customary land) (Rammeloo & Walleyn, 1993). What matters most in all these is the quantity collected; government P
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protected reserves being the most preferred in terms of availability of large quantities. In the past, up to early 1980, fungus collection was not mainly restricted to protected Forest Reserves (Morris, 1990; Chipompha, 1985). Now the situation is slightly different. Serious fungus collection is mostly restricted to protected Forest Reserves, while causal collection for home consumption is mainly done in the field or few remaining pieces of indigenous woodland under customary land. Constraints to indigenous production The problems associated with indigenous edible fungus utilisation are similar to problems encountered when utilising any other NTFPs. The problems faced include: insect and wild game damage, over exploitation, deforestation, lack of management guidelines, changes in weather patterns and limited knowledge of the general ecology and biology of most of the edible fungi (Chipompha, 1985; Abbot, 1997). In Malawi indigenous fungi damaging insects have not been documented. However, discussions with fungus collectors and inspection of edible fungi at selling points reveals that the most damaging insects are beetles and flies. As far as game is concerned, baboons and tortoises are most damaging. In terms of weather patterns, drought is the main problem with the production of edible fungi. Fungus collectors interviewed in Machinga indicated that in drought years there are generally fewer edible fungi harvested or some preferred species do not appear. Deforestation, apart from depletion of trees, results in disappearance of most NTFPs, edible fungi being one of them. Most edible fungi live in a symbiotic relationship with most of the trees. In Malawi, most of the preferred fungus species are associated with Uapaca kirkiana (Chipompha, 1985; Morris 1987). Removal of such trees or general deforestation is also followed by disappearance of edible fungi. The problem of limited knowledge of the biology and ecology of indigenous edible fungi is not particular to indigenous species. In Malawi there is generally limited information on naturally occurring natural resources. This problem has basically been compounded by the limited number of scientists, who in most cases are overloaded with work on exotic plant species.
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Efforts to cultivate indigenous edible fungi in Malawi by various scientists have failed because most scientists have proceeded with cultivation efforts without a proper understanding of the biology and ecology of the edible fungi themselves. The other problem has basically been lack of courage for most scientists to pick up the challenge of studying indigenous plants. However, basic information can be obtained from developed-countries scientists. Gaps identified From the literature review it is clear that ecological information on indigenous edible fungi is largely not available. From this it is clear that to do any domestication work or production enhancement of indigenous woodland, there is need to understand the ecological aspects of edible fungi.
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Though there is a general understanding that edible fungi as a NTFP make significant food and financial contribution towards the alleviation of food and financial shortfalls, there is need to quantify the magnitude by which they perform these roles. The knowledge of edible species is limited; societies only eat those edible fungi that they are used to, edible fungi that are eaten in other countries are not eaten in Malawi. There is need to carry out an inventory to establish a comprehensive database of edible species. The efforts employed in studying edible fungi in Malawi were fragmented. Even though there are few scientists studying edible fungi in Malawi, there is need to establish a network in order to avoid duplication of effort.
Table 14.1. List of edible fungus species published for Malawi SPECIES
LOCAL NAMES
GROWING HABITAT, GENERAL REMARKS Widespread in Malawi. Possibly edible. Recorded from Zomba.
Afroboletus luteolus Chifwifwi
Agaricus bingensis
Found on decaying litter and around termite mounds. Zomba Plateau. The cultivated species
Agaricus bisporus Utale, Nakasachi, Nkolakola, Kalisachi
Agaricus campestris.
Common field mushroom Wide spread in Malawi. Edible in Mulanje.
Agaricus croceolutescens Agaricus sp. JW571
Msolo wa nkhwali
Amanita annulatovaginata
Nakajongolo
Common in Brachystegia woodland
Amanita bacata
Degadega, Bongololo
Mulanje and Zomba associated with Uapaca and Brachystegia woodland
Amanita bingensis
Nakajongolo, Msongolo Wa Nkhali, Utenga, Tambala, Ndelema, Katelela.
Brachystegia woodland
Amanita calopus
Kachitosi
Considered edible. Brachystegia woodland Morris (1990) noted as inedible; listed edible by Rammeloo et al 1993. Collected in Mzuzu.
Amanita cf. robusta
Amanita elegans
Bongololo, Nakatosi, Katalesya
Zomba, grow in Brachystegia woodland
Amanita flammeola
Pezupezu
Brachystegia woodland
Amanita fulva
Pezupezu
Mzuzu, associated with evergreen forest
Amanita goossensiae
Nakajeti
Considered edible. Common in Brachystegia woodland.
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SPECIES
LOCAL NAMES
GROWING HABITAT, GENERAL REMARKS
Amanita hemibapha
Katele, Kalongonda, Katsobola, Dzanje, Ndeza, Utenga, Ndelema, Tambala, Katelela
Common in Uapaca-Brachystegia woodland
Amanita loosii (syn. A. zambiana)
Utenga, Sandji, Tambala, Ndelema, Katelela
Miombo woodland. Zomba and Machinga
Amanita rhodophylla
Ndelema, Utenga, Tambala, Katelela, Ndelema
Common in Brachystegia woodland
Amanita rubescens
Ndodzi, Nakateti
Savanna woodland. Lilongwe, Dzalanyama.
Amanita vaginata
Ndezu, Bongololo, Nakasuku, Nakatelesya, Utenga A parasite on plantation crops.
Armillaria mellea Matwe, Makutukulu, Khutulanjobvu
Auricularia auriculata
Possibly found all over Malawi. Mulanje on dead wood in evergreen forest. Wrongly quoted edible by Rammeloo et al (1993) from Morris (1990). Not edible in Malawi.
Calvatia utriformis
Cantharellus cibarius
Manyame, Chipatwe oyera, Mnofu wa nkhuku, Nakachipande, Gundasuku
Common in Brachystegia woodlands throughout Malawi.
Cantharellus densifolius
Ngundasuku woyera
Found in miombo woodland and in plantations of pine and Eucalyptus
Cantharellus longisporus
Ngundasuku, Nakasuku, Kumelo Kwa Nang’omba, Nkungulu Kwethithi, Mnofu wa nkhuku, Umera wadendera
Cantharellus tenuis
Msogolo wa nkhwali, Kasanjala, Kanjala
Common in Brachystegia woodland. Recorded from Mzuzu, Mzimba.
Cantharellus congolensis
Nakambuzi, makunguta, masutwe ya fipa, chipatwe chakuda
Common in Uapaca - Brachystegia woodlands. Recorded from Mzuzu, Mzimba.
Clavaria albiramea
Kabvisaza, Kasanza, Masanjala, Nakasachi, Kalisachi, Nakambi
Common in woodlands
Collybia dryophila
Mangunguli
Introduced. Found in Zomba and Mulanje associated with pines at high altitudes
Collybia sp. JW662
Kwasanga
Coprinus disseminatus
Found on leaf litter. Collected in Zomba. Normally cooks away to almost nothing.
Coprinus disseminatus
Found on litter or stumps of deciduous trees. Recorded in Zomba.
(Chipompha noted as C. africanus)
Cymatoderma dendriticum
Nakakanyama, Kanyama, Masanjala, Kalisachi, Nakasachi, Makunguta, Magunguguli
Found growing on stumps and dead wood lying on the ground in Brachystegia woodlands.
Gyroporus castaneus
Kasanga
Common in Uapaca Brachystegia woodland.
Gyroporus luteopurpurescens
Kamchikuni
Lilongwe, Uapaca-Brachystegia woodland
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SPECIES
LOCAL NAMES
GROWING HABITAT, GENERAL REMARKS
Inocybe sp.
Ulundi
Brachystegia woodland. Recorded in Zomba. Most species in Europe are poisonous.
Lactarius gymnocarpus
Kungulukethithi, Kamsuku, Nkwichi
Common in Zomba
Lactarius sp. BM131
Ngundasuku, Nakasuku
Lactarius sp. JW563
Kambwalo, Kamphande
Lactarius sp. JW581
Nyame, Ching’ambe, Kadya m’lero
Lentinus cladopus
Nakatasi, Kamsempha, Chintsempha
Common in Brachystegia woodlands Edible in South Africa. Common under mbawa trees (Khaya anthotheca)
Lepista caffrorum Macrolepiota dolichaula
Nkhotwe, Namandaderengwa, Utenga, Ndelema, Tambala, Katelela
Common in grasslands between November and January. (Often confused with Chlorophyllum molybdites)
Macrolepiota procera
Njovu
Common in open grassland and woodland
Micropsalliota brunneosperma
Nyozwe, ujonjo
Common in Brachystegia woodland. Recorded in Blantyre.
Mycena sp. JW697
Chamasala, Ujonjo, Nyozwe
Zomba. Forest litter in evergreen forest.
Oudemansiella radicata
Chidwali
Introduced in Malawi, found in Zomba and Mulanje in grasses at forest edge
Phaeogyroporus portentosus
Mpafa ya fulu
Associated with Uapaca woodland. Recorded from Lilongwe.
Phaeogyroporus (Phlebopus) colossus
Ngoma wa nyani, Mpafa yafulu, Mphamfa, Mphafa
Mulanje, common in Brachystegia woodland
Phaeogyroporus colossus
Ngoma wanyani, Mpafa yafulu, Mphamfa, Mphafa
Usually found in forest debris. Recorded from Mulanje.
Psathyrella atroumbonata
Ujonjo, Nyozwe, Chamasala, Ujonjo
Associated mainly with leaf litter forest debris in woodlands. Recorded in Zomba.
Psathyrella candolleana
Nakasukali, Nakasuguli, Kanchombo, Nyozwe, Ujonjo
Found in clusters around tree stumps and litter. Recorded in Blantyre.
Pulveroboletus aberrans
Mpafa yafulu, Mphamfa, Mphafa
Zomba, Grows singly in Brachystegia woodland.
Russula atropurpurea
Chipindi, Kafidi, Namichombo
Common in miombo woodland
Russula cyanoxantha
Terenya wofira
Mulanje and Zomba, Savannah woodland
Russula delica
Kamthova, Utenga, Ndelema, Tambula, Kalelela
Lilongwe (Bunda), associated with Uapaca-Brachystegia woodland.
Russula lepida
Kafidi, Mkodzo wa galu
Uapaca-Brachystegia woodland. Recorded from Zomba.
Russula ochroleuca
Terenya woyera, Terenya wa chikasi, Nakupeya
Mulanje, noted in Brachystegia woodland
Russula schizoderma
Usinda, Chipindi, Yiti, Usinda, Mkadzadzulo, Lilangwi
Widespread in Brachystegia woodland. Recorded in Zomba.
Russula sp. JW578
Lilangwi, Yiti, Usinda, Mkadzadzulo
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SPECIES
LOCAL NAMES
GROWING HABITAT, GENERAL REMARKS
Russula sp. JW593,580
Namaloba
Schizophyllum commune
Kalisachi, Nakasachi
Mulanje, grows on dead wood in Brachystegia woodland
Stereopsis hiscens
Kanjedza
Dedza, Growing on old stumps in Brachystegia woodland
Strobilomyces costatispura
Mpando wa fisi, Fisi
Suillus granulatus
Mphafa, Kapasa, Mphafa yafulu, Mphamfa
Mycorrhizal, common in Uapaca woodland.
Suillus luteus
Gundamsuku, Niphimbiri
Mycorrhizal, common in pine plantations.
Termitomyces aurantiacus
Chanjira upya
Common in open woodlands near paths. Zomba
Termitomyces clypeatus
Nyozwe, Utothi, Ujonjo, Nakasuguli, Chikumbukumbu, Nakasowu, Chanjira upya, Kanchombo
All species in this genus are edible and they occur around active anthills.
Termitomyces eurrhizus
Kasale, Nthando, Kachofu, Nakateresya, Utembo, Uwumbu, Mazumbikira, Ntoromwe, Namatokhu, Kanchombo, Kamubvi, Tholomwe, Utale
Occurs singly or in clumps in grass. Common throughout Malawi.
Termitomyces microcarpus
Kamubvi, Manda, Kalumwe, Ujonjo, Nyozwe, Namaturwa, Namarokokho
Grow in clumps over large areas, especially where termites have been active e.g. anthills.
Termitomyces robusta
Kasale, Nthando, Kachofu, Nakateresya, Utembo, Uwumbu, Mazumbikira, Ntoromwe, Namatokhu, Kanchombo, Kamubvi, Tholomwe, Utale
Termitomyces schimperi
Ndiwo, Nyozwe Wa Mkulu, Usinda Wa Mkulu, Manandadarengwa, Mazumbikira, Nakasowo, Toromwe, Ujonjo, Liwangwi
Termitomyces sp. JW602
Kanchombo, Kachofu
Termitomyces striatus
Kasale, Kaufa, Nakateresya, Chanjira upya
Common in Acacia-Brachystegia woodland. Ncheu
Termitomyces titanicus
Utale, Bambomuluza, Katsokomole
May occur in Malawi.
Tricholoma lobayense
Utothi
Grow in tufts at base of tree trunks
Brachystegia woodland. Zomba and Mulanje.
Found in a garden in Mzuzu. Edible and widely cultivated elsewhere in tropics..
Volvariella volvacea Xerocomus soyeri
Gundamsuku, Amape, Mpafa yafulu
Common in Uapaca woodlands.
Xerocomus pallidoporus
Ngunda ngulube
Zomba Malosa mountain and Domasi, Lilongwe Bunda. Associated with UapacaBrachystegia woodland.
Xerulina lachnocephala
Nkalanganji
Mulanje. On dead wood in evergreen forests.
Sources: Rommeloo & Walleyn, 1993; Morris, 1985, 1990 & 1994; Chipompha, 1985
Table 14.2. Fungi found in Malawi and not eaten, but considered edible elsewhere
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SPECIES
REPORTED EDIBLE
REMARK
Agaricus nivescens
Zaire
Introduced in Malawi
Agaricus silvaticus
South Africa
Introduced
Agrocybe cylindracea
South Africa
Auricularia polytricha
South Africa
Collybia butyracea
South Africa
Coprinus lagopus
South Africa
Crepidotus mollis
South Africa
Hygrocybe conica
South Africa
Lentinus squarrosulus
West Africa, Nigeria, Zaire
Lepista caffrorum
South Africa
Leucoagaricus bisporus
Zaire
Melanoleuca melaleuca
South Africa
Pleurotus flabellatus
South Africa and Zaire
Vascellum pratense
South Africa
Important trade mushroom
Source: Rommeloo & Walleyn, 1993; Morris, 1985, 1990 & 1994
Table 14.3 Interests in the domestication or enhancement of wild edible fungus production INSTITUTE
INTEREST
Department of Agricultural Research. Bvumbwe, Chitedze
Cultivation of exotic edible mushrooms, development of mushroom cultivation media and environment
National Herbarium and Botanical Gardens.
Specimen collection, ecology of mushrooms in Dedza, fungus identification services.
Malawi Investment Promotion Agency
Promotion of cultivation and marketing of mushrooms
Chancellor College, University of Malawi
Cultivation of mushrooms (?)
Parks and Wildlife
Promotion of selective utilization of natural resources by rural communities near national parks and game reserves
Wildlife society of Malawi
Increasing awareness of the benefits of environment, and rehabilitation (?)
CURE
Rehabilitation of the environment
Table 14.4 Areas in Malawi with potential for increased commercial trade DISTRICT
LOCALITY
Karonga Lilongwe
Dzalanyama area
Machinga
Machinga forest reserve
Mangochi
Around Namizimu forest reserve
Mulanje
Around the mountain
Mzimba
The whole of Mzimba
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Nkhata Bay
The upper areas
Ntcheu
Between Dedza and Lizulu area
Zomba
Malosa and Zomba Mountain
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References Abbot, P.G. 1997. The supply and demand dynamics of miombo woodlands: A household perspective. PhD. Thesis, FRIM Library, Zomba, Malawi. 440 pp. Chipompha, N.W.S. 1994. Some mushrooms of Malawi: Agarics of central and northern Malawi. In Seyani, J.H. & Chikuni, A.C., Proceedings of the XIIIth Plenary meeting. AETFAT, Malawi. P 649-658. Chipompha, N.W.S., 1985. Some mushrooms of Malawi. Forestry Research Record No. 63. 54p. Coote, HC; Luhanga, JM; Lowore, JD 1993. Community use and management of indigenous forests in Malawi: The case of Chemba village forest area. FRIM Report No. 93006. Department of Forestry, 1993. Forest Reserve Register. Department of Forestry HQ, Capital City, Lilongwe. (Unpublished). Kulapani, F. 1996b. Preliminary laboratory results for the cultivation of Termitomyces robustus 'utale'(chichewa) FRIM Report no.96009. Kulapani, F.A. 1996a. A study of the ecology of selected wild edible mushrooms and their cultivation; early results of the cultivation of Auricularia auriculata and Psathyrella atroumbonata. (Unpublished) Lowore, JD; Abbot, PG; Meke GS, 1994. Community utilisation of non-timber forest products: An example from miombo woodland of Malawi. Paper presented at the 2nd Conference for Eastern and Southern Africa. Blantyre, Malawi.
Chikuni, A.C., Proceedings of the XIIIth Plenary meeting. AETFAT, Malawi. P 635-793. National Statistics Office, 1999. Demographic draft report. Unpublished. Orr, B; Eiswerth, B; Finan, T; Malembo, L 1998. Malawi + public land utilisation study. Final report. University of Arizona and Forestry Research Institute of Malawi. 181 pp. Rammeloo, J; Mitchell, DW 1994. Contribution towards the knowledge of the myxomycetes of Malawi and Zambia. In Seyani, J.H. & Chikuni, A.C., Proceedings of the XIIIth Plenary meeting. AETFAT, Malawi. P 785-793. Rammeloo, J; Walleyn, R. 1993. The edible fungi of Africa south of the Sahara: a literature survey. Universa, Wetteren, Belgium. 62 pp. Rommeloo, J 1994. The contribution of the national botanic garden of Belgium to the mycology of Africa. In Seyani, J.H. & Chikuni, A.C., Proceedings of the XIIIth Plenary meeting. AETFAT, Malawi. P 671-679. Soko, MMM; Mainjeni, CED 1999. Collection, characterisation and culturing of selected indigenous mushrooms. A project proposal. Unpublished. Sutton, BC 1994. Contribution of the international mycological institute to African mycology. In Seyani, J.H. & Chikuni, A.C., Proceedings of the XIIIth Plenary meeting. AETFAT, Malawi. P 659669.
Morris, B. 1987. Common mushrooms of Malawi. FUNGIFLORA, Oslo, Norway. 108 pp.
Van der Westhuizen, GCA; Eicker, A. 1994. Mushrooms of southern Africa. Field guide. Struik, South Africa. 206 pp.
Morris, B. 1990. An annotated check-list of the macrofungi of Malawi. Kirkia 13: 323-364.
Williamson, J 1975. Useful plants of Malawi. Montfort Press, Limbe, Malawi. 336 pp.
Morris, B. 1994. Bowa: ethnomycological notes on the macrofungi of Malawi. In Seyani, J.H. &
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15. Global references on wild edible fungi collated by Eric Boa CABI Bioscience Some of these references have already appeared in earlier contributions to these proceedings. This list has a wider geographical coverage though it does not claim to be comprehensive. References have been documented as part of the general searches and reviews begun when the project was first thought of in 1997. Some reference details are incomplete. Contact Eric Boa [
[email protected]]. Adhikari, K. S. and Adhikari, M. K. 1996. Collection and consumption of wild edible mushrooms sold in Kathmandu valley, Nepal. The Geographer's Point. 1 - 2: 1 - 9. Adhikari, M. K. 1999. Wild relatives of some arable mushrooms found in Nepal. In: National Conference on Wild Relatives of Cultivated Plants in Nepal. Kathmandu. Green Energy Mission. pp 149 - 155. Anthony, C. 1973. Investigation of the protein content of some mushrooms growing in Malawi. Chancellor College, University of Malawi. 'dissertation'. Brelsford, W. V. 1947. Copperbelt Markets. Lusaka, Zambia. Government Printer. 110 pp Brigham, T., Chihongo, A. and Chidumayo, E. 1996. Trade in woodland products from the Miombo region. In: The Miombo in Transition: Woodlands and Welfare in Africa. Campbell, B. Ed. Bogor, Indonesia. Center for International Forestry Research. pp 137 - 174. Buchanan, J. 1880. East African Letters. Edinburgh and London. Blackwood. 48 pp Buchanan, J. 1885. The Shire Highlands, East Central Africa, as Colony and Mission. Edinburgh and London. Blackwood. 260 pp Buyck, B. 1994. Ectotrophy in tropical African ecosystems. In: Proceedings of the XIIIth Plenary meeting of AETFAT, Zomba, Malawi, 2-11 April 1991. Seyani, J. H. and Chikuni, A. C. Eds. National Herbarium and Botanic Gardens of Malawi. pp 705-718. Buyck, B. 1994. Ubwoba: Les Champignons Comestibles de l'Ouest du Burundi. Bruxelles. Administration Generale de la Cooperation au Developpement. 123 pp Campbell, B. Ed. 1996. The Miombo in Transition: Woodlands and Welfare in Africa. Bogor, Indonesia. Centre for International Forestry Research. 266 pp Chapela, I. H. and Palm, M. E. 1997. Mycology in Sustainable Development: expanding concepts. Boon, North Carolina. Parkway Publishers. 150 pp Chipompha, N. W. S. 1980. A preliminary checkP
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list of common fungi and diseases of Pinus patula in Malawi. Forestry Research Institute of Malawi Report. No. 80003 Chipompha, N. W. S. 1985. Some mushrooms of Malawi. (Malawi) Forestry Research Record. No. 63: 1-54. Chipompha, N. W. S. 1987 Some edible, poisonous and hallucinogenic effects of some Malawian forest mushrooms Forestry Research Institute of Malawi. Forestry Research Report 87004. Chipompha, N. W. S. 1994. Some mushrooms of Malawi: Agarics of central and northern Malawi. In: Proceedings of the XIIIth Plenary meeting. AETFAT, Malawi. Seyani, J. H. and Chikuni, A. C. Eds. Zomba, Malawi. National Herbarium and Botanic Gardens of Malawi. pp 649-658. Clarke, J., Cavendish, W. and Coote, C. 1996. Rural households and Miombo woodlands: use, value and management. In: The Miombo in Transition: Woodlands and Welfare in Africa. Campbell, B. Ed. Bogor, Indonesia. Center for International Forestry Research. pp 101 - 135. Coote, H. C., Luhanga, J. M. and Lowore, J. D. 1993 Community use and management of indigenous forests in Malawi: the case of Chemba village forest area Forestry Research Institute of Malawi. FRIM Report No. 93006. Corby, H. D. L. 1974. Systematic implications of the nodulation among Rhodesian legumes. Kirkia. 9: 301-329. Elliott, G. F. S. 1896. A Naturalist in Mid-Africa. Being an account of a journey to the Mountains of the Moon and Tanganyika. London. Innes. 413 pp Franck, A., Gilbert, X. and Radcliffe, F. R. 1957. Food from fungi. Economic Botany. 11(2): 126 145. Frost, P. 1996. The ecology of Miombo woodlands. In: The Miombo in Transition: Woodlands and Welfare in Africa. Campbell, B. Ed. Bogor, Indonesia. Center for International Forestry Research. pp 11 - 57. Hall IR, Lyon AJE, Wang Y and Sinclair L 1998. Ectomycorrhizal fungi with edible fruiting bodies 2. Boletus edulis. Economic Botany. 52(1): 44 -
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Karstenia. 35 supplement: 92.
Harkonen, M., Saarimaki, T. and Mwasumbi, L. 1994. Setting up a research project on Tanzanian mushrooms and their use. In: Proceedings of the XIIIth Plenary meeting of AETFAT, Zomba, Malawi, 2-11 April 1991. Seyani, J. H. and Chikuni, A. C. Eds. Zomba, Malawi. National Herbarium and Botanic Gardens of Malawi. pp 729-734. Harsh, N. S. K., Tiwari, C. K. and Jamaluddin, X. 1993. Market potential of wild edible fungi in Madhya Pradesh. Indian Journal of Tropical Biodiversity. 1: 93-98. Harsh, N. S. K., Rai, B. K. and Ayachi, S. S. 1993. Forest fungi and tribal economy - a case study in Baiga tribe of Madhya Pradesh [India]. Journal of Tropical Forestry. 9: 270-279. Harsh, N. S. K., Tiwari, C. K. and Rai, B. K. 1996. Forest fungi in the aid of tribal women of Madhya Pradesh [India]. Sustainable Forestry. 1: 1015. Harsh, N. S. K., Rai, B. K. and Soni, V. K. 1999. Some ethnomycological studies from Madhya Pradesh, India. In: From Ethnomycology to Fungal Biotechnology. Singh, J. and Aneja, K. R. Eds. New York. Plenum Press. pp 19-31. Härkönen, M. 1988. Training people to collect and sell natural products in Finland. Acta Bot. Fennica. 136: 15 - 18. Härkönen, M., Saarimäki, T. and Mwasumbi, L. 1993. Tanzanian mushrooms and their uses 2. An edible species of Coprinus section Lanatuli. Karstenia. 33: 51 - 59. Härkönen, M., Saarimäki, T., Mwasumbi, L. and Niemela, T. 1993. Collection of the Tanzanian mushroom heritage as a form of developmental cooperation between the universities of Helsinki and Dar es Salaam. Aquilo Ser. Bot. 31: 99 105. Härkönen, M. and Järvinen, I. 1993. Evaluation of courses for mushroom advisors in Finland. Aquilo Ser. Bot. 31: 93 - 97. Härkönen, M., Buyck, B., Saarimäki, T. and Mwasumbi, L. 1993. Tanzanian mushrooms and their uses 1. Russula. Karstenia. 33: 11 50. Härkönen, M., Saarimäki, T. and Mwasumbi, L. 1994. Tanzanian mushrooms and their uses 4. Some reddish edible and poisonous Amanita species. Karstenia. 34: 47 - 60. Härkönen, M., Saarimäki, T. and Mwasumbi, L. 1994. Edible and poisonous mushrooms of Tanzania. The African Journal of Mycology and Biotechnology. 2(2): 99 - 123. Härkönen, M., Saarimäki, T. and Mwasumbi, L. 1995. Edible mushrooms of Tanzania. P
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McGregor, J. 1995. Gathered produce in Zimbabwe's communal areas: changing resource availability and use. Ecology of Food and Nutrition. 33: 163 - 193. Molina, R., O'Dell, T., Luoma, D., Amaranthus, M., Castellano, M. and Russell, K. 1993 Biology, Ecology, and Social Aspects of Wild Edible Mushrooms in the Forests of the Pacific Northwest: a Preface to Managing Commercial Harvest US Department of Agriculture, Forest Service, Pacific North-West Research Station. General Technical Paper PNW-GTR-309. Morris, B. 1984. Macrofungi of Malawi: some ethnobotanical notes. Bulletin of the British Mycological Society. 18: 48-57. Morris, B. 1984. The pragmatics of folk classification. Journal of Ethnobiology. 4(1): 45-60. Morris, B. 1987. Common Mushrooms of Malawi. Oslo, Norway. Fungiflora. 108 pp Morris, B. 1987. Mushrooms and culture. Man and Life. 13: 31 - 48. Morris, B. 1990. An annotated checklist of the macrofungi of Malawi. Kirkia. 13(2): 323 - 364. Morris, B. 1992. Mushrooms: for medicine, magic and munching. Nyala. 16(1): 1 - 8. Morris, B. 1994. Bowa: Ethnomycological notes on the macrofungi of Malawi. In: Proceedings of the XIIIth Plenary meeting of AETFAT, Zomba, Malawi, 2-11 April 1991. Seyani, J. H. and Chikuni, A. C. Eds. Zomba, Malawi. National Herbarium and Botanic Gardens of Malawi. pp 635-647. Oso, B. 1975. Mushrooms and the Yoruba people of Nigeria. Mycologia. 67(2): 311-319. Oso, B. 1977. Mushrooms in Yoruba mythology and medicinal practices. Economic Botany. 31: 367-371. Parent, G. and Thoen, D. 1977. Food value of edible mushrooms from Upper Shaba region. Economic Botany. 31: 436-445.
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Pegler, D. N. and Piearce, G. D. 1980. The edible mushrooms of Zambia. Kew Bulletin. 35: 475 491.
Saarimäki, T., Härkönen, M. and Mwasumbi, L. 1994. Tanzanian mushrooms and their uses 3. Termitomyces singidensis sp. nov. Karstenia. 34: 13 - 20.
Pegler, D. N. 1982. Agaricoid and boletoid fungi (Basidiomycota) from Malawi and Zambia. Kew Bulletin. 37: 255 - 271.
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Schlosser, W. and Blatner, K. 1995. The wild edible mushroom industry of Washington, Oregon and Idaho. Journal of Forestry. 93(3): 31 - 36.
Piearce, G. D. 1982. An Introduction to Zambia's wild mushrooms and how to use them. Zambia. Forest Department. 28 pp
Sharma, M. C., Masih, S. K. and Sharma, C. B. 1997. Participation in collection of NTFP and their share in tribal economy. Journal of Tropical Forestry. 13: 220-225.
Piearce, G. D. 1985. Livingstone and fungi in tropical Africa. Bulletin of the British Mycological So-
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Walleyn, R. and Rammeloo, J. 1994. The poisonous and useful fungi of Africa south of the Sahara: a literature survey. Meise, Belgium. National Botanic Garden of Belgium. 56 pp
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Williamson, J. 1973. Preliminary list of some edible fungi of Malawi. Society of Malawi Journal. 26: 15-27. Williamson, J. 1975. Useful Plants of Malawi. Limbe, Malawi. Monfort Press. 336 pp Williamson, J. 1976. A list of some fungi collected in Malawi between 1971 and 1974. Society of Malawi Journal. 29: 46-53. Wilson, K. 1990. Ecological dynamics and human welfare: a case study of population, health and nutrition in Southern Zimbabwe. Department of Anthropology. University College. PhD thesis.
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16. Malawi names of wild edible fungi obtained from local markets Mr Chimuleke Munthali, Mr Gerald Meke and Mr Vincent Chithila FRIM, Zomba These names were recorded during the growing season that begun around January and ended in April 2000. They were collected from three main markets, Dzalanyama, Liwonde (Machinga) and Perekezi. It is not possible to give an accurate scientific name for many of these species and we were surprised to find the number of new names that had not been previously reported. Work is underway to identify the scientific equivalents and will continue during the 2001 growing season.
Table 16.1 Local names of wild edible fungi sold in four areas, 2000 CHIMALIRO
DZALANYAMA
LIWONDE
PEREKEZI
10 types from 3 sites, monitored 18 Jan – 26 Feb 2000
29 types from 7 sites, monitored 5 Jan – 17 Mar 2000
20 types from 1 site (Machinga), monitored 17 Jan – 15 Mar 2000
15 types from 7 sites monitored 3 Jan – 6 Apr 2000
Chipini
Chipini
Chifu cha ng'ombe
Bonkhasi
Fisi
Dzanje
Chipatwe
Kalinkhurwe
Fisi (red)
Fisi (also red and yellow forms)
Chipatwe (yellow and black forms)
Kambaza
Kambwalo
Kachifu (white)
Chipindi
Longolwe
Katerela
Kambwalo
Dodolido
Manda
Manyame
Kamsempha (white
Kungulokwetit
Manyame
and yellow forms)
Nthimbwa
Kanyozwe
Liwuwula
Masutwe
Thundwe
Katerela (also purple,
Machende a kalulu
Matongo gha kalulu
Mangungungulo
Mphofwa
Matchetchete
Nakajete
Murye
Mkodzo wa galu
Nakajongolo
Mutherere
Munyozo
Nakambalakata
Ndezu
Nthimbwa
Nakasache/Nakatsache
Thundwe
Nyozwe
Nakatasi
Utale
Thipwa
Ndelema
Uzuma
Tswatswa (also red, white and yellow forms)
Nsinda
Zanje
Ulundi
red and white forms)
Uzuma
Manyame (also white and yellow forms)
Zanje
Usinda Utale Utenga
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Table 2 Sale of edible fungi at four different sites, January to April 2000 LOCAL NAME
CHIMALIRO
DZALANYAMA
LIWONDE
PEREKEZI
Bonkhasi
4
Chifu cha ng'ombe
4
Chipatwe
4
Chipatwe ( yellow)
4
Chipatwe (black)
4
Chipindi/ Chipini
4
4
4
Dodolido
4
Dzanje
4
Fisi
4
4
Fisi (red)
4
4
Fisi (yellow)
4
Kachifu (white)
4
Kalinkhurwe
4
Kambaza
4
Kambwalo
4
4
Kamsempha (white)
4
Kamsempha (yellow)
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Kanyozwe
4
Katerela
4
4
Katerela (purple)
4
Katerela (red)
4
Katerela (white)
4
Katerela (yellow)
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Kungulokwetit
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Liwuwula
4
Longolwe
4
Machende a kalulu
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Manda
4
Mangungungulo
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Manyame
4
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Manyame (white)
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Manyame (yellow)
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Masutwe
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Matchetchete
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LIWONDE
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Matongo gha kalulu
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Mkodzo wa galu
4
Mphofwa
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Munyozo
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Murye
4
Mutherere
4
Nakajete
4
Nakajongolo
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Nakambalakata
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Nakasache/ Nakatsache
4
Nakatasi
4
Ndelema
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Ndezu
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Nsinda
4
Nthimbwa
4
4
Nyozwe
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Thipwa
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Thundwe
4
4
Tswatswa
4
Tswatswa (red)
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Tswatswa (white)
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Tswatswa (yellow)
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Ulundi
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Usinda
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Utale
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Utenga
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Uzuma
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Zanje
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17. Local knowledge of wild edible fungi at Dzalanyama, Chimaliro and Perekezi forest reserves Mr Chimuleke Munthali and Mr Vincent Chithila FRIM, Zomba INTRODUCTION
Interviews
We carried out a survey of local knowledge of wild edible fungi at three forest reserves over ten days in November 1999, as part of the preliminary studies of the Miombo Edible Fungi project. The specific aims were:
A structured questionnaire was used during interviews. The same set of questions was used at the three sites. Interviews were conducted in Chichewa, Chitumbuka and English. Women and men were interviewed separately.
•
RESULTS
to learn when and where mushrooms are collected, and how they are used
•
to investigate non-miombo woodland mushroom species known and consumed
•
to know how different groups / tribes of people value mushrooms
•
to consider the variability of production over time at different sites
•
to investigate edible fungus trade.
Methods Three sites were selected for the study: Dzalanyama (Lilongwe), Chimaliro (Kasungu) and Perekezi (Mzimba) forest reserves. These sites were chosen because of the anticipated differences in climate, soils, vegetation, fungus diversity and culture of people. The sites are areas where people actively collect wild edible fungi for consumption and sale. At Dzalanyama the study was done at two locations: Katete and Dzalanyama Forest offices. At Katete, the study was undertaken in eight villages. At Dzalanyama people working at the Forest office were interviewed. At Chimaliro the study was done in eight villages. At Perekezi, the study was done in five villages. In total 86 people were interviewed comprising 56 women and 30 men of age ranging from 15 to 60 years. Most of the people interviewed collect mushrooms for domestic use and may sell in nearby cities of Lilongwe and Mzuzu, and towns of Kasungu and Mzimba. These people were of Chewa, Yao, Ngoni and Tumbuka tribes. We deliberately selected people with much knowledge on edible fungi for our interviews.
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Edible fungi At the three sites, all people who were interviewed indicated that they eat mushrooms. The types differed from one individual to another and from one site to another. Preferred species are shown in Table 17.1. Collection sites At Dzalanyama mushrooms are mostly collected from the Forest Reserve. This is the only area where miombo woodlands are remaining apart from sacred places, but people were not open whether they collect mushrooms in these areas. At Chimaliro people rely greatly on the forest reserve but they also collect some mushrooms from the customary land. At Perekezi people collect enough mushrooms for consumption in customary land around their homesteads and farms. However, mushrooms for sale are harvested from Perekezi Forest reserve. Most people know the areas where they can harvest specific type of mushrooms using knowledge learnt from their ancestors. They said that mushrooms are associated with particular soils, trees, grass, topography, and appear at particular times and amounts of rainfall. Most of the mushrooms are harvested from December to March, during the rainy season. There is however, one mushroom genera locally known as ‘UTALE’ (Termitomyces spp) which is sometimes harvested in October, although, it is mostly harvested from November up to December. Mushroom collectors All are free to collect mushrooms. It is not yet clear how collection is organised in customary
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land such as Village Forest Areas, farms and around homesteads. Forest Department does not charge fees for collecting from forest reserves. All members of a family participate in harvesting. Women and children go purposely mushroom hunting. Edible fungi selected by children are carefully scrutinised by adult women. Generally the best specialists are women. Men mostly pick mushrooms when they come across them by chance when they graze animals, collect poles, rope fibres or in the course of doing other activities. There are some men who have specialised in mushroom collection solely for sale. At Perekezi children above 10 years are actively involved in mushroom collection and sale along the roadsides because it is an easy way of making money. Parents also send them since it is time for farming. It was also reported that men are restricted to actively collect and sell mushrooms because they can not stand together with daughter-in laws at market places. We found a change in behaviour in mushroom collection at all sites. In the past collection of mushrooms was usually done in groups but it is no longer the case now as most people have realised that selling mushrooms is a lucrative business. Now, only closely related people hunt mushrooms together. At all sites, there are experts in the identification of different edible species and they know where they grow. They said that they associate mushrooms with type of soils, trees, shrubs and grass species and have mastered the growing calendar for specific types. Mushroom diversity At Dzalanyama 33 names of mushrooms were recorded; at Perekezi and Chimaliro, 38 and 31 names were recorded (Table 17.1). Perekezi seems to have higher diversity than the other sites. However, some of the names may include several species e.g. fisi and katerera. People did not have problems to remember edible fungi at all sites. They could easily remember more than five types. Non miombo woodland mushrooms Only utale mushroom was reported growing in gardens and rarely in exotic plantations of Eucalyptus and Pinus. KAMPATULA (named after
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Pinus patula) is an edible mushroom collected from pines and is only consumed at Dzalanyama. This particular species does not associate with miombo trees. It was said that some miombo mushrooms grow on the plantation edges and in the plantations where miombo trees have regenerated, but these fungi are not associated with the exotic trees. Occupation of mushroom collectors The majority of mushroom collectors are housewives, secondly male farmers. People with jobs are not seriously involved in collection: at Dzalanyama forestry office employees seldom collect mushrooms. Possibly this is due to lack of time because mushrooms are collected early in the morning. On the other hand the majority of the interviewed forestry department employees were men and their wives already harvest mushrooms. Mushroom as food Preparation of mushrooms is similar at all sites. Some are cooked straight after harvesting while others are first dried. Fresh mushrooms are first washed then they are cut in small pieces and boiled. Salt, tomatoes, onions and at times groundnut flour is added. Dry mushrooms are first soaked in hot water to get rid of sand grains and then boiled. Mushrooms like tswatswa and fisi are first parboiled and then water is thrown away. The mushrooms are eaten with ‘nsima’ (maize) and rice. Value of mushrooms Mushrooms are highly valued at all the sites for several important reasons. Relish: They are a delicacy. They are easy to prepare and do not always require additives such as cooking oil, tomatoes and onions for the food to be delicious. The majority of people interviewed said that they can not afford meat products and mushrooms are considered the best substitute. People know the high nutritional value associated with mushrooms. The other advantage was that mushrooms are free and the government is not regulating their collection. Income: Mushrooms are a major source of income for many people. They are also important because they grow at the time when most people have run out of agricultural crops. For some, the only major source of income from December to March are edible fungi.
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Food security: At the beginning of rainy season, when edible fungi first appear, many people in Malawi have inadequate food in their homes. People said that mushrooms are either exchanged with maize (barter) or sold. Money from sales is used to purchase food. Edible fungi can also be easily preserved for a long period of time. Medicinal: No particular edible mushroom was reported having medicinal value. But ‘KAMCHIKUNI’ when burnt and ground to ashes, is used to treat ringworm, painful legs (rheumatism), sores in the mouth and throat and also as a medicine for new-born babies. Mushroom productivity and diversity Most of the respondents said that availability of mushrooms is dwindling at all sites. The evidence was that nowadays they must travel long distances to harvest enough mushrooms. The major factor associated with this decline was the increase in human population . There were mixed feelings in Perekezi Forest Reserve where some people said that there is no change in quantity and diversity of mushrooms. What has changed is the number of people that go collecting. The other factor that that affects quantity and diversity of mushrooms is the amount of rainfall. They said that too much or too little rainfall reduces yields. MUSHROOM TRADE Mushrooms are largely sold a long roadsides at Perekezi and market places in Dzalanyama. Marketing of mushrooms at Chimaliro is not well established. The study found that boys, girls, men and women sell mushrooms, but young and old females are predominant. Men consider mushroom gathering an activity for women. At Perekezi men said that tumbuka culture does not allow them to sell mushrooms along the roadside together with their daughter-in laws. Boys and girls are also active in this business because their parents send them while they are occupied with farming. Only fresh mushrooms are sold along the roadside. Only small amounts of dry edible fungi are sold. Mushrooms are sold at home, along the roadsides and in big markets in towns such as Mzimba and Kasungu and in cities of Mzuzu and Lilongwe. Middlemen who buy mushrooms from Dzalanyama and Katete come from Lilongwe City (60km); at Perekezi they P
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come from Mzimba (30 km), Mzuzu (150 km)and Kasungu (100km) and Lilongwe City (about 200 km). Mushrooms are a source of income for many people. Barter was reported at Dzalanyama and Perekezi especially with maize. Most are however sold. Prices of mushrooms fluctuate a lot. Collectors fix the prices basing on supply and demand. Generally when mushrooms start growing in November prices are extremely high but decrease with time. Haggling is common. The majority said that the market is growing due to increase in demand. Prices have also increased. Some people said that even though prices have increased, the reduced value of the kwacha not increased their income. Other people think that increase in trade of mushrooms has come at a time when maize production has decreased due to scarcity of inorganic fertiliser. Thus, any money made from sales of mushrooms goes straight to purchase maize. Some of the collectors said that the quantity of mushrooms sold at individual level is on the decrease due to increase on number of people who have turned to the forest as a means of survival. No levy is charged on mushrooms collected from Forest reserves. Only in big markets a small fee is paid for space used by mushroom seller. Mushrooms are sold to travellers, local villagers who do not have access to Forestry Reserves, middlemen, people in towns and cities. It was difficult to obtain information on quantities sold and amount of money earned in a season. This is perhaps not surprising. Some said that they do not calculate the money they make from selling edible fungi, because as soon as money is made it is used to buy something. Standard utensils such as plates are used for selling mushrooms while big mushrooms are sold individually. Preservation Mushrooms are preserved at all sites. Similar methods are used at Chimaliro and Perekezi. Here fresh mushrooms are first boiled and then dried in the sun or on a fire. At Dzalanyama they are just dried in the sun or on fire. Dried mushrooms are kept in Vapaca kirkiana leaves made into a ‘chikwati’ and in containers
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such as pots and guards. They keep for up to one year as long as they are kept dry. Mushroom poisoning Mushroom poisoning was said to be rare and appears to be due to the fact that only experienced women cook mushrooms. Those collected by children are first scrutinised by experts. Poisonous mushrooms such as tswatswa and fisi are first parboiled and water is thrown away. Poisonous mushrooms are collectively known as ‘vikorakora’. People use the following characteristics or features to distinguish them: •
no flies and other insects settle on it
•
they have a ‘bad’ smell
•
dusty cap
•
produce foam or latex when cracked
•
monkeys and tortoise do not consume them
•
they have very smooth cap
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It is important to point out that there are edible fungi which have these features, but these may not be found in the study areas. Conclusions Mushrooms are very important at all sites as source of food and income. Marketing channels are not well established. This is an area that should be studied. Some of the local names of mushrooms are collective names for many species. Hence the diversity of mushrooms can not be studied through surveys. There is need to carry out field studies. Characteristics given for poisonous mushrooms should be treated carefully because they do not apply for every situation. For instance some edible mushrooms (e.g. Lactarius) produce latex. The diversity of mushrooms is on the decline especially in areas where deforestation is high. Studies should be done to investigate endangered species, diversity and how to conserve the gene pool.
Table 16. 1: Preferred wild edible fungi at Katete, Dzalanyama, Chimaliro and Perekezi RANK
CHIMALIRO
DZALANYAMA
KATETE
PEREKEZI
1
Murye
Zanje
Thale
Utali
2
Uzuma
Chipindi
Ngozi
Mulye
3
Thundwe
Utale
Chipindi
Mphofwa
4
Utali
Tswatswa
Fisi
Uzuma
5
Manyame
Fisi
Zanje
Bonkhasi
6
Kamchewere
Manyame
Katerera
Ndezu
7
Ndezu
Nthimbwi
Mnofu wa nkhuku
Manyame
8
Mphofwa
Kambwalo
Lomwa
Kalunkhulwe
9
Kalunkhulwe
Katerera
Tswatswa
Kantchewere
10
Nkhozi
Ngozi
Kachombo
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Annex 2
Local practices and indigenous knowledge of wild edible fungi September 2001 J Lowore, E Boa 28 pp
www.malawifungi.org
BOWA MARKETS
IN
MALAWI
Local Practices and
Indigenous Knowledge of
Wild Edible Fungi
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The Miombo Edible Fungi Project DFID
Janet Lowore and Eric Boa September 2001
Forest Research Institute Malawi CABI Bioscience
With the support of: Kennedy Ndhlazi and Vicky Mzumara
Contents Abbreviations and Websites
1
Summary
2
SECTION 1 Background
3
SECTION 2 Collecting Information
4
SECTION 3 Findings and Observations
5
3.1 Survey of Zomba markets
5
3.2 Survey of Blantyre and Limbe markets
10
3.3 Roadside activity and customers: Machinga
12
3.4 Case studies: two collectors and a trader
15
18
SECTION 4 Concluding remarks ANNEX 1 Roadside stall monitoring
20
ANNEX 2 Local names of wild edible fungi
24
TABLES
BOXES
1
Market information from PTC-based vendors for nakasuku mushroom, Zomba
5
2
Selling points for wild edible fungi visited or observed
11
3
Different activities in the trading of WEF and profiles of participants
14
4
Mpata: trading of WEF
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5
Mpata: Customer profiles
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Note
6
Matandika: trading of kunglokwetiti
21
7
Bwanali: trading of kunglokwetiti
21
Bowa is the local Chewa name used widely in Malawi to refer to edible fungi collected from miombo woodland and associated areas.
8a
Chingoli: trading of kunglokwetiti
22
8b
Chingoli: trading of other WEF
22
Chingoli: Customer profiles
22
10
Mpenda: trading in kunglokwetiti and utale
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11
Mpata: Customer profiles
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12
Local names of wild edible fungi, where found and source of information
24
9
1
‘We have to know where to look’
6
2
‘I only buy good quality bowa’
7
3
A trader comes to town
8
4
‘Bowa selling is a good business’
9
In English we prefer the description wild edible fungi to ‘mushroom’, a description with an inconsistent meaning. We want to distinguish clearly those fungi collected from woodland with those that are cultivated. This work is part of a project funded by the Department for International Development UK. The views and comments here do not necessarily reflect those of DFID.
Further Information Dr Eric Boa CABI Bioscience, Bakeham Lane, Egham Surrey TW20 9TY, UK email
[email protected]
MIOMBO EDIBLE FUNGI PROJECT · FRIM
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B B R E V I A T I O N S
BOWA Local (Chewa) generic name for mushrooms or edible fungi CABI BIOSCIENCE Division of CAB International DFID Department for International Development FR Forest Reserve [under aegis of the Forest Department] FRIM Forest Research Institute of Malawi. Based at Zomba. MK Malawi Kwacha. Exchange rate October 2000: USD1=MK65 NTFP Non-timber forest product [also non-wood forest product NWFP, or forest products]
PTC Supermarket chain in Malawi. Independent vendors of wild edible fungi and other products often trade near to the entrance.
WEF Wild edible fungi [used in preference to ‘mushroom’]
W MALAWIFUNGI.ORG
DFID.GOV.UK LIVELIHOODS.ORG FAO.ORG CABI-BIOSCIENCE.ORG OANDA.COM
WWW.MALAWIFUNGI.ORG
E B S I T E S
Contains project documents (including proceedings of 2000 workshop), illustrations of fungi and database of local and scientific names which can be queried online. Official site, explaining bilateral assistance to Malawi and other countries General information on livelihoods approach to development, details of DFID sponsored studies and useful links to other sites General information on NTFPs, including wild edible fungi Explains what the organisation does and describes current and recent activities Currency exchange rates
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Summary WE EXAMINED TRADING CHAINS for wild edible fungi (WEF), paying closest attention to Machinga roadside vendors near Liwonde forest reserve. The study took place during March 2001. Liwonde forest reserve is one of several Miombo woodland sites from which an astonishing variety of fungi are collected in a short period lasting from around December to April. It is probably the best known site because of its proximity to Zomba and Blantyre. We interviewed and observed local vendors and wholesale traders and examined markets. We asked collectors where they went, how the bowa got to the markets and changes they had observed in availability. This is a brief account of what we found. WEF are widely traded beyond the Machinga roadside, the main market being Zomba town. The wholesale trade is an almost exclusively male domain. These traders carefully balance financial risks and rewards. Some wait until the end of each day, bargaining hard with the roadside vendors for the unsold WEF. The traders travel by mini-bus to Zomba and sell directly to customers in residential locations. This way they cut out the Zomba vendors who operate outside the PTC supermarket or in the Zomba market, maximising their profit. To succeed requires patience and persistence but the returns are attractive. Some Machinga traders also sell direct to Zomba vendors. The Zomba-based vendors outside the PTC supermarket are all men; those in Zomba market are all women. The PTC vendors make the highest profits for the simple reason that wealthier people visit PTC regularly. The Zomba vendors are either unable to buy directly from Machinga or unwilling to invest the extra time required to maximise their profits. Our study suggests that there has been a steady increase in the Machinga – Zomba trade in the last few years. Zomba bowa also originate from nearby sites of Nankhunda and Ulumba. There is a bewildering array of local names which describe the many different bowa. A name from Machinga is replaced by another for Zomba. In Blantyre and Limbe most of the bowa come from Bvumbwe and other nearby sites. Few originate from Machinga, though the traders and intermediaries from Zomba say they never fail to find a market in Blantyre. Men and women sell bowa at the roadside in Machinga. They collect themselves and also sell on behalf of relatives who have gone collecting. Children
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are mostly involved at the weekends. Turnover is higher at the end of the week and weekends, especially the end of the month. The amount collected is adjusted to compensate for ‘slow bowa days’. A typical collecting trip lasts from 0500 to 1200. Fresh bowa are on the stalls just after midday. They remain fresh until the next day but rarely for much longer. Perishability depends on species, weather conditions and overnight storage methods. Roadside vendors prefer to sell direct to roadside customers. Wholesale traders pay lower prices but support the trade in bowa through increased volume sales. The wholesale trade depends on individual enterprise. There is a fascinating account here of how the ‘King of the Bowa Traders’, Mr Sabiti Fides, has developed such a successful enterprise that he is considering expansion and employing others to help him. There is said to be a good market in dried bowa though we observed few for sale. The increase in bowa collection and selling over the last five to ten years has been enormous. ‘People want to get some money’. Collectors recognize poor sites for collecting – deforestated areas and those where regular fires occur. They also know the best places for species – ‘ they cannot change and they cannot overlap’. Bowa production is associated with rain but people had no specific memory of how different species responded to particular climatic conditions or seasonal effects. ‘Early bowa come early and late come late’. Collectors said that no one can claim ownership of a particular site. It is personal matter where to look and luck concerning what you find. Collectors tend to be those people who live near to the road. They are travelling further than before to find the bowa. There is strong evidence of untapped demand for bowa, particularly in urban centres where premium prices may be obtained. Getting the fungi to market at the right time and in best condition is still a haphazard business which few appear to have mastered. There is also some consumer resistance to certain types of bowa. Any attempt to expand trading systems or to control the sale of bowa must address competing demands for other forest products and obtain a sound knowledge of the resource base. The potential clearly exists for increased revenue from the bowa trade, but further efforts are required to ensure that benefits accrue to those most in need of additional income.
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Section 1 Background 1.1
Current and Previous Research
The Miombo Edible Fungi research project is being undertaken jointly by the Forest Research Institute of Malawi [FRIM] and CABI Bioscience. The project, funded by DFID, began in 1999 and will end in 2002. It is examining ecological, social and economic factors which influence the production and trade of bowa or wild edible fungi [WEF]. These are amongst the most valuable non-timber forest from Miombo woodlands, a type of vegetation which occurs from Mocambique to Angola, and Zimbabwe to Tanzania. The project has paid particular attention to the relationship between local names – of which there is an astounding diversity – and scientific names. Understanding which species are collected and traded is central to understanding how natural resources are being used. Local names can be queried at the project website, www.malawifungi.org, which also provides general information about our studies. A general introduction to the project and some preliminary results have already been published (Boa et al, 2000). There has been other recent research on WEF (Dept Forestry, 1999) though in the general context of non-timber forest products. A previous FRIM study showed that WEF, fruits and firewood were the most important NTFPs gathered by local communities, often for income generation. At Liwonde Forest Reserve1 (Machinga), one of three sites being monitored by this project, WEF were the most important NTFP sold and their value accounted for over 73% of all NTFPs that were traded. The sale of WEF at the roadside in Machinga is a flourishing business, directly to passers by and to traders who sell on to markets in Blantyre and Zomba. There has been much talk of ‘handsome profits’ to be made yet little information to support this statement. We already knew that local people at Machinga had a strong dependence on income from the sale of WEF: 80% of the revenue generated from chipatwe and kunglokwetiti, two of the most important bowa for sale, was used to buy essential food supplies. Data from Kasungu, north of Lilongwe, indicated a similar importance of bowa to local people.
1.1
Market Study
Although we had a good idea of the general importance of bowa to local people we lacked detail. There was no information about how the edible fungi were collected, who bought them for direct consumption and who bought them to sell at other markets. These were some of the basic questions that were addressed in this short study. We chose Machinga because of its known importance for bowa trading and its proximity to FRIM and major urban centres such as Zomba, Limbe and Blantyre. We describe for the first time how WEF are collected and traded and reveal previously unknown aspects of an important commodity. We report directly what local collectors and traders told us. The study was led by Janet Lowore and could not have been completed without the hard work of Kennedy Ndhlazi and Vicky Mzumara. This report has been edited by Eric Boa. Further reading Department of Forestry 1999. Community-based management of Miombo woodlands in Malawi. Proceedings of a National Workshop. Forestry Research Institute of Malawi. Boa E, Ngulube M, Meke G, and Munthali C. 2000. Proceedings of the First Regional Workshop of Sustainable Use of NTFPs – Wild Edible Fungi. CABI Bioscience and Forestry Research Institute of Malawi. (via www.malawifungi.org) Liwonde Forest Reserve is in Machinga district. Bowa selling is concentrated along a 1-2 km stretch of the main road from Zomba to Liwonde town. Machinga is also the name of a village associated with the bowa trade.
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Section 2 Collecting Information This short study was undertaken to fill gaps in our knowledge of marketing systems. Information on the topics listed below is important when planning for sustainable use and potential commercialization. SITE
History of productivity Ownership Characteristics of collectors: age and gender
MARKET CHAIN
Who trades in WEF? How do WEF move from forest to market?
CUSTOMERS
Who are they? What are their preferences?
BLANTYRE, LIMBE & ZOMBA
WEF trade in major towns
We obtained information directly from collectors and traders and supplemented this with our own observations. Three different methods were used: INFORMANT INTERVIEW (MARCH 8-11) The research team was made up of three: Janet Lowore (team leader), Kennedy Ndhlazi and Vicky Mzumara (research assistants). People involved in collecting, selling, trading and buying bowa were interviewed. Brief interviews were undertaken using a checklist of questions designed for different types of interviewee. A number of individuals were then selected for more in-depth interviews. These lasted longer and gave the opportunity for more detailed discussions. DIRECT OBSERVATION (MARCH 8-11) We observed what was on sale, locations and quantities. They also observed the intensity of trade, and the movement of bowa to and from the stalls. We accompanied one key informant on a gathering trip and observed how the bowa were collected and transported to nearby stalls. METHODICAL DATA COLLECTION (MARCH 7-23) One research assistant carried out detailed monitoring of bowa sales within Zomba town and suburbs. The survey of markets at Limbe and Blantyre was less intense and frequent. One research assistant also spent time at the stalls at the Machinga roadside to monitor closely over a period of a few days the activity on the stall, and to count and interview customers.
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Section 3 Results and Observations Results are presented in four sub-sections : Zomba survey; Blantyre and Limbe markets; Machinga roadside market survey; individual case histories.
3.1
Survey of Zomba Markets
Within Zomba town two main sites were identified as bowa outlets. There are the vendors outside PTC and vendors in Zomba market. Some bowa are also sold in Mponda Bwino market and at the ‘3 miles’ market close to Zomba town. People sell bowa house to house and locations include Cobbe Barracks and Zomba prison. Outside PTC This is a significant market outlet for WEF in Zomba. The bowa on sale are from two main locations: Machinga, brought in by bus by Machinga-based traders; and from Nankhunda. Nankhunda is on the slopes of Zomba Mountain and is where many of the PTC vendors have their homes. They buy from local collectors or even collect themselves. We collected information about the prices paid by vendors and the profits they made from selling WEF. Because of the time of year we were only able to obtain information about one particular type called nakasuku (Table 1). Table 1. Market information from PTC-based vendors for nakasuku mushroom, Zomba VENDOR
BUYING PRICE
SELLING PRICE
PROFIT
SOURCE
COMMENT
1
NI
MK 120 per box
Nankhunda; collected by vendor
Can stay fresh for up to 2 days
2
Whole basket MK 500
10 boxes (1 basket) at MK 120 per box
MK 700
Indigenous forest; from female collectors
Can sell 6-7 boxes per day
3
MK 450
8 boxes, 4 small (MK 80) and 4 big (MK 100)
MK 270
NI
If they stay for more than 2 days will reduce price
4*
NI
Small plate MK60: large plate MK 100
NI
NI; collected by vendor
Medium basket can produce 10 boxes
5
MK 100 then produced
3 boxes of MK 80
MK 140
Machinga; from traders who came to Zomba
Overnight WEF put in carton with holes to allow fresh air to enter. After 2 days he may reduce the price to MK 60 if not all sold.
6
He spent MK 100
3 boxes of MK 80.
MK 140
Zomba market
He bought from ladies who originally bought them from Machinga traders
+
* species of bowa not recorded NI: no information
+
MK Malawi Kwacha. USD1 = MK65 at October 2001
The vendors outside PTC in Zomba provided information on a number of different topics. GENERAL • All the vendors said bowa selling is good business – profits are high • Six men sell at PTC • The best days for selling are Tuesday, Friday and Saturday. Monday and Thursday are not very good. • Leftovers from the day can be stored in plastic bags which act like a refrigerator • Vendors will collect from Nankhunda before they come to town
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CUSTOMERS • Sometimes the customers negotiate but they always buy in the end • Most customers like ngundamsuku because they recognise it easily • There has never been an incident of poisoning in Zomba – but in PTC in Blantyre once there was a story of a family who once ended up in hospital because of poisoning • One vendor in Zomba has been selling since 1991 and has never heard of any problems with poisoning from the WEF he has sold. TRADERS • Traders come from Machinga and sell to the vendors at PTC and Zomba market • Traders factor the distance walked or transport costs (Machinga to Zomba) into the price they charge • Traders come to PTC first (before going to the market) because the PTC vendors pay more 2 • Sometimes traders go to Blantyre and add on the bus fare – one box sells at MK 150 - MK 250 COLLECTING • Bowa production all depends on the rain. • Heavy rains deter the Machinga traders because they disrupt collection • The vendors do not collect bowa from Nankhunda in heavy rain
Box 1 ‘We have to know where to look’ ‘There are lots of different bowa and we have to know where to look. For example under masuku 3 trees we find more than 6 different types
Nakasuku / ngundamsuku (red or white) Chipindi (white and it has cracks outside and most insects and tortoises like to eat this, people know it must be edible when they eat it as it tastes like beef)
Nakachipande (sometimes yellow and sometimes pink) Nyozo (small and white – the bowa are found in small groups of 5-10) Nakatelesya Other bowa include the utale/ namichombo which appear with the first rains. By the time farmers have started planting it is already finished. Then there is nakampiri. It is found in February and March and grows in large numbers together – and you can fill two or three baskets. With this bowa you can collect today and come back and collect more from the same place tomorrow. It is found on old anthills in dambo (wet) places. Bowa selling is an excellent business – I like it. There is a certain black / brown bowa which white people only will buy. It grows under pines and
mkunguza trees (mature ones). The vendors collect it themselves because other Malawians do not know that they are edible. They are scarce and you can only find and sell a few. They sell for a high price - MK 150 per box or MK 300 for a carrier bag full. Only a few people (especially the whites) know how to prepare it. It is also found on golf ground (Zomba) and sometimes the workers there collect and sell to the vendors at MK 50-100 per box. Even here we make a profit of MK 50-100 per box.’
As told by a Vendor based at PTC, Zomba: March 2001
2
One vendor also reported buying from women in the market, who had bought from Machinga traders (Table 1)
3
Uapaca kirkiana
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Box 2 ‘I only buy good quality bow a ’ Mr. Peterson Juma sells WEF outside the PTC shop in Zomba. There are many vegetable and fruit vendors here selling their wares to PTC customers. Some customers want the convenience of shopping in one place rather than having to go to Zomba market and can afford to buy vegetables at premium prices. Some of the fresh produce available at PTC can easily be found in the market at much lower prices, but other produce for wealthier clients is only available at PTC. This includes imported apples, unusual fruits such as the tree tomato and, so it appears, some types of bowa. Today Mr. Juma has one box of nakachisa mushrooms for sale at MK 75. He has already sold one box in the morning. He bought all today’s supply for MK 25. Two days ago Mr. Juma was also selling nakachisa. The he bought for MK 70 and produced 4 boxes which he sold at MK 75 each, producing a profit of MK230. He only buys good quality bowa. He thinks that this is the second year that nakachisa have been sold outside PTC and there are only two people who sell it. It comes from the forests of Nankhunda area (part of Zomba mountain), where many of the vendors live. It can be found near or on old bluegum (eucalyptus) stumps. Mr. Juma thinks bowa selling is a good business. This nakachisa tends to be found towards the end of the season (February to May) when other bowa are not available. This is why he can charge high prices. Another interesting type of bowa is the kandothi; it starts when the rains starts and stops when the rain stops. It is collected by partly digging it out of the ground. From an initial purchase costing MK600 Mr Juma makes 50 boxes to be sold at MK 80 each: profit MK3400. Previously he has sold kandothi to the white man at African Commodity Traders (a supermarket selling mainly imported goods from South Africa) in Blantyre. He often sells bowa in Blantyre, where the market is excellent and he never fails to sell. He buys bowa from the lady collectors in Nankhunda and takes them to Blantyre on Fridays and Saturdays, both busy shopping days. He can get better profits in Blantyre than in Zomba – he can sell three utale for MK 200 and in one day he might make MK 2500 profit. He sells the bowa himself, outside PTC and even ACT.
As told by Mr Peterson Juma: March 2001
Zomba Market Zomba market is also a key WEF selling outlet. During the period of our surveys bowa were only on sale one out of six days. During the same period WEF were for sale outside PTC everyday except one. The following information was gained from market vendors who sell vegetables, and bowa when available. We interviewed six ladies and believe they include all who sell WEF on a regular basis. HOW THEY GET THE BOWA • The ladies buy bowa from Machinga traders who visit Tuesdays to Fridays • Traders also come from Kasonga, a place near Zomba • They always buy if the traders come • From Machinga they buy uthenga, utale (preferred by customers – because taste like beef) and ngundamsuku • Kasonga traders bring ngundamsuku, chipatwe, uthenga and kambuzi • The ladies will only buy WEF if they are of good quality and look fresh. They know that customers don’t like the ones which look bad or poor quality
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PRICES • From the Machinga traders they usually buy at MK 15 and sell at MK 20 per plate. • In a day one lady might buy a total of MK 300 worth, equivalent to 20 plates. If all are sold she makes MK 100 profit. • From the Kasonga traders they might buy bowa for MK 200. If all are sold she makes a profit of MK 100. • One utale can be sold for MK 5 to 10. • Utenga is sold in lots of 3 for MK 10, or 5 for MK 20 • Each lady vendor operates individually CUSTOMERS Customers like ngundamsuku, uthenga and utale. The vendors and traders both know what the customers like to buy. The traders only bring desirable types for selling. • Customers are pleased to find WEF for sale. • White and black people buy bowa. • Mainly it is blacks who buy, but they sell for the same price to everyone, even whites and Indians.
• •
SELLING AND PERISHABILITY ISSUES • Sometimes the WEF go rotten and need to be thrown away. • When selling fresh bowa (of the day) they sell in small heaps but when they are 1 day old they sell in bigger heaps so they sell them more quickly. • The WEF can stay on the stall for one day. • At night they try to store the bowa well to maintain freshness. GENERAL Bowa sell quickly and easily. It is a good business. Bowa produce more profit than potatoes, for example. When the rains are heavy it is difficult to find WEF. They never have problems selling WEF. Fridays and Saturdays are best, when sales are highest. Bowa selling is a good business unlike beans They buy what they want to buy from the trader
• • • • • •
Box 3 A trader comes to town On 16 March a trader came from Machinga on the minibus with nakasuku to sell. Two ladies each bought WEF worth MK 200. They put the bowa in small piles selling for MK 15. If all are sold they will receive MK 350 and make a profit of MK 150. The next day some were left, but they still look fresh. The trader originally bought the bowa from a vendor by the roadside in Machinga.
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Box 4 ‘Bow a selling is a good business’ I visited Songani Market situated 12 km outside of Zomba towards Machinga. There I met a trader from Machinga selling her bowa. Her name is Mrs. Lena John. On that particular day she was selling chipatwe and
kambalame (manyame). Sometimes she collects the bowa herself but sometimes she buys from her fellow vendors in Machinga. When she has a lot she will go into Zomba and sell to the police college, Cobbe barracks, Zomba prison and other places around town. Bowa selling is a good business. She may buy WEF for MK 120 and make a profit of MK 200 if all are sold. Because of the periodic nature of bowa production she cannot depend on this business alone. Mrs John has only sold bowa in Zomba twice this year. There she can always sell the WEF, with profits of up to MK 220 in one day. [It was not clear whether this included the cost of transport to Zomba.] There are lots of traders who sell in Zomba, she said, ‘maybe up to 20’. She also sells by the roadside in Machinga and has even sold WEF to a restaurant in Liwonde. In Zomba she sells to blacks. At Machinga, along the roadside, even whites and Indians buy bowa. Last Saturday she went to Zomba and sold all her bowa for MK 320, making a profit of MK 200. Uthenga yields good profits but is perishable, unlike manyame which can stay fresh for 4 days. One of her customers was Mrs Nsilima. Mrs Nsilima said she usually buys WEF for her husband who likes them very much. She buys as a cheap relish. She like to buy manyame.
Interview by Vicky Msumara: 12 March 2001
Cobbe Barracks We asked householders if they bought WEF and what they knew about the different types. A summary of responses is given below. BUYING FROM TRADERS • Buy from Mlumbe, Mtambo and Nankhunda, Ulumba and Machinga. • Buy when they find bowa for sale. Some only once or twice a year, others five times. • One Machinga trader told them to taste the WEF to encourage them to buy – ‘it tastes like meat’. • The vendor may be asked to test (taste) before buying. Other do not buy if they do not recognize the bowa. • One plate can cost between MK5 to MK15. WHAT THEY BUY • Namichombo and umbu (bowa wamkulu) come from Ulumba. The umbu is a large bowa and one can feed five people at one sitting. When the maize is knee-high the Namichombo can be found everywhere. • Chipatwe and nakasuku (like sheep meat), kachole (goat taste), manyame (, beef taste) chipindi, mkozo wa mbuzi are bought from Machinga traders. • They like nakachombo – it has a unique and delicious taste and has a good smell. • Kanyendera is found on anthills and has an irresistible smell. One lady said she likes to eat it although her husband and children do not like bowa. • Nakasu is also a good bowa – it can be cooked without adding tomato – tastes like pumpkin. • Some buy bowa as a cheap relish (ndiwo), some say as a luxury food. • One man comes from Mlumbe and sells a small plate of nakachombo for MK5. Mrs Mahifu buys four to six plates worth. Mrs Banda buys three plates. They buy as a luxury not as cheap ndiwo (relish).
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FEEDING THE FAMILY • WEF are easy to preserve through boiling and drying. This way they can be preserved for 6 months. • WEF can be kept outside if they want to keep them for a day or two (some types can stay for 3 days) • Some said MK 20 of bowa can feed a family of 5 for 1 meal, others MK 10 and MK 50. • One lady said she was ill after eating bowa. Zomba Prison Daina Tawakali, Christina Nakhwena and Angela Moyo all like to eat WEF. Some they collect from the maize gardens themselves. They buy chipindi from Machinga traders who sell direct. One plate costs MK10. Mrs. Manyella prefers dry bowa to fresh. Samuel Mhone likes utale and he buys often. Mrs. Ngalande and Mrs. Ungache buy WEF from Machinga traders but they do not know the names, only that they are edible. Mrs. Mpocha also buys from Machinga traders and will spend MK 20 to feed a family of three for two meals. Mrs. Soko likes those WEF which come from Machinga and she started buying because she heard from her friends that they were edible. She does not know the names. If she has money she can spend MK 30 for a family of five for lunch and supper. Some householders only see vendors occasionally, but others said they frequently encountered them.
3.2
Survey of Blantyre and Limbe Markets
Blantyre and Limbe Several market sites were visited in Limbe and Blantyre, including markets and ‘pavement’ sites which are always popular with vendors. During the period of study no bowa were found for sale. Information was gained by interviewing vendors, some of whom did sometimes sell WEF. Limbe Market All the ladies we interviewed sell vegetables and live in Bvumbwe. Mrs Nakoma sometimes sells utale, katelela, nyenje ya tambala, chipindi, nguwanguwa, namasanza and kachombo in Limbe market. She collects from the forest near Bvumbwe or buys at Bvumbwe market. She may buy at MK 5 per plate in the market and sell at MK 10 per plate in Limbe, making MK 200 profit from 40 plates. She considers bowa selling a good business. Occasionally if she has not sold all her WEF quickly she will reduce the price and sometimes she has to take the leftovers home to eat . She will only buy those bowa which she knows to be edible and which are of good quality. Mrs. Beula also sells WEF in Limbe market, including chipindi, nyenje ya tambala and tholomwe. She buys them from Bvumbwe and may make a profit of MK 50 on an original purchase of MK 150. Her customers like bowa because they remember eating them from their childhood days in the village. Mrs. Issa sells utale, katelela and kakumbodale (yellow, small branches). They come from indigenous woodland near Bvumbwe. Her customers are looking for bowa which they recognise, of good quality and fresh. On an original purchase of MK 200 she can make a profit of between MK 100 and MK 200, depending on the day. She can sell one big utale for MK 20. Mrs. Chasowa sells ntholomwe, nanchombo and ekupakupa (white, small). She collects the WEF herself from the forest of Mbalame and charges the same for all types. There have been some scares on the radio about bowa poisoning and this is not good for business. Outside Kandodo Supermarket – Blantyre This is the first year for Mr. Banda to sell WEF, but there are many others who sell here. He buys from Manyowe in Blantyre District. He sells chipindi, dzanje (utale) and mnofu wa nkhuku. On MK 100 he makes MK 80 profit. Whites like to buy utale. He sells to whites and blacks.
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Outside Vanmali House, Blantyre Here up to six vendors like to sell WEF every year. The types sold include dzanje, utale, kachombo; dzanje (utale) sells best of all. These vendors buy from people who collect bowa from Michiru Mountain. Bowa selling is a better business that selling vegetables such as peas and carrots. An original purchase of MK 500 will make a profit of MK 1000. Blantyre PTC Main Shop The manager said that they sometimes stock and sell WEF. They can for example sell one dzanje for MK 50. The bowa come from Mwanza and sometimes Bvumbwe. They keep the bowa in the refrigerated cabinets. They are popular with customers. The vendors who sell outside PTC are happy when a product such as an edible bowa is sold within the shop. This boosts customer confidence4. Blantyre market Ntholomwe, dzanje and chipindi are sold and come from Mwanza district. Vendors said selling bowa was more profitable than selling cabbage, peas or pears. A single large dzanje can be sold for MK 20; MK 10 if small. The WEF are easily sold. Because they are seasonal people rush for them when they see them. Customers will only buy fresh WEF. Vendors consume unsold/ unsaleable WEF at home. Table 2. Selling points for wild edible fungi visited or observed SELLING POINT
CUSTOMERS
FOR SALE DURING STUDY PERIOD*
ZOMBA: Outside PTC
Wealthier buyers
Many WEF for sale (also most intensively monitored site)
ZOMBA: Central market
Regular clientele, from all strata
Only a few
ZOMBA: Cobbe Barracks, prison and police college
Householders; prison employees
No vendors were encountered were seen
ZOMBA: South - Songani market, to the south; North - markets at ‘3 miles’ and ‘6 miles’
Regular buyers
One vendor seen at Songani market only
BLANTYRE: PTC main shop (within shop)
Wealthier buyers
None, very rarely at other times*
BLANTYRE: Kandodo supermarket
Wealthier buyers
None
BLANTYRE: Outside Vanmali House
Range, from less to more wealthy
None
LIMBE: Main market
Regular buyers
None
BLANTYRE: Main market
Regular buyers
None
Wenela Market
Regular buyers
None
Liwonde Market
Regular buyers
Local villagers do come to sell within Liwonde but there are no regular vendors. None encountered on one visit made
Machinga Boma at the roadside
Not clear; probably local inhabitants of Machinga town
Several heaps of kunglokwetiti were on sale at the roadside
Machinga forest roadside
Wealthier buyers or at least those who own or travel in cars
Many for sale (see section 3.2)
* General information was also gained from vendors who sometimes sell WEF or have observed WEF sales
4
This also suggests a resistance to buying WEF amongst the wealthier people who shop in supermarkets,
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Roadside Activity and Customers
Vendors/collectors On Thursday, 8 March, we walked along the main Machinga to Liwonde road observing the bowa trading activities and talking to the vendors. On that day sales were low, partly due to the fact that this was at the end of the season and because ‘customers have already eaten plenty of bowa’. At the beginning of the season customers rush to buy the bowa as they are a novelty. Thursday, like other week days, is always slow. The best days are Friday, Saturday and Sunday, when people are on the move and going to the lake. Today only one of the six vendors we spoke to has sold anything. Everything for sale that morning had been collected the day before. They would display them tomorrow, but after that they would have to be replaced. Bowa collection occurs in the morning and collectors come back around midday. The freshest bowa are not available until the afternoon. Laston Kwanda: ‘I prefer to sell bowa ’
At the first stall the bowa owner was a young boy in Standard 8. Laston hardly appears to go to school now, preferring to earn his own money collecting and selling bowa. He went alone yesterday into the Chinduzi Hills and now he will stay at his stall until he has sold his bowa. He had 7 plates on display and more in the basket which when full holds maybe 20 plates. Sometimes Laston goes to Zomba to sell his bowa. This way he can sell them quickly by walking through the residential areas selling from house to house or from office to office The problem is sometimes he simply does not have the money for the bus fare, and it is not really worth it unless he has a great deal of bowa to sell. He got the idea of going to Zomba from a friend who did it and was successful. Laston explained that each collector collects their own bowa and sells them. They do not go back into the forest until all are sold. The unsold ones are dried. The firewood sellers on the other side of the road said that bowa vendors sell daily but business is seasonal. The firewood sellers may not sell every day but can do business all year.
Macdonald Justin: ‘I never go to Zomba for selling’
He also collects and sells bowa by the side of the road. He never goes to Zomba to sell. A neighbour tried and came back with unsold bowa. He does sell to wholesalers sometimes but they pay low prices – just MK 5 per plate. With utale it is different. They are so much in demand that wholesalers pay good prices. Last year f some traders came from Blantyre and they bought the bowa at his normal roadside price. He goes collecting 2-3 times a week and comes back with approximately one basket per trip. For him bowa selling is simply a safety-net activity and he would not bother if he had other sources of income. He is the only one from his household who does this job
Square Bakali; ‘A way of getting money’
Today was also a slack day for him and he had 12 plates on display but no sales. They were from yesterdays collection. Square only started selling bowa about three years ago – ‘it is simply a way of getting some money’. Square goes to Zomba to sell sometimes but he must first make sure he has a full basket otherwise it is not worth going. He can sell bowa from house to house at MK 20 per plate – ‘No, I never come back with any bowa from Zomba. Sometimes if I do not have money for transport than I sell my bowa to a trader who pays MK 15 for them. There are not many people who do this trading.’
Abiti Malaya: ‘Utale is best’
Abiti was not selling anything on this day but she gave us an accurate description of which bowa occur in different months.. ‘Customers like utale best of all, but utale is also highly perishable, unlike the kunglokwetiti’.
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Mine Lodi: ‘I used to sell curios’
Mine Lodi, like the others, had collected yesterday and had 14 plates on sale now. He had sold nothing today. He sells at MK 20 and never thinks of going to sell in Zomba. At the start of the season the prices are a bit higher as people rush for the bowa. At the end of the season customers are less keen. At the height of the season there are many traders who want to sell in Zomba. Sometimes they place an order with him but do not come to buy which is disappointing. Mr. Lodi has only been selling bowa for about 2 years, before that he was selling curios. Curios used to be a good business but now there are few customers. If you want to be in the curio business it is full time and he also wants to do some farming. The seasonal nature of bowa selling suits him. At this time of year there are fewer bowa and lots of people are scrambling after the same ones. Each species is found in its own place, they cannot change and they cannot overlap.
Further along we came to a stall with many more bowa than the others. This stall was at the Chingale Turnoff end of the selling line and was shared by several women and a few men. Each vendor had their own bowa and they collect and sell individually. They might go to collect in twos or threes. They interact with wholesalers a lot. Quite often they will sell all their remaining bowa to a middleman at the end of everyday. This way they are free to go and collect more the next day. They sell at MK 20 to the customers and MK 10 to the wholesalers. The vendors said that different species have different climate requirements which is why some come with the early rains and some with the late rains. All are more productive with more rain. This relationship is constant. The ladies said they never go to Zomba, that does not interest them. Today they sold 15 plates and there were more than 20 left on the stall. Some of the plates were from today’s collection as some ladies had now returned from the forest. According to Sakina Thambalika, bowa selling really took off in 1987 with one man who started to sell dried bowa by the side of the road. Other people followed and then sold fresh bowa. Over the years the quantity of bowa in the forest has not changed only the number of people collecting. Those people who live far from the road tend not to become involved in this activity compared to those living near to the road. ‘It does not help if we tell our friends to go to such and such a place because there are lots of bowa there – because by the time they get there others may have taken them all. We know where to go to look for bowa, we know which mountains have a lot and which do not. Likewise we know that such and such a [species] is found in one place and not another’. These ladies confirmed what most of the others had said about the connection between environment and bowa. Yes – frequency of fire has a big impact on bowa growth. ‘Fire removes the organic humus [zowolerana] important for bowa growth, so where there is less fire there is more bowa. This is why we now have to travel deep into the hills to find undisturbed areas. Tree cutting is the same, if there are no trees, then there are no bowa. There is one hill within the Chipilala range where the charcoal burners have been very busy. It is useless to look for bowa there now’. Q: ‘But does this worry you’? A: ‘Yes, we are worried’ More roadside research was done from 11 – 16 March (see Annex 1 for details). Customer behaviour First preference amongst customers is for utale, followed by kunglokwetiti then chipatwe yellow, chipindi and chipatwe black. Some will bargain about the price (especially Indians) but on the whole roadside customers will pay the asking price. Some will reject the bowa on sale if they do not look fresh or clean and they might look at another better stall. This is not common. The kunglokwetiti are often presented in two sizes – small and large. Some customers prefer small. For the utale-type some prefer closed cap. Customers will often buy for others apart from themselves and may buy up to 15 plates each. Some mzungu (white) and Malawian respondents do not buy the WEF because they are afraid of poisoning. These people said they do not know if they are good to eat or not and are not inclined to try. WWW.MALAWIFUNGI.ORG
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Traders In addition to Sabiti Fides (see 3.3) we also met with Sheikh Ibrahim Makanganya. He collected and sold some bowa some years ago and then with the money earned he decided it would be more profitable to buy and sell in Zomba. There are so many customers in Zomba. He sells in the barracks and house to house. He can’t sell to the Zomba vendors because they pay little money. Some collectors sell to Zomba vendors because their profit margin is higher compared to others who have to buy first before selling to the vendors. The collectors are also happy selling to the vendors because they can return and collect more. Collecting and selling by the roadside is tedious, according to Sheikh Ibrahim Makanganya. While you wait for customers the bowa lose their quality. He will go every day to Zomba at the height of the season. There are many wholesale traders because there are so many customers in Zomba. He never goes to Blantyre but one or two others do. There they can sell the bowa for more money, though some of this is pays for the bus fare. Table 3. Different activities in the trading of WEF and profiles of participants Activity
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
Collector
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Roadside vendor
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
Sell to wholesalers in Machinga Travel to Zomba to sell themselves
+ +
+
+
Buy wholesale at Machinga Sell to Zomba-based vendors Sell house to house in Zomba
+
+ +
+
+
+ +
12
13
+
+
+
+
+
+
14
15
+
+
+ +
Zomba vendors buy from wholesalers Sell at PTC
11
+
+ +
Sell in Zomba market Sell in Liwonde market
+
We identified 11 types of activities associated with the trade in WEF. Most people carried out more than one activity. For example, all collectors were also vendors, some travelling from Machinga to Zomba to sell to local vendors, or to sell house to house. We do not know that overall numbers of people who undertake the different activities. It will require more detailed work to help determine the full extent of the trade in WEF.
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Case Studies: Two Collectors and a Trader The Bowa Collector MR KENASI AFFAD
Unusually for Kenasi he was accompanied on his collection trip by two researchers who wanted to learn about what being a bowa collector involved. We set off at 6.00am, later than the normal time for start-off at 5.00am. Kenasi is equipped with nothing but the clothes he is wearing and a bucket. He is barefoot with no protection from the rain, which today is persistent but not heavy. He cannot afford to let the rain put him off as bowa collection is a rainy season activity and he must be prepared to get wet. This year the rains are still frequent and heavy which is good for the kunglokwetiti and chipatwe. He sets off on a well trodden path towards the places he knows where he shall find bowa. He has observed the rain for the past day or two, he knows what species are ready at this time, he knows where he went last time and the condition of the crop when he was last there. He uses all this information to decide where to go. These days – the end of the season – few bowa are found near to the home unlike early in the season when they are found in abundance. At this time of year the main species found and the one preferred by customers is kunglokwetiti. These are found in rocky places and Kenasi has to be sharp to spot them. They appear here and there underneath droopy tufts of grass. To pick them Kenasi scoops the bowa from its base using his finger and gently lifts it from the earth. He then breaks the bottom part of the stem off and throws it away. He blows some of the remaining earth away and gently places the bowa in the bucket. He continues. Kenasi knows that certain bowa are found near certain tree species and that each year the same type of bowa appear in the same places. He also knows that some species need a few days of rain followed by sunshine before appearing whilst others need prolonged rain. Some take a few days to emerge from a small fruit body to a harvestable bowa, others take a few hours. This is important because then he knows when to go back to the same place to look again for new bowa. Kenasi shows us the path to Naiswe where he will go tomorrow. It will take about 3-4 hours solid walking to reach the place – then he can spend one hour collecting the bowa and come back within another two hours. It is normal for a collection trip to last up to six hours. Kenasi aims to fill a whole bucket (about 15 plates) before setting off for home. He always goes alone but may meet other collectors whilst in the forest. Passing on information about the whereabouts of bowa is sometimes done but there is not much point
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because it is simply a matter of chance – one might have missed what others will find. Kenasi will go collecting bowa from between 2 to 5 times a week, depending on the availability of bowa and customers. ‘In the past the eucalyptus were not there but there was indigenous woodland. Bowa were found in abundance just close to the village. Another reason why we have to travel so far these days is the number of people collecting. People simply want money so more and more people think of selling bowa. I can always find bowa, if the weather has been right, but it can take a long time to reach the place and a long time to fill a whole bucket’. On his return Kenasi fills his plates and waits for customers. He usually stays at home selling for two days before going to get more bowa. Customers vary in number but on Friday, Saturday and Sunday there are many. He may sell between 5 and 10 plates a day during the height of the season but yesterday he sold just three. Likewise the number of unsold plates varies. He can leave the remaining ones on the stall for another day, or even two, but eventually he will be forced to boil and dry. Dried bowa can also can be sold and some customers prefer them. Such customers can easily buy a whole bowl-full as they are non perishable. ‘I do not worry about having bowa left over, they can be dried and sold later or used at home’. Sometimes Kenasi goes to Zomba with his bowa – maybe if he has many or roadside customers are few. In Zomba sells a plate for MK 10-15 whilst at the roadside he can get MK20. This is on account of the type of customer. The roadside customers can afford more money and some even give him more than he asks for! In Zomba he may choose to sell a whole basket to a Zombabased vendor in which case he sells a whole basket for MK 500. In Zomba sales are quick but prices low – it is a question of balancing turnover and price. ‘When the bowa season is over I buy fish from Lake Malombe and sell. Later I sell cassava. The lake is closed to fishing about the same time that the bowa are coming. The most profitable business is fish selling, followed by bowa selling. During the bowa season I can make from MK 350-400 per week’. Kenasi explained that bowa collectors go where they like and no one can claim that such and such a place is his or hers. Villagers from Naungu cannot tell villagers from Mpata that these are ‘their bowa’. That is not the way people think. ‘I may visit a certain place one day and notice new bowa coming up. I think to myself that I will come again in two days to collect the ripe crop’. page
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The Bowa Collector MISS KULUWANI KABOTONDO Kuluwani has been collecting bowa since she was a girl and she learnt from older members of her family. She can’t remember when she started selling them to earn money but it was some time back. When she started selling bowa only a few people were doing so and it was not common to see them by the side of the road. These days they are available in vast quantities. In the past when people sold less many bowa simply rotted in the forest. In one day she can collect one basket-full or 40 plates which are sold at between MK 20-30 per plate. She shares a selling site with several other women and men. Sometimes there might be 11 vendors sharing the same site. Having a good number at one site attracts customers who are drawn to the large quantity. Sometimes there might be 4 cars all stopped at the same time and one customer might spend up to MK 400 – although this is exceptional. Unsold bowa can be kept for sale the next day or if still unsold after 2 days they will be boiled and dried for home use and for later sale. She goes collecting maybe 3-4 times a week and the place to go and the time it takes depends on the season. Now we are at the end and it takes time to reach the good places. She may be out from 5.00am to 11.00am or 12.00pm. ‘I keep on changing the places I go to, to give a chance for the small to grow big. If I find someone has got there before me – well that is just bad luck, I must go to another place. From year to year the quantity of bowa vary with the rain but always the species are the same. They come in a sequence utale first, then chipindi, then kunglokwetiti. The same species grow in their own places, that never changes. This year is a good year, the rains are going on for a long time. This time last year the bowa were almost over.’ She
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explained that she rarely comes back with an empty basket. When she finds only a handful of bowa she knows that the season is over for the year. For Kuluwani bowa selling is a good income earner. She has no husband and four children still depend on her. Two of her married daughters had babies just last month and she was able to help them with clothes and other necessities. This season she has made more than MK11,000. At other times of year she must do other things such as selling mangoes and pumpkins. She even goes to Ntcheu to buy cabbages and tomatoes for sale. Bowa selling is the No. 1 profitable activity with mango selling No.2 . ‘The customers like utale best of all but that is over quickly, the next preferred is kunglokwetiti. The customers never complain about quality – we remove the inferior bowa before the customers have a chance to complain’. ‘Over the years the number of people selling bowa has increased a lot. It is simply because there are more people and more people are thinking of ways of how to get money. It is a generation thing – these days people are always in need of money. It is the same with mangoes, we never used to sell mangoes like we do today. There are also lots of customers nowadays’. Kuluwani explained that her daughter who is in Standard 6 accompanies her on the bowa collection trips at the weekend when she is not in school. This way she also learns about bowa collection. There are wholesalers who come to buy bowa for sale elsewhere. They mainly sell in Zomba although one or two come from Blantyre. These pay MK 20 per plate and sell in Blantyre for MK 50 per plate.
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The Bowa Trader
MR SABITI FIDES We asked around for a typical bowa ‘middleman’ or ‘wholesaler’ and met with Sabiti Fides. As it turned out he was not typical at all but really rather exceptional – the KING OF THE BOWA TRADERS. Fides started buying bowa from Machinga and taking them to Zomba for sale in the 1998-99 season. He was trying to think of ways of earning some money to support his family. He observed that at the end of a day on the roadside stall a good deal of bowa remained unsold. He decided to buy them up and take them to Zomba. In order to find customers he would walk around residential areas such as the police training college, the barracks, Chancellor College and also the suburbs such as Mponda Bwino and Chikanda, selling from house to house. At first he found the householders reluctant – ‘maybe they are poisonous’ ‘maybe they are not good’. Patiently he would persuade the buyers (mainly women) to try them – tasting some himself in order to demonstrate lack of poison. One might buy. Then the next time others would have observed that the one who bought enjoyed their purchase and they would follow suit. Gradually he would build up his regular customers who eventually would buy without fail. He likes to sell the bowa himself rather than to a Zomba based vendor, as the latter pays low prices. He aims to buy at MK 5 per plate in Machinga – although many collectors are reluctant to sell at this low price; some will sell just to be sure of quick turnover – and to sell between MK 15 to MK 30 per plate in Zomba. He will alter the price according to the status of the customer. Outside PTC he can sell for high prices such as MK 30 per plate and people will pay. Likewise he will charge more at Chancellor College and less in Mponda Bwino where he may sell for MK 20-15. If he has some left at the end of the day he will sell to local restaurants who always bargain hard. He will try to sell the bowa at the ‘high value’ sites first and then if he fails he moves on to the ‘low value’ sites. He is not willing to lower the price at the ‘high value’ sites even if he has some bowa left because he then ruins the market for the future. He would rather refuse to sell and move on. Kuchawe Inn have given him orders and will buy 2-3 baskets at a time for which they pay MK 800 per basket. He cannot manage to meet the Kuchawe demand. If he is selling to Kuchawe he may leave Machinga with three baskets, two for the hotel and one he will sell house to house.
friend of his might keep them for him until the next day. He likes to encourage his customers. Some tell him the bowa do not taste well after a few days in the fridge – he told them not to keep them in the fridge but to store them on the floor of the store room – carefully placed down, not heaped together. Storage is something which he has thought about a lot. For him to make good profits he must go to Zomba with a good quantity of bowa. To collect together enough he may have to buy for 1-3 days, keep them and then travel. He has found that the best way to store them is to lay them on the cement floor, not touching, the big ones carefully placed, not piled high into baskets. He covers the first layer with newspapers and places the small ones on the top. This way he can keep them in good condition for two days. He has cultivated many good customers and he does not want his business damaged by others copying him but selling for cheaper prices. If he sees such a seller in his area, he will approach the vendor and agree to buy all his bowa from him in one go. This way he can prevent him damaging his market – he will then sell the same bowa at his own price. The frequency of visits to Zomba depends on the availability of the bowa. At the height of the season he may go daily. The bus fare is MK 70 for himself to go and MK 70 back. On the way he must pay MK 20 for a basket of bowa. Each basket can hold up to 60 plates (?) which costs MK 300 (MK 5 per plate) but he can then sell on an average of MK 20 per plate, which totals MK 1200 per basket. He can easily cover the cost of the transport. Some of his customers say that the utale have an unpleasant smell when cooked. He has advised them to cook the bowa with groundnut flour and the smell goes away. This seems to work. Trading in bowa is his best source of income but because it is seasonal be must look for other sources for the rest of the year. He does some brick moulding and selling (no.2 for profit) and also trades in curios (no.3 for profit) to make ends meet the rest of the year. He sometimes goes to sell in Blantyre if he gets the chance. In the future he may employ his brother to help him but he is still at school. He supports his wife, two children, his mother-in-law, his own mother and some of his siblings. He thinks of trying to culture the WEF on a trial basis with his friend Daudi Makunganya.
Sometimes by the end of the day he still has bowa and he might sell to a vendor to get rid of them or a
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Section 4 Concluding Remarks Our field work took place over a short period at the end of the 2000-2001 season and is based on one particular area of Malawi. Machinga has attracted a lot of attention because the forest reserve is close to FRIM. It is also close to large towns and the frequent traffic from Liwonde to Blantyre is undoubtedly one reason why the bowa traders have expanded their business, particularly in the post-Banda era. There are many other places in Malawi where bowa are collected but we know very little about their marketing. This is the first study we are aware of that explores the marketing chain from ‘production to consumption’. It has revealed a wealth of information that needs to be considered more carefully. Without a clear and accurate picture of the bowa trade any efforts to improve the well-being of local communities and to sustain the ecological security and productivity of miombo woodlands will be compromised. Once again we emphasis that these are preliminary conclusions derived from a short study of Machinga, Liwonde forest reserve and nearby urban markets Zomba. They are discussed under five major headings. 4.1 Bowa production and collection
•
NEGATIVE INFLUENCES The collectors are responding to the perceived reduction in availability of bowa for picking by collecting from sites that are further and further afield. There has been no concerted effort to address factors which they believe are reducing bowa production, but there is certainly concern about firewood cutters, the charcoal burners or those who set fires. All three activities affect the production of bowa. The response of the collectors is that: ‘Everyone is simply doing their own thing and what can be done? It is not up to us to do or say anything.’
•
INTENSITY OF COLLECTING There is no doubt that more and more bowa are being collected. This increase in harvesting over the last five to ten years has made it difficult for collectors of many years to understand how other factors – such as loss of trees due to human activity – have affected bowa production.
•
OWNERSHIP OF SITES The traditional view of bowa has been that of a subsistence or low value product but this is changing 5. We did not find any evidence of collection sites where one person or family claimed exclusive rights. It is currently a free for all, as found in surveys of general forest users. There is no formal basis for establishing ownership. Forest reserves belong to the government, though it this may not in the long term prevent some claiming de facto rights based on collecting from a site over many years. As the value of bowa increase and more collectors enter the scene there may be less willingness to continue with the ‘first there, gets’ principal.
•
SPECIES FECUNDITY Everyone was aware that bowa respond to rainfall. They also said that each type has its own time of year. The length of the bowa season depends on when the rains start in earnest and when they finish. We were told that utale needs some sun after the rain and that there were minor variations in productivity from year to year. This apart, there was no general indication that there are good years for utale or poor years for kunglokwetiti. (In Europe and other places there are years when some species are much more abundant.)
•
The resigned acceptance of current management practices in Liwonde forest reserve by our informants sits beside evidence of widespread loss of tree cover and increasing extraction of NTFPs. The increase in numbers of firewood cutters and charcoal burners raises genuine concerns of how the bowa business will survive. The need for regulated extraction becomes more pressing as each particular
Gerald Meke of FRIM told us that one lady he spoke to said she sometimes noted where bowa were coming up and then hid the place from others.
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group of users pursues their own interests without an overall view of how this affects sustainable use of forest products and the long term status of the forest reserve.
4.2 Trading
•
Traders are constantly balancing the price they will get against the quantity for sale. Those who go to Zomba have to consider the cost of transport with the likelihood of sales at an adequate price. Those who remain in Machinga hope they can sell at the roadside quickly, obtaining a high price or for top quality fresh bowa, otherwise they have to contemplate selling at a low price to the wholesaler.
•
According to our key information, Sabiti Fides, the bowa business is on the up. He may soon start employing people to collect bowa and employing people to sell to his regular customers in Zomba whilst he works on opening up new markets – maybe in Blantyre. He is a true entrepreneur though perhaps the exception rather than the rule.
•
It requires some dedication to collect first of all, wait for customers passing in cars to stop and buy and also consider whether to travel to Zomba. Not all are keen to make such efforts. Some of the wholesalers for example are trendy young men to whom a day in the town is infinitely more preferable than the hours required to collect in the forest. Some women find the Zomba trip daunting and risky.
4.3 Demand and Customers
•
There are two main obstacles to expanding the market for bowa. One is the basic fear of poisoning; the second obstacle is that some people do not know how to cook edible fungi. It is perhaps not surprising that urban populations have either lost local knowledge of bowa or acquired European (British?) fears of ‘wild mushrooms’.
•
Chipatwe black – for example – does not sell well because the customers are put off by the appearance. They are extraordinarily delicious and a simple solution to encouraging wider sales is to help customers know them better. We were not clear whether the infrequent appearance of chipatwe black on stalls was because they were scarce or because they do not sell well.
•
There is a big demand for WEF despite these difficulties. Our study suggests that there are plenty of opportunities for selling in Zomba. Blantyre markets have even greater potential for expanded sales. We have seen for the first time the different origins of WEF in Blantyre, revealing the considerable movement.
•
A wide cross section of people buy bowa. There are individual preferences: utale is highly favoured.
•
Customers said they chose bowa on quality and cleanliness. The vendors in Machinga and also in Zomba said customers rarely complained, though perhaps this is because price is adjusted to match quality. WEF are considered as a cheap relish and a luxury, depending on the type being bought.
4.4 Gender issues
•
The men tend to operate individually; the women work more closely, particularly when collecting.
•
Men and women are equally involved in collecting and roadside selling. School children only have time to take part in the bowa trade at weekends. Not all children attend school though we only saw three vendors of possible school age. There is little evidence of children being exploited to collect for the wholesalers. Some children miss school to earn extra money.
•
The wholesale trade is dominated by males. We did not see any female wholesalers. Male vendors appear to be better able to capitalise on the demand for bowa, achieving higher profit margins.
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Annex 1
Roadside stall monitoring A> Mpata selling point Data obtained Sunday, 11 March 2001. Four vendors were present. Table 4. Mpata: trading of WEF (number of plates) NAME OF WEF
KUNGLOKWETITI
Vendor
CHIPATWE YELLOW
UTALE
CHIPATWE BLACK
Laston
Saidi
Weleman
Dickson
Saidi
Weleman
Dickson
morning (start)
8
15
5
3
4
0
0
sold (-)
3
5
2
1
0
0
0
mid-day (net)
5
10
3
2
4
0
0
added (+)
0
0
7
9
0
2
2
afternoon (net)
5
10
10
11
4
2
2
sold (-)
5
10
9
10
2
2
0
end of day
0
0
1
1
2
0
2
Vendor information
• • • • •
•
Sellers come from maybe 5km away from roadside Children and friends sell when vendors are collecting
•
On this day (Sunday) there are six school-age vendors, all children of the vendors
•
Grading starts in the hills – spoiled WEF are put aside for relish or drying for sale later
•
To keep WEF overnight they are put on the verandas of houses and covered with sacks
When the sun is too hot the plates of WEF are placed beneath the stalls for protection
Chipatwe black is feared by customers because of the
appearance
Sunday is usually a good day because of people going to and from the lake
‘if this day was at the end of the month sales would have been much faster’ the vendors said
Table 5. Mpata: Customer profiles Buying Kunglokwetiti SEX
RACE
TRANSPORT
TIME
QUANTITY – BIG AND SMALL PLATES
FOR WHOM BOUGHT
M
Black
Car
11.25
11 (7b,4s)
Home, friends and neighbours
F
Black
Car
13.10
1 (b)
Home and neighbours
F
White
Car
14.20
6 (4b,2s)
Home and friends
F
Black
Car
14.20
8 (b)
Home, friends and neighbours
F (2)
Black
Minibus
16.38
5 (4b,1s); 3s – total 8
Home and neighbours
M (2)
Black
2 (b); 9 (6b, 3s) - total 11
Home and friends
14.20
2
Home
16.38
2
Home
Buying Utale F
White
car
Buying Chipatwe yellow F
Black
minibus
Customers’ information
• •
‘I do not always buy here, If the quality does not look good I will go to another site’. One customer also bought a whole basket of dried bowa.
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B> Matandika selling point Data obtained Tuesday, 13 March 2001. Two vendors were present but up to eight may sell. Table 6. Matandika: trading of kunglokw etiti (number of plates) NAME OF VENDOR
DAISON
LASHIDI
morning (start)
8
7
sold (-)
0
0
mid-day (net)
8
7
added (+)
0
0
afternoon (net)
8
7
sold (-)
8
7
remaining end of day
0
0
Vendors’ comments
• • •
They don’t leave others to sell their bowa. They sell all before going to collect more and if they can’t sell all they will dry or sell to a wholesaler Overnight the WEF are kept in winnowing (flat, round) baskets Weekdays are often slack like this day
Customer information
•
A worker for the Liwonde Square Motel bought everything (15 plates) for agricultural field staff who are staying in Liwonde. He paid a reduced price of MK 10 per plate instead of MK 20. He came by car at 13.48.
C> Bwanali selling point Data obtained Wednesday, 14 March 2001. One vendor was present. Table 7. Bwanali: trading of kunglokw etiti (number of plates) NAME OF VENDOR
KENESI
morning (start)
3
sold (-)
0
mid-day (net)
3
added (+)
9
afternoon (net)
12
sold (-)
8
remaining end of day
4 (3b,1sl)
Vendors comments
• • • • • • • • •
Customers always ask for utale first Whites and blacks do not bargain much unlike the Indians WEF are spread on banana leaves on the veranda overnight to keep them fresh Kenesi’s sister and 3 brothers (all school age) will sell the bowa when he has to go to collect in the hills – they do this especially when it rains and cannot go to school Poor quality bowa are used for relish at his home Some customers come regularly as they happy with the quality of the WEF Small and big kunglokwetiti are collected and sold; some customers only buy one type Small bowa keep better and do not get crushed in bags. They retain their shape on cooking. Big bowa get crushed easily and become soup-like when cooked
Customer information
• •
Three police officers from Balaka travelling in one car stopped at 15.24 and bought between them 5 big plates and three small. These were for their own use, friends and neighbours. The WEF left over from this day were dried
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D> Chingoli selling point Data obtained Thursday, 15 March 2001. Eight vendors were present. Table 8a. Chingoli: trading of kunglokw etiti (number of plates: big, small) VENDOR
MAI MAKUNGANYA
morning (start)
MOBERA
MAGESI
LEMANI
D. MAKUGANYA
JALI
FRIDAY
MOFATI
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
added at mid-day
6 (4b,2s)
13 (9b,4s)
9 (6b,3s)
9 (7b,2s)
7 (4b,3s)
5 (4b,1s)
7 (2b,5s)
5 (4b,1s)
sold (-)
5 (3b,2s)
12 (8b,4s)
7 (5b,2s)
8 (6b,2s)
6 (4b,2s)
5 (4b,1s)
6 (1b,5s)
4b
1b
1b
2 (1b,1s)
1b
1s
0
1b
1s
remaining end of day
Table 8b. Chingoli: trading of other WEF (number of big plates) VENDOR
MAI MAKUNGANYA
MOBERA
MAGESI
LEMANI
D. MAKUGANYA
JALI
FRIDAY
MOFATI
morning (start)
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
added in afternoon
4
1
1
2
2 chipindi
1
1
3
chipy
chipb
chipb
2 chipb
chipindi
utale
utale
sold (-)
2
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
remaining end of day
2
1
1
2
2 chipindi
1
1
3
chipy
chipb
chipb
2 chipb
chipindi
utale
utale
chipy – chipatwe yellow chipb – chipatwe black
Vendors’ comments
• • •
There were no vendors and no WEF in the morning – until they came from the hills The vendor said the some potential buyers are afraid of being poisoned All vendors except the whites will bargain
Table 9. Chingoli: Customer profiles SEX
RACE
TRANSPORT
TIME
NUMBER OF PLATES BOUGHT
FOR WHOM BOUGHT
F
B
On foot
12.54
4
Neighbour and home
M
B
Car
15.20
12
Neighbour and home
M
B
Car
16.15
7
Neighbour and home
M
B
Minibus
17.10
30
For sale
Customer information
• • • •
One customer asked for some of the bowa from his plate to be exchanged for better ones. All of the non-kunglokwetiti remained unsold – the utale on sale are probably a different species from the early-season utale which is so sought after Upon being asked why she did not buy the utale one customer said she only liked them when the cap was closed – the taste was better then On this day unsold bowa were prepared for drying
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E> Mpenda selling point Data obtained Friday, 16 March 2001. Five vendors were present. Table 10. Mpenda: trading in kunglokw etiti and utale (number of big and small plates) Kunglokwetiti
VENDOR
Utale
ESTERE
JEMASI
LUPIYA
GOLOZERA
ESTERE
morning (start)
0
0
0
0
0
added (+)
7
5
6
4
2s
(4b,3s)
(3b,2s)
(4b,2s)
(4b,2s)
afternoon (net)
7
5
6
4
(4b,3s)
(3b,2s)
(4b,2s)
(4b,2s)
2b
2b
3
2b
0
2b
2s
sold (-)
2s
(1b,2s) remaining end of day*
5
3
3b
(2b,3s)
(1b,2s)
All the remaining bowa (15 plates) were sold to a middleman. He will travel to Zomba by bus the next day to sell them. He emptied the stall at 17.03pm.
Vendors’ comments
• • •
Mai Maduka (not included in Table 10) was selling 10 plates of dried bowa and sold all of them Mai Estere explained that heavy rains will cause the WEF to rot on the stalls and even cause the stalls themselves to collapse. Light rains are good to long keep the WEF fresh on the stalls. Mr. Jemasi always goes to collect bowa and leaves his wife to sell them. This way his wife can be near the home whilst he copes with the tough job in the hills. His children are only allowed to help the mother at weekends so they do not miss school.
•
Mai Estere will dry the utale which were not sold.
Table 11. Mpata: Customer profiles SEX
RACE
TRANSPORT
TIME
M
B
Car
12.27
2
Friends / neighbours
M
B
On foot
13.05
2
Home and neighbours
F
B
Bike
15.03
3
M
B
Car
16.55
2
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# FRESH PLATES SOLD
# DRY PLATES
FOR WHOM BOUGHT
Home 10 (all)
Home, friends and neighbours
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MIOMBO EDIBLE FUNGI PROJECT · FRIM
AND
CABI BIOSCIENCE
Annex 2
Local names of wild edible fungi
Table 12. Local names of wild edible fungi, where found and source of information LOCAL NAME
WHERE FOUND
SOURCE
Black mushrooms
Zomba forest
PTC vendor, Zomba
Chinthelemusi
Mzimba
Ladies at Wenela market
Chipatwe
Kasonga (Zomba)
Ladies at Zomba market
Chipatwe
Machinga
Customers at Cobbe Barracks and Police College; ladies at Zomba market; lady vendor at Songani market
Chipatwe black
Machinga
Vendors at Machinga
Chipindi
Blantyre
Ladies at Wenela market
Chipindi
Bvumbwe
Vendors at Limbe market
Chipindi
Machinga
Customers at the prison; Ladies at Zomba market; Vendors in Machinga
Chipindi
Manyowe in Blantyre
Vendor at Kandodo Blantyre
Chipindi
Mlumbe and Machinga
Customers at Cobbe Barracks
Chipindi
Mwanza / Bvumbwe
Blantyre market
Chipindi
Nankhunda
PTC vendor, Zomba
Dzanje
Manyowe in Blantyre
Vendor at Kandodo Blantyre
Dzanje
Michiru hill (Blantyre)
Vendors at Vanmali House
Dzanje
Mwanza
Customers at Police College; Ladies at Wenela market
Dzanje
Mwanza / Bvumbwe
Manager PTC Blantyre
Dzimbukira
Garden in Mulanje
Ladies at Wenela market
Ekupakupa
Mbalame forest – Blantyre district Vendors at Limbe market
Fisa
Ulumba hill (Zomba)
Ladies at 6 miles market
Guluzu
Blantyre
Ladies at Wenela market
Ikhumbakhumba
Thyolo
Man at 6 miles market
Ithi
Thyolo
Man at 6 miles market
Kachisa
Nakhunda (Zomba)
PTC vendor, Zomba
Kachole
Machinga
Customers at Cobbe Barracks
Kachombo
Bvumbwe (locality)
Vendors at Limbe market; Traditional healer at Limbe Market
Kachombo
Mwanza
Customers at Police College
Kachombo
Within prison gardens, Zomba
Customers at the prison
Kachulu
Ulumba (Zomba)
Customers at Police College
Kakumbodale
Bvumbwe
Vendors at Limbe market
Kambalame
Machinga
Lady customer in Songani
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MIOMBO EDIBLE FUNGI PROJECT · FRIM
AND
CABI BIOSCIENCE
LOCAL NAME
WHERE FOUND
SOURCE
Kambuzi
Kasonga (Zomba)
Ladies at Zomba market
Kanchombo
Michiru hill (Blantyre)
Vendors at Vanmali House
Kandothi
Nankhunda (Zomba)
PTC vendor, Zomba
Kanjeza
Blantyre
Ladies at Wenela market
Kankhulungu
Mlumbe (Zomba)and Machinga
Customers at Cobbe Barracks
Kantomoni
Bvumbwe
Vendors at Limbe market
Kantomoni
Ulumba hill (Zomba)
Ladies at 6 miles
Kanyendera
Ntchisi
Customers at Cobbe Barracks, Zomba prison
Kasare
Blantyre
Ladies at Wenela market
Katelela
Bvumbwe (locality)
Vendors at Limbe market
Katelela
Mwanza
Customers at Police College
Katelela
Namitembo in Zomba
Ladies at Wenela market
Katelemusya
Nankhunda (Zomba)
PTC vendor Zomba
Kumero kwa nakhoma
Machinga
Lady vendor in Songani
Kunglokwetiti
Machinga
Lady customer and vendor, Songani; Machinga vendors
Ligowati
Ulumba hill (Zomba)
Ladies at 6 miles
Manyame
Ulumba and Machinga
Customers at Cobbe Barracks
Masutwe
Machinga
Customers at Police College
Mbewe
Bvumbwe
Vendors at Limbe market
Mbuzi kachulu
Ulumba hill (Zomba)
Ladies at 6 miles
Mkozo wa mbuzi
Mlumbe and Machinga
Customers at Cobbe Barracks
Mnezo
Blantyre
Ladies at Wenela market
Mnofu wa nkhuku
Blantyre
Ladies at Wenela market
Mnofu wa nkhuku
Nankhunda (Zomba)
Customers at Cobbe Barracks
Mnofu wa nkhuku
Mwanza
Customers at Police College
Mnofu wa nkhulu
Manyowe in Blantyre
Vendor at Kandodo Blantyre
Mphofwa
Mzimba
Ladies at Wenela market
Mulye
Mzimba
Ladies at Wenela market
Nakachenga
Ulumba (N of Zomba town)
Customers at Police College
Nakachipande
Nankhunda (Zomba)
PTC vendor, Zomba
Nakachisa
Nankhunda (Zomba)
PTC vendor, Zomba
Nakachiswe
Ulumba (Zomba)
Respondents at Mphatso metal workshop 7 miles
Nakacholo
Ulumba hill (Zomba)
Respondents at Mphatso metal workshop 7 miles
Nakachombo
Farms at 6 miles (Zomba)
Ladies at 6 miles market
Nakachombo
Forests near home
Ladies at Wenela market
Nakachombo
Lilongwe
Customers at Police College
Nakachombo
Machinga
Customers at Police College
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MIOMBO EDIBLE FUNGI PROJECT · FRIM
AND
CABI BIOSCIENCE
LOCAL NAME
WHERE FOUND
SOURCE
Nakachombo
Ntiya
Customers at Cobbe Barracks
Nakachombo
Within Zomba
Customers at Police College
Nakaivi / Songaivi
Blantyre
Ladies at Wenela market
Nakamphiri
Nankhunda (Zomba)
PTC vendor, Zomba
Nakasache
Ulumba hill (Zomba)
Respondents at Mphatso metal workshop 7 miles
Nakasuku
Machinga
Householders/ customers Cobbe Barracks; PTC vendor Zomba
Nakasuku
Nankhunda (Zomba)
PTC vendor – Zomba
Nakasuku
Ulumba hill (Zomba)
Customers at Cobbe Barracks. Ladies at 6 miles; Respondents at Mphatso metal workshop 7 miles
Nakatelesya
Machinga
Customers at Cobbe Barracks
Nakatelesya
Nankhunda (Zomba)
PTC vendor, Zomba
Nakatosi
Mlumbe and Machinga
Customers at Cobbe Barracks
Nakatosi
Ulumba hill (Zomba)
Ladies at 6 miles
Namachombo
Mbalame forest, Blantyre district
Vendors at Limbe market
Namasanza
Bvumbwe
Vendors at Limbe market
Namichombo
At prison in Zomba
Customers at the prison
Namichombo
Ulumba (Zomba)
Customers at Cobbe Barracks
Namowa
Machinga
Customers at Police College
Namoyo
Blantyre
Ladies at Wenela market
Namuwa
Garden in Mulanje
Ladies at Wenela market
Namuwe
Bvumbwe (locality)
Vendors at Limbe market; Traditional healer at Limbe Market
Namuwe
Forests near home
Ladies at Wenela market
Ndelema
Blantyre
Ladies at Wenela market
Ndelema
Machinga
Customers at Police College, Zomba prison; Machinga vendors
Ndelema
Ulumba (Zomba)
Customers at Cobbe Barracks
Ndezu
Mlumbe and Machinga
Customers at Cobbe Barracks
Ngundamsuku
Kasonga (Zomba)
Ladies at Zomba market
Ngundamsuku
Machinga
Customers at Police College; Ladies at Zomba market; Lady vendor in Songani
Ngundamsuku
Nankhunda (Zomba)
PTC vendor, Zomba
Nguwanguwa
Bvumbwe
Vendors at Limbe market
Njonjo
Blantyre
Ladies at Wenela market
Nthimbwa
Mwanza
Customers at Police College
Ntholomwe
Bvumbwe (locality)
Vendors at Limbe market
Ntholomwe
Garden in Mulanje
Ladies at Wenela market
Ntholomwe
Machinga
Customers at Police College
Ntholomwe
Mbalame forest – Blantyre district Vendors at Limbe market
Ntholomwe
Mwanza / Bvumbwe
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Blantyre market
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MIOMBO EDIBLE FUNGI PROJECT · FRIM
AND
CABI BIOSCIENCE
LOCAL NAME
WHERE FOUND
SOURCE
Ntholomwe
Thyolo
Man at 6 miles
Nyenje ya Tambala
Bvumbwe (locality)
Vendors at Limbe market
Nyozo
Nankhunda (Zomba)
PTC vendor, Zomba
Nzimbukira
Ulumba hill (Zomba)
Ladies at 6 miles
Nzimbukira
Within Zomba
Customers at Police College
Tambala
Mlumbe and Machinga
Customers at Cobbe Barracks
Thumbwa
Mzimba
Ladies at Wenela market
Umbu
Ulumba (Zomba)
Customers at Cobbe Barracks; Respondents at Mphatso metal workshop 7 miles
Usinda
Ulumba hill (Zomba)
Ladies at 6 miles
Utale
Blantyre
Ladies at Wenela market
Utale
Bvumbwe
Vendors at Limbe market
Utale
Machinga
Customers at the prison; Prison College; Machinga vendors
Utale
Mbalame forest – Blantyre district Vendors at Limbe market
Utale
Mchinji
Customers at Police College
Utale
Michiru hill (Blantyre)
Vendors at Vanmali House
Utale
Mwanza / Bvumbwe
Blantyre market
Utale
Mzimba
Customers at Police College
Utale
Nkhata Bay
Man living within prison campus
Utale
Ntchisi
Customers at Police College, Zomba prison
Utale (Namichombo)
Nankhunda (Zomba)
PTC vendor, Zomba
Uthenga
Kasonga (Zomba)
Ladies at Zomba market
Uthenga
Machinga
Ladies at Zomba market; Machinga vendors; Lady vendor in Songani
NOTE: Some respondents simply gave information about WEF which they knew of – maybe from experiences many years old. The above list may therefore not include all the currently traded WEF.
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M
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Annex 3
Proceedings of a roundtable discussion held at FRIM May 2001 V Chitila, Bwanalil, Chomanika 18 pp
www.malawifungi.org
WILD EDIBLE FUNGI (PROJECT R7250)
PROCEEDINGS OF A ROUNDTABLE RESEARCH INSTITUTE OF MALAWI 23rd MAY,2001.
COMPILED BY:
Vincent C. Chithila Richard BwanaliI Stanford Chomanika
EDITED BY: Gerald S. Meke & Vincent C. Chithila
Forestry Research Institute of Malawi P.O. Box 270 Zomba Malawi.
1
DISCUSSION
HELD
AT
FORESTRY
BACKGROUND TO THE PROJECT Forestry Research Institute of Malawi (FRIM) and CABI Bioscience through the Flexibility Facility funds from DFID, are conducting a three year project to examine some of the biophysical, social and economic issues relating to wild edible fungi collected from miombo woodlands. The project, which started in March 1999, will aim at improving knowledge on miombo edible fungi with a view to enhancing production and sustained utilisation. To achieve this, the following aspects are being studied: diversity of mushrooms, ecology and estimation of the yield and value of harvests. Special emphasis is placed on studying factors that affect yields. The final output of the project will be to develop management plans for increased and sustainable production of edible mushrooms.
In order to beef up the information, which has been collected on Wild edible fungi, a round table discussion was organised with local forestry officers who are stationed out in the field. It is believed that these people have acquired some information and knowledge about forest products and mushrooms in particular. The experience and knowledge from these people are very important, and it is the essence of this project to make maximum use of any information available on wild edible fungi especially indigenous knowledge. Background to extension knowledge appraisal In the Miombo Edible Mushroom project we realise that, through interaction with local communities, forest research officers stationed outside FRIM have acquired a vast amount of knowledge which can be used to better plan and implement projects and also the knowledge which can greatly enrich our understanding of the areas we are conducting research. We also know that some officers have been in place for many years and will have travelled extensively in their area, talked with many people and made frequently observations throughout the year. As researchers, we want to make maximum benefit from these experiences. The Tree Seed Centre through the planning workshop has been undertaking this exercise, and has benefited a lot from this exercise in planning its seed collection. At present there is no systematic analysis of the knowledge acquired by extension people, or examination of its completeness or correctness on non-timber forest products, especially mushrooms. In fact, there is often an assumption by scientists that extension officers know little or nothing of use and that which they claim to know is usually wrong. Research in other fields like agriculture has shown that the extension knowledge is a powerful tool, helping scientists to identify areas of interest or pinpointing regions where research could be most usefully carried out. We believe that similar benefits could be obtained from talking with field forestry research officers regarding their knowledge of wild edible fungi and other forest products. Local officers are capable of highlighting topics and issues that would require scientists much longer periods of time, travel and consultation to identify. DISCUSSION METHODS The meeting was centred on addressing the following questions
What are the main edible fungi for sale When is the season for each type How many people are involved in selling What prices are they sold at Where are bowa sold (only by the road, near to the forest, or also in large towns) Recognition of species (from our printed sheets) What are other non-timber forest products being collected and sold.
INTRODUCTORY REMARKS
The Project Leader Mr. Gerald Meke started by welcoming the officers. He outlined a brief background of the project and encouraged the participants to be free in the deliberations. He explained why the discussion was held. To avoid pre-empting the participants’ ideas, not much was dwelt on the introduction. PRESENTATIONS
Each of the field officers was asked to present his experience and knowledge and at the end of the presentation, questions were asked. The presentations are detailed below.
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EXPERIENCE FROM MANGOCHI By: Charles Chinguwo – Forest Research Assistant – Mangochi. Mr Chinguwo has worked in the forest Department for over 10 years as a Research Assistant . He has worked in Chikangawa-Mzimba, Mangochi and FRIM-Zomba.
The main wild edible fungi for sale in this area are mainly three species. These are Utenga, Usinda and Chipatwe. Note that the widely spoken language in this area is Yao, so all the names are in Yao. The mushrooms in this area are collected from Namizimu Forest Reserve. Generally, collection is done in the rainy season and the collection months for each species are as follows: Utenga (Amanita loosi) - collected at the start of the rainy season especially from November to January. Usinda (Chipindi) (Russula sp.)- collected from January to February.
Chipatwe ( all the common species of Cantherelus spp.) - collected from February up to the end of the rainy season (March). Women mainly dominate collection and selling of mushrooms. Prices range from K1 per heap (40 to 100 grammes) of small mushrooms to K5 and K10 per medium and large plastic plates respectively. Utenga is mostly sold singly. Smaller ones cost 50t and larger ones range from K1 to K2 each. Mushrooms are sold along the roadside of the Mangochi-Namwera road. The villages, which are involved in the trade, are Chowe, Namatanda, Matola, Mdima, Kaluluma and Idrusi villages. These villages are all along the Mangochi-Namwera road. There is a general consensus that identification of edible mushroom species is through experience that has been passed from generation to generation. Tree species that are associated with these mushrooms in this area are Tsamba (Julbernadia spp.), Mombo (Brachystegia spp.) and Masuku (Uapaca spp.). There is however, an area planted with Eucalyptus where a lot of Chipatwe mushrooms thrive. Further probing revealed that natural woodlands comprising Julbernadia, Brachystegia and Uapaca trees once covered this area. Mushrooms in this area are preserved for future use by first boiling and then sun-dried. After they have thoroughly dried, they are stored in clay pots and leaf bags locally known as zikwatu (container made from leaves and tree fibre). Most customers in this area prefer fresh mushrooms to dry ones, and as such dry mushrooms are kept for home consumption. OTHER NON -TIMBER FOREST PRODUCTS SOLD IN THIS AREA Fruits especially Uapaca kirkiana, Flacourtia indica, Adansonia digitata and Zizyphus mauritiana are also sold in this area. Adansonia digitata fruits are sold depending on the size with the smaller ones fetching 50t and the digger ones K1.
Honey is collected in the forest reserve in natural hives. The prices range from K10 to K15 a bottle of 300ml. Thatch grass is also collected from the forest reserve and is sold according to the size of the headload and the species type. Large headloads of ordinary grass are sold at K5 to K10 while tsekera (combed grass) grass is sold for K20 to K70 depending on the size of the bundle. Palm leaves are also collected in the area. Women mainly collect these from villages around Mangochi Town. The main customers are curio vendors along the road from Mangochi to Liwonde notably at Mwima and Ulongwe in Balaka district. Mats, toys, hats, baskets, brooms are some of the products made from palm leaves and these are, mainly sold along the road from Mangochi to MonkeyBay, especially at Mpondasi village where Small Enterprise Development of Malawi (SEDOM) a government organisation has constructed a shelter for hand craft makers. Reeds are also sold in the area and are mainly used for erection of fences around households and also making of mats.
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Game, especially birds (mostly mpheta) are sold at K1 per bird. Wild pigs are also sold in areas around Chowe, Idrusi and Namwera areas. Prices are generally negotiable. Firewood is sold at various prices. 2 sticks cost K1 and a headload fetches K10. Bamboos, which are mainly used in construction of grass-thatched houses and fencing households are also traded in the area. The prices range from K20 to K70 per headload depending on the number in each headload. Medicines is sold in almost all markets in the area. WAY FORWARD: Mushroom collectors should be introduced to cultivation of mushrooms. The technology to cultivate indigenous species should be developed so that the trade should be done through out the year. This will reduce the dependence on firewood, which is the most important source of income at household level in this area. Deforestation, which has been rampant of late, will be reduced. Collectors should be taught methods of fresh mushroom preservation so that mushrooms being sold should last longer. DISCUSSIONS
Chithila: Chinguwo: Bwanali: Chinguwo: Chithila: Chinguwo: Chomanika:
Chinguwo:
Are there any rules from the Department of Forestry regulating mushroom collection in your area especially in the Forest Reserve? People do not get prior authority from forest department personnel on the ground. There are no rules regulating collection of mushrooms. Access in the forest reserve is free. Are there any local institutions involved in the management of natural resources in your area? There are several Village Natural Resource Management Committees, but apparently only one committee (Nkantha village) is functional. What is the rate of deforestation in your area. Are there any reports of encroachment in the forest reserve? As I pointed out earlier on, most of the people in this area depend on selling firewood for income generation, illegal tree cutting is on the increase. Part of the forest reserve has been encroached and the issue was already reported to Forestry Department. We have heard that people in this area (Yaos) have a lot of social gatherings such as sadaka (remembrance of the dead feasts) that require firewood especially when it comes to cooking. Is it true that the rate of using firewood is high in this area because of these social gatherings? This is true to a greatest extent. The people in this area like feasting and indeed the rate of firewood use is high. But during such events, authority is sought from the forest personnel on the ground to ensure supervised collection of wood.
EXPERIENCE FROM KASUNGU AND NTCHISI DISTRICTS
By Richard Chatchuka – Forestry Research Assistant (Kasungu District)
Mr Chatchuka has worked as technical assistant for over 10 years. He has mainly spent most of his time at FRIM. He is currently stationed at Kasungu – co-ordinating research in the area.
In this report I will cover species collected in Kasungu and Nchisi districts. Kasungu district is generally very good for agriculture. Most of the land is flat and it goes without saying that there are many agricultural estates in the area. This information on wild edible fungi will be based on areas around Chimaliro forest reserve in north Kasungu. This is probably the only area where indigenous woodlands especially miombo are still in abundance.
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The main types of species of mushroom collected are murye, mnyozwe, pezupezu, ndelema, manyame and all these are marketable. Collection of these mushrooms usually starts in November and ends in April. Women and girls are mostly involved in collection while men and boys only collect mushrooms in the course of doing other activities like grazing animals and collection of rope fibre. Prices depend on the type of species. They are mainly sold in heaps or handfuls. Two handfuls cost K10 whether large or smaller species. These mushrooms are mainly sold along the roadside of the MzimbaLilongwe road. Other selling points are Jenda roadblock, Nkhamenya, Kasungu town, Madisi,and Mponela in Dowa district. At Mponela the main customer for these mushrooms was Malawi Enterpreneurs Development Institute, but this time the Institute no longer buys the mushrooms because it started cultivating its own. Mushroom identification in terms of whether they are edible or not is through colour. Normally, white and red colours are regarded edible. It is also believed that when animals like tortoise eat mushrooms, then that particular species is also fit for human consumption. Collections by children are thoroughly scrutinised by elders before consumption. Generally all the mushroom species collected in this area are associated with the miombo woodlands. One species though, Kantsempha, grows in gardens in the customery land as well as in the forest reserve. Other NTFPs in the area include: Game such as mice and hare are hunted throughout Kasungu.
Fruits such as Parinari curatellifolia, Uapaca kirkiana, Flacourtia indica, Sizygium cordatum are also gathered for food and sale. The prices of these depend on the quality and size of the plate and range from K1 to K10. Preservation for future use is through boiling. After boiling, the mushrooms are spread on mats to dry. Leaf bags (made from Uapaca kirkiana leaves) are used for storage. Dry mushrooms are sold in very rare circumstances. People tend to shun away dry mushrooms because they are not sure if the dry species are indeed edible. NTCHISI
The species collected in this area are manda, ndelema, matwe, chipindi, fisi / thundwe (not eaten fresh, but boiled and dried and then cooked), kantsempha, kachofu. These mushrooms are collected in Sadzu forest reserve. Most of the mushrooms collected in Ntchisi are for home consumption. However, those local communities staying close to the forestry office sell their mushroom to a forestry officer (middleman) - Mr. Taliana who sells the mushrooms in Lilongwe. Here prices are generally low because there are no ready customers so raising the price mean very few buyers and the mushrooms end up rotting. The other problem in this area is that during the rainy season, which happens to be the collection time, most of the roads are impassable therefore no access to most of the trading centres. WAY FORWARD
Forestry Research Institute of Malawi should prepare questionnaires and these should be sent to District Forestry officers, Extension Planning Areas (EPAs) and Agricultural Co-ordination Units (ACUs) in these areas. Participatory Rural Appraisals should also be done in order to generate more information. People in these areas need to be sensitised on the importance of mushrooms both for nutrition as well as income generation through sales.
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EXPERIENCES FROM THE NORTHERN REGION OF MALAWI By Amadeus Nyondo – Research Forester (North), Viphya Plantations Division Mr Nyondo has also worked with the Forestry Research Institute for over 10 years. He has a diploma in Forestry. He has worked in the following areas: Chongoni-Dedza, Chintheche-Nkhatabay and Chikangawa-Mzimba.
The information I collected focuses on the experience in Mzimba – Chikangawa, Karonga, Chitipa and NkhataBay. The main types of mushroom species collected in this area are: Utale, Ndelema, Nyozwa, Murye/Kalyauwisi (meaning can be eaten raw), Manda/chamavi/savu, mzungu, kalunkhulwe. Mushrooms which are not edible (generally considered poisonous) in this area are collectively called Vikhanju. These are also found in the miombo woodlands. The commonly collected edible species are utale and ndelema. These are collected mainly in Mtangatanga forest reserve. The collecting periods for these two species are from October to December and December to February respectively. Mushroom collection in this area is mostly a female domain and as such, like in many other areas women dominate mushroom collection. Some cattle herders also collect some mushrooms and sell by the roadside along the Mzuzu / Mzimba road. At Chikangawa, the mushrooms are generally sold at the market. Other selling points are Perekezi Junction, Gwayi, Lwafwa, Elamuleni, Machecheta, Zumwanda. It is interesting to note that there is a certain type of mushroom species, which is associated with Acacias. It grows on dead stumps of Acacia polyacantha, Acacia tortilis, and Dichrostachys cinerea. This type of species (name not known) tastes nice and is found in Karonga district. Identification of mushrooms goes with experience. Local collectors know that this mushroom is edible or not through experience which has been passed from generation to generation. Mushroom preservation is mainly done by boiling and then drying. But at certain times, the boiled mushrooms are placed over the fireplace to take advantage of the heat to dry the mushrooms. Other Non Timber Forest Products traded in the area include Adansonia digitata fruits (malambe), Uapaca kirkiana, termites (collected from anthills), reeds for the production of mats and baskets. There are some Non Governmental Organisations in the area, which are involved in natural resource management. The Border Zone Development Project, which is, sponsored by GTZ aims at wiildlife conservation in the Nyika and Vwaza national parks. The communities in this area have been sensitised in the importance of conserving wildlife and forest resources. There is again Rural Foundation for Aforestation (RUFA) which is mainly involved in community based management of forest resources in the area. WAY FORWARD A questionnaire should be prepared and sent to the District Forestry Office who will send it further to the Extension Planning Area (EPA) for more information on mushrooms. DISCUSSION Bwanali:
Why are Non Governmental Organisations in your area involved in community based management of natural resources taking into consideration that the Department of Forestry is just doing this on a pilot basis and it has not been officially launched?
Nyondo:
The New Forestry Policy emphasises on various stakeholders to play an active role in natural resource management. NGOs, The Private sector, Local communities etc, need not to wait for the official launch of co-management when forests are being depleted on an alarming rate in the country.
Bwanali:
It is interesting to note that there are certain mushrooms, which are associated with Acacia species in Karonga. An effort should be made to try and get more information about these mushrooms so that we can have a thorough knowledge of species in
6
different ecological zones. Karonga is generally hot with low altitude and it would be interesting to sample the species there. EXPERIENCES FROM MULANJE By Juwawo – Forest Research Assistant (Mulanje)
Mr Juwawo has also served as a technical assistant in the forest department for more than 15 years. He has most of his time worked in Blantyre and Mulanje. He also comes from Mulanje.
The information, which will be presented here, is not enough, as one would anticipate. This is mainly due to limited time as well as non- availability of resources – especially transport. I personally feel that it could have been helpful as well as advantageous to collect the required data from as many places as possible in the district. All the same I managed to walk to villages which are close to the District Forestry Office. Mushroom collection has been carried out in the Mulanje mountain Forest Reserve since time immemorial. Basically the collection has mainly been for both domestic consumption as well as for sale. I visited Nakhonyo and Mbewa villages on 18th May and 19th May respectively. The visits were made solely to get the required information on collection of mushrooms and other non-timber forest products as well as their utilisation. In the process of interviewing the respondents, it transpired that mushroom collection was taken to be women’s responsibility hence women dominated the activity. It was reported that men had always regarded mushroom collection as one of the household chores that women were supposed to carry out. At household level, in a village set-up, women are the ones who fend for relish and other items required for food preparation in their homes. Edible mushrooms in Mulanje district Species
Locality
Months collected
Zanje
Where there are rock outcrops
November – December
Pingokhoni
Where there are rock outcrops
November – December
Nakajongole
Where there are rock outcrops
Mbuzi
Under Parinari curatellifolia
January - February
Chipindi
January - February
Lipimbiri
January - February
Likowanthi
Method of preparation
Where there are shot grasses
Enami Gundamsuku
Under P. Curatellifolia
Musendiwa
Top most layer to be peeled off
Khadire Kapuzajache
November – December
Namuwa Wampatula (pine)
Under P. Patula plantation
Mnofu wa knhuku
Hard soils – gravel
Requires Na bicarbonate only when fresh and add groundnut flour when dry
Poisonous Mushrooms
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Species
Location
Comments
Mayantakwa Nakafulusa Chitosi
Grows under Brachystegia ssp.
Nirawe Red ssp. (unnamed)
Poisonous liquid inside Pine plantation
Mushroom productivity in this area is becoming more and more unsatisfactory. This is because of differences in annual rainfall couple with soil degradation. Heavy rainfalls also adversely affect collection because it becomes very slippery to climb the mountain and mushrooms go bad before collection. Trees that were reported to be associated with mushrooms include: Brachystegia ssp., Pericospis angolensis, Cussonia umbellifera, Pterocarpus rotundifolius, Uapaca sansibarica, Toona ciliata, Faurea saligna, Bridelia micrantha, Pinus patula e.t.c. It is appreciated that most edible species contain, in different proportions, some amounts of poisonous substances. These species require boiling as pre-treatment prior to consumption, and this calls for appropriate identification knowledge by the collectors. In the two villages that were visited it was discovered that mainly women are involved in mushroom collection for both domestic use and sale. Quite a large number of women, boys and girls and just a few men climb the mountain to fetch mushrooms for domestic consumption. About six people were reported to be involved in the collection and sale of mushrooms. Of the six there is only one man who does the job jointly with his wife. Responding to the question on how they determine edible and poisonous mushrooms they said it was an art which was passed from one generation to another i.e. mothers pass on the information to their children (both girls and boys). Mushrooms collected by villages from these two villages are locally sold at Likhubula market, about 1 Km from the District Forestry Office. The demand for mushrooms in the area is on the increase. This is why almost all the mushrooms collected are sold locally at Likhubula. Taking the mushrooms to distant markets adversely affects the sales because would be customers are usually not so sure whether the species being sold were edible and secondly whether they had been processed properly. Most customers prefer buying mushrooms from elders to children because they have confidence in the former in terms of identification. Most of the mushroom species in this area are sold while fresh but there are others that are sold only after they have been processed due to the levels of toxicity. However, those species that do not have toxic substances can also be processed to be sold later in the season. Species, which can be sold fresh, include Chipindi, Zanje, Likowahi, Khadire and Namuwa Favourite species on the market include Mnofu wankhuku, Mbuzi, Zanje, Chipindi, Gundamsuku, Nakajongole and Likowathi.
8
Prices at the market for the just –ended season. Species Name
Selling price
Chipindi
Depends on size of mushroom. Bigger ones sale at as much as K5 and smaller ones at K2.00 per measured quantity.
Mbuzi, mnofuwankhuku, Gundamsuku
Sold at K2.00 per measure quantity
Likowathi
Sold at K1.00 per measure quantity
Dry (processed)
Sold at K5.00 per No. 10 plate.
Storage of mushrooms for future use so that they don’t lose taste or go bad is done following these steps: ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦
Removal of soil from mushrooms Boiling in clean water – (to kill toxic substances) Washing in clean cold water (to remove the detoxified substances plus remaining soil) Drying in the sun (to prevent rotting) Storage in dry sacks
Note that different species are sometimes mixed when they are being processed for future use. This mainly depends on amounts collected within individual species such that when the (collectors) are satisfied that they have collected enough quantities to be processed separately that is done without any qualms and vice-versa.
Dry Mushrooms Dry mushrooms are prepared as follows: ♦ Add some water to soften /or expand the mushroom ♦ Wash in clean water ♦ Boiling (necessary ingredients e.g. salt, groundnuts flour and oil are added) For pine mushrooms:
♦ Pounding the mushrooms in a mortar ( to reduce slipperiness) ♦ Boiling (sodium bicarbonate is added only to fresh mushrooms and dry mushrooms do not require ‘soda’) Other species collected in garden on customary land: ♦ Some mushroom species are collected from the customary land. These collections are treated just in the same way as those collected from the forest reserve i.e. domestic consumption as well as for sale. Species that were reported to be collected in recent times include: ♦ Zumbukira (very big – whitish in colour) ♦ Ekupakupa/Vchikhumba ♦ Namuwa (commonly found around/on anti-hills, also believed to cause skin infections in children especially in their heads) ♦ Otithe Other Non-Timber products
In addition to getting income from sales of mushrooms there are also other Non Timber Forest products of significant importance. Men, women, boys and girls are involved in the collection, processing and sale 9
of some of these products. Below is a brief summary of some of them. Firewood Sales: is usually the domain of women. Wood from indigenous species is normally preferred to exotic wood. Species that are collected most of the times include: Brachystegia spp., Pericosips angolensis, Combretum spp., Uapaca kirkiana, Bridelia micrantha, Perocarpus rotundifolius. The wood is sold in some institutions, the trading centre and at the nearest big market – Mwanakhu. The selling price ranges from K50 to K70 per headload depending on the size and quantity of wood. In normal circumstances indigenous wood is sold at prices higher than exotic wood.
Bamboos: These have a wide range of uses at household level. They are of great importance during constructions of houses in the villages, fences, kraals, baskets etc. They are usually sold between villagers and usually at lower prices. Honey: this is mainly men’s job and has little patronage. Most of the fires in the forest reserve are believed to be caused by these extractors and most of the respondents were very hesitant to give more information apparently for fear of being apprehended in the event of future fire occurrences. Insects: Quite a variety of insects are collected and when collected in excess some are locally sold at Likhubula market. Some of the insects are as follows: Termites: These are also known as ‘chausiku’ or ‘ngumbi’. They provide a delicious meal and liked because they require very little time to prepare.
Caterpillars: Nsopa: These are collected from different species of trees e.g. Bridelia micrantha which hosts ‘Nsopa caterpillars (processionery caterpillars or Anaphe panda) which take the name after the tree itself. Collectors have to climb and cut branches of trees sometimes in order to have a good and easy collection. These caterpillars construct very strong silk cocoon structures for their resting-place. Preparation after collection requires some expertise like: ♦ Winnowing simultaneously with burning off the hairs ♦ Frying ♦ Drying The selling price of these caterpillars is K5 per plate (10-20grammes). Mphalabungu (in the group of army worms): Mainly found among ‘Chambudu’ grasses in rock outcrops. These are green in colour and hairless. Naphere (emperor months): Found in the canopies of Gmelina arborea and are often in very small population and they are not sold on the market instead they are consumed domestically – especially elderly people. Mihiche: Mainly found in Brachystegia ssp. It was reported that they have not been collected this year and last year’s collection was just very small. This, collectors said, was possibly due to changes in climate e.g. rainfall patterns. Makhaukhau: Also found in Brachetsgia ssp. They have thorn-like structures on their bodies, which produce strong toxic substances, and when in contact with the skin cause irritation. They are in abundance this year but, unfortunately, they are not sold on the market. Sakanjale: These are found in Raphia farinifera locally known as Ziwale. These are domestically consumed. Namungorongoro: Also found in Raphia farinifera. They attack the central pith and when there are a lot of them they may kill the whole plant outright. Grass: Very essential during construction of new houses and maintenance of old ones. Sometimes grass is sold
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between individuals in the village. Collection is done prior to the fire season. The main species collected is locally known as ‘Cham’budu’. Game: Hunting also takes place in the Forest Reserve. In most cases this is done illegally. Animals that are killed include zumbi, hyrades, bushbucks, mice, blue &velvet monkeys, baboons, hares and ‘kasenye’. Meat from these animals is often sold secretly between villagers. Fruits: People collect fruits for domestic use as well as for sale. These include: Uapaca kirkiana, Flacourtia indica, Parinari curatellifolia, ‘Iphichi’/Nthengere’. Excess fruits are sold either between individuals in the villages or at the market. Medicines: Traditional doctors are spread everywhere around the forest reserve as well as on customary land. Clients visit these herbalists either at their homes or at market places. Better and sustainable methods of collection should be researched in order to ensure sustainability. Bark and Fibres: These are mainly collected for domestic use. Considerable damage to the tree is caused in the process of collecting these products. Construction Poles: These are required for construction purposes. Houses, barns, kraals fences etc. are some of the structures that require poles. Species preferred include Pericospis angolensis, Brachystegia ssp., Bauhunia petersiana and preference is determined by factors such as durability and resistance to terminate attack. Curios: Different types of species are used in this particular activity. Species, which in many cases are procured illegally, include Bridelia micrantha, Periscopsis angolensis, and Wilddringtonia nodiflora (Mulanje Cedar). Demand for curios is on the increase due to more visitors / tourists who visit the district for various reasons including mountain climbing. Proper mechanisms should be put in place in order to check depletion of some endangered species and consequently ensure sustainability of this very important income generating activity. The art and trade are a monopoly of boys and men. Implements: These include hoe handles, axe handles, mortars, pestles, cooking sticks, drums and bowls, plates just to mention a few. Species preferred include Brachystegia ssp., Bauhinia petersiana, combretum ssp., Annona senegalensis, Julbernadia paniculata and Mulanje cedar etc. Trading of these products is gender biased in the sense that it is only men and boys who are involved in this trade. Brooms: A special species of grass is used in making of brooms. The work is done by men and boys and subsequently sold at local markets. Reasonable sums of money are realised from these sales. WAY FORWARD The New Forest Policy stresses the need for empowering the communities especially in the rural areas for the upliftment of their lives. FRIM should, there fore, closely collaborate with relevant stakeholders to maximise productivity of mushrooms and other NTFPs. However, whatever action is taken should ensure sustainability of the resources. DISCUSSION
Chithila:
The current government has adopted poverty alleviation as its paramount goal and has initiated numerous initiatives to help facilitate this. It is recognised that poverty and environmental degradation are closely inter-linked. Are there any Non Governmental
11
Organisations working in your area towards natural resource management and at the same time addressing the issue of poverty? Juwawo:
There is a GTZ sponsored project on the sustainable management and utilisation of forest resources especially on customary land. Alternative sources of income generating activities have been introduced to the local communities like beekeeping. Again there is another project which will be coming soon in the area – Mulanje Mountain Conservation Trust which will focus on the sustainable utilisation of resources in Mulanje Mountain for the benefit of the local poor.
Bwanali: Juwawo:
Are there any beliefs and / or taboos in your area as regards mushroom collection? No. But there are cases where mushrooms eaten in some places in the district are regarded as poisonous in another area and vice-versa. Some people are suspicious when buying mushrooms though.
Chithila: Juwawo:
Can you tell us about the rate of deforestation in your area? This is mainly serious towards Mulanje Boma. Woodlands close to the Boma have been depleted because there is ready market for firewood sales. In some areas, however, women just collect dry wood and tree cutting is very minimal e.g at Likhubula.
EXPERIENCES FROM DEDZA. By E.F.F. Nkhono – Senior Research Forester (Centre)
Mr Nkhono has worked in the Forest Department for more than 15 years. He has worked at Chikangawa, Chintheche, FRIM and Dedza coordinating research activities.
Central Region Forestry Research Office has been participating in the wild edible fungi project. Chimaliro and Dzalanyama forest reserves, which happen to be one of the areas under study, fall under this office. Knowing very well that mushrooms are liked countrywide, I took an interest to come out with a simple survey on edible and poisonous mushrooms in Chongoni area where the central regional office is based. In the survey the communities revealed a lot of interesting indigenous knowledge which included a list of edible and poisonous mushrooms, Tree species associated with these mushrooms, preservation and storage methods, list of non timber forest products and other interesting ideas of interest by different mushroom collectors and consumers. This report is just a summation of all the information collected from Mpalale, Chimphazi and Mkosini villages which are close to Chongoni forest reserve. The main edible fungi in this area are: Mphata yafisi, Kachofu, Katsobola, Kamuvi, Utale, Mkukhwi, Katerera, Chipindi , Manyame, Kamchikuni, Chamsuku, Msongolowankhwali, Namathwe, Kaufa, Champatula, Dzanje, Nyonjwe, Dzamba, Mnuza (Utale waukulu), M’nofuwankhuku, Ngodzi, Chambwalo, Kambuzi, Chibibi, (Chamdondo), Kamubvi, Kadzithambe, Bongololo, Tamanda and Kachisholi Amongst the species listed above the following species are sold fresh (directly edible) Utale, Dzambamnuzu / Nyonjwe, Manyame, Kachofu, Katelera, Mkunkhwi / Namanthwe, Dzanje, Namathwe / Kaufa, Kamuvi, Kambuzi, Champatula, Katsabola, Chipindi and Chibibi. All the species listed above are collected from Chongoni forest reserve as well as areas in the customary woodlands, which were formerly covered with Miombo woodlands dominated by Brachystegia.
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SEASON/MONTHS OF OCCURANCE SPECIES Utale Mphafa Kachofu Kamuvi Chamsuku Kamchikuni Katelera M’nofuwankhuku Nyonjwe Dzambamnuzu Mkukhwi Chipindi Champatula Bongololo Tamanda(Manda) Chibibi Ngodzi Dzanje Katsabola Kaufa Chambwalo Namathwe Mphafayafisi Kadzithambe Kachofu Kambuzi Msongolowankhwali Msolowankhwali Mkamvabingu
SEASON OF OCCURANCE November to December February to March December to February January to March January to March January to March January to March January to March January to March February February to March February to March January to March February to March February to March February to March February to March February to March February to March December to January February to March February to March February to March January to February December to February January to February February to March January to February October to December
The selling prices of mushrooms in this area is as follows:
MEASURE PRICE Small Plate K5.00 Heap K5.00 Basin (large) 22 cm K70.00 to K90.00 Utale Small K5.00 to K15.00 Dzambamnuzu Small K25 to K35.00 Handful (coffee plate) measure K2.00 to K5.00 Dry Mushrooms K400 to K500 per large basket K250.00 small basket Sometimes mushrooms are battered with different commodities like maize for home consumption.
Selling points for mushrooms in this area include:
♦ along the main roads to travellers ♦ On day markets ♦ Right in the villages Mushroom collectors have different ways, (based on experiences) on how they assure themselves of whether the mushrooms are edible or not. If they are in doubt of any mushroom they come across they
13
♦ Break part of the cap and squeeze it between the thumb and the second to the third finger. If it produces sticky milky liquid stuff, it is automatically poisonous, but if not, it is believed to be safe and therefore edible. ♦ Closely compare the outlook to other edible mushrooms ♦ Gather courage to taste (very small pieces) or smell it. Any bitter taste is related to poisonous ones. It was difficult to describe the smell. ♦ If the top part of the cap is spotted, it is automatically poisonous. ♦ The bright – red coloured ones are suspected to be poisonous ♦ Some poisonous mushrooms will produce a lot of dusty powdery. TREE SPECIES ASSOCIATED WITH MUSHROOMS These are some of the tree species associated with mushrooms Exotic:
Pinus Elliottii Pinus kesiya
Pinus carabaea Pinus patula Indegenous: Msuku (Uaparca kirkiana Msokolowe (Uaparca nitida) Tsamba – B. Floribunda
KamphoniB. longfolia B. speciformis
Chinsense (Faurea speciosa) Faurea saligna PRESERVATION
Preservation of mushrooms for future use is done as follows: Drying them after boiling Direct drying Some less poisonous mushrooms are prepared made safe for consumption by boiling and pouring off the boiling water several times ranging from 3 times to 6 times and then they are dried before cooking them for consumption. Examples of such mushrooms are:(1) Cham’masuku (2) Chambwalo
(5) Chipindi
(9)
Chamsuku
(6) Katelera
(3) Mphafa
(7) Ngodzi
(4) Kachisholi
(8) Chambwalo
Sometimes chidulo (Sodium bicarbonate) is added to mushrooms with mild poison when preparing to detoxify the toxins. For Ngodzi – a top layer on the cap must be peeled off before boiling. There are some mushrooms, which are deadly dangerous and poisonous, like Kadya mfalero (instant death after eating). STORAGE (ONLY DRIED MUSHROOMS)
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♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦
Bamboo basket (uncovered but suspended (hanged) to be out of reach. Zikwatu (broad leaves arranged in a manner to come up with a closed basket (well ventilated) On a suspended mat (sheet) Calabashes Pots – well designed for storing mushrooms Bags made of Jute which are well ventilated
People in my area don’t sell dry mushroom but exchange it for Maize or other food commodities. OTHER NON-TIMBER FOREST PRODUCTS There are a lot of non-–timber forest products which are sold. Some of these are:
Fruits
Masuku (Uapaca fruits)
Maye – Mpinji – pinji (Strychnos spinosa) Nthudza (Flacourtia indica)
Nziru Mafoo
Caterpillars (Lepidopterous spp) Nankamondo Matonda - Kapale Mphalabungu Makolo aumvi Zikhulo Other insects
Grasshoppers Nkhululu Zikumbu
Vegetables
BlackJack Mwana aligone Mtambetchile M’nadzi Thelere – Tilingane
Mosquito repellents Chanzi
Msewa
Other NTFPs
♦ Luzi (Rope fibre) ♦ Weaving materials ♦ Thatch grass WAY FORWARD
♦ Mushroom storage facilities should be introduced in central points where power is available. ♦ Facilities like cold rooms could be ideal to keep mushrooms in their fresh condition. ♦ Some people (well to do) should be encouraged to establish some storage facilities and they should be buying mushrooms from (mushroom collectors) and sell them out in times/season when they are not available to establishments like hotels, town dwellers or even export. ♦ Introduce mushroom farms in the villages so that the mushroom collectors could automatically become mushroom farmers. 15
♦ Encourage organisations like MIPA (Malawi Investment Promotion Agency) to come up with projects whereby local people could directly benefit possibly by buying mushrooms from the collectors and selling them to businessmen who will in turn get some higher benefit. ♦ FRIM should go in serious research to find ways of helping the local mushroom collectors to benefit most from mushroom sales. ♦
Mushroom farming to be introduced.
DISCUSSION
Chithila: Nkhono:
Apart from mushrooms, what other NTFPs are sources of income at household level in your area: Mostly Uapaca kirkiana fruits. Middlemen come to this area and buy in bulk and sell them in Lilongwe
GENERAL DISCUSSION Several questions were raised in the general discussion from the participants:
Chinguwo / Chomanika: Meke:
Chomanika: Chithila:
Bwanali: Chithila / Meke:
Don’t you think there is need to include other sites in this study like Mangochi so that we can capture information from a different ecological zone? This study is currently carried out in four pilot forest reserves in four districts of the country. However, should funds permit, Mangochi can be included in the study taking into consideration that it is a lakeshore district. What is the effect of human interference on productivity in the research plots? Currently we haven’t analysed the data on the effect of human activities in the plots. However, the enumerators in the field were instructed to record any human activities on the data collection forms. The information is there and is yet to be analysed. How is productivity assessed in the miombo woodlands to ensure sustainability. Have you documented any productivity levels at each study site? This has been somehow difficult because of periodic appearance of certain mushroom species. Some species take 2 or 3 years before reappearing and this makes quantification rather difficult. Our enumerators however, record productivity levels in each plot in all the sites and we hope by the end of the project we will be able to come up with approximate productivity levels of these sites.
The general discussion centred on how best we can assist the local people to benefit more from mushroom trade.
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A number of constraints in mushroom collection and selling were identified and possible solutions were suggested. These are presented in the table below: Constraint
Possible solution
Mushrooms are highly perishable
♦
There is need to identify ready markets before collection.
♦
Sprinkling water on specific mushrooms
♦
Collection should be very early in the morning so that sales can also be done in good time.
♦
Shelters should be constructed at selling points at the roadside so that mushrooms should be kept under shade
♦
Refrigeration preferably using solar energy could be introduced
♦
Mushrooms should be preserved (dried) before going bad
Identification problem – mushrooms regarded as poisonous somewhere are edible elsewhere
♦
Identification manuals should be produced and local communities should be trained – taking advantage of indigenous knowledge from local people especially old people.
Method of preservation – some people do not know how well they can preserve mushrooms
♦
Local collectors and sellers should be trained in better preservation methods. An improvement of the already existing indigenous knowledge would be ideal.
Market problems – there are generally fewer markets to sell mushrooms
♦
Marketing chains to be properly developed.
♦
Sensitisation and promotion of the product to potential buyers e.g. The People’s Trading Centre (PTC), Hotels
♦
Adding value to the product through better packaging
Poor storage methods and /or conditions for mushrooms
♦
Training on proper methods of storage – mushrooms to be stored in dry places, air tight containers to restrict the absorption of moisture – especially dry mushrooms
Productivity issues – there are no proper guidelines for the management of the mushroom source – especially forest resources
♦
FRIM with the assistance of various stakeholders should strive to come up with proper guidelines for the management of forest resources. Local communities to be sensitised in the importance of forest resources e.g. rampant tree cutting, overgrazing, unnecessary bush fires should as much as possible be avoided.
Lack of confidence – people especially the would-be buyers tend to be threatened by some mushroom species.
♦
Information on edible mushrooms should be made available countrywide through posters, brochures, leaflets
♦
Collection especially by children to be scrutinised by elders before consumption and / or sales.
♦
Collectors and sellers to be sensitised in the importance of cleanliness in this trade. Mushrooms to be properly cleaned before sales.
♦
The sellers should also be presentable (should observe hygiene both on their bodies and on the mushrooms) to avoid any doubts on the part of the customers.
♦
Mushrooms to be graded and packaged according to various grades.
Lack of organisational structures at local level
♦
Communities to be encouraged to form local institutions, co-operatives and / or working groups in order to bring that spirit of togetherness in this trade.
Gender imbalance – mushroom collection generally considered to be a woman’s domain
♦
Men should also be encouraged to collect the mushrooms after all they also eat the mushrooms as relish and benefit quite a lot from the sales made by their wives. There are some sites in the forest reserves which produce a lot of mushrooms but are inaccessible by women alone (due to other factors may be because they are very far an hilly). There is need for joint effort in this venture. Men, women, boys and girls should all be involved.
Lack of support from government, NGOs
♦
Extension workers, researchers and various stakeholders should take the initiative of convincing NGOs, Government, donors etc in mushroom trade. Aggressiveness on the part individual officers in trying to solicit funds to achieve this.
Poor infrastructures
♦
Government to take the initiative in improving infrastructures especially the roads. A proper road network should be developed especially in areas that have the potential to produce mushrooms
♦
People to take care of the already existing infrastructures.
Quality control – most collectors just sell the mushrooms without any quality control
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CLOSING REMARKS In his closing remarks the Project Leader Mr. G. Meke thanked the participants of the discussion particularly the officers who came from the field. He appreciated the fact that they managed to spare some time to interact with local communities in their areas to gather information about mushrooms. He said that FRIM has learnt quite a lot from their experiences and would incorporate the information with what has been collected already. He also encouraged them to send some more information to FRIM should they find any during their various endeavours in the field.
In response to the remarks, the Research Forester (N) and the Senior Research Forester (S) thanked the organisers of the roundtable discussion for the effort to invite them. Apart from sharing their field experiences, the discussion to them was an eye opener. They also learnt quite a lot from each other’s experience and promised to put more interest in looking for information about mushrooms for the benefit of the local communities in their respective areas. LIST OF PARTICIPANTS Name
Designation
Mr. E.F.F. Nkhono
Senior Research Forester (Centre), Malawi College of Forestry and Wildlife, P/B 6, Dedza
Mr. A. Nyondo
Research Forester (North), Viphya Plantations Division, P.O. Chikangawa, Malawi.
Mr. C. Chinguwo
Forestry Research Assistant Mangochi District Forestry Office, P.O. Box 221, Mangochi, Malawi.
Mr. J. Juwawo
Forestry Research Assistant Forestry Office, P.O. Box 50, Likhubula, Malawi
Mr. R. Chatchuka
Forestry Research Assistant Kasungu District Forestry Office, P.O. Box 314, Kasungu, Malawi.
Mr. G. Meke
Forestry Research Officer (Project Leader), WEF Project, FRIM, P.O. Box 270, Zomba, Malawi.
Mr. V. C. Chithila
Research Forester – WEF Project, P.O. Box 270, Zomba, Malawi.
Mr. R. Bwanali
Research Forester – Trees on Farm, FRIM, P.O. Box 270, Zomba, Malawi.
Mr. S. Chomanika
Research Forester- Tree Breeding, FRIM, P.O. Box 270, Zomba, Malawi.
Mr. H. Chapama
Herbarium Assistant, FRIM, P.O. Box 270, Zomba, Malawi.
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Mulanje
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Annex 4
Analysis of Miombo Edible Fungi monitoring data for Malawi May 2002 Jenny Wong 16 pp
www.malawifungi.org
Analysis of Miombo Edible Fungi Monitoring Data for Malawi Report for CABI Jenny Wong, May 2002
INTRODUCTORY ISSUES Before the analysis could start it was necessary to first check the integrity of the data and ensure that the database was functioning. This process revealed that there were inconsistencies in the coding of several fields, most notably in the site characteristics. Rationalising these required correspondence with Paul Kirk and some relatively minor editing. It became apparent that although the ID fields had been set up to provide unique record links between the tables that this had broken down with the merging of the tables for the three seasons. This had generated multiple ID numbers as each season had started at ID 1. This was easily overcome by adding a Record ID field which concatenated the season name with the ID number. This process was undertaken for the field survey data but unfortunately time did not permit the same attention to detail for the market survey data. Superficial examination of the market survey data reveals that coding problems are severe with several alternative renditions of village and interviewee names. This is not a difficult to resolve but was not possible in the time available. Therefore the results of the market survey presented here should not be over-interpreted! Monitoring is usually undertaken to examine seasonal differences in productivity. The most basic measure of productivity would be the total biomass of MEF produced over the whole season. This is very difficult to quantify and so sampling is undertaken to estimate the total productivity. For the estimates to be unbiased the sampling has to be done according to a set of rules based around ensuring that the sampling is objective so that the results are unbiased. The MEF sampling has taken place in five forests, two of which were not enumerated in all seasons. In each forest, five sites were selected (subjectively located and of unknown size) and within each site ten permanent plots were randomly located using a random walk procedure. This is acceptable. The procedure was then to sample once per week through the MEF season at each site. In the event, sampling was more sporadic than this and the number of visits to each plot varies both within a site and between years. This shouldn't matter too much as long as we know the number of visits and are confident that the visits are well distributed across the season. Table 1 gives the number of plot enumerations that were done at each site and season. The Liwonde forest is notable in that it was only measured sporadically in the first and second seasons and dropped for the third season because it was found to produce very few MEF. It was replaced by a fifth reserve whose name has not been entered into the database which was measured in the second and third seasons. Because there are very few enumerations in Liwonde it has been removed from the analyses. The number of repeat visits to a particular site and indeed plot is quite variable both within and between the three seasons. Sampling was much more intense in the second season with between 20-30 visits per plot compared with 4-10 and 7-16 in the first and third seasons respectively. As shown in Table 2 it would appear that the visits in the second season covered a longer period of time than the other two.
1
DIFFERENCES IN PRODUCTIVITY BETWEEN SEASONS If we assume that the fungi measured are all harvested and that the mean fungi observed per visit represent the daily mushroom load of the plot then the total productivity could be estimated as: MEF biomass for a season = wt x days x area where: wt = mean weight per visit for each site i.e. pooled plots (kg ha-1) days = duration of season (days) area = MEF producing area in forest (ha)
Productive area for MEF The productive area for MEF is not known but can be circumvented by using the productivity per ha as a basis for comparing the years. The plot are 50 x 2 m with an area of 100 m². Plot data therefore needs to be divided by 10 to give densities per ha.
Duration of MEF season Paul Kirk has suggested that the first and last visit dates can be used as a surrogate for the length of the season. Table 2 gives the assumed duration of the MEF season for each reserve and site.
Estimating daily productivity The most severe problem is the generation of wt. The mean MEF per visit should be calculated over all visits including those that did not find any MEF. This is not possible for the first season as no null (empty plot) records were made. It might be possible to assume that the number of visits was constant for each site and that some MEF would be found at a site at each visit. Examination of the second season data found that this was usually the case so it may reasonably be assumed that this would hold for the first season. However, the second and third season data reveals that although it was the intention to visit all plots on every visit that this did not always happen and the numbers of visits to each plot at a site can vary by up to three visits. Given that a large number of visits were made during the first season it is assumed that any discrepancies will be relatively small. A further, more conceptual problem, is whether it is safe to assume that the quantity of MEF present on a visit is representative of what is being produced daily. This is obviously not the case for many large-bodied species which will take many days to mature and therefore could not be harvested every day. However it does appear that fruiting bodies were not recorded on every visit and certainly not for every species present in the plot on every visit. Given that there is at present no other information on which to base estimates of the longevity or production rates of caps it was assumed that the average number and weight of caps per visit per plot would be an acceptable estimate of daily production. By averaging over the number of visits per plot at least some account is made of the frequency of occurrence of the fruitbodies over the season. Table 3 gives the proportion of the visits on which MEF were observed which indicates that not all visits yielded MEF records. It is assumed that the proportion of visits with fungi represents the number of days on which MEF would be present over the season. Table 4 gives the mean number of caps per plot-visit for the four reserves. This figure is generated as the mean number of caps that would be expected in one plot (100 m²) on an average day during the MEF season. The ± figures are the sampling error (or 95% confidence interval) expressed as a percentage of the mean. Table 5 gives the same information for the mean weight of fruitbodies. These two tables allow the testing of the significance of the differences in plot/day productivity of the four sites and three seasons. These tests reveal that there are significant differences between the sites and seasons though perhaps more consistently for weight than numbers.
2
Nature of seasonal variation in MEF productivity There are a number of ways in which differences in productivity between seasons can be generated. It may be that there are fewer caps of the same size, or the same number of caps of differing size or maybe the season is longer, shorter or fruitbodies occur more frequently caps etc.. Table 6 begins to explore some of these issues with regard to the number and size of caps recorded at one location and day i.e. per record. It is clear that the pooled (all species) mean cap weight varies between seasons but that this is not statistically significant. Interestingly the weight of fruitbodies per record is significantly different but this is not reflected in mean cap numbers per record or mean cap weight. This is because the pooled data includes many species which are responding to changing growing conditions in different ways. Table 7 gives the mean cap weight per season for each recorded species. Here it is clear that species have a range of responses, some maintaining constant cap weights while others vary them, presumably in response to changing water availability.
Estimating total productivity for sites and seasons Using the assumptions given above, the total productivity was calculated for each forest, site and species. Table 8 and 9 give the mean numbers and weights of MEF per plot-day for each of the five sites within each Forest Reserve. Table 10 and 11 give the estimated total productivity of MEF per ha at each site for the three seasons. These figures are generated as the product of the mean caps per plot-day at each site, a factor of 100 to give totals per ha per day and the estimated duration of the season at the site as given in Table 2. MEF biomass per ha in one season = Table 9 (mean weight per plot-day) x Table 2 (duration of season)
PRODUCTION OF MEF SPECIES Table 12 gives the number of records of each of the identified species across all reserves for each season. The number of unidentified records decreases which may be evidence for increased confidence in scientific identification of the specimens? Table 13 gives the estimated production of MEF using the same assumptions and calculations as above. Table 14 summarises these data under scientific genera.
MARKET SURVEY RESULTS Table 15 gives the average weight of MEF in the possession of an interviewee on one day. These data show considerable variation between districts, which although not tested are likely to be significant. Table 16 gives the number of days on which each MEF species was recorded in the market. This gives an indication of either the availability of the species, its market preference or perhaps reflects the length of its season. Table 17 gives the total weight recorded for each MEF species in each season. This is the total of the records made and it maybe reasonable to assume that this is an accurate reflection of the total amounts of each species going into trade. If so it may be worthwhile ranking the species according to quantities marketed and comparing this with the rank of productivity derived from Table 13. Table 19 gives the correspondence of local and Latin names. It would be interesting to analyse this further using the ethnotaxonomic ideas expressed by Berlin 1992. Certainly it would appear that there are several local morphospecies under the latin generics which would be worth investigating further.
3
Table 1: Number of plot enumerations for each site and season FOREST RESERVE
SITE NAME OR NUMBER
Chimaliro
1
10
2 3 4 5 1 2 3
SEASON
NUMBER OF
GRAND TOTAL
PLOTS
First
Second
Third
56
270
41
367
10
95
136
44
275
10
123
315
18
456
10
85
152
111
348
10
232
313
160
705
50
591
1186
374
2151
10
135
222
160
517
10
143
239
160
542
10
134
227
170
531
4
10
135
224
185
544
5
10
119
240
165
524
Dzalanyama Total
50
666
1152
840
2658
Chindazu
10
2
Lipongo
10
4
Malijila
10
2
Mpata
10
4
Chimaliro Total Dzalanyama
Liwonde
Liwonde Total Perekezi
24 2
1
5
40
12
21
1
10
69
210
106
385
2
10
61
199
111
371
3
10
30
197
103
330
4
10
22
200
102
324
5
10
20
202
105
327
50
202
1008
527
1737
Perekezi Total Unknown
2 20
33
1
10
41
2
10
90
86
176
3
10
60
22
82
4
10
60
52
112
5
10
68
33
101
Unknown Total
50
Grand Total
240
1471
4
41
319
193
512
3686
1934
7091
Table 2: Assumed duration of MEF season (days between first and last visits) FOREST RESERVE Chimaliro
Dzalanyama
Perekezi
Unknown
SITE NAME OR #
SEASON First
Second
Third
1
90
109
36
2
63
97
64
3
71
130
90
4
66
102
76
5
102
137
79
1
91
82
81
2
63
108
81
3
63
136
84
4
63
120
84
5
63
103
84
1
76
75
67
2
74
72
67
3
36
118
64
4
27
75
66
5
70
136
66
1
67
2
89
104
3
45
84
4
81
83
5
73
81
Table 3: Proportion of visits on which fungi were found (% visits) FOREST RESERVE
SITE NAME OR #
SEASON First
Second
Third
40 43 61 50 58
60 56 63 68 63
24 42 52 60 64
Chimaliro
1 2 3 4 5 Reserve
50
62
48
Dzalanyama
1 2 3 4 5
62 81 77 78 69
29 47 41 39 40
46 47 34 42 45
Perekezi
Unknown
Reserve
73
39
43
1 2 3 4 5
57 46 55 55 33
40 33 35 21 28
56 59 51 31 38
Reserve
49
31
47
1 2 3 4 5
41 37 26 35 41
0 17 32 38 35
Reserve
36
30
5
Table 4: Mean caps per plot-day by season RESERVE
SEASON First
Chimaliro
SIGNIFICANCE OF
Second
DIFFERENCE
Third
10.120 ± 21%
20.433 ± 22%
40.660 ± 54%
**
Dzalanyama
6.804 ± 11%
1.426 ± 17%
4.244 ± 17%
**
Perekezi
4.057 ± 23%
1.463 ± 25%
2.131 ± 25%
**
5.085 ± 71%
4.124 ± 63%
NS
7.905 ± 19%
10.699 ± 40%
NS
Unknown Overall
7.892 ± 13%
Figures are plot-day means with the sampling error expressed as a percentage of the mean. Table 5: Mean weight per plot-day by season RESERVE
SEASON First
SIGNIFICANCE OF
Second
DIFFERENCE
Third
Chimaliro
0.421 ± 23%
0.342 ± 15%
0.703 ± 29%
**
Dzalanyama
0.293 ± 12%
0.014 ± 21%
0.029 ± 32%
**
Perekezi
0.351 ± 24%
0.023 ± 23%
0.037 ± 27%
**
0.103 ± 41%
0.031 ± 33%
**
0.130 ± 13%
0.162 ± 25%
**
Unknown Overall
0.362 ± 14%
Table 6: Variation in MEF productivity per season SEASON
RECORDS
MEAN CAP WEIGHT (KG)
945
0.0539
10.7989
0.6106
Second
1977
0.0429
11.6930
0.2138
Third
1245
0.0416
15.8418
0.2469
First
NUMBER OF
Signifiance of difference
MEAN NUMBER OF CAPS PER RECORD
n/s
n/s
6
MEAN WEIGHT OF CAPS PER RECORD (KG)
*
Table 7: Average cap weight by species and season LATINNAME
SEASON First
Second
Third
Afroboletus costatisporus
0.0125
Afroboletus luteolus
0.0258
0.0425
Amanita
0.0305
0.0268
Amanita elegans
0.0505
0.0386
0.0269
Amanita flammeola
0.0432
0.0472
0.0481
Amanita loosii
0.0745
0.1163
0.0621
Amanita mafingensis
0.1130
0.1195
0.1816
Auricularia auricula
0.0470
0.0468
0.0200
Boletales
0.0835
0.0749
0.0933
Cantharellus
0.0367
0.0120
0.0064
Cantharellus cibarius agg.
0.0742
0.0228
0.0075
Cantharellus congolensis
0.0607
bonkhasi
0.0350
0.0280
0.1036
Cantharellus longisporus agg.
0.0191
0.0050
chithuli
0.1290
Clavaria
0.0050
Clavaria cf. albiramea
0.0054
Cymatoderma dendriticum
0.0133
gongowa
0.0552
Inocybe kachipape
0.0035 0.1233
0.0067
0.0017
0.2315
0.0700
0.0430
0.0663
0.0068
kakadyongolo kantchenjere
0.0455
kantchenjere (white)
0.0088
0.0123
kasikidzi
0.0070
kasukuti
0.1921
0.0500
Lactarius
0.0495
0.0621
0.0110
Lactarius cf. cabansa
0.0294
0.0309
0.0614
Lactarius gymnocarpus
0.0411
0.0240
0.0282
Lactarius pandani agg.
0.0098
0.0093
Lentinus cladopus
0.0083
lilime la ng'ombe
0.0362
liuwula
0.0500
magomo ga magani
0.0350
mangunguli
0.0083
mntherere
0.0250
mphandupandu
0.0271
mulinda munda Mycoamaranthus congolensis
0.0337
0.1087 0.0681
0.0350
0.0230
0.0191
nakambwanda
0.0125
nthimbwa
0.0287
0.0230
0.0218
0.0190
nyonjwe
Russula
0.0276 0.0426
Russula cellulata
0.2900
Russula schizoderma
0.0460
songowa
0.0283
0.0913
0.0420
7
LATINNAME
SEASON First
Termitomyces
0.0150
Termitomyces clypeatus
0.0674
Termitomyces microcarpus
Second
Third
0.1419
0.4580
0.0168
0.1098
0.0028
0.0019
Tubosaeta
0.0504
0.0641
0.1093
Volvariella
0.0165
0.0450
0.0447
wapachulu
0.0237
Average
0.0599
0.0463
0.0445
Table 8: Mean number of caps per plot-day for each site FOREST RESERVE
Chimaliro
Dzalanyama
Perekezi
Unknown
SITE NAME OR #
SEASON First
Second
Third
1
4.021
20.685
2
6.227
8.338
2.073 3.659
3
17.165
29.676
74.277
4
8.494
18.743
26.288
5
11.565
16.987
66.912
1
5.038
0.702
4.718
2
9.182
1.857
7.112
3
9.176
1.497
2.076
4
5.782
1.580
2.789
5
5.258
1.454
4.866
1
3.083
2.809
2.433
2
2.676
1.577
1.666
3
9.240
1.299
2.805
4
9.350
0.810
1.970
5
0.800
0.757
1.809
1
8.097
0.000
2
2.633
4.941
3
3.033
2.636
4
10.466
2.423
5
3.573
5.666
8
Table 9: Mean weight of MEF per plot-day for each site Forest Reserve Chimaliro
Dzalanyama
Perekezi
Unknown
Site Name or Number
Season First
Second
Third
1
0.1170
0.3718
0.1121
2
0.1717
0.2112
0.2495
3
0.8535
0.3237
0.8173
4
0.2367
0.4561
0.7442
5
0.5345
0.3466
0.9430
1
0.2402
0.0124
0.0189
2
0.4265
0.0230
0.0702
3
0.3804
0.0114
0.0137
4
0.2043
0.0103
0.0266
5
0.2427
0.0171
0.0233
1
0.4028
0.0464
0.0503
2
0.3073
0.0194
0.0636
3
0.5524
0.0300
0.0323
4
0.5228
0.0158
0.0325
5
0.0585
0.0095
0.0221
1
0.1204
0.0000
2
0.1354
0.0243
3
0.0530
0.0302
4
0.1183
0.0495
5
0.0856
0.0273
Table 10: Estimated productivity per ha for whole season - numbers of caps Forest Reserve
Site Number
Seasons First
Chimaliro
Dzalanyama
Perekezi
Unknown
1
Second
36,200
Third
225,500
7,500
2
39,200
80,900
23,400
3
121,900
385,800
3,067,700
4
56,000
191,200
1,048,900
5
118,00
232,700
2,689,900
1
45,800
5,800
38,200
2
57,800
20,000
57,600
3
57,800
20,400
17,400
4
36,400
19,000
23400
5
33,100
15,000
40,900
1
23,400
21,000
16,300
2
19,800
11,400
11,200
3
33,200
15,300
17,900
4
25,200
6,100
13,000
5
5,600
10,300
11,900
1
54,200
2
23,400
51,400
3
13,600
22,100
4
84,800
20,100
5
26,100
45,900
9
Table 11: Estimated productivity per ha for whole season - weight of caps (kg) FOREST RESERVE Chimaliro
SITE NAME OR NUMBER 1
Dzalanyama
Perekezi
Unknown
1,053
SEASONS Second 4,053
2
1,082
2,049
1,597
3
6,060
4,209
33,756
4
1,562
4,652
29,695
5
5,452
4,750
37,912
1
2,186
102
154
2
2,687
249
569
3
2,396
156
116
4
1,287
124
224
5
1,529
176
196
1
3,062
348
337
2
2,274
140
426
3
1,989
355
207
4
1,412
119
214
5
410
130
146
First
Third 404
1
807
2
1,205
254
3
239
254
4
959
411
5
625
222
Table 12: Number of records of each species across all reserves LATIN NAME
# OF RECORDS PER SEASON First
Afroboletus costatisporus
Second
TOTAL RECORDS
Third
4
2
70
16
2
88
Amanita
176
26
41
243
Amanita elegans
108
96
46
250
78
30
26
134
56
46
19
121
143
40
32
215
Afroboletus luteolus
Amanita flammeola Amanita loosii Amanita mafingensis Auricularia Auricularia auricula
6
4
4
25
4
1
30
Boletales
273
246
108
627
Cantharellus
231
197
166
594
Cantharellus cibarius agg.
23
95
19
137
Cantharellus congolensis
53
59
15
127
Cantharellus longisporus
2
24
1
27
15
55
Clavaria
1
Clavaria cf. albiramea
40
Cymatoderma dendriticum Gyroporus luteopurpureus
1
1
1
5
5
Lactarius
74
181
70
325
Lactarius cf. cabansa
51
34
26
111
Lactarius gymnocarpus
28
37
12
77
Lactarius pandani agg.
229
134
35
398
Lentinus cladopus
15
15
10
LATIN NAME
# OF RECORDS PER SEASON First
Second
Third
TOTAL RECORDS
Lentinus squarrulosus
37
Mycoamaranthus
82
76
26
184
Russula
236
309
355
900
Russula schizoderma
157
11
24
192
Termitomyces
95
105
21
221
Termitomyces clypeatus
39
32
14
85
Termitomyces microcarpus
47
41
13
101
Termitomyces schimperi
37
1
1
Tubosaeta
56
78
41
175
Volvariella
21
11
12
44
undet.
99
86
59
244
TOTAL
870
175
112
5775
Table13: Estimated total biomass of fungi produced per ha over all reserves by season (kg) LATIN NAME
Second
SEASON First
Second
kasikidzi
SEASON First
Afroboletus costatisporus
LATIN NAME
Third
Third 3
kasukuti
821
8
Lactarius
913
1,361
587
0
3
Lactarius cf. cabansa
335
267
2,219
242
30
7
Lactarius gymnocarpus
308
267
624
Amanita
1,755
192
297
Lactarius pandani agg.
404
143
111
Amanita elegans
1,219
1,087
1,227
719
301
346
Lentinus squarrulosus
739
1,566
300
lilime la ng'ombe
1,452
1,079
3,429
Afroboletus luteolus
Amanita flammeola Amanita loosii Amanita mafingensis Auricularia Auricularia auricula
Lentinus cladopus
493
120
2,154
6,656 5
mphandupandu
1,896
1,640
1,446
mulinda munda
Cantharellus cibarius agg.
246
729
120
Cantharellus congolensis
932
372
3,175
Cantharellus longisporus agg.
0
382
1
chikuni
0
Cantharellus
18
71
1,995 116
28
437
261
252
0
15
0
Russula 64
Russula schizoderma
259
160
3
1
24
81
Termitomyces microcarpus
28
Termitomyces schimperi
songowa
773
Termitomyces
kakadyongolo
Termitomyces clypeatus
0 9,150
4,058
6,621
204
1,886
2,168
5,392
59 1,527
1,884
3,619
319
4,275
6,403
2,823
1,774
9,984
958
1,075
6,148
22
0
Tubosaeta
285
1,150
3,459
Volvariella
120
190
1,649
wapachulu
11
2 240
Russula cellulata
0
Inocybe
92
nyonjwe
3
gongowa
kantchenjere (white)
13
nthimbwa
191
Cymatoderma dendriticum
kantchenjere
13
mntherere
Mycoamaranthus congolensis
1
Clavaria cf. albiramea
kalongolo
mangunguli
munyozo
328
Clavaria
kachipape
10
nakambwanda
chithuli
Gyroporus luteopurpureus
4
magomo ga magani
181
bonkhasi
32
liuwula
0 1,681
Boletales
532 0
8
Table 14: Average weight of MEF by genus for each season (kg plot-1 day-1) GENUS
SEASONS First
Second
OVERALL Third
Afroboletus
0.0934
0.0377
0.0425
0.0579
Amanita
0.3332
0.2130
0.2057
0.2506
Auricularia
0.1086
0.9450
0.3000
0.4512
Boletales
0.2491
0.2078
0.3392
0.2654
Cantharellus
0.2919
0.1234
0.0792
0.1648
0.0676
0.0678
0.0677
Clavaria Cymatoderma Gyroporus
0.0400
0.0400
present
Inocybe
present 0.0400
0.0050
0.0225
Lactarius
0.1614
0.1170
0.1232
0.1339
Lentinus
present
0.5442
Mycoamaranthus
0.1126
0.0592
0.0426
0.0715
Russula
0.2925
0.2216
0.1881
0.2341
Termitomyces
0.5136
0.7758
1.6436
0.9776
Tubosaeta
0.1134
0.1770
0.3045
0.1983
Volvariella
0.0902
0.2323
0.4267
0.2497
undetermined
2.4908
0.6009
0.4344
1.1754
0.2721
Table 15: Average weight of MEF recorded per interview-day in each District (kg) DISTRICT
SEASONS First
Second
Kasungu
2.0
1.9
Lilongwe
37.7
33.1
Third 8.4
Machinga
87.9
62.4
21.9
Mzimba
62.8
47.1
34.9
12
Table 16: # of days on which each species was encountered in the market survey FIRST
SECOND
Afroboletus luteolus
LATIN NAME
6
6
Amanita
7
6
Amanita bingensis
5
Amanita elegans Amanita flammeola
THIRD
1 5
6
Amanita loosii
26
20
11
Amanita mafingensis
23
36
56
Amanita vaginata
1
1
Boletales
8
9
bonkhasi
5
1
1
Cantharellus
48
56
46
Cantharellus cibarius agg.
24
9
21
Cantharellus congolensis
33
30
27
2
10
Clavaria cf. albiramea Collybia dryophila Cymatoderma dendriticum Inocybe
8 13
4
3
1
1
8
kalondawalimi kanyozwe
1 1
katchenjere Lactarius Lactarius cabansa Lactarius cf. cabansa
1 1
22
24
1
6 4
1
Lactarius gymnocarpus
30
36
Lactarius pandani agg.
9
9
Lentinus cladopus
6
3
Lentinus squarrulosus
2
2
mntheree
44 1
1
mntherere
3
munyozo
2
2
Mycoamaranthus congolensis
9
6
nthimbwa
2
2
Russula
9
9
1
Russula cellulata
5
4
20
32
26
29
nakafisi
Russula schizoderma Russulales
1
9
1
10
Termitomyces
10
30
19
Termitomyces clypeatus
15
21
26
Termitomyces microcarpus
14
15
4
6
6
Tubosaeta ujojo Volvariella wapachulu
1 3
9
8 3
13
Table 18: Number of people trading in fungi by species and season
Table 17: Total weight of fungi in market survey (kg) LATIN NAME
SEASONS First
Second
LATINNAME
Afroboletus luteolus
2.8
2.8
Afroboletus luteolus
Amanita
6.0
7.0
Amanita
Amanita bingensis Amanita flammeola
2.5
0.3
Amanita elegans
1.8
Amanita flammeola
Amanita loosii
43.7
37.0
7.6
Amanita mafingensis
27.1
26.5
10.1
Boletales
5.6
5.1
bonkhasi
1.1
1.1
39.2
36.9
Cantharellus
Secon 7
7
13
12
Amanita bingensis
2.0
Amanita elegans
SEASONS First
Third
1 9
Amanita loosii
145
39
33
Amanita mafingensis
237
346
81
1
1
11
12
Boletales bonkhasi
27.3
9 8
Amanita vaginata
3.7
Third
5
2
2
247
313
176
Cantharellus cibarius
20.5
155.6
1.3
Cantharellus
Cantharellus
16.1
23.8
3.0
Cantharellus cibarius agg.
85
30
21
0.8
1.3
Cantharellus congolensis
91
76
46
0.6
Clavaria cf. albiramea
1
13
1.0
Collybia dryophila
0.9
Cymatoderma dendriticum
Clavaria cf. albiramea Collybia dryophila Cymatoderma Inocybe
2.5 5.0
2.9 5.4
kalondawalimi
0.2
Inocybe
katchenjere
3.7
kalondawalimi
8.5
0.6
kanyozwe
1.4
katchenjere
Lactarius
8.6
Lactarius cabansa
1.0
Lactarius cf. cabansa
3.0
Lactarius Lactarius pandani Lentinus cladopus
Lactarius
15
1 1
1
64
75
1 1
Lactarius cf. cabansa
3.2
Lactarius gymnocarpus
130
96
Lactarius pandani agg.
18
18
Lentinus cladopus
6
4
Lentinus squarrulosus
2
2
0.3
3.8 0.7
2
1.1
0.7
4.0
4.0
mntherere 3
3
9
6
2
2
mntheree
0.3
Russula
3.9
3.9
0.4
munyozo
Russula cellulata
7.0
2.1
2.9
Mycoamaranthus
5.3
nakafisi
9.3
34.5
7 6
5.9
nakafisi
Russula schizoderma
2
5.9
mntherere
nthimbwa
4
2
10.0
2.3
10.1
5
31.6
mntheree Mycoamaranthus
Lactarius cabansa
11 20
119 1
2 3
1
Russulales
2.7
2.0
1.4
nthimbwa
Termitomyces
5.4
3.8
8.2
Russula
10
10
1
12
4
32
Termitomyces
2.8
3.1
2.1
Russula cellulata
Termitomyces
3.7
4.1
1.8
Russula schizoderma
78
49
72
Tubosaeta
4.7
4.7
Russulales
15
1
15
ujojo Volvariella wapachulu
Termitomyces
18
71
72
3.9
Termitomyces clypeatus
22
38
38
1.1
Termitomyces microcarpus
27
30
5
Tubosaeta
10
10
8
15
12
663
784
388
1.2 2.5
2.0
ujojo Volvariella
1
wapachulu TOTAL
14
2
Table 19: Correspondence table of local and latin names for MEF LATIN NAME
CHIMALIRO
DZALANYAMA
Afroboletus costatisporus
fisi (white)
Afroboletus luteolus
fisi (yellow)
Amanita
bongololo
Amanita
LIWONDE
PEREKEZI
bongololo kabongololo kachicholi katelera & (purple) & (white)
katelera (white)
Amanita
nkhozi
ngodzi & (purple)
Amanita elegans
kateremusi
kateremusi
kateremusi
Amanita flammeola
pezupezu
katelera (yellow)
pezupezu
Amanita loosii
ndelema
Amanita mafingensis
ndezu
Auricularia
nakajongolo utenga dzanje zanje katelera (brown) & (red)
ndelema ndezu
matwe (red), + (yellow)
Auricularia auricula
mankhawala
matwe
Boletales
chibwe thundwe (black) & (mswesi) & (white) & (yellow)
fisi (brown) & (green) thundwe
thundwe
Cantharellus
manyame (brown) & (orange)
gundamsuku manyame
manyame
Cantharellus cibarius agg.
manyame (ghatuwa) & (white) & (yellow) & (black) & (red) masutwe (yellow)
manyame (white) & (yellow) & (black) & (red) masutwe
Cantharellus longisporus agg.
manyame (red)
manyame (red)
Clavaria
kabvisaza
Clavaria cf. albiramea
kansanza kasanza
Gyroporus luteopurpureus
kamchikuni
Lactarius
kambaza kamchere longolwe (red) mchere mphofwa
Lactarius cf. cabansa
longolwe
Lactarius gymnocarpus
chiwere
Lactarius pandani agg.
kabwalo kam'bwalo kambwa kambwabwa kambaza tswatswa (white) & (yellow)
mnofu wa nkhuku masutwe
dodolido nakasuku
kambaza kamchiwere mphofwa
longolwe kungulokwetiti tswatswa
Lentinus cladopus Lentinus squarrulosus
chipatwe (yellow)
nakatasi kamitsempha
15
LATIN NAME
CHIMALIRO
DZALANYAMA
LIWONDE
PEREKEZI
thimbwa/thiphwa Mycoamaranthus congolensis
matongo-ghakalulu
machecheta matongo-ghakalulu
matongoghakalulu
Russula
kalinkhulwe
chipindi mmanga kachisholi katelera wa mchenga
kalinkhulwe
Russula
mkodzo wa galu
mkodzo wa galu mkodzowang'ombe
mkadzadzulo mkodzo wa galu
Russula
murye & (white) & (ghatuwa) & (utuwa)
murye
mulye
Russula
nkhozi
nkhozi
Russula schizoderma
murye
murye chipindi
Termitomyces
kalondawalimi nyirimanda
kachifu
Termitomyces
nyozwe utale zumbwe thupa
nyozwe
Termitomyces clypeatus
uzuma & (white)
Termitomyces microcarpus
manda mlyayuni
Tubosaeta
thundwe (red)
Volvariella
kalunkhulwe
Undet.
chithuli gongowa kantchenjere kantchenjere (white) lilime la ng'ombe mphandupandu mulinda munda songowa
usinda
matongo-ghakalulu
murye mutherere
utale
uzuma nakasowu fisi (red)
chikuni kachenga kasikidzi munyozo nthimbwa
16
bonkhasi kachipape kalongolo kasukuti mntherere
M
I O M B O
E
D I B L E
F
U N G I
:
F
I N A L
T
E C H N I C A L
R
E P O R T
Annex 5
Wild Edible Fungi Marketing Channels and Indigenous Knowledge in Mzimba District April 2002 Janet Lowore, C Munthali 35 pp
www.malawifungi.org
Wild Edible Fungi Marketing Channels and Indigenous Knowledge in Mzimba District.
By Janet Lowore and Chimuleke Munthali Department of Forestry Mzuzu University March 2002 DRAFT April 2002 With support from: Mr. Manyamba of DFO Mzimba Mrs. Mwagomba of DFO Mzuzu Mr. Ngwira of DFO Mzuzu
PREPARED FOR THE MIOMBO EDIBLE FUNGI PROJECT DFID FORESTRY RESEARCH INSITUTE OF MALAWI
1
CABI BIOSCIENCE
Contents Abbreviations
1
Summary
2
Section 1 Background
3
Section 2 Collecting information
4
Section 3 Findings and Observations
5
Section 4 Participant Profiles
17
Section 5 Concluding remarks
22
Section 6 Way forward
26
Annex 1
Table showing details of all informants (except customers)
Annex 2
Table showing details of customer interviews
37
Annex 3
Map showing collecting and marketing sites
[to be added]
Tables 1 2
5
List of respondents Some information about income and profits involved in the wef business Information concerning the characteristics of different wef sites Wef types on sale, sometimes sold and rarely sold according to direct observations and informant interviews in Mzuzu Urban, Perekezi, Mzimba and Ekwendeni Growing seasons for selected wef
Boxes 1 2 3 4
Wef trading in Mzimba Nyabanda must decide whether to accept the vendor’s offer or not Chamalaza women’s group The traditional way to dry mushrooms
Figures 1
Levels of micro-enterprise development
3 4
2
28
A
B B R E V I A T I O N S
BOWA CABI BIOSCIENCE CHIKWATU DFID FR FRIM MK NDIWO NKHOWANI NTFP WEF
Local Chewa generic name for wild edible fungi or mushrooms Division of CAB International Dried mushrooms and/or dried green leaves stored within a container made of dried Uapaca kirkiana leaves. Department for International Development Forest Reserve [protected by national law] Forestry Research Institute of Malawi Malawi Kwacha. March 2002: USD 1 = MK 75 Relish or side dish eaten with nsima, the staple food of cooked maize flour Local (Tumbuka) generic name for mushrooms or edible fungi Non-timber forest product Wild edible fungi; used in preference to mushrooms because more specific
3
SUMMARY We present information on the collection and trade of wild edible fungi (‘mushrooms’) in Mzimba District in the north of Malawi. The local Chewa name for wild edible fungi is bowa. The study was conducted from early February to the end of March 2002 and is part of the Miombo Edible Fungus project. It complements an earlier similar study carried out in 2001 in Liwonde and Zomba.
capitalising on the bowa trade (with mark-ups of 150-300%) more than the vendors in Mzuzu (markups 80-150%) a fact probably linked to competition. Bowa processing takes place. After returning from a collection trip the saleable bowa are set aside from the broken or just-about-to-go-rotten bowa which are then used in the home. The bowa are not cleaned with water, because the water hastens rotting, but leaves, twigs and stones are removed and some said they cleaned off the worst of the dirt with a knife. At the selling point a second grading takes place as the vendor place the good bowa in heaps or on plates for sale whilst leaving the less good ones in the basket. Drying is commonly undertaken using the traditional means of boiling first and drying in the sun or smoking in the kitchen. Dried bowa are stored by making a bundle wrapped in leaves of the Uapaca kirkiana and this bundle is called a chikwatu. Unsold or unsaleable bowa are commonly dried, but some village women also collect bowa in times of abundance simply for the purpose of preserving for later use. Dried bowa are also sold.
In this study we describe the places where bowa are sold, market trends, the collectors who supply the markets and consume the produce directly. Bowa are on sale in large quantities in towns and at the roadside of Perekezi forest reserve. The main Lilongwe – Mzuzu road runs through Perekezi forest reserve, a well-protected miombo woodland productive in wef. In the towns of Mzuzu and Mzimba bowa are collected from indigenous woodlands within anything up to 14 km from the town centres. This study confirms that the trade in wild edible fungi from Malawi’s miombo woodlands has grown considerably over the past five years and continues to grow. As this happens, new opportunities for entrepreneurs open up and the bowa market system matures and has a more visible presence.
Customers only buy those bowa which are well known and easily recognizable. It would appear that those bowa which are common and abundant are more likely to be categorized as well-known than other less common wef. Customers differentiate between good and bad quality bowa but are mostly concerned with freshness - breakages and dirt are more likely to be accepted as inevitable.
The market chains are varied and involve between 1-4 people from forest floor to dinner plate and how they function depends upon variables such as demand, competition, type of mushroom, bargaining position of collectors, distance to market and social characteristics of stakeholders. Wholesale buying from Perekezi and selling in Kasungu gives an indication of the extent of demand for bowa from urban dwellers. One vendor explained that bowa are cheap and easy to cook therefore compare favourably with other ndiwo.
In summary we can say the bowa selling is a very important activity for large numbers of people during a crucial hungry period of the year. The fact that this year (2002) is also a famine year may explain why more and more vendors are engaging in the bowa trade, but it would appear that the famine is exacerbating rather than initiating a trend. Increasing urbanization and a decline in indigenous woodlands has had the effect of transforming an unmarketable famine food into a highly marketable delicacy.
Fortunes of individuals involved vary a great deal. Some elderly ladies were seen to be making not more than MK 100 in a week from selling small quantities of bowa whilst some entrepreneurial middlemen were making about MK 1000 per day (although not every day). Several respondents said that this season (2001-2002) was the first time which they had engaged in selling bowa and the reason for doing so was “hunger”. Others said “they were copying what others were doing successfully”. One vendor went so far as to say that bowa selling was on the increase because the demand for bowa was on the increase. There was evidence to show that in Mzimba the vendors were
4
Section 1 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Background
1.1 Current and recent research The findings of this study add to the increasing body of knowledge about the wild edible fungi [wef] of Malawi’s miombo woodlands. Specifically the information complements other recent research which has been carried out under the auspices of the Miombo Edible Fungi research project being undertaken jointly by the Forest Research Institute of Malawi [FRIM] and CABI Bioscience. This project is examining ecological, social and economic factors which influence the importance of wild edible fungi as a nontimber forest product in Malawi. The project, which runs from 1999 to 2002, is being funded by DfID. Much of the data which has been collected and produced so far deals with species identification, productivity data from woodland plots, marketing and quantifying wef sold from selected sites (Boa et al. 2000, Meke and Chitila 2001). In order to build upon these areas of study, in March 2001 a study was conducted in Liwonde and Zomba, to look in more detail at who sells what and how. The study revealed new insights about marketing strategies, about the activities of middlemen and about the increase of interest in buying and selling wef in general (Lowore 2001). 1.2 This market study The main aim of this current market study is to extend the mushroom marketing study which was carried out in Liwonde/Zomba to another region in Malawi namely Mzuzu and surrounding areas. The specific objectives of this study are to gather information about: • • • • •
marketing channels, prices, turnover, trends and customer preferences concerning the edible mushroom trade in Mzuzu and Mzimba urban and peri-urban markets and at selected roadside sites. the profiles of collectors and vendors such as gender, age, wealth class, other forms of income and role in the wef trade. handling methods, including picking, carrying, sorting, grading, storage and transport. collection methods such as indigenous knowledge about where to find wef and when, whether collectors cooperate or compete and local perspectives on production trends from year to year. the extent to which wef are eaten and processed at home by those households not engaged in the trade FURTHER READING
Department of Forestry 1999. Community-based management of Miombo woodlands in Malawi. Proceedings of a National Workshop. Forestry Research Institute of Malawi. Boa, E, Nglulube M, Meke G, and Munthali C. 2000. Proceedings of the First regional Workshop of Sustainable Use of NTFPs – Wild Edible Fungi. CABI Bioscience and Forestry Research Institute of Malawi. Meke, G. S. and Chitila, V. C. (editors). 2001. Proceedings of a two day seminar on wild edible mushrooms and other NTFP knowledge from FRIM Field Officers. Wild Edible Project Document. Lowore, J, and Boa, E. 2001. Bowa Markets in Malawi – Local Practices and Indigenous Knowledge of Wild Edible Fungi. Report prepared for The Miombo Edible Fungi Project, DFID.
2
Section 2 ---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Collecting information
Information was sought pertaining to the specific objectives as outlined in Section 1.2. The range of information sought is wide and there is a great deal of variation in the role of different participants in the trade. Gaps in the information are usually due to having to limit the length of time of interviews with each informant in order to reach more informants. The approach to information gathering was as follows: 1)
Three research assistants were identified to survey wef vending activity in Mzuzu city and suburbs, in Ekwendeni (semi-urban), in Mzimba town and at roadside sites within Perekezi forest reserve. Vendors at each site were interviewed using a checklist of questions which included a range of questions which related to whether the vendor was also a collector or whether he/she was also a trader. This work was carried out in the weeks of January 31st to February 28th, 2002. See Table 1 below for details about numbers of respondents. Research assistants were encouraged to probe informants for further pertinent information even if this involved asking questions not indicated on the check-list.
2)
In a number of cases the research assistants were asked conduct in-depth interviews with selected informants in order to gain more detailed knowledge about how important wef trading was for their livelihoods. In some cases these interviews were undertaken by the lead researchers.
3)
The research assistants also interviewed customers with a check-list of questions which concentrated on their species preferences, regularity of buying and their comments on quality from different buying sites.
4)
One research assistant also carried out a brief survey of villager wef eating habits. This was undertaken in five villages in the Chigwere area and 22 respondents were involved (see Table 1). The survey consisted of asking the respondents a set of pre-determined questions. This was undertaken between March 9th and 13th.
Table 1. Number of informants interviewed according to activity Activities Collector only Trader only Collector / trader First year to sell wef Customers Household village interviews (some were also involved in selling) 5)
Number interviewed in the period 3 15 36 6 (of 2 of these it was the first day for them to sell wef) 22 22
Research assistants also recorded their direct observations. This included, for example, recording that during a certain interview a customer might reject certain wef because they are not clean or observing the type of vehicles which stop at roadside selling sites. The amount and types of wef on sale at any given selling point were also recorded.
NOTE ON METHODS
Wef research is heavily affected by seasonality. Direct observations are limited to those wef on sale at the time of the research and even questions about such issues as species preference can be affected by seasonality. When talking to villagers about ranking ndiwo in order of preference they found it hard to eliminate the fact that their preferred wef species are available for only a few weeks of the year from their preference decisions – as if it is risky to “prefer” something so scarcely available.
3
Section 3 --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------Findings and Observations 3.1 Marketing and economic importance 3.1.1 Selling points and markets In Mzuzu city there are many markets and sites where wild edible fungi are sold. The sites include the city centre and the “locations”, which is the term used for high density residential suburbs. Market places vary from being purpose built structures to a place in the street where vendors congregate. There are costs associated with some of the selling site as the Mzuzu City Assembly charges a daily market fee of MK 15 for all vending pitches, although vendors often pay nothing for some of the more informal pitches. Those who have permanent structures must also either bear the cost of building such a structure or more usually borrow or rent off another person. It was noted that some markets are more “vibrant” than others for example many wef were for sale in Katawa, Mzuzu Urban. The explanation is simple. Katawa is a high-density middle-income residential area i.e. the two important ingredients for any market are both present – many people with at least some money. An alternative selling strategy to setting up a “stall” is to sell house to house. Factors which determine whether one adopts the one method or another are as follows:
•
One must pay for having a market stall. The City also charges people who set up stall outside a market, by the side of the road – although for some pitches the collection rate is low. • Selling house to house is a faster way to sell produce • Those who sell house to house may ask for flour instead of money, whilst this is not possible for those who sell from a stationary point • Selling house to house is tiring In Mzimba mushrooms were on sale by vendors with permanent structures at the back of the main market and are also sold by women who sit on the “pavement” at the front of the market. In Ekwendeni vendors sold both house to house and at a selling point outside the market. There are several roadside selling points within the Perekezi forest reserve including Mzimba turnoff, Lundazi turnoff and Luwawa turnoff. 3.1.2
WHOLESALE TRADING
The tumbuka word is “tipikule” and means to buy a large quantity for a reduced price or wholesale. Sometimes “tipikule” is translated to mean “ordering” but this is incorrect as the middlemen rarely place an order. There are two types of activities which involve the middleman. The first is as was found in Mzuzu and Mzimba where the collectors bring the wef to the city and sell to a local vendor. In Mzuzu the vendors themselves would often go out of their way to meet the collectors at certain busy trading sites and then carry the wef to their preferred selling point. For example Lusiya Chunda who lives in Zolozolo sometimes buys wef from women who come from Chigwere and then she sells them in places such as Katawa and Mzuzu main market. Sometimes she also buys all the wef from women who come intending to sell door to door in the locations, and then resells them. Mr. Kabwerewere (see Section 4) also buys from the Chigwere ladies. Another wholesale trading site is at the Bishop’s residence where collectors from Matuli come and sell wef to Mzuzu-based vendors. In Mzimba the vendors set up a stall at a permanent place and the collectors come to them to sell the wef. This is not really wholesaling, but does involve a middleman and certainly the collectors are obliged to drop their prices when they sell to the vendors in this way. For more detailed information about how vendors operate in Mzimba market see Box 1. It was also learnt that during the utale season (December) some Mzuzu-based vendors travel to collector-villages to buy the wef directly from the vendors thereby shouldering the responsibility of transporting the wef to market.
4
Box 1. Wef trading in Mzimba th
On Friday February 15 the researchers spent some hours at Mzimba market observing the wef trading activity. At the back of the market we found four vendors, all men, all with permanent structures selling wef. Some were selling other goods in addition to the wef such as tomatoes, spinach and one was selling loofahs. Thomson Nthala (26 years old) originally from Madise, Dowa but now settled in Mzimba has been a businessman since 1993. At the time of the interview he had 9 heaps of masutwe and 2 of manyame on his stall. He explained that the wef were left over from a purchase the day before (overnight wef are stored spread out on a mat in an airy place) when he bought a quantity of wef for MK 150. These he divided into heaps priced at MK 5 each. Yesterday he sold MK220 worth (44 heaps) for cash and MK 80 worth on credit to someone who works at the hospital who wanted to send them to relatives in Lilongwe. He spent the money he earned on maize and was now expecting to sell all the remainder today. He had worked out that he would sell what he bought for MK 150 for MK 450 therefore making MK 300 profit. Whilst talking to him a young woman collector arrived and offered to sell her wef for MK 40, Thomson however offered MK 15 which she accepted. Thomson said he would sell them for MK 35. Thomson said most people like ndelema best because they are delicious and – ikutupa – they go far. One can buy little but it will be enough for the whole family. Mushroom selling is a good business because one can make a profit from very little capital, MK 100 is enough to start off with at the start of the season. The other reason why he thinks selling wef is good is that once he has bought some he knows that he will sell everything. The disadvantages of the business are that wef have a short season, rain makes them go bad easily and many vendors sell all the same types. When wef are out of season he sells agricultural crops, beans, cassava and sweet potatoes etc. The money he generates is used to pay rent and keep his family – two children and his wife. Mr. Nthala said that more and more people are going into wef trading as a business these days. Mr. Nthalas neighbour, in the market, was J. S. Banda from Emaswini. He started selling wef in 1989, then he stopped and from 1990-93 he traded in beans. In 1993 he was selling spare parts for oxcarts – bearings and other parts. This season he is selling mushrooms. He gave up the oxcart spare parts business because trade is slack during the rainy season, as farmers maintain their carts during the dry season. He has been selling mulye, mpofwa, ndelema (ndezu) and masutwe. Today he was only selling masutwe and he had 12 heaps. Masutwe do not rot easily, but may actually slowly dehydrate whilst on the bench and do not rot or develop worms. The other name for masutwe is chivindwe. Manyame must be sold quickly or boiled and dried. He was also selling loofah, he had four on sale for MK 10 each. He said that it is typical for men to sell wef from market stalls whilst women might be found selling in the locations. Some of the collectors sell house to house as an initial strategy then sell the remaining wef to the vendors. He pays MK 15 each day for market fee but the stall is his own. If he buys wef for MK 20 he sells for MK 5060, if he buys for MK 15 he expects to get MK 35.There is no shortage of collectors/sellers but sometimes his capital is used up for household emergencies. Mr. Banda said he is knowledgeable about wef and always sorts and grades the wef which he buys from collectors. He sometimes finds inedible types mixed up with edible types which is bad for business. If he buys mulye he must be very careful because there is another mushroom which looks just like mulye but is very poisonous. th Source: Interviews undertaken by J. Lowore and C. Munthali on February 15 2002, Mzimba market.
The second wholesaling type activity was found in Perekezi where certain enterprising individuals with a little bit of capital buy large quantities of wef from the collectors at Perekezi and then board a bus/car to perhaps Mzimba or more likely Kasungu where they sell the wef directly to customers. Some of these wholesalers are coming from the same villages as the collectors and may have been collectors at one stage, whilst others are coming from others areas e.g. Mzimba. They tend to buy the common species such as ndelema, utale and manyame and they like the wef to be clean and sorted and may even sort them again themselves. They use baskets for transporting the wef to market and prefer to use matola (which means getting a lift in a pick-up) rather than buses because they say it is easier to take care of your goods in a pickup than a bus. The wholesalers may make a trip to Kasungu two or three times in a week and although it is a temporal business it is nevertheless attractive and more and more individuals are becoming involved. The vendors at one roadside site, Lundadzi turnoff, said they may see up to three wholesalers in a day. One lady wholesaler Nyanklonjera, from a local village started wholesaling in December of last year. She explained that once in Kasungu she sells direct to customers and must rent a market space which might cost anything up to MK 60. There is a great deal of competition in Kasungu as traders also come in from Jenda and customers themselves also bargain hard about the prices. Nyaklonjera makes the journey when
5
she has bought two full baskets of wef. She buys wef which have been well sorted by the collectors and buys a day in advance. She spreads the wef on a mat overnight for aeration and then goes to Kasungu the following day. In any business transaction there must be negotiation and ideally a “deal” is reached based on a compromise between the demands or needs of all parties. For example one young lady in Mzimba said she prefers to sell to the vendors as opposed to selling house to house because she was too shy, whilst the more common incentive for selling to a trader is that collector’s time is released and he/she can be engaged in another activity such as going home, doing the farming or collecting more wef. Sometimes situations are such whereby one party gains more than the other, such a relationship might be said to be exploitative and occurs when the bargaining position of one party is weak. The vendors in Mzimba used poor quality as a reason to push down the price when buying from collectors (see Box 2). It was observed however that this was probably a negotiating tactic as they still sold the very same wef which they claimed were inferior quality to customers for the same standard price and no customer complained (during the interview period). BOX 2. NYABANDA MUST DECIDE WHETHER OR NOT TO ACCEPT THE VENDOR’S OFFER.
Nyabanda from Yohani Chisi village had collected a whole bowl of manyame from woodlands some distance form her village and she wanted at least MK 50 for them so that she could buy some ngaiwa (whole ground maize). She had already sold a quantity for MK 20 on the way here and now wanted to sell the rest to the vendors for MK 50, so that she could go home. The first vendor offered her only MK 20 so she decided to leave and try to sell them herself direct to customers. We detained her to ask her some questions during which time she entered into negotiations with another vendor and they eventually agreed on MK 25 for the whole bowl. Both vendors said that the wef were broken and so they could not offer her a better price. Nyabanda was a single mother with two children – she had separated from her husband. She had no capital to do any business and had wanted ganyu (piece work) but because she could not find any she thought of selling bowa. She does not think it a very good business but it at least helps a little bit. She collects and sells just once a week because the wef are scarce and there are too many other people also collecting them, maybe more than 20 from the same area. Last year Nyabanda sold bananas to get some money. Next year she does not know what she will do. Source: Interview undertaken by J. Lowore and C. Munthali on February 15th, 2002, in Mzimba market. 3.1.4
ECONOMIC IMPORTANCE
It would appear that mushroom selling is on the increase - Mr. L Shawa of Perekezi said people started selling wef from Perekezi in 1996 but that it “took off” in 1999. Mzuzu-based vendors gave similar information, saying that in the past there were few people selling wef. Several informants such as Unice Singini of Fuyiwa village and Stella Mgara of Mzuzu were selling wef for the first time this year whilst others had been selling for not more than 2 years e.g. Lusiya Chunda of Zolozolo and Veronica Lungu of Mkanthira. Concerning the reason for this increase most simply said “njala” (hunger) or “poverty”, [2002 is a year of severe food shortage]. On further questioning about “but why wef?” informants tended to say they were following the example of others and one vendor explained that the demand was increasing therefore there is a market opportunity for people to fill if they are able to. Stella Mgara explained that she saw other people going to the Bishop’s House to buy wef and she thought she would try it as well because wef sell quickly unlike maize flour, because too many other people sell maize flour. The majority of informants said they spent the money they earned from wef sales on maize or food. Soap, salt, school fees and beer (for men) were also mentioned. Noliva Shaba in Mzimba was very specific concerning how she was going to spend her MK 15; MK 10 for maize, MK 4.50 for salt and MK 0.5 for milling the maize. Some of the vendors in Mzuzu who sell from house to house said that if possible they prefer to exchange wef for maize flour rather than money, at an exchange rate of 1 plate of mushrooms for 1 plate of maize flour. In several cases if collectors were selling just a few wef they were asked “why did you not collect more?”. The answer was usually – “there were many other collectors” or “I was late and others had already been there” or “I just collected a few in the hope of selling them”. First-timer Unice Singini said that if she sold all the wef which she had brought to market she would certainly collect more and come again. The prices to the customer did not vary greatly, ranging from MK 5 or MK 10 per small plate of wef depending upon the market site, the time of year and competition. The wef at Mzimba and Perekezi were cheaper than in Mzuzu. Vendors said that at the height of the season they are sometimes forced to reduce
6
prices a little. Apart from ndelema and utale which are sold and priced individually depending upon the size, the price for different types of wef does not vary. Table 2. Some information about income and profits involved in the wef business. CATEGORY OF PARTICIPANT
Collector selling direct to vendor
Place Mzimba Mzuzu
Collector and vendor
Mzuzu
Ekwendeni
Vendor only (buys wef from collectors)
Mzimba Mzuzu Mzuzu
Perekezi
Name Noliva Shaba Nyabanda Nyakanyaso Information about collectors from Chigwere and Matuli was provided by vendors Esta Hara (f) Bina and Ennis Munthali (c) Mary Mkandawire (f) Tinis Hara (f)
Details of income and profit Sell wef worth MK 5-80 in a day (not daily) Sell wef worth MK 80-100 in day. (sometimes daily) Sell wef worth about MK 70 – 200 in a day.
Ivy Ngwira (f) Dulika Kambule (f) Mama Chinula (f) Susika Nglulube (f) Ellen Mwamza (f) Thomson Nthala (m) J. Banda (m) V. Tembo (m) Mr. Kabwerewere (m) Grace Manda (f) Anna Chilwa (f) Alice Banda (f) Silas Manda (m) Zizwani Saka (m) Tiwonge Zimba (m) Kalize
Sell wef worth MK 25 – 50 in a day
(some daily, some not)
(2-3 times a week) Make between MK 100-250 per day (daily) Make between MK 100-200 in a day.
(sometimes daily) Can make MK 1000 in a day (2-3 times a week)
There is a great deal of variation in the returns to different participants in the business depending upon whether one sells direct or is a trader and upon the quantity sold each week. Table 2 summarises some of the details gained from various informants in Mzuzu, Mzimba, Ekwendeni and Perekezi. Some serious collectors can make nearly as much money as vendors but are usually constrained by the fact that with the time needed for collection they cannot sell on a daily basis. The urban-based vendors can sell daily which means their weekly income will usually exceed that of the collectors. Those involved in transporting large quantities of wef from Perekezi to Kasungu do well but again the time involved means they cannot sell daily. Mushroom selling is seasonal and so all those involved must switch to different forms of income at other times of year. This seasonality factor makes it difficult for vendors to compare the relative importance of selling wef to other sources of income but many said that wef is a good business because turnover is rapid and one can make a few hundred kwacha in one day. Tinis Hara also sells groundnuts for example but turnover is slow compared to wef which she sells daily making between MK 80-100 each day. Another reason why wef selling is liked by many collectors and vendors is because little or no capital is required. One vendor in Mzimba commented that more money is realized from mushroom selling than those products “produced by man”, and it is assumed that he is referring to the fact that they are free to start with. For many the proceeds from wef were their only source of income at this time of year. However not everyone finds wef trading to be worthwhile. Stella Mgara of Mzuzu was interviewed twice. The first time she was interviewed she was selling wef for the first time but the second time she had given up because the wef she had been buying had maggots in them and she did not see how she could make money that way.
3.2 M u shroom collection
7
3.2.1
COLLECTION AND WHERE TO FIND THE WEF
Knowledge of collection sites Those involved in collecting wef provided some information on collection methods and how to identify mushroom sites. Most said they collected from hills near their villages, others mentioned old gardens which have returned to woodland, other mentioned forest reserves such as Kaninginya or Perekezi. Some e.g. Mary Mkandawire of Zenga Mkandawire were more specific. Mary went so far as to say that wef can’t be found in disturbed woodland because the leaf litter is not good. Mama Chinula of Envyeni said she used to collect wef from places where there are now gardens. When collecting wef with the Chamalaza group it was observed that wef were clearly not to be found in a certain areawhich had been heavily cutover for charcoal, all the mature trees had been removed and there was evidence of bushfire. Collectors tend to return to the same places where they are accustomed to collecting but as more and more people are now collecting wef they may spend more time looking or have to walk farther to find enough to make the collection worthwhile. Some collectors said they always know where to collect from because they say the bowa grow in the same places each year “for ndelema there are specific places where they normally grow – Veronica Lungu” whilst others say it is all a matter of looking and luck “it was just chance that I found them – Melina Mlota”. Others said that they identify the places where wef can be found when they are looking for firewood. Table 3. Information concerning the characteristics of different wef sites Wef type
DIFFERENT COMMENTS ABOUT SITE CHARACTERISTICS FROM DIFFERENT INFORMANTS
utale mulye mpofwa, masutwe
gardens grow under fallen leaves grassy areas within the woodland
manyame ndelema
anthills and in stony areas
utelele small kind of manyame large kind of manyame
common widespread grow in specific areas only only found where there are large trees such as masuku and isoberlinia amongst trees by the stream (Chasato) can be found nearby if another mushroom longorwe is seen [longorwe is not collected for sale because does not look nice]
hills hills
widespread
where there was a bushfire hilly places where soft underfoot grassy and lots of leaves
Knowledge about where exactly wef can be found varies greatly from one person to another and some informants would give only very general answers, although with different methods more information might be forthcoming. Collection habits and handling When looking for wef the collectors usually go singly or in small groups of 2-4, with women being less likely to go alone. When they travel in groups each collects their own wef. A basket made of local materials is usually used for carrying the wef but some collectors also use plastic baskets (as in shopping) or bowls. Some of the collectors in Mzimba appeared to be using plastic bags 1 although they knew this caused damage to the wef but Nyakanyaso (from Chanunkha) said she did not have a basket. Many species are put together in the one basket and sorted out later. Most try to avoid the rain because not only is it uncomfortable but if the wef are completely wet they will rot easily. All those who were asked about overnight storage said the same thing – the wef must be spread out on the floor on a sack. Most collectors would store their wef for at least one night before going to market, very few said they collected and sold in the same day. The time taken to collect the wef varies. Firstly time is involved in getting from the home to the forest area then time is taken to actually look for and collect the wef. Perekezi people spoke of 4-5 hours to collect the 1
It may be that those who carry both wef and firewood to market at the same time are more likely to use a bag than a basket because baskets are usually carried on the head – and this is difficult if carrying a headload of firewood.
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wef and travel to the roadside, a lady from a village near Ekwendeni said it takes from between 9 am to 12 pm to walk to the forest, fill a basket and then walk to the market. Co-operation Some collectors co-operate with one another and tell their immediate family or neighbours about prolific wef sites and also remind each other that certain species grow in certain areas. Others however said that finding wef was just a matter of individual luck. During the mushroom collection with the Chamalaza group it was clear that the ladies would check with one another about whether certain mushroom types were poisonous. In particular there is one poisonous mushroom which looks very much like mulye and one or two of the younger women often asked their friends about the identity of these wef . In one case, on returning to the village the elderly lady who stayed behind looked in the basket of one of the girls only to exclaim at the quantity of poisonous wef within! She promptly sorted them out and threw maybe 10 mushrooms away. The other young lady then asked one of her friends to check her collection as well. Families also cooperate by dividing up the tasks of collecting and selling, instances were reported where the mother collects the wef and the children sell and vice versa. In the case of some collectors from Chigwere the men do the collecting and the women travel to town to sell them. Problems Collectors stated that the increasing number of collectors can mean wef are harder to find and if one “is late” one will find that others have already collected the readily found wef. Deforestation was only stated as a problem in reply to a direct question. Mostly, on the question of problems, collectors cited the discomforts of the forest such as bees, thorns, snakes and wild animals and the seasonality of supply. There was also evidence that some collectors did not feel free to collect wef. The research assistants suggested that some collectors from Chigwere who saidn they collected wef from gardens or customary land did in fact collect wef from Kaninginya forest reserve but were reluctant to say so for fear of getting into trouble. A certain lady in Mzimba even admitted later on in the interview that she was very worried at first when she was approached for questioning and thought she was to be arrested for collecting wild mushrooms.
Box 3. Chamalaza Womens group The Chamalaza women’s group, of Galang’ombe said they collected wef from anthills, gardens and forested areas, in particular they collect from a certain local forest area within land owned by the army. The women collect for both home use (immediate consumption and drying) and for sale. Regularity of collection depends upon one’s own interest in selling but most women probably go between 2-4 times a week. When collecting, which they do in groups of 2 or 3, they use baskets and put several species together in one basket. The wef are usually collected in the late morning and afternoon and laid out on the floor overnight. They will be sorted at this stage and only the good ones taken for selling. Sometimes they send children to collect the wef when they come back from school. The women said they notice where wef are to be found as they go looking for firewood and that many people collect in the same area. The women usually sell from house to house in locations such as Zolozolo, Katawa, Mzirawaingwe (which means path of the leopard). Usually they can sell all the wef which they take to town although these days there are so many sellers it can take time. Customers prefer ndelema, masutwe, manyame, mpofwa and utale because these are well known and taste good. The ladies also reported that some customers are afraid of being poisoned and do not buy wef at all. They sell the wef at MK 10-20 per plate depending upon the number of other sellers on any given day. Often they can make MK 200 each day. They said that there was competition both at the selling sites and the collecting sites. The quantity of mushrooms varies from year to year but they did not know why. Last year there were more wef. What about changes over time in supply and demand? The older women explained that in the past wef had little market value and it was hardly worth selling them but with the growth of Mzuzu and with the forest area receding the price is now good. Men are also involved, but not from the village (few), but men who stay in Zolozolo (Mzuzu Urban) also come to the same forest area to collect – leading to competition for the same wef. In the same village, in addition to selling wef, other income generating activities (IGAs) are charcoal selling and firewood selling. Charcoal is the best income earner. It was during some discussion with a forest extension worker about how to curtail the amount of charcoal burning that the idea of Chamalaza Women’s group was born. They came up with the idea of making money through processing mushrooms. On being asked what it was they wanted to do they said they were waiting for the forestry extension worker to explain. Mushroom collection trip
9
Later the researchers accompanied some of the same women to the forest to look for wef. On the way to the forest area two groups of collectors (about 8 in total) were seen leaving the same forest area each with a basket on their heads. The ladies immediately exclaimed that they “were late” and indeed it was sometime before any wef were seen on entering the forested area. The woodland on one side of the stream was dominated by Brachystegia taxifolia and by Uapaca kirkiana on the other. Whilst collecting the women did not stick to paths and they quickly spread out to cover as much area as possible. The collectors would often ask one another – is this mushroom good to eat. As the Tumbuka for mushroom only refers to edible mushrooms the answer in the case of those poisonous or non edible ones was “no it is not a mushroom”. In particular care was taken with mulye and those which looked liked mulye. One lady explained that mulye are often eaten by insects in the forest and this is an indication that they are edible. When discussing the different species collected they said that utelele are not found here and kamchere are not collected because they are bitter unless boiled, therefore not good for the market. They said mulye can be found anywhere but that mpofwa was more specific and is only found where there are large trees. Coming to a rise on the far side of the stream the forest had been heavily cut over by charcoal burners and only small trees and coppices remained. No wef at all were found here. After just less than two hours all baskets were about full and it was time to go. Source: Interviews and wef collection trip undertaken by S. Mwagomba and J. Lowore, February 2002. 3.1.2
THE MUSHROOMS
The wef on sale within the study period are shown in Table 4. Collectors were also asked if they collect other species which they do not sell. Interestingly the interviews with the village households, which were undertaken to get a picture of village wef eating habits revealed a much greater range of wef species than talking to vendors and those who collect for sale. Those species mentioned as being eaten but rarely sold are also shown in Table 4. Table 4. Wef types on sale, sometimes sold and rarely sold according to direct observations and informant interviews in Mzuzu Urban, Perekezi, Mzimba and Ekwendeni. Mzuzu mulye ndelema manyame masutwe mpofwa kambaza
utale kalinkulwe
Ekwendeni
Mzimba boma
Perekezi roadside
We f o n sa le o n so me d a y s i n Fe b r u ar y a nd Ma r c h 200 2 mulye ndelema manyame masutwe masutwe mpofwa utelele kamchere Also sold but not seen at this time utale utale kambaza mpofwa
bonkhasi
mulye ndelema manyame masutwe manda kalinkulwe kambaza utale uzuma bonkhasi
mpofwa mtherere We f n ame d by s o me c ol l e c t or s a s be i n g e a te n at h ome b u t n o t so ld ( or ve r y r a r e ly ) Chamalaza Womens Ekwendeni (Chinula) Mzimba (Chigwere Perekezi group area) kamchere* chitelemuzi kamchere# thundwe thundwe mtelele# munkhozawagalu munkhozawagalu kalinkulwe# masupachanya muliyelupani pezu pezu# gankha kalinkulwe* thundwe# bonkhasi kapamantha
kkamwana*
manda# matuli# kachipapa#
10
Mzuzu
Ekwendeni
Mzimba boma fuliwengi# uzuma#
Perekezi roadside
bonkhasi# upuluyira# kapamanta# wanyuni# nkwatakwata# * indicates those wef which some informants said are usually dried before being edible therefore are not preferred for sale. # indicates those wef names supplied as a result of the village-based household interviews who were not targeted in connection with their participation in the wef trade. The use of local names can be confusing for researchers and lay people. For example it is not known whether the utelele and mthelele are the same type of mushroom as the respondents were from different places. The Tonga names are different from the Tumbuka names which caused some confusion in a mixed language group in one village. Kamchere was on sale in Ekwendeni (each of the four vendors interviewed were selling it on that day) when others had said it was only edible when boiled and dried. This may be explained by different habits and tastes or the informants may have been referring to different species. Some respondents indicate that masutwe and manyame are one and the same but this appears not to be the case. Amongst those involved in collection and sale there are some who are more knowledgeable than others, and so some may differentiate more or less between types. Mr. L. Shawa of Perekezi pointed out that masutwe and manyame are different but some people lump them together because they taste the same. He also enlightened us by telling us that there are more than one kind of manyame and more than one kind of masutwe. Other points concerning characteristics of various wef types are as follows: • • • • • •
According to the vendors ndelema, utale, manyame, muliye, masutwe and mpofwa are high income earners because they are widely available and widely known. Ndelema and utale are usually sold singly whilst others are sold in heaps or plates Depending upon the rain wef can be more or less. Last year, for example, there were more wef because there was more rain. This year utale, ndelema, manyame, muliye and mpofwa are not abundant. In other years utale maybe plentiful but other species might be few. There is a tendency for some species to be found more or less in some areas, mpofwa seem to be abundant in Chigwere area for example.
The different wef types have different growing seasons which are well–known by those involved in wef collection and selling (see Table 5). Utale are the first wef to appear, usually in December and none were seen during this study period. The duration of the growing periods also vary for different species. Table 5. Growing seasons for selected wef species according to Perekezi wef collectors. Local name Utale Ndelema Manda Bonkhasi Manyame Kambaza Mphofwa
Period of season October to December December to February December to January
Mtherere Uzuma Kalinkulwe Muliye Masutwe
January to March February to March
Wef supply Informants found it difficult to answer questions about whether the supply of wef could withstand a yet further increase in demand. The reason why this is difficult is because people collect as near to their homes
11
as possible. If they can’t find enough they go further away and unless they are forced to travel further they cannot comment on the quantity of wef in areas where they have not been. In reality it is likely there are many uncollected wef and should demand increase collectors will be engaged in more lengthy collection trips and probably the question should be “how many hours can one dedicate to the activity” and it still remain worthwhile. It is also true that wef can only be found where intact miombo woodlands are found and for those who collect wef from hills on customary land, isolated amongst agriculture land, an increase in wef collectors soon leads to intense competition. 3.2.3
HOME CONSUMPTION
All of the informants of the village household survey said they eat wild edible fungi during the wef season at one time or another. Many mentioned eating wef 2-3 times per month although during the utale season they may eat as often as daily if the utale are very abundant. Some households said that the only kind of wef which they ate was utale (or matale – Tonga). Only 4 of the 22 did not dry wef for later use whilst only 7 of the 22 sold wef. Whilst it was difficult to get an idea of quantity it would appear that the number of people involved in home consumption and home processing exceeds the number involved in selling to such an extent that the quantities must indeed be significant. All the respondents were women and they and their mothers and daughters were involved in collection, although men do collect sometimes. Within a household some members liked wef more than others, some never eat wef and in one case a child was said to vomit each time he eats wef – whatever the type. Some informants said their husbands never ate mushrooms because they were afraid of poisoning – there having been a recent (2001) case of accidental poisoning in one family in the area. The women – no doubt because they are the collectors – had no such fears. The people interviewed usually placed wef quite low in a ranked list of preferred ndiwo with vegetables, beans and fish appearing higher. To obtain such information more sophisticated methods may have been better as respondents found it difficult to separate factors such as availability from preferred taste. Interestingly termites was very often mentioned as an important ndiwo at this time of year, whilst wild vegetables, termites and bush meat were mentioned as other ndiwo collected from the forest. These interviews yielded better information concerning types of wef eaten but rarely sold than those interviews with vendors and those who often collect for sale. For details about the drying process see Section 3.3.1 and the case studies in Box 4.
3. 3 P roc e s s i n g a n d i n form a ti on a b ou t c u s tom e rs 3.3.1
PROCESSING (INCLUDING SORTING AND GRADING)
Drying is a traditional way of preserving mushrooms and several of the vendors said they did this if they failed to sell all the wef which they had collected. Mama Chinula and others also said they would boil and dry collected wef if rain prevented them from going to market. Drying is an activity dominated by women. Mr. Kabwerewere for example said he threw away left over wef because he did not have a wife who could dry them for him. Having said this it was Mr. Kalize who was found drying manyame in the sun at the Lundadzi turnoff (see Section 4). In Mzimba Mr. Tembo was selling dried wef (he had 20 heaps on 15th February). He explained that if he accidentally bought more than he could sell, his wife would dry them and he would sell them along side the fresh ones. A customer who was seen buying some dried mushrooms on that day explained that he chose them over and above the fresh because they would not perish quickly. Some dry the leftovers, some dry those deemed not good enough for selling i.e. before even going to market. Some of those dried are sold but mainly they are used for home use later on in the year. They can be stored for a year or more. Some said leftovers are given away to relatives in town or even thrown away. Nyakanyaso of Chanunkha said she dries wef at home, making chikwatu (bundles of dried wef wrapped up in leaves) so she can have relish later in the year and she has been known to sell a chikwatu for MK 120. A young lady from the same area however said she did not know how to dry wef. The village household interviews in Chigwere area revealed that many of those not involved in the wef trade also eat and dry wef throughout the season. Only 4 of the 22 respondents said they do not dry wef. Box 4. The traditional way to dry mushrooms Miss Nancy Banda (20 years old) of Chigwere village lives with her Grandmother and her 5 brothers and sisters whose ages range from 16 to 2. Throughout the wef season the family eat wef perhaps 2-3 times per month. Some of the children like wef more than others and some of the boys do not like wef at all. Nancy collects the wef together with her Grandmother and in one trip they will try to fill a large basket. On returning home they set aside enough wef for 1-2
12
meals for the whole family and the rest will be dried. The family do not engage in wef selling but they collect the following types for home consumption: mpofwa, mulye, matale, (utale) masutwe, ndelema, kachipapa, tundwe and fuliwengi. The types which they like best are ndelema, matale, tundwe and masutwe. To process the wef first they boil them, then throw away the water in which the wef are boiled and then add fresh water and boil for another 10 minutes. After that they are put in a basket so the water drains away, then the wef are put on a mat in the open sun for drying. After drying wef are put in zikwatu (bundle) using masuku leaves, which later are hung in the kitchen where the smoke acts like a preservative. Some of the zikwatu are sold to people in town and others are eaten by the family. Anne Longwe also eats and dries wef at home where she stays with her husband and three small children. They all eat wef when they are available but not more than 2-3 times in a month. Anne and her three year old like wef better than others in the family. She collects the wef herself, although her husband also collects on occasion. If she fills a big pot (sufuria) then she knows she has enough wef to eat fresh for two meals. Utale are large mushrooms and she knows that 3-4 large utale will provide for 2 or more meals for the whole family. Anne also sell wef in Mzuzu and the money she gets she uses to buy soap, paraffin, food and clothes. The types she collects and eats in the home are utale, mpofwa, manyame, mulye, kamchipapa and ndelema. The family prefer mpofwa and utale and it is these types which she dries. “I boil, prick them onto sticks and hang the stick in the kitchen so as to be smoked. After they are dry I make zikwatu using masuku leaves and hang them in the kitchen for preservation. If I need one I go into kitchen and get one. Sometimes I sell a chikwatu in town – for MK 50”. Miriam Mkandawire of Vwenyere village also preserves wef using the same general approach as the others but she sometimes makes a bench of thin poles – a drying rack in fact – and underneath she makes a fire to speed up the drying process. Source: Household interviews in Chigwere area by H. Ngwira March 10th-12th
Most collectors said they sort the good mushrooms from the not-so-good ones either at home or during the process of heaping out or both. Large twigs, leaves, rotten or very broken wef are removed. Washing with water is not an option because this speeds up the rotting process although one vendor in Mzimba was seen to wash some wef before he put them out on his table in heaps. Mary Mkandawire of Zenga Mkandawire village explained that after collection she must sort the good from the bad, the latter are boiled and dried for future home use whilst the good are cleaned of large foreign objects and dirt is scraped off using a knife. Collectors usually collect a mixture of species from the forest but then whilst heaping for sale or putting on plates for sale they sort them out species by species. 3.3.2
THE CUSTOMERS
The range of species preferred by customers was very small on the whole and typically included utale, ndelema, muliye, masutwe and manyame. In almost all cases consumer preference was linked to good knowledge of the wef type and fear of poisonous wef. Some vendors would say that mpofwa is less well known than manyame, for example, but those that do know it find it extremely delicious and choose it above other species. Wef which are familiar are those which are geographically widespread and abundant. Wef which are not common are less likely to be well known therefore will be rejected by customers. Good taste was mentioned as a reason for preferences but less often that “familiarity”. One vendor explained that customers like ndelema because a small amount can feed a lot of people. Interestingly several of the respondents of the village households interviews did mention mpofwa as a preferred wef which was less often mentioned by buying customers. At Perekezi the range of wef sold is much wider than in Mzuzu but the same few mushrooms are said to be “preferred”. Others such as kambaza are not chosen very much due to the dull colour apparently. The vendors therefore concentrate on those species which they know are liked by customers. Having said that the fact that collectors do collect “other” species does indicate that there is a market – albeit a smaller one – for the less common and less well known species. The customers interviewed at the Perekezi roadside were almost all travelling in cars and many are Lilongwe residents travelling to the north on business. The vendors explained that mostly they buy on the way home and because the trade is work-related the weekend sales are not so good. They buy for themselves and even friends and neighbours. The customers said they are happy to buy from the roadside
13
because the wef are fresh and cheap. Lilongwe resident rarely find fresh wef within Lilongwe therefore are pleased to be able to buy here. Some people buy tinned mushrooms in Lilongwe but the local mushrooms are much preferred in comparison. The customers like the way the wef are sorted out species by species. One customer commented that at Perekezi the vendors are sometimes difficult to find when it rains because they have no shelter there of any kind. In fact they have been forbidden to build any shelter, by the forestry department, because the area is in a forest reserve. A customer at Perekezi also thought that the price of the wef was very fair and was sorry to see other customers bargaining hard with the vendors when the price was already cheap. More than one customer commented that it would be useful if the collectors knew how to grow the wef all through the year and yet others said that it was important to preserve the forest to ensure continuous supply. Another mentioned the need for technology to preserve the wef. The customers seemed more aware (or better understood the implications) that wef availability drastically declines when indigenous woodland is removed, an observation anyone traveling from Lilongwe to Mzuzu cannot fail to notice. The customers said wef only start becoming available at Jenda (about half-way between Lilongwe and Mzuzu) and the price decreases from Jenda towards Mzuzu as availability also increases. The customers interviewed within Mzuzu city mentioned that the quality of the wef which they were buying was good, that they buy regularly and many of the customers also said they buy wef at other places such at the roadside when traveling, from door to door salespeople or from other markets. It would appear that customers do make judgements and select or reject on the basis of quality. One vendor said that customers don’t mind if the wef are dirty but they don’t like to buy broken mushrooms. A customer in Ekwendeni was seen choosing some mushrooms, and was seen to reject those from one vendor which were dirty and bought from another vendor instead. During the research period it was observed that the mulye often have maggots in them. Whilst collecting one lady from the Chamalaza group pointed out that the edibility of the mulye is clear from the fact that they are often already nibbled by flies and this tells the collectors that they are indeed mulye and not a poisonous look-alike. One research assistant learnt however that customers do not reject wef on this basis provided they are fresh. The presence of maggots does however cause the wef to deteriorate and rot quickly. Those mushrooms which grow near to the ground can become quite dirty on the woodland floor even before picking – especially from rain splash. Ndelema tend to be “cleaner” because they have a long stem and also grow quickly therefore spend less time in the forest before being picked.
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SECTION 4
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------PROFILE OF DIFFERENT PARTICIPANTS Collecting and selling wef involves a whole range of people some of whom collect for sale on an occasional basis when they are in need of a bit of extra cash, for others it is their only means of livelihood during this time of year whilst others choose to become involved because they recognise that wef present a viable business opportunity. This section presents case studies of some of the participants.
Mary Mkandawire – village-based collector/vendor Mary Mkandawire resides at Zenga Mkandawire village but comes to Nkolongo to sell wef. On the day of the interview she had 17 plates of manyame, masutwe and mpofwa for sale which she was selling at MK10 per plate. Out of her profit she must spend MK15 on a minibus each way as her village is 14 km from the selling point. If she fails to sell some of the wef she them gives to relatives in town as she does not want to carry them back to the village. She explained that she had collected the wef from hills about 7 km from her village such as Mwambila, Chazomba and Kawe. She explained that the places in woodland where wef can be found are learnt from grandparents and that these places are called chipho. Wef are only found where there is good vegetation cover and in disturbed woodlands there are few wef because there are no leaves which favour their production. On some mornings she works in her garden and goes for wef collection in the afternoon. She sorts and grades the wef when she gets home using a knife to remove the worst of the dirt. Those which are not good enough for sale are boiled and dried. She works together with other women in her family. Heavy rains disturb wef collection because mushrooms cannot be collected when wet. Other mushrooms which she sells are utale – which go for MK 5 or MK 10 each depending upon the size – and ndelema. The wef production varies with the rain and this year the utale were not abundant because the rains were late and many customers were asking for utale. In some other years utale may be plentiful but other species might be few. She has been involved in welling wef for more than 15 years although she has not always stayed here. NYAKANYASO – VILLAGE-BASED COLLECTOR Nyakanyaso (nya, like ne, refers to the family name of her father or birth clan), an elderly lady, came to the mushrooms vendors in Mzimba in order to get a bit of money in exchange for her wef. She tipped her collected wef out of a plastic bag onto the vendors table and asked for MK 10. The vendor said the wef were of low quality because they had been damaged whilst in the plastic bag and gave the lady MK 5 without any further negotiation. During the subsequent interview with Nyakanyaso we saw the vendor wash the mushrooms and place them in 5 heaps each worth MK 5 i.e. the same price as all his other mushrooms. Most were sold within the space of 20 minutes. Nyakanyaso explained that she collects and sells wef to help her buy maize flour and she collects them when she is looking for firewood which she also brings to Mzimba town for sale. 1 headload of firewood is sold for MK 25. She comes to Mzimba maybe twice a week, the previous time being last Monday when she managed to sell all her wef for MK 20 directly to a teacher whom she met in the road. The mushrooms which she was selling on this day were masutwe but she also collects other species such as mulye and kalinkulwe (found infrequently) which she eats at home. She explained that kamchere are sour and mtelele are also not very popular. If she finds mpofwa she will sell them but they are not common. Kambaza which occur in January also taste good but she sells them rarely.
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She dries wef as well and stores them in bundles of masuku leaves (chikwatu).. She sometimes sells the vikwatu (plural) during the year and one may fetch MK 100 to MK 150. Last year she sold some in August in the “locations” of Mzimba town. She explained that she has been selling wef for three years and that there are many others from the same village who also sell wef in Mzimba town. For most of the year her main form of cash income is from selling firewood, but when she has a bit of capital she brews and sells local beer in the village. Beer selling is the most profitable activity. She stays with one young son of her own and 4 small children of her dead son. She does a b it of gardening as well. MR. KALIZE – A BUSINESSMAN Mr. Kalize is a second hand clothes dealer who lives in Mzimba. As an alternative source of income he also trades in mushrooms, buying wef from Perekezi and selling them in Kasungu. Just now he is taking advantage of both businesses at the same time. Second hand clothes (kaunjika) selling is a reasonably sound activity but because so many people are selling second hand clothes it can be difficult. Mr. Kalize therefore brings his unsold clothes to Perekezi where he offers to exchange them for mushrooms which he takes to Kasungu, and sometimes Dowa, where they usually sell quickly. He will pay cash for the wef if the collectors so prefer. He also trys to sell the second hand clothes to those collectors who are earning money from direct sales of wef. On the day which we met him, he had placed heaps of his second hand clothes at the place where collectors were selling wef direct to car customers, hoping that any cash which entered their pockets would quickly be transferred to his, in exchange for some of his merchandise. At the same time we found him drying manyame in the sun at the roadside. He explained that he had not managed to sell all the wef which he had bought to sell in Kasungu so he had brought them back and had decided to dry them instead. Once dry he would also sell them. He had at least 27 heaps of manyame already dried and probably the same quantity again still lying in the sun. He explained that he can sell the dried wef easily especially in Dowa. It would appear selling wef was profitable for Mr. Kalize. Usually he spends MK 600 on 2-3 baskets of wef which he then sells for MK 2000 in Kasungu. In addition to buying more wef he will usually spend MK 400 on transport and something to eat whilst in Kasungu, therefore making MK 1000 profit in one day – maybe as often as three times in a week. This is more than he can ever make selling kaunjika. Last year 2000/2001 he started with MK 300 at the start of the wef season and had made MK 18,000 by February which enabled him to buy four bales of kaunjika. This year sales are not so good because people spend what money they have on maize rather than wef. Nevertheless some of his customers in Kasungu buy in large quantities especially if they have fridges for storing the wef for a few days and usually he sells everything that he takes to market. During the interview with Mr. Kalize a young man, Mr. L. Shawa, joined in who was happy to show off his ability to speak English and he helped to explain about the different species of manyame and masutwe and how some grow only in specific places. He said that one of the types of manyame only grow under the brachystegia trees where the ground is all springy and soft like a mattress. Asked if he also sells mushrooms he said no. He explained that he was engaged in selling quite a different sort of non-timber forest product – gemstones!!! He deals in the aquamarine gemstones of the Perekezi forest and can make MK 15,000 in one deal. He earned some capital digging in the mines and then switched to dealing rather than digging. He now has a license but started off as a smuggler.
Mama Chinula and Suzika Ngulube – village-based collector/vendors Mama Chinula is an elderly lady from Gideon Village in the Envyeni area who lives with her grand daughter Suzika Ngulube who is about 12 years of age. Together they collect mushrooms and firewood from Nyasenga Hills in order to make ends meet. On the day of the interview the old lady said they had had no food in the house for three days but were hoping they would get something from the mushrooms which they had brought to Ekwendeni for sale. On this day they each had a small bowl of a mixture of ndelema, utelele, muliye and kamchere. All the wef together were worth about MK 60. Mama Chinula and Suzika explained that they collect and sell wef two to three times in a week but that heavy rains prevents them on some days. Usually they collect wef in late morning, picking all the preferred
16
edible species they find and placing them in one collecting basket. Typically a trip to collect wef might take between 2 to 3 hours and they tend to go to the same places all the time. Whilst Mama Chinula and Sizuka Nglulube usually go together they may also be accompanied by other neighbours. On returning home they sort through the wef – removing the worst of the dirt and twigs (they do not wash them with water as this will cause them to rot) and then store than overnight on mats on the floor. First thing the following morning they walk to Ekwendeni where they sell the wef from house to house. Selling can take a long time, e.g. from 9am to 12pm because there are many sellers. If rain prevents them from coming to town to sell they will boil and dry what they have at home. Usually they will eat some of the wef which they have collected. They sell by the plate and each plate goes for MK 10. This year they have been making about MK 30 each day although last year they sometimes made up to MK 100 or even MK 200 per day. Sometimes they only manage to collect a few wef for sale because other collectors have already been to the same site before them. Other means of generating income includes selling bananas and selling firewood. They will go back to selling firewood as soon as the wef season stops. It is possible to make more money from wef in one day compared to firewood as it is only possible to carry one headload per day and each goes for just MK 20. Although they live together and collect wef together both Mama Chinula and Suzika sell the wef individually and use the money for their own purposes, with Suzika giving the money to her mother. Suzika does not go to school. Other species which they sell but did not have on this day are mpofwa and masutwe. Mkamwana, kalinkulwe, thundwe, chitelemuzi, muliye lupani and munkhozawagalu are also edible but rarely sold. Customers only like the very common wef which are readily known and recognised as well as tasting good. The wef preferred by customers are muliye, mpofwa, ndelema and masutwe. M R . P ETER KABWEREWERE – AN URBAN VENDOR
Mr. Kabwerewere is originally from Karonga but now resides in Katoto 2. He has been in the wef selling business for the past two years and can often be seen selling wef on the pavement outside Kandodo. These pavement sites are illegal however and Mzuzu City often moves vendors away - but they usually come back. Mr. Kabwerewere does not collect wef, but buys them from women who bring them in from Chigwere area. He meets the women at a certain trading point in old town where many traders from Chigwere come in with a whole range of agricultural and horticultural produce. He usually buys from the same ladies each time. Interestingly, in come cases, whilst it is the women who come to town to sell, it is their husbands who are collecting the wef. This cooperation means collection and selling can go on daily for these families if mushroom stocks allow. They may come by matola (a pick up runs between Chigwere and town with people selling a variety of wares) or may walk. If the wef are available Peter will buy and sell on a daily basis and can sell about 1 basket a day. He usually buys a basket at MK 200, from which he can make about 40 heaps and he sells each heap at MK 10 thereby making MK 200 profit each day. He can usually sell all or almost all what he has bought but if he has leftovers he will throw them away as he has no wife to dry then for him. “If I do very badly I may not have enough money to restock the next day and am therefore forced to borrow some money from my friends”. Usually he sells outside Kandodo but sometimes if he has many he will sell door to door in the locations. This can be a faster way to sell. Peter sorts good from bad as he buys the wef and again when he is heaping for sale. His customers are men and women from all walks of life and the preferred species are mpofwa, masutwe, utale, ndelema and muliye. These are popular because they are commonly found in many areas of the country and so known by many people. People are concerned about quality and will reject those that look unpleasant. Customers who are unfamiliar with a certain mushroom type will not buy them. Usually customers want very fresh mushrooms “which cannot always happen as the wef are coming from a bit far away”. Mr. Kabwerewere finds wef selling a good business on the whole. Before the wef season he was selling fish but this is not very easy in the rainy season. He explained that people “go for wef because they are easy to
17
cook and cheap”. Mushroom vending is a growing activity, some years ago there was hardly anyone selling wef but as more and more people realise there is money to be made they sell more and more. Once he went to Perekezi to buy wef as he understood that there were lots available there at a cheap price. However he found problems - transport on the way back was unreliable (the sites are not regular stopping places for busses and minibuses) and this delayed the whole process of buying and selling, thereby damaging the business. MARY PHIRI AND STELLA KAUNDA – SUBURBAN COLLECTOR/VENDORS Mary (15 years) and Stella (8 years) are cousins who reside and sell wef in the suburb Chingambo. They collect the wef from the botanical gardens which are on the edge of Mzuzu City. On the day of the interview day they were selling mulye, which is the type which they sell more than any other. They explained that mulye are found beneath brachystegia trees (vernacular: makhuni ya nyozi) This is the first year they have been selling wef and currently it is the only source of income for the family. Usually they do the collecting and their mother sells the wef but on this day they have been asked to do the selling. They collect in the morning and the grade the wef, the poor quality ones are used for home consumption and the good quality ones are those which are sold
Damalis Longwe – a traditional mushroom processor Damalis Longwe of Chigwere village lives with her husband, her mother and her three children. The family always eat wef in the rainy season, perhaps as often as 1-3 times in a week. All members of the household like to eat mushrooms but she, Damalis, likes wef more than anyone else although her 3 year old daughter is also keen. The wef are collected by her mother and her son (10) and the types which they collect for home consumption include utale, manyame , mulye, ndelema, thundwe, pezu pezu, mpofwa. Mpofwa is the preferred type. If they manage to fill a small basket then she knows they will have enough wef for two or three meals. Other types of ndiwo which they eat at this time of year, are; vegetables, meat, fish, therere and beans. Given the choice they like meat, beans and vegetables better than wef. Damalis also sells wef in town and sometimes she meets Mzuzu-based vendors on their way to the village to buy wef direct from collectors like herself. She can sell a small basket for MK 100 and a big basket for MK 200-300. If she does not sell to vendors she will sell using her own plate at MK 10-20 per plate for manyame, mulye and mpofwa. Ndelema are sold singly and she charges MK 10 for one, two or three depending upon the size Damalis explained how she dries the wef; “After collection, I wash and boil the nkhowani. When boiled I pour them into a basket to remove water then put them on a mesh wire – hung above the fire in the kitchen for easy drying. After thorough drying the nkhowani are wrapped into zikwatu (bundles) using masuku leaves. Then zikwatu are hung in the kitchen – the smoke acting as a preservative. We sometimes sell the zikwatu in town or within the village and others are eaten at home. The price is usually MK 50 per chikwatu”.
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SECTION 5
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Concluding remarks and discussion CONCLUDING REMARKS
• • • • • • • • • •
• • • • • • • • • • •
It is clear that wef trading is on the increase. It is an important source of income for many during the hungry period It was notable how many of those interviewed were relatively new to the business having taken it up within the last one or two years. Demand for wef from people from all social strata, willingness of rural folk to engage in collection and consistent wef supply has allowed wholesalers to make a viable business from wef trading Despite the prominence of some vendors the majority involved in the trade are still collector/vendors. The range of species on sale in towns is mainly limited to about six key species i.e. utale (not a woodland mushroom), ndelema, manyame, mastuwe, mulye and mpofwa. At Perekezi roadside the range of species is greater and includes species such as: bonkhasi, manda, kalinkulwe, uzuma and kambaza. Customer preference is linked to familiarity more than any other factor Wef collecting and selling is done by individuals or by families, not groups, although several individuals may travel to the forest together for collecting. Wef collection is free for all and the limiting factors are how far a collectors wants to walk and how much time he/she wants to spend. In some areas supply is almost certainly limited by habitat and the number of collectors concentrating on one area e.g. the customary land woodland around Mzimba. There are a variety of marketing strategies in operation such as selling house to house, selling on a market stall or selling to a trader. As competition amongst traders increases collectors are more likely to get a better price for their wef. Profits vary from MK50 – MK 400 a week (collectors only – with free labour) to MK 300- 800 a week (collector/vendors) to MK 3000 a week (wholesalers). Forest reserves, as relatively intact and undisturbed woodland are important wef sites. Otherwise locals spoke of collecting from “the hills” i.e. undisturbed woodland The collection and consumption of poisonous wef is still a fear for many – and this includes village dwellers too. Cases of poisoning which were reported (2) were all due to collection and home consumption by inexperienced collectors (e.g. children) and not by those who collect for sale. In the Chigwere site only a percentage of people were involved in wef selling but almost all eat and dry wef at home. The quantity of wef consumed at home and dried at home was difficult to estimate. Dried wef are also sold quite extensively both during the rainy season and at other times of year. Wef drying is traditionally an activity dominated by women but like all activities which become commercialised men were seen to be involved. The extent of indigenous technical knowledge concerning where wef of different species can be found varied quite a lot amongst respondents and it is by no means true that those that collect and sell are the most knowledgeable. Customers are concerned about quality. Issues are: species sorting, freshness and cleanliness of holding receptacles. There is interest in prolonging the marketing of the resource through processing but very little is known amongst the stakeholders about the possibilities.
Discussion This study supports others that show the importance of selling wild mushrooms for income for local people. In particular this study highlights the diverse range of people involved – including old ladies from rural villages, the urban poor, regular market traders, second hand clothes salesmen, men, women and children. The degree of involvement varies as well as the role they play. There is however a discernable continuum from the more casual, occasional collector and seller to those who collect and sell on a daily
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basis to those who become involved in trading locally and then more distantly. The continuum is also one of fortune with the casual occasional collectors earning a fraction of the serious traders. AS A SAFETY NET
Evidence that wef selling are playing a safety net role come from those informants who explained that selling mushrooms is a main or only source of income at the present time and that proceeds are spent almost entirely on food. Wef are well suited as a safety net activity because their collection requires a labour input only and there are no restrictions on collection except for distance. Indigenous woodlands have traditionally been regarded as a store of famine foods but in this era it is probably more useful for a person in need of food to collect and sell wef and buy food than to look for food, as such, in the forest itself. This depends entirely on there being a suitable market – which in turn depends on being close to either a town or a main road. At present around the urban centres the wef market seems good but apparently this was not the case as recently as 6-10 years ago when wef were barely marketable. In this respect, for some people, the indigenous woodlands are increasing in their potential to serve as safety nets. The study did not however compare different safety net activities such as doing piece work or selling other produce. 2002 is a famine with year with a great deal of suffering and most rural households have no stored food. Nevertheless it would appear that the increase in sale of wef is an existing trend perhaps compounded but not caused by the famine. AS A BUSINESS
In the continuum of enterprise [Figure 1] a distinction can be made between subsistence activities (levels 23) and the “real” businesses (level 4 upwards). Those who engage in “real” business are not the poorest of the poor because this usually requires some capital – something beyond the reach of the very poor. Some businessmen do however choose to engage in buying and selling wef making good profits from a minimal investment of cash. The viability of such a business depends upon the market and the availability of cheap wef. Those businessmen that are engaged in wef trading said they liked the activity because it required little capital and turnover was quick. On the downside was perishability of the product but more importantly seasonality of the trade and of late increasing competition with other traders. FIGURE 1. LEVELS OF MICRO-ENTERPRISE DEVELOPMENT
6 5 4 3 2 1
Small-scale entrepreneurs Micro-entrepreneur – growth Micro-entrepreneur – stable Subsistence entrepreneur Pre-entrepreneur Basic survival
Source: Micro-entrepreneurship in Malawi by the Rural Economic Policy Centre The trade in Mzimba was less vibrant than that in Mzuzu. The vendors seemed to monopolise the trade making profits of between 100-300%. There was competition at collector level but little at vendor level. In Mzuzu the situation was different with there being more competition at vendor level. This meant vendors would make the effort to find the collectors at certain selling points as they came into town, with some vendors even going to the trouble of going to buy wef from collector villagers – especially during the utale time. The profit margin for Mzuzu vendors was in the region of 80-150%. This is good for the collectors as they are in a position to demand the prices they think are reasonable, in Mzimba it would seem they have to take what they are given. This is almost certainly a reflection of increased vending activity in Mzuzu which is probably a reflection of a larger demand in Mzuzu. DEFORESTATION AS A PROBLEM
Collectors almost never – spontaneously - cited deforestation as a problem but were more likely to talk of too many people collecting from the same area or having to travel far to find enough wef. One reason for this might be that the recent rapid increase in number of collectors is more discernible to people than disappearing woodlands which for some reason people only seem to notice when there is nothing left! “we realized that all the trees had disappeared”. Interestingly several customers who buy at Perekezi did mention the importance of forest conservation probably because for those who come from Lilongwe cannot help but notice the huge and unmissable difference in woodland cover from Lilongwe to Jenda and after Jenda to Mzuzu. The link between wef and woodland could not be more clear.
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MUSHROOM SPECIES AND POISONING
The further the wef get down the market chain the fewer and fewer species can be found. The highest range of species are those consumed in the home, the next sold at the roadside, the next in the markets and the least number of species are transported wholesale to Kasungu. There are perhaps two main factors causing this trend, familiarity to wide number of people (fear of poison) and abundance i.e. to make the business worthwhile. This is linked to the factor of risk – the greater the investment in the marketing strategy the less risk the trader is prepared to take. It is safer to stick to the more reliable species. This tendency is self-fulfilling – the customers in Kasungu never see more than a few species on sale and are unlikely to go for any “new” species without a very well-thought out marketing strategy. Interestingly the fear of poisoning also exists in the villages where one might assume that people are confident in their knowledge of which are good or not. A closer look reveals that indeed for those who DO know their wef there is little fear but amongst men, who don’t, the fear is greater. Incidences of poisoning do happen amongst those who are less experienced such as children. INDIGENOUS TECHNICAL KNOWLEDGE
This varies, not surprisingly quite a lot. The study revealed that certain individuals have considerable specialist knowledge concerning where precisely certain species are likely to be found. Many know the link between wef production and rainfall but this link is seen to be non-species specific. On customary land some areas of indigenous woodland are heavily utilised for woody material and grazing – these areas were not said to be good wef sites with most people collecting from “the hills” where the woodland is more undisturbed. HOME CONSUMPTION
Whilst the methods employed hardly allow that an estimate for quantity consumed in the village to be arrived the findings are nevertheless of interest. The fact the all of the households which were interviewed eat wef every month during the wef season must necessarily mean a great many wef are consumed in the village. Whilst the quantities involved in selling wef may be greater per month the number if people involved by comparison is a lot less [in the villages surveyed]. CUSTOMERS AND QUALITY
There is much evidence that customers do take note of the quality of the wef and those which look clean, fresh and well sorted by species are most preferred. Roadside shopping is a part of Malawian culture for those who travel on duty and there is little resistance to buying at the roadside but customers do like the product to be well-presented. Wef are bought by people from all walks of life but there is a section of the population who never buy wef for fear of poisoning which present an untapped demand. PROCESSING
Traditionally wef are processed through drying and are stored in bundles called vikawatu. It is not unusual for these to be sold. The more commercially minded collectors and vendors capitalise on this technique to increase the months over which wef can be sold but more usually employ this method to avoid wastage. FINALLY
The study was short which meant that the research assistants had limited time in which to develop their skills and adapt their methods in line with their findings. This short but broad study is ideal however for laying the foundations for more in-depth research into specific areas.
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Section 6 --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Way forward 6.1 SIMPLE
Shelter The vendors at Perekezi are being denied permission to build themselves a shelter to aid them in their business. Ideally this matter should be discussed with the Regional Forestry Office through an appropriate mediator. Permission to put up a shelter could be subject to an agreement whereby the wef collectors agree to forgo this privelege should any of their number be found cutting trees in the reserve. Presentation There is evidence that presentation of the wef as well as quality is an important aspect of any marketing strategy. Vendors can be made more aware that dirt, poor looking containers and poor species sorting are detrimental to their business. Bags being on sale at the vending locations (esp. roadside) is a useful service for the customers. Unfortunately mushrooms do not travel well in closed plastic bags but paper bags are not readily available not durable in the rain – vendors could perhaps advise customers not to close the bags during the journey. 5.2 Complex Increasing sales (demand) If the demand for wef increases this would increase potential for income generation of the poor. Firstly one should point out that demand is already on the increase with no external intervention at all. However demand can further be promoted with:
•
Increasing the diversity of species acceptable to the masses e.g. through promotion, information and marketing techniques • Breaking down the invisible barrier which is preventing some people from ever buying mushrooms because they are afraid e.g. through promotion, information and marketing techniques [ it might be unwise to tackle both of the above at the same time because the cautious may be less likely to venture into wef buying if they are suddenly presented with an ever bigger choice of types].
•
Processing. The existing methods of processing are enabling collectors and vendors to better able to capitalise on the resource. There is however scope for introducing other processing methods but there is little experience in Malawi of this and research and development is required.
Safeguarding supply Currently there is no need to increase supply (because some wef – particularly in the forest reserves go uncollected) but it is important to safeguard the existing supply. The habitats most under threat are those on customary land but some forest reserves are not well protected from degradation. Safeguarding the supply for the woodlands most under threat means a cessation or reduction of tree cutting for charcoal burning and firewood selling. The mechanisms for achieving this are complex and it requires village–level institution building. Safeguarding the welfare of the poor Should the product become more and more commercialised there is a risk that profits become increasingly concentrated in the hands of a few traders. Currently the profits of the trade are relatively well distributed but this is merely a reflection of the fact that much of the trade is carried out in an informal way by subsistence farmers. The welfare of the poor – if threatened – is best served through organisation and formation of associations such as that promoted by NASFAM. 5.3 Further research There is scope for more research to address all the topics mentioned in section 5.2 although the recent shift of policy away from government to community based forest management in Malawi is already yielding considerable findings pertaining to village–level institution building.
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Concerning safeguarding the supply currently we are in a position to make blanket recommendations only such as “keep the woodland in good condition and wef production will be assured”. However little is known about factors such as: fire canopy cover depth of organic matter specific species associations other associations such as wef-grass associations Given that woodland management regimes must be designed with view to producing a multitude of products and services it will be important to know the answer to some of these questions.
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Annex 1. Table to show details of all informants S HEET 1 Name
Selling point
Residence
WEF from
Mama Chinula Susika Nglulube
Ekwendeni
Envyeni area
Nyasenga Hills
Ivy Ngwira Dulika Kambule Unis Singine Ellen Mwanza
Ekwendeni
Envyeni area
Ekwendeni Ekwendeni
Eskekweni Eskekweni
Firiwindi Hill Chandege Hill Hills Bwabwa Hills
Esta Msiska NyaMkandawire
Mkanthira
Chigwere
Chigwere (old gardens?)
Mrs. Kumwenda Mrs. Kuyokwa Mrs. Tembo
Agricultural Research Station
Also live at the Research Station
Woodlands at research and mapopa bush
Ruth Nyirenda Nyamoyo Mr. Longwe
Katawa
Chikwere
Chikwere (old gardens?)
Katawa
Zolozolo
Chigwere
Might make MK 50 in a day
Lusiya Chunda
Zolozolo clinic (also sells at Katawa and Mzuzu Main Market) Mkanthira Mzuzu Main Market
Zolozolo
Buys from women from Chigwere who collect in Kaning’inya FR or may collect herself from the FR Kapirimtende Hill Bought from collectors at Bishops House (Katoto)
1 basket each day
Veronica Lungu Stella Mgara
Salisbury line
Quantity on sale that day or usual rate of sale Each had a small plastic bowl with wef worth about MK 30 Sell MK 30 - 40 worth each day 5 heaps for sale that day 5 heaps for sale that day. She left some at home for eating. Each had 1 basket
Bought for 0
Selling price
How often collect
MK 10 per plate
2 – 3 times per week
0
MK 10 per plate
Several times in a week
0 0
MK 5 per heap MK 5 per heap
1st time to sell wef 3 – 4 times a week
0
1 chiyengo (winnowing basket) – full 1 basket half-full 1 plastic basin – half-full
0
Ndelema sold per mushroom MK5,10,20 depending on size. Others MK 10 per plate MK 10 per plate Ndelema MK 15 each
Daily. Might even go two times in one day.
1 basket worth MK 150 Bought 1 basin. Will sell all for MK 90 making MK 40 profit.
0
MK 10 per heap
0
MK 10 per heap Ndelema MK 5,10,20 depending on size 1 ndelema goes for MK 20 depending on size
MK 50
MK heap MK 10 heap. 9 heaps.
Been in the business for 1 year. I sell wef everyday except Sunday. Everyday. It was her first time to sell wef
S HEET 1 CON T. Name Mama Chinula Susika Nglulube Ivy Ngwira Dulika Kambule Unis Singine
Timetable of collection Collect late morning, store overnight and sell the following morning Collected the wef the day
Distances travelled / time spent May take 2 hours to collect but 4-5 to travel to market, sell and go home again. May take 1-2 hours to collect and selling 1-2 hours. To collect took about 1 hour. Nearly
Left overs
Other sources of income Sell bananas and firewood.
Other comments The old lady said she had had no food in the house for three days. More people are collecting wef for sale because of hunger. Maybe 100 vendors in Ekwendeni, 4 from their village Thought to be 20-25 sellers from her village. House to house
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Name
Timetable of collection before
Ellen Mwanza Esta Msiska NyaMkandawire Mrs. Kumwenda Mrs. Kuyokwa Mrs. Tembo Ruth Nyirenda Nyamoyo Mr. Longwe
Collect one day and sell the next
Lusiya Chunda
Picks in the morning and sells in the afternoon Collect in the afternoon and sell in the morning
Veronica Lungu
Distances travelled / time spent 2 hours walk to town. Takes 2 hours to collect the wef
Left overs
Other sources of income
Sell vegetables at other times of year The collection place is about 1.5km from my house and then I have to travel 7 km to the selling place
Stella Mgara
Other comments selling is tiring. If she sells all today she will come again. Might be 20 seller from her village. A customer rejected her wef because they were not clean. On that day the quality was not good because it had been raining when they collected the wef.
Had a problem selling because there are a lot of sellers selling door to door Masutwe are sold in large quantities because are found in abundance
Left overs are used at home If I cant sell them I will throw then away
Also she sells cigarettes and maize flour
This was Stellas first day to buy and sell wef.
S HEET 2 Name
Selling point
Residence
WEF from
Mr. Kabwerewere
Outside Kandodo
Katoto 2
Melina Mlota
Mzuzu Main Market
Lusangazi
Buys from ladies who from Chigwere who collect wef from Chigwere and come to old town to sell Collect from Lusangazi area
Esta Hara
Zolozolo Clinic
Zolozolo location
Kan FR
Bina Munthali (15 yrs) Ennis Munthali (12 yrs) Mary Phiri (15yrs) Stella Kaunda (8yrs) Mary
Coswel (at the side of the road – no market fee)
Mzilawaingwe
Wef were collected from Chigwere and Kan FR by their father
Chingambo
Chingambo
Botanical gardens
Nkolongo
Zenga
Mwambila Hill, Chazomba,
Quantity on sale that day or usual rate of sale Buys and sells 1 basket full each day (40 heaps in a basket) Had 1 basket for sale She had MK 20 in her pocket and about MK 50s worth left on sale 1 basket of MK 200 per day or MK 1400 per week
Bought for
Selling price
How often
MK 200
MK 10 per heap. 40 heaps MK 400 (MK200 profit) MK 10 per heap.
Everyday provided the wef are available
MK 5 for each plate of
Not everyday. This is the second year of being in the business. Everyday except Sunday
Pays MK 15 for the minibus and K 15 market fee 0 0
ndelema
MK 10 per heap
Irregularly
Selling for the first time this year.
0 for wef
17 plates
29
Utale is sold per
Overall she has been collecting for 15 years.
Name
Selling point
Mkandawire Tinis Hara
Doloba school
Mary Mkandawire
Tsonda area
Residence
WEF from
Quantity on sale that day or usual rate of sale
Mkandawire
Kawe Hills
Maona Ngwira village Kosana Kambuli
Zowore Hill
20 heaps
Chasato stream Jenjewe Hill
MK 160 worth of wef on that day
Bought for
Selling price
How often
MK 15 to and from on the minibus 0
mushroom depending on size. Sells others in plates for MK 10 MK 5 per heap
These days she sells wef maybe twice a week.
0
Big plates at MK 50 Small at MK 10
Everyday. Have been collecting for many years.
Sheet 2 cont. Name Mr. Kabwerewere Melina Mlota
Timetable of collection Buys in the morning and sell in the afternoon Collects one day and sells the next
Distances travelled / time spent
Esta Hara
Collects in the afternoon, sells the next morning.
About 7km or 2 hour walk from home to forest reserve. Then home to selling point is 3-4 km
Bina Munthali Ennis Munthali
Sell every day
Mary Phiri Stella Kaunda
Usually the children do the collecting and the mother sells but they were doing the selling today. Collect in the afternoon then next morning carry the best ones to market. Perhaps twice a week.
Botanical gardens about xkm from where they stay.
In morning I collect wef then go straight to the market. The next day it is the same. Collect in the am, then grade then go to market for selling. If I have time I will collect wef again in the pm.
About 3 km from home to wef collection site. Then 5 km from home to selling site. Manyame she collects from Chasato stream which is close but mulye and mpofwa she collects from Jenjewe Hill which is a bit far.
Mary Mkandawire
Tinis Hara Mary Mkandawire
The wef are close to my house but town is far. She travels by minibus.
Left overs Those which I do not sell I throw away
Her main business is selling veg but as she has no garden she must buy the veg for selling. Wef are free however.
Those that remain unsold are boiled and smoked, also those which are not good enough for sale.
7 km from home to wef collection site, then 14 km from village to selling site in town.
Other sources of income Sells fish at other times of year
Left over wef I give to my relatives in town.
At this time of year selling wef is the only source of income. Only source of income at the moment. They buy ngaiwa with the money and eat the left over wef for ndiwo
Also sell groundnuts but these sell slowly whilst wef sell fast. If I fail to sell I boil and dry for future use
30
Other comments People like to buy wef because they are cheap and easy to cook Transporting the wef is difficult because they get broken easily. If I see a certain type of WEF called Longorwe (edible but not sold because do not look nice) then I know I shall find ndelema. They go to school in the morning and sell in the afternoon They do not go to school
She can find wef in place where there is vegetation cover of brachystegia woodland. In disturbed woodland wef are less plentiful because no leaves which favour growth. The place in a woodland where wef are found is called a chipho. The place where I found ndelema last year, I will also find it this year and next year etc. Wef productivity is linked to the rainfall.
Sheet 3 Name
Selling point
Residence
WEF from
Grace Manda Anna Chilwa
Zolozolo clinic
Zolozolo
Buy from ladies from Matuli
Gertrude Banda Sarah Muhoni Masodzi Zimba Mr. Kabwerewere (2nd interview) Mr. Andy Mhoni
Mzuzu Main Market
Matuli
Jenjewe Hill
Outside Kandodo
Chiwavi
Alice Banda
Outside main market
Chiwavi
Bought from ladies from Chigwere and then later bought from some ladies from Ntungwa area who were just selling on the street. Bought from collectors from Matuli
Silas Manda (m)
Mchengaotuwa
Bought from collectors from Matuli
Zizwani Saka (m)
Katawa
Tiwonge Zimba
Masasa
Bought from collectors from Chigwere Bought from collectors from Chigwere Wef from Kaning’inya
Mary Mkandawire Eliza Banda
Zolozolo clinic
Zolozolo
Quantity on sale that day or usual rate of sale Together had 2 baskets (with wef MK 200 in each) and 1 basin (MK 70) All 3 baskets were worth MK 500 together
Bought for
Selling price
MK 100 per basket.
MK 15 for big plate of mulye and ndelema MK 10 for small plate of manyame and
0 for the wef but a market fee an rent for the market stall
All together worth MK 1100
kambaza
Sell at MK 10 per plate Sell at MK 10 per heap
All the merchandise together was said to be worth MK 700
Each a bought a basket worth MK 100.
Small plate sold for MK 5 Big plate MK 10
2 basins of MK 100 each
0
MK 10 each heap
Sheet 3 cont. Name Grace Manda Anna Chilwa Gertrude Banda Sarah Muhoni Masodzi Zimba Mr. Kabwerewere Mr. Andy Mhoni Alice Banda Silas Manda (m) Zizwani Saka (m) Tiwonge Zimba Mary Mkandawire Eliza Banda
Regularity of selling
Timetable of collection
Distances travelled / time spent
Left overs
In the morning go to Bishops residence to get the wef This is the first year to buy wef
Other sources of income Also sell vegetables.
Other comments
With the money they by maize flour for their survival
Every day
Throw away
31
Lots of mpofwa in Chigwere
Sheet 4. Name
Selling point Mzimba market Mzimba market
Residence
WEF from
Mzimba
Buys from local collectors who comes to sell to him Buys from local collectors who comes to sell to him
Noliva Shaba
Mzimba Market
Chanunkha
Nyakanyaso
Mzimba Market
Chanunkha
Nyabanda
Mzimba Market
Yohani Chisi village
Lundazi turnoff
Gonamaso village
Mzimba – pavement market
Hoho area
Thomson Nthala J. S. Banda
Nyamkandawire Nyachipeta Nyachilambo and others Mai Josephine Hara
Mzimba
Quantity on sale that day or usual rate of sale Can sell 40-50 heaps each day if doing well On that day about 15 heaps were on sale.
Collects from local hills and sells direct to market vendors, does not think of selling house to house-shy Collects from local hills and sells direct to market vendors. Collects from local hills and sells direct to market vendors or customers if she has time. Collect from Perekezi FR and customary land forest
Sold a small bag-full for MK 15 but says that sometimes she can get MK 100 in a day.
Buys from collectors from the villagers around Mzimba
Bought for
Selling price
Regularity of selling
If pays MK 150 will sell for MK 450 Pays MK 15 for market fee. If pays MK 20 expects MK 50-60. If pays MK 15 expects to get MK 35. 0
MK 5 per heap
Daily during the season
MK 5 per heap
Daily during the season
Maybe 2 times in a week
Sold a small bag-full for MK 5. On Monday she sold wef for MK 20 Had a big bowl for which she wanted MK 50 but was finally offered MK 25.
0
Maybe 2 times in a week
0
Once a week only because difficult to find. This is the first year to sell
On a good day can make MK 200 each.
0
Sells at least 2 baskets per week
MK 60
nkhowani.
More or less daily during the season.
MK 180
Sheet 4 cont. Name
Timetable of collection
Thomson Nthala
Sells all day every day. Collectors usually come to sell to him in the morning Sells all day every day. Collectors usually come to sell to him in the morning Collects one day and then takes the wef to market the next day
J. S. Banda
Noliva Shaba
Distances travelled / time spent
Left overs
Those not sold can be dried. Collection site perhaps 3 km for village which is about 12 km from Mzimba
32
Other sources of income
Other comments
Out of the wef season he sells agricultural crops.
Thinks wef good business because requires little capital and yet can sell everything easily and quickly
Has done a variety of business such as selling agricultural crops and spare parts for ox-carts.
No shortage of supply – collectors are always coming.
Also brings firewood into Mzimba for which she gets MK 20 per headload. Brings wef and firewood at the same time
Possible about 20 people from her village who collect and sell wef. Uses money to buy food.
Name
Timetable of collection
Nyakanyaso
Collects one day and then takes the wef to market the next day
Distances travelled / time spent
Nyabanda
Left overs
She must cross a river and travel 6 miles to find the wef and then it is 10 miles to Mzimba.
Nyamkandawire Nyachipeta Nyachilambo and others
They collect in the morning and walk to the roadside to sell in the afternoon
Mai Josephine Hara
First year to sell wef
If can’t sell can take home for their ndiwo or if bad they throw them away. Sometimes she fails to sell all because there are so many vendors
Other sources of income
Other comments
Also brings firewood into Mzimba for which she gets MK 25 per headload. Brings wef and firewood at the same time. Also she sells firewood and brews local beer. She wanted piece work but could not find any. She had no money and could think of no alternative to selling wef. Grow vegetables when wef are out of season or some sell sugarcane, boiled eggs and bananas.
She also dries wef at home for her own use through the year as “there is a problem of ndiwo in these parts” but she has been known to sell dried wef (a chikwatu).
She sells tomatoes, beans, Irish potatoes and green maize when not selling wef. Beans and Irish potatoes are most profitable.
Too many other collectors. She will buy ngaiwa.
They have no shelter at the roadside. The FD have said that it is forbidden for them to put up any structure in the FR. Rain is therefore a problem. One customer complained saying that when it is raining the wef sellers are not always around. She heard that in one village two people had died from eating poisonous wef in 2001 – she only goes for those wef whose identity is unmistakable. More and more vendors are coming into the business.
Sheet 5. Name
Selling point
Residence
WEF from
V. Tembo
Mzimba market
Mzimba locations
Bought from local collectors who bring the wef to him
Mr. Kalize
Kasungu
Mzimba
Nyankhonjera
Kasungu
Village near Perekezi
Sheet 5 cont. Name V. Tembo
Timetable of collection The vendors usually come to sell in the mornings
Quantity on sale that day or usual rate of sale 9 heaps manyame 20 heaps dried wef on that day. Sells 42 baskets (small) in a week!
Bought for
Bought some wef for MK 5, which he then put into heaps worth MK 35 Bought others for MK 15 which then put into heaps worth MK 35
Daily
Perekezi
6-8 baskets in a week.
Buys 2-3 baskets for MK600 which he sells for MK 2000. Spends MK 400 on transport and food on the journey.
Regularly
Perekezi
6 baskets in a week
Distances travelled / time spent
Selling price
Regularity of selling
Regularly
Left overs
Other sources of income
Other comments
His wife dries them and he sells them alongside the fresh wef
Sells vegetables, beans, onions, and all other agricultural crops
Bowa are more profitable than man-grown produce. More and more collectors are coming with bowa to sell to us. Sometimes
33
we must sort them ourselves to make sure there are no poisonous wef. Problems include: No toilet at the market, wef are highly perishable and the business is seasonal.
Mr. Kalize Nyankhonjera
Buys from collectors, travels and sells in the same day. Buys one day from collectors, stores overnight and goes to Kasungu the next day.
Mzimba-PerekeziKasungu - Dowa Perekezi – Kasungu and back
He was found drying unsold manyame in the sun. -
Sells second hand clothes
Made MK 18,000 within two and half months of trading in wef in 2000/2001
Sells maize flour
There is a lot of competition in Kasungu
Annex 2. Tables to show result from customer interviews Customer Chavula from Zolozolo, came up to Mkanthira because he had something to do Mr. Matewere From Lilongwe in Mzuzu for work
Selling point Mkanthira
How often buying Buys wef every time he sees them
What preferences Prefers ndelema
Mkanthira
Prefers ndelema because of the flavour
Mrs. Msiska Mrs. Juma both of whom stay at the RFO Nyakumwenda Nyamkandawire From Katawa Mr. Nyirenda from Mzuzu Police
Agricultural research station
Buys everytime he sees them for himself to eat at home and neighbours Buy for home consumption
Mrs Kadzira of MASAF Mzuzu Office
Mzuzu Main market
Buy wef whenever they see them for home consumption Buys every time he sees them for home consumption and sometimes for neighbours She buys for home consumption
Mrs Singini of Luwinga
Mzuzu Main market
She buys for home consumption
Katawa Zolozolo clinic
TABLE ANNEX 2A. MZUZU CUSTOMERS Other comments He bought 3 ndelema for MK 10 each
Comment on quality He was happy with the freshness of those he was buying because they were near to the source. If they are fresh they can stay at least for some time before going bad which is good. He liked the quality of what was available here because they were fresh. Sometimes those at the roadside can have been there for some time.
Buying elsewhere He buys from other places e.g. main market but they are more expensive there He has in the past bought from Dedza but they were expensive and not good.
He bought 5 ndelema for MK 10 each. He would buy more if they were better sorted, if they were cheaper and if they were available in supermarket.
Prefer ndelema and mulye
Freshness and quality were good at this site
They bought mulye because the ndelema was too expensive
Prefer ndelema and mulye
The ndelema were good but not the mulye which were broken and sandy
Sometimes they buy from people who come door to door and indeed this they like because the wef are cheaper then They also buy from other markets and from door to door salespeople
Prefers manyame and also like
The quality was good and fresh he said
He would buy more if they were better graded and cleaned.
She prefers
She thought the ones she was buying were of good quality – she bought
He also buys from the roadside where the wef are always fresh and prices are low. At the roadside there are many types of wef and one can make a choice. She also buys at the roadside and the reason was that they are cheaper, quality is good and there is a good choice
ndelema
manyame
because of good quality and look fresh in most cases She prefers
manyame
The prices vary from time to time depending upon the quantity of wef for sale.
She would buy more if her preferred species was more available. On discussing more about processing she said she would like to see the wef better sorted, cleaned and packed but would not want to pay any more money.
manyame
34
TABLE ANNEX 2B. PEREKEZI ROADSIDE CUSTOMERS Customer Minibus driver
Buying how often Buys often, perhaps twice a week
Preferences Prefers ndelema
Customer on a pushbike
Buying for his work colleagues for mmemo (communal lunch). Part of a quarrying team near forest reserve. Buys perhaps twice a week. First time to buy here.
Prefer mulye and masutwe
Customer on a three ton lorry to Kasungu from Mzuzu Minibus driver to Kasungu Truck driver from Lilongwe
Other comments The wef are not available in Kasungu and Lilongwe. He also buys from Mzimba boma.
He found the quality to be good.
In the past he has bought from Nthondo in Ntchisi (his home?) where there are also wef such as utale, kanyendera and kachofu
ndelema. He buys everytime he passes by for his own consumption
He likes ndelema because it is fresh and cheap Prefers ndelema and manyame Prefers ndelema and manyame
Mr. Kaliata from Blantyre Saloon driver
Buys everytime he passes from himself, friends and family Buys just occasionally
Lorry driver Mr. Mkandawire
Twice in a month Two times this year, for his own consumption
Mr. Thindwa, PAC vehicle
Buys everytime he passes. He buys because it is part of “our tradition” to eat wef. He buys for family and neighbours. He buys everytime he goes out and he wished that this was everyday.
Mr. Munthali of Mzimba
He likes utale which are not available now so he chose
Comment on quality He finds the wef here to be of good quality and clean even though they are not packaged. These species are liked because they are “good and fresh” than the rest.
Buys only ndelema because knows nothing of other species Manyame and ndelema Ndelema and utale Likes mulye because nice to eat and tastes like meat. Likes ndelema and utale; suggests that smaller ones are better i.e. before they go bad.
The quality is good and he was happy that they were well sorted according to type. He finds the wef very tasty and fresh and observes that the vendors know which species to pick for sale He liked the quality and price of what was on offer Cleanliness is bad – the plates are full of sand Good quality and very fair pricing. The customer picked out the wef he wanted for himself “customer–sorting” Good quality, price very fair and “suitable to the country’s economy”. He always checks to see if there are maggots in the wef before buying. Mulye often have maggots but ndelema rarely
The wef are not available in his local market in Lilongwe Mushrooms are also available in supermarkets but are very expensive. In Ntcheu the wef are more expensive than here. He only buys from here because not available in his local market. He always buys anywhere between Jenda roadblock and Mzimba turnoff. Not available in supermarkets Not available in supermarkets Rarely found in the markets
The price varies at different places between Mzimba and Jenda. Not very much available in Mzimba boma itself.
TABLE ANNEX 2C. OTHERS CUSTOMERS IN MZIMBA Customer DFO Mr. Mkamanga
When buys Buys when he passes Perekezi reserve.
Mrs. G. H. Kanyimbo, Executive Officer, DFO.
Buys rarely because the family do not care for mushrooms much. Her husband knows nothing about them.
Preferences
Masutwe, utale and mpofwa are all good
mushrooms, indeed so are other species good too. The ndelema are good especially when they are not fully opened. She likes ndelema and masutwe. Ndelema is soft.
35
Quality and pricing The price is fair.
Some of the wef are cleaned by the vendors whilst others are not and it then lies with the customer to clean them.
Where buys from He also buys masutwe (his favourite) from Mzimba market but prefers to buy from the roadside – where the price is lower, the wef are of better quality and fresher and also there is a better range of species than in the market. Sometimes she buys from the market in Mzimba, sometimes from those vendors who move around the locations.
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Annex 6
Feeding People, Saving Forests May 2002 E Boa 2 pp
www.malawifungi.org
F EE EE D D II N NG G P EE O OP P LL EE , S A AV V II N NG G FO OR R EE S S TT S S P r a c t i c a l
Malawi
s o l u t i o n s
and
Bowa
t o
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the importance of wild edible fungi (bowa) collected each year from native woodlands in Malawi. Communities throughout the country have long relied on bowa as an important source of food during the four to five month rainy season when food is in short supply. E HAVE BEEN INVESTIGATING
This note describes how bowa are important to those most vulnerable to the looming food crisis in Malawi, and offers opportunities for better local food availability at low cost. Bowa are also an important means for poor people to earn money. Local marketing is increasing and our studies in Malawi emphasise the valuable contributions made by bowa to rural livelihoods. The bowa are a unique non timber forest product, essential to tree growth. They form symbioses (mycorrhizae) with key miombo tree species. Without them the native woodlands would not exist. Further action is needed to sustain the social, economic and ecological benefits available from bowa. We highlight how bowa could provide more food and income, and present suggestions for quickly realising these benefits for poor people.
Up to 10 tons of bowa are sold at Liwonde in a three month season
Food for Free BOWA ARE A GOOD SOURCE of nutrients. Mushrooms are often said to be low in food value but this is not true for the types eaten in Malawi. Bowa are a valuable supply of protein, essential amino acids and minerals and are as good a source of food as vegetables. Customers in towns are not always aware of the full range of edible species, limiting sales opportunities. And as poor people become more desperate for food we are worried that they will start to collect and eat poisonous species – something that rarely happens at present. Food insecurity in the Ukraine, a country with a strong wild edible fungus tradition, has been accompanied by a dramatic rise in poisonings and deaths in recent years. We need better publicity about bowa to prevent reckless collection of species and to sustain consumer confidence. Considerable amounts of the bowa harvest rot away each year yet could be saved for use later in the year. There are simple preserving techniques to encourage better use of seasonal production.
More Money SIMPLE MARKETING CHAINS have developed as the volume collected from woodlands and sold has increased. Frequently linked to the main cities, these chains may not provide collectors with the best financial returns for their efforts. Collectors are unaware of how appearance affects the value of bowa. They earn more when undamaged specimens free from soil and other debris are put on sale. Collectors have no easy mechanism for selling their produce to vendors and market demand for bowa exceeds supply.
Bowa are appreciated by all groups of people and sell quickly
W i l d
E d i b l e
We have practical solutions for improving supply and helping collectors, who regularly walk up 20 – 30 km, earn more from their harvests. Bringing traders, vendors and collectors together would not only guarantee market supplies but, crucially, help to stabilise incomes for all and open new trading opportunities.
F u n g i
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Healthy forests THERE IS A CONCERN that over-harvesting of bowa will damage future production. The threats are real but less serious than imagined: collecting all the bowa has the same neutral affect as collecting all the mangoes from a tree. Trampling damage in the short term and forest management over longer periods of time are the most important factors in determining bowa production. Foresters want to how to sustainably manage bowa harvests and native woodlands. Firstly, our knowledge of bowa-tree species links helps to pinpoint suitable areas for collection. Secondly, our understanding of local practices suggests ways of avoiding conflicts with greater harvesting. Together with FRIM’s experience of Miombo trees rely on bowa for healthy growth miombo woodland management we are able to recommend how to organise and regulate collections of bowa while protecting the wider functions and services of woodlands.
Time for Action THE MIOMBO EDIBLE FUNGUS PROJECT has run from 1999 to 2002 and has been a widely recognized success. Important advances have been made in identifying edible (and poisonous) species in Malawi, linking local names to scientific descriptions. Information on local practices and marketing chains is available for the first time. We understand much better how people use and rely on bowa. Our knowledge of people, bowa and trees allows us to identify practical solutions to problems of food security and woodland management. We are now at the critical stage where our information and experience can make a real difference to rural livelihoods. We have well established links with local communities, NGOs and the forest department which provide a working framework for implementing our proposals.
Food and income – a local seller at Perekezi
The developing food crisis in Malawi presents an important opportunity for using bowa as food and as income to maximum effect. We would encourage you to review this brief presentation and consider carefully how your support could help us make an important difference to people in Malawi.
Support is sought to make best use of bowa for the people of Malawi. These activities will have the maximum impact for food and income when the next harvesting season begins around December 2002. 1. Publicise full range of edible species and highlight poisonous varieties 2. Facilitate local markets; organise collectors; improve quality of produce on sale 3. Increase amounts of bowa that are dried using local technologies 4. Develop guidelines for harvesting and forest management
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May 2002: The above notes were written by Eric Boa of CABI Bioscience with the assistance of Gerald Meke of the Forest Research Institute of Malawi and Janet Lowore of Mzuzu University. The Miombo Edible Fungus project is financed by the UK Department for International Development. The views expressed here do not necessarily reflect those of DFID. ►Contact Dr Boa by email:
[email protected]. Visit WWW.MALAWIFUNGI.ORG for more project information. Forest Research Institute of Malawi, PO Box 270, Zomba. Tel: 524866.
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Annex 7
Linking fungi, ectomycorrhizae and host trees in the miombo woodland in Malawi July 2002 M de Román 27 pp
www.malawifungi.org
Linking fungi, Ectomycorrhizae and Host Trees in the Miombo Woodland in Malawi Report by Miriam de Roman, Universidad de Navarra, Pamplona received 24 July 2002 by email
1. Introduction Wild edible fungi are an important non-timber forest product (NTFP) in the miombo woodland as a source of food and income. People who are used to collecting them know that there are some fungi especially linked to certain trees: gundamsuku (a species of Lactarius) is mainly found under masuku (Uapaca kirkiana), and thus the chichewa names of both the fungus and the tree share the same ending. What the traditional collector does not know is that there is a physical link between the fungus and the tree. The link are the ectomycorrhizae, i. e. the symbiotic association between the fungus and the roots of the tree. The hyphae of the fungus intermingle to form a thick cover around the root tips, growing among the cortical cells, but never penetrating them. The fungus gets organic matter from the tree, while the tree obtains minerals and water from the soil as well as protection against pathogens. Although there are some edible fungi that are saprotrophs, such as the well-known utale (Termitomyces sp.), most of them are associated with miombo trees, which means that we need to preserve the miombo woodland to keep collecting edible fungi, but we also need to keep the fungal diversity if we want to maintain the miombo ecosystem. Little is known on the ectomycorrhizae in the tropics, because most of the research has been undertaken in temperate zones. The first study on tropical ectomycorrhizae dates back to 1957 (Peyronel & Fassi). Since then, some miombo tree species belonging to the genera Brachystegia, Uapaca or Julbernardia have been reported to be ectomycorrhizal (Alexander & Högberg 1986, Högberg 1982, Högberg & Piearce 1986, Thoen & Ba 1989), but there is still a lot to be done. After two weeks working in the miombo woodland, we have realised how easy it is to trace the fruit body to the ectomycorrhizae, and these to the tree to which the roots belong, and how marvellous these ectomycorrhizae look like in field conditions. 2. Materials and methods In May 2002 we visited several miombo woodlands located in different regions of Malawi: Mzuzu, Kaning’ina, Chigwere and Perekezi in the north, and Liwonde, Mulanje and Mangochi in the south. Although the rainy season was already over, we were still able to find some fruit bodies. With the aid of some gardening tools (a small spade and a screw) we dug carefully around the stalk of the fungus trying to find the ectomycorrhizae theoretically attached to it. We were successful in most of the cases, and the ectomycorrhizae were mainly found below the litter layer, at a depth of 5-10 cm, and very close to the fruit body. Once we had found the ectomycorrhizae, we kept digging to trace the root back to the tree to which it belonged. Although in most cases the roots belonged to the nearest tree,
there were some exceptions, thus proving that proximity to a tree trunk does not mean physical link to it. We kept the fruit bodies, the ectomycorrhizae and the roots in plastic bags, labelling them with a reference number, the date and place of collection, and the tree species to which they belonged. In the last sampling area, located in Mangochi, fruit bodies were particularly scarce, so we just dug in those places we considered appropriate to see if we could find any ectomycorrhizae, and traced them to the tree as usual. Once in the laboratory, the fruit bodies were dried in an oven at 100°C, and stored in paper bags for further identification. As for the ectomycorrhizae, they were washed gently with tap water in a petri dish, and preserved in ethanol 50% in 100 ml bottles. When the ectomycorrhizae were conspicuous to the naked eye, we recorded their colour in fresh, because the colour is a feature known to change after preservation in ethanol. A further analysis of the ectomycorrhizae collected has been carried out at the Botany Department of the University of Navarra (Spain) according to Agerer’s methodology (Agerer, 1987-1998). For each ectomycorrhizal morphotype found we have described and photographed the most significant features: colour, type of ramification, mantle surface, outer mantle layers, inner mantle layers, emanating hyphae, cystidia and rhizomorphs. The fruit bodies will be identified at CABI Bioscience. 3. Results Table 1 shows the information on the possible ectomycorrhizal associations between miombo tree species and several fungal species obtained after the field work. 59 samples were collected. We found ectomycorrhizae in 35 of them, which were sorted out in 18 different ectomycorrhizal morphotypes. As for their identification, no clear link can be made until the fruit bodies are identified. In several cases the identification will not be possible either because two ectomycorrhizal morphotypes have been found within the same sample, or because there are some doubts as for the link between the fruit body, the ectomycorrhizae and the host tree after a careful analysis of the samples. Regarding the comments that follow Table 1, each number refers to the sample collected. Morphotypes have been named using the number of the first sample in which they were recorded. When more than one ectomycorrhizal morphotype has been found within the same sample, the morphotypes have been named with a letter after the number (e.g. 2a and 2b for sample number 2). The description of the morphotypes follows the comments on the analysis of the ectomycorrhizae.
NB Original photos are in colour.
Table 1: Field data on the ectomycorrhizae collected in miombo woodlands in Malawi N O.
DATE
LOCALITY
FUNGUS
TREE
ECTOMYCORRHIZAE
1
7/5/2002
Mzuzu
Lactarius sp.
Uapaca kirkiana
Morphotype 1
2
7/5/2002
Mzuzu
Russula sp.
Uapaca sansibarica
Morphotypes 2a & 2b
3
7/5/2002
Mzuzu
Cantharellus sp.
Uapaca kirkiana
Morphotypes 3a & 3b
4
7/5/2002
Mzuzu
Boletoid (nthundwe)
Uapaca sansibarica
Morphotype 3b
5
7/5/2002
Mzuzu
Lactarius sp.
Uapaca kirkiana
Morphotype 1
6
7/5/2002
Mzuzu
Russula sp.
Uapaca kirkiana
Morphotypes 3a & 3b
7
7/5/2002
Mzuzu
Lactarius sp.
Uapaca kirkiana
Morphotype 7
8
7/5/2002
Mzuzu
Boletoid
Bridelia micrantha
Morphotypes 8a & 8b
9
7/5/2002
Mzuzu
Amanita sp.
No tree link found
None found
10
7/5/2002
Mzuzu
Lactarius sp.
Uapaca kirkiana
Morphotypes 1 & 10b
11
7/5/2002
Mzuzu
Cantharellus sp.
Uapaca kirkiana
Morphotypes 3a & 3b
12
7/5/2002
Mzuzu
Lactarius sp.
Uapaca kirkiana
Morphotypes 1 & 7
13
7/5/2002
Mzuzu
Boletoid
Uapaca kirkiana
Morphotype 10b
14
7/5/2002
Mzuzu
Boletoid
Uapaca kirkiana
None found
15
7/5/2002
Mzuzu
Russula sp.
Uapaca kirkiana
Morphotype 15
16
8/5/2002
Kaning’ina
Boletoid
Uapaca kirkiana
None found, only mycelium
17
8/5/2002
Kaning’ina
?
Annona senegalensis
None found, only mycelium
18
8/5/2002
Kaning’ina
?
Annona senegalensis
Morphotype 18
19
8/5/2002
Kaning’ina
Lactarius sp.
Uapaca sansibarica
Morphotype 8b
20
8/5/2002
Kaning’ina
Cantharellus sp.
Brachystegia spiciformis
None found, only mycelium
21
8/5/2002
Kaning’ina
?
Brachystegia spiciformis
None found
22
8/5/2002
Kaning’ina
?
Brachystegia spiciformis
Morphotype 8b
23
8/5/2002
Kaning’ina
Cantharellus sp.
Brachystegia spiciformis
None found, only mycelium
24
10/5/2002
Chigwere
?
Rothmannia whitfieldii (mukunkhula)
Morphotype 24
25
10/5/2002
Chigwere
? (same as 24)
Brachystegia floribunda
Morphotype 24
26
10/5/2002
Chigwere
?
Uapaca kirkiana
Morphotype 8b
27
10/5/2002
Chigwere
? (same as 26)
Parinari curatellifolia
Morphotype 8b
28
10/5/2002
Chigwere
Lactarius sp.
No tree link found
None found, only mycelium
29
10/5/2002
Chigwere
?
Brachystegia spiciformis
Morphotype 3b
30
10/5/2002
Chigwere
Suillus sp.
Pinus keysia
None found
31
10/5/2002
Kaning’ina
?
Uapaca kirkiana
Morphotypes 31a & 31b
32
10/5/2002
Kaning’ina
Russula sp.
Uapaca kirkiana
Morphotype 32
33
10/5/2002
Kaning’ina
Russula sp.
Uapaca kirkiana
Morphotypes 31b & 32
34
10/5/2002
Kaning’ina
?
Brachystegia spiciformis
None found
35
11/5/2002
Perekezi
Cortinarius sp.
Brachystegia longifolia
None found
36
11/5/2002
Perekezi
?
Among Uapaca, Brachystegia & Protea
None found, only mycelium
37
11/5/2002
Perekezi
?
Among Uapaca, Brachystegia & Protea
Morphotype 1
38
11/5/2002
Perekezi
Lactarius sp.
Protea angolensis
Morphotype 1
39
11/5/2002
Perekezi
?
Acacia sp.
None found
40
13/5/2002
Liwonde
Cantharellus sp.
Uapaca kirkiana
None found
41
13/5/2002
Liwonde
Cantharellus sp.
Brachystegia utilis
Morphotype 31a
42
14/5/2002
Mulanje
Boletoid
Brachystegia utilis
None found
43
14/5/2002
Mulanje
Lactarius sp.
Gardenia jovis-natos
None found
44
14/5/2002
Mulanje
Lactarius (=43)
Uapaca kirkiana
None found
45
14/5/2002
Mulanje
Lactarius (=43 & 44)
Lannea discolor
Morphotype 31a
N O.
DATE
LOCALITY
FUNGUS
TREE
ECTOMYCORRHIZAE
46
14/5/2002
Mulanje
Lactarius (=43, 44 & 45)
Brachystegia utilis
Morphotypes 31b & 8b
47
14/5/2002
Mulanje
Boletoid
Uapaca kirkiana
Morphotype 24
48
15/5/2002
Mangochi
?
Bridelia cathartica
None found
49
15/5/2002
Mangochi
Boletoid
Julbernardia globiflora
None found
50
15/5/2002
Mangochi
?
Rothmannia englerana
None found
51
15/5/2002
Mangochi
No fruit body
Uapaca kirkiana
Morphotypes 3b & 31a
52
15/5/2002
Mangochi
No fruit body
Brachystegia boehmii
None found
53
15/5/2002
Mangochi
No fruit body
Bridelia cathartica
None found
54
15/5/2002
Mangochi
No fruit body
Ximenia caffra
None found
55
15/5/2002
Mangochi
No fruit body
Uapaca kirkiana
Morphotypes 55a & 55b
56
15/5/2002
Mangochi
No fruit body
Uapaca kirkiana
Morphotype 32
57
15/5/2002
Mangochi
No fruit body
Uapaca kirkiana
None found
58
15/5/2002
Mangochi
No fruit body
Brachystegia manga
Morphotype 58
59
15/5/2002
Mangochi
No fruit body
Uapaca kirkiana
Morphotype 24
Samples Collected 1.
Lactarius-Uapaca kirkiana, Morphotype 1 (Fig. 1)
Mzuzu,
7/5/2002,
The mycorrhizae seem to belong to the genus Russula, although the basidiocarp found is supposed to be a Lactarius. 2.
Russula-Uapaca sansibarica, Mzuzu, Morphotypes 2a and 2b (Fig. 2 & 3)
There is no clear evidence that these mycorrhizae belong to the Lactarius fruit body collected. 8.
4 and 17 mycorrhized tips found belong to each morphotype respectively.
7/5/2002,
In this case it is highly likely that the mycorrhizae belonging to the boletoid fruit body collected are those of morphotype 8a, because these mycorrhizae show the typical features of a boletoid. There is no hint as for the identity of morphotype 8b.
31 and 60 mycorrhized tips found belong to each morphotype respectively. None of the two morphotypes show the typical features of Russula mycorrhizae, therefore I would say none of them belong to the fruit body collected, assuming this fruit body is a Russula, of course. I would not trust very much the identification of the host tree species either. 3.
Cantharellus -Uapaca kirkiana, Mzuzu, 7/5/2002, Morphotypes 3a and 3b (Fig. 4 & 5) More than 90% of the mycorrhized tips found belong to morphotype 3b. The mycorrhizae named 3a clearly belong to a tomentelloid species, while morphotype type 3b could belong to the Cantharellus fruit body found on the surface due to the great amount of mycorrhizae found and also to their colour and appearance.
4.
Boletoid (nthundwe) -Uapaca sansibarica, Mzuzu, 7/5/2002, Morphotype 3b (Fig. 5) Some rhizomorphs begin to form. The features of this morphotype do not correspond with those of a boletoid, I would say they look more like Cantharellus mycorrhizae.
5.
Lactarius -Uapaca kirkiana, Mzuzu, 7/5/2002, Morphotype 1 (Fig. 1) Again, the fruit body has been preliminarly identified as Lactarius, but the mycorrhizae show typical features of Russula.
6.
Russula -Uapaca kirkiana, Mzuzu, Morphotypes 3a and 3b (Fig. 4 & 5)
7/5/2002,
6 and 16 mycorrhized tips found belong to each morphotype respectively. The features of none of the two morphotypes correspond with those of a Russula, therefore there is no match between the fruit body and the mycorrhizae. 7.
Lactarius-Uapaca kirkiana, Morphotype7 (Fig. 6)
Mzuzu,
7/5/2002,
Boletoid – Bridelia micrantha, Mzuzu, 7/5/2002, Morphotypes 8a and 8b (Fig. 7 & 8)
9.
Amanita – No tree link found, Mzuzu, 7/5/2002 No mycorrhizae have been found within this sample.
10. Lactarius –Uapaca kirkiana, Mzuzu, 7/5/2002, Morphotypes 1 and 10b (Fig. 1 & 9) 54 and 31 mycorrhized tips found belong to each morphotype respectively. In this case it is morphotype 1 the one that most probably belongs to the fruit body. The fruit body collected is the same as in samples 1 and 5. It was preliminary identified in the field as a Lactarius, but I would say it must be a Russula, because the mycorrhizae found attached to the three fruit bodies are all the same, and they all show the same typical features of Russula mycorrhizae. 11. Cantharellus –Uapaca kirkiana, Mzuzu, 7/5/2002, Morphotypes 3a and 3b (Fig. 4 & 5) 30 and 94 mycorrhized tips found belong to each morphotype respectively. Morphotype 3b shows two different colours here, either greyish or light yellow to greyish white. The greyish tips seem to be older than the lighter ones, but microscopically they are all the same morphotype. It becomes more and more evident that samples 3b, 4, 6b and 11b all belong to the fruit body under which they were collected, probably Cantharellus longisporus. 12. Lactarius –Uapaca kirkiana, Mzuzu, 7/5/2002, Morphotypes 1 & 7 (Fig. 1 & 6) 94 and 16 mycorrhized tips found belong to each morphotype respectively. The fruit body seems to have been misidentified in the field again, because the mycorrhizae from morphotype 1 are clearly those of a Russula, and are identical to those previously found attached to the same species in samples 1, 5 and 10a.
Nevertheless, sample 12b is identical to morphotype 7, found also under a Lactarius fruit body, so we have to wait until the fruit bodies are identified to confirm our hypothesis. 13. Boletoid –Uapaca kirkiana, Mzuzu, 7/5/2002, Morphotype 10b (Fig. 9) It is evident that the mycorrhizae found under the fruit body do not belong to it, due to the differences in the morphology and anatomy of the rhizomorphs emanating from the mycorrhizae, which are similar to those of type 10b, and the rhizomorphs emanating from the base of the fruit body, which are identical to those of types 7 and 12b. The fruit bodies under which samples 7 and 12b were collected are also boletoid. 14. Boletoid –Uapaca kirkiana, Mzuzu, 7/5/2002 No mycorrhizae have been found within this sample. 15. Russula -Uapaca kirkiana, Morphotype 15 (Fig. 10)
Mzuzu,
7/5/2002,
The mycorrhizae were clearly attached to the fruit body in the field, so there is no doubt that they are the same species. It has been difficult to analyse them though since they seemed to be too old and nearly decomposed. 16. Boletoid –Uapaca kirkiana, Kaning’ina, 8/5/2002 No mycorrhizae have been found within this sample, only mycelium attached to the fruit body.
No mycorrhizae have been found within this sample. 22. Not identified – Brachystegia spiciformis, Kaning’ina, 8/5/2002, Morphotype 8b (Fig. 8) Mycorrhizae very similar to those of morphotype 8b, but the colour is a bit pinkish, and the cystidia are shorter and more abundant. Nevertheless, I consider it the same morphotype. 23. Cantharellus – Brachystegia spiciformis, Kaning’ina, 8/5/2002 No mycorrhizae have been found within this sample, only mycelium attached to the fruit body. 24. Not identified – Rothmannia whitfieldii (mukunkhula), Chiwere, 10/5/2002, Morphotype 24 (Fig. 12) It shows the typical features of a Russula mycorrhiza. It is similar to morphotype 1, but the cystidia are not ramified. It also looks like morphotype 8b, but the cystidia are again rather different. 25. Not identified – Brachystegia floribunda, Chiwere, 10/5/2002, Morphotype 24 (Fig. 12) The fruit body is the same species as in sample 24. 26. Not identified – Uapaca kirkiana, Chiwere, 10/5/2002, Morphotype 8b (Fig. 8) Same mycorrhizae as in samples 8b, 19 and 22.
17. Not identified – Annona senegalensis, Kaning’ina, 8/5/2002
27. Not identified – Parinari curatellifolia, Chiwere, 10/5/2002, Morphotype 8b (Fig. 8)
No mycorrhizae have been found within this sample, although some mycorrhizae seem to be forming close to the fruit body.
Same mycorrhizae as in samples 8b, 19, 22 and 26. The fruit body is also the same as in sample 26. 28. Lactarius – No tree link found, Chiwere, 10/5/2002
18. Not identified – Annona senegalensis, Kaning’ina, 8/5/2002, Morphotype 18 (Fig. 11)
No mycorrhizae have been found within this sample, only mycelium attached to the fruit body.
The mycorrhized tips seem to be so old that they are nearly decomposed, and it is very difficult to analyse them.
29. Not identified – Brachystegia spiciformis, Chiwere, 10/5/2002, Morphotype 3b (Fig. 5)
19. Lactarius – Uapaca sansibarica, 8/5/2002, Morphotype 8b (Fig. 8)
Kaning’ina,
No comment. 20. Cantharellus – Brachystegia spiciformis, Kaning’ina, 8/5/2002 No mycorrhizae have been found within this sample, only mycelium attached to the fruit body. 21. Not identified – Brachystegia spiciformis, Kaning’ina, 8/5/2002
Same mycorrhizae as in samples 3b, 4, 6b and 11b, which are all supposed to be a Cantharellus. 30. Suillus – Pinus keysia, Chiwere, 10/5/2002 No mycorrhizae have been found within this sample, although some dichotomous mycorrhizae seem to be forming close to the fruit body. 31. Not identified – Uapaca kirkiana, Kaning’ina, 10/5/2002, Morphotypes 31a and 31b (Fig. 13 & 14) Up to 90% of the mycorrhized tips found belong to morphotype 31a. It is similar to morphotype
2b, but the colour and mantle type differentiate them. Morphotype 31b seems to be a tomentelloid mycorrhiza, while morphotype 31a looks like a Lactarius species, although the laticifers have not been observed. 32. Russula – Uapaca kirkiana, Kaning’ina, 10/5/2002, Morphotype 32 (Fig. 15) These cystidia differ from those of morphotype 8b because of their yellowish colour and their less widened base. They are also different from those of morphotype 24 due to their colour. These mycorrhizae belong clearly to a Russula. 33. Russula – Uapaca kirkiana, Kaning’ina, 10/5/2002, Morphotypes 31b and 32 (Fig. 14 & 15) 4 and 13 mycorrhized tips found belong to each morphotype respectively. As we said before, morphotype 31b is tomentelloid, although in this case the mycorrhizae look older, the emanating hyphae are darker, there are fewer clamp connections, and the hyphal net is not so conspicuous. Morphotype 32 is a Russula, and could belong to the fruit body collected. 34. Not identified – Brachystegia spiciformis, Kaning’ina, 10/5/2002 No mycorrhizae have been found within this sample.
No mycorrhizae have been found within this sample. 40. Cantharellus – Uapaca kirkiana, Liwonde, 13/5/2002 No mycorrhizae have been found within this sample. 41. Cantharellus – Brachystegia utilis, 13/5/2002, Morphotype 31a (Fig. 13)
Liwonde,
Same as morphotype 31a, but without emanating hyphae, therefore I assume the hyphae previously found were saprotrophic. In the field, the mycorrhizae seemed to be rather clearly attached to the fruit body. 42. Boletoid – Brachystegia utilis, Mulanje, 14/5/2002 No mycorrhizae have been found within this sample. 43. Lactarius – Gardenia jovis-natos, Mulanje, 14/5/2002 No mycorrhizae have been found within this sample. 44. Lactarius (same as 43) – Uapaca kirkiana, Mulanje, 14/5/2002 No mycorrhizae have been found within this sample.
Perekezi,
45. Lactarius (same as 43 and 44) – Lannea discolor, Mulanje, 14/5/2002, Morphotype 31a (Fig. 13)
No mycorrhizae have been found within this sample.
Same as in samples 31b and 33a, but older, and with fewer clamp connections. A tomentelloid species.
35. Cortinarius – 11/5/2002
Brachystegia
longifolia,
36. Not identified – Among Uapaca, Brachystegia and Protea, Perekezi, 11/5/2002 No mycorrhizae have been found within this sample, only mycelium attached to the fruit body. 37. Not identified – Among Uapaca, Brachystegia and Protea, Perekezi, 11/5/2002, Morphotype 1 (Fig. 1) They look like the mycorrhizae in samples 1, 5 10a and 12a, but I cannot see any ramified cystidia or any cystidia with apical knobs. 38. Lactarius – Protea angolensis, Perekezi, 11/5/2002, Morphotype 1 (Fig. 1) Same as in sample 37, and in this case I can see the cystidia beginning to ramify, so now there is no doubt that the mycorrhizae from samples 37 and 38 are the same as those from samples 1, 5, 10a and 12a. Again, the fruit body has been preliminarly identified in the field as Lactarius, but the mycorrhizae show features of a Russula. 39. Not identified – Acacia sp., Perekezi, 11/5/2002
46. Lactarius (same as 43, 44 and 45) – Brachystegia utilis, Mulanje, 14/5/2002, Morphotypes 31b and 8b (Fig. 14 & 8) Up to 90% of the mycorrhized tips belong to morphotype 8b. As said before, morphotype 31b is a tomentelloid species. 47. Boletoid – Uapaca kirkiana, Mulanje, 14/5/2002, Morphotype 24 (Fig. 12) A typical Russula mycorrhiza, therefore it has nothing to do with the fruit body under which it was collected. 48. Not identified – Bridelia cathartica, Mangochi, 15/5/2002 No mycorrhizae have been found within this sample. 49. Boletoid – 15/5/2002
Julbernardia
globiflora,
Mangochi,
No mycorrhizae have been found within this sample.
50. Not identified – Rothmannia englerana, Mangochi, 15/5/2002 No mycorrhizae have been found within this sample. 51. No fruit body collected – Uapaca kirkiana, Mangochi, 15/5/2002, Morphotypes 3b and 31a (Fig 5 & 13) 65 and 18 mycorrhized tips found belong to each morphotype respectively. Regarding morphotype 3b, the mantle cannot be clearly seen, and as for morphotype 31a, it lacks emanating hyphae, which I think are saprotrophic. 52. No fruit body collected – Brachystegia boehmii, Mangochi, 15/5/2002 No mycorrhizae have been found within this sample. 53. No fruit body collected – Bridelia cathartica, Mangochi, 15/5/2002 No mycorrhizae have been found within this sample. 54. No fruit body collected – Ximenia caffra, Mangochi, 15/5/2002 No mycorrhizae have been found within this sample.
55. No fruit body collected – Uapaca kirkiana, Mangochi, 15/5/2002, Morphotypes 55a and 55b (Fig. 16 & 17) Most of the mycorrhized tips found belong to morphotype 55a. Morphotype 55b looks like morphotype 3b, but here the hyphae are wider and have clamp connections. 56. No fruit body collected – Uapaca kirkiana, Mangochi, 15/5/2002 Same as types 32 and 33b, although the cystidia here are not so bright yellowish. 57. No fruit body collected – Uapaca kirkiana, Mangochi, 15/5/2002 The mycorrhizae are too old to be analysed, therefore I consider there is no mycorrhizae. 58. No fruit body collected – Brachystegia manga, Mangochi, 15/5/2002, Morphotype 58 (Fig. 18) The hyphae from the net turn reddish when adding lactic acid. Morphologically it takes after morphotype 31a, but the mantles are rather different. 59. No fruit body collected – Uapaca kirkiana, Mangochi, 15/5/2002, Morphotype 24 (Fig. 12) Clearly a Russula mycorrhiza.
MORPHOTYPE 1 Morphological characters: Colour white - Type of ramification mostly unramified but sometimes monopodial pinnate - Mantle surface short spiny. Anatomical characters: Outer mantle layers plectenchymatous with thin hyphae (type B) - Inner mantle layers plectenchymatous with thicker hyphae - Emanating hyphae scarce, thick, hyaline, tortuous, without clamp connections - Cystidia two types, flask-shaped with an apical knob (type D), and ramified (type E) mostly in a dichotomous way; hyaline - Rhizomorphs not observed.
a Fig. 1 - a. Mycorrhiza 30X - b. Outer mantle 1000X - c. Inner mantle 1000X - d. Flask-shaped cystidia with apical knobs 1000X - e. Ramified cystidia 1000X
b
c
d
e
MORPHOTYPE 2A Morphological characters: Colour white - Type of ramification irregularly to monopodial pinnate, with bent ends and axes - Mantle surface from slightly cottony to short spiny. Anatomical characters: Outer mantle layers pseudoparenchymatous, with angular cells bearing a net of hyphae and cystidia (type P) - Inner mantle layers pseudoparenchymatous, with angular cells (type L) Emanating hyphae not observed - Cystidia capitate (type N), without clamp connections, abundant, hyaline, often exudating a yellowish pigment - Rhizomorphs not observed.
a Fig. 2 - a. Mycorrhiza 25X - b. Hyphal net 1000X c. Outer mantle 1000X - d. Inner mantle 1000X e. Capitate cystidia 1000X
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MORPHOTYPE 2B Morphological characters: Colour brown - Type of ramification irregularly to monopodial pinnate, with bent ends and axes - Mantle surface smooth. Anatomical characters: Outer mantle layers plectenchymatous, with tight hyphae and many soil particles attached (type B) - Inner mantle layers plectenchymatous, (type B) - Emanating hyphae not observed - Cystidia not observed - Rhizomorphs not observed.
Fig. 3 - a. Mycorrhiza 20X - b. Outer mantle 1000X - c. Inner mantle 1000X
MORPHOTYPE 3A Morphological characters: Colour reddish brown - Type of ramification unramified to monopodial pinnate - Mantle surface stringy. Anatomical characters: Outer mantle layers transitional type between plectenchymatous and pseudoparenchymatous, with irregularly shaped hyphae forming a net (type H) - Inner mantle layers pseudoparenchymatous, with epidermoid cells (type M) - Emanating hyphae abundant, reddish brown, thick-walled, without clamp connections, straight and rarely ramified- Cystidia not observed - Rhizomorphs not observed.
Fig. 4 - a. Mycorrhiza 40X - b. Outer mantle,
a
plectenchymatous-like 1000X - c. Outer mantle, pseudoparenchymatous-like 1000X - d. Inner mantle 1000X - e. Emanating hyphae 1000X
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MORPHOTYPE 3B Morphological characters: Colour light yellow to greyish white - Type of ramification irregularly to monopodial pinnate, very big systems - Mantle surface slightly cottony. Anatomical characters: Outer mantle layers pseudoparenchymatous, with angular cells bearing a hyphal net (type P) - Inner mantle layers pseudoparenchymatous, with more elongated angular cells (type L), sometimes even looking like a transitional type mantle (type H), with abundant oily droplets - Emanating hyphae abundant, hyaline, twisted, without clamp connections, with oily droplets- Cystidia not observed Rhizomorphs not observed.
a Fig. 5 - a. Mycorrhiza 40X - b. Hyphal net 1000X c. Outer mantle 1000X - d. Inner mantle 1000X e. Emanating hyphae 1000X
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MORPHOTYPE 7 Morphological characters: Colour golden yellow - Type of ramification mostly unramified but sometimes monopodial pinnate, with bent ends - Mantle surface smooth to slightly cottony. Anatomical characters: Outer mantle layers plectenchymatous (type B) - Inner mantle layers plectenchymatous (type B) - Emanating hyphae abundant, yellowish, twisted, without clamp connections Cystidia not observed – Rhizomorphs golden yellow.
a Fig. 6 - a. Mycorrhiza 30X - b. Outer mantle 1000X - c. Inner mantle 1000X - d. Emanating hyphae 1000X - e. Rhizomorph 1000X
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MORPHOTYPE 8A Morphological characters: Colour yellow - Type of ramification irregularly to monopodial pinnate - Mantle surface slightly cottony. Anatomical characters: Outer mantle layers plectenchymatous, mostly yellowish but turning ferrugineous in some spots (type B) - Inner mantle layers plectenchymatous (type B) - Emanating hyphae abundant, yellowish, twisted, without clamp connections, wider near the septa, occasionally showing some incrustation - Cystidia not observed - Rhizomorphs yellow, with thicker central hyphae.
a Fig. 7 - a. Mycorrhiza 30X - b. Outer mantle 1000X - c. Pigmented outer mantle 1000X - d. Inner mantle 1000X - e. Rhizomorph 1000X
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MORPHOTYPE 8B Morphological characters: Colour white - Type of ramification irregularly to monopodial pinnate - Mantle surface shortly spiny. Anatomical characters: Outer mantle layers plectenchymatous (type B) - Inner mantle layers plectenchymatous (type B) - Emanating hyphae hyaline, without clamp connections - Cystidia abundant, hyaline, bottle-shaped with a straight neck (type B), but with a septum at the base and a very conspicuous widened base– Rhizomorphs hyaline.
a Fig. 8 - a. Mycorrhiza 30X - b. Outer mantle 1000X - c. Inner mantle 1000X - d. Cystidia 1000X - e. Rhizomorph 1000X
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MORPHOTYPE 10B Morphological characters: Colour whitish - Type of ramification irregularly to monopodial pyramidal Mantle surface slightly cottony. Anatomical characters: Outer mantle layers plectenchymatous (type B) - Inner mantle layers pseudoparenchymatous, with angular cells (type P), sometimes even looking like a transitional type mantle (type H) - Emanating hyphae abundant, hyaline, without clamp connections, with rounded ends – Cystidia not observed – Rhizomorphs abundant, hyaline.
a Fig. 9- a. Mycorrhiza 25X - b. Outer mantle 1000X - c. Inner mantle 1000X - d. Emanating hyphae 1000X - e. Rhizomorph 1000X
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MORPHOTYPE 15 Morphological characters: Colour white - Type of ramification irregularly to monopodial pinnate - Mantle surface smooth to shortly spiny. Anatomical characters: Outer mantle layers pseudoparenchymatous, with angular cells (type P), but sometimes looking like a transitional type mantle (type H) - Inner mantle layers transitional type (type H), but sometimes looking like plectenchymatous (type B) - Emanating hyphae not observed – Cystidia two types, flask-shaped with an apical knob (type D), and awl-shaped (type A); hyaline – Rhizomorphs not observed.
a Fig. 10 - a. Mycorrhiza 20X - b. Mycorrhiza 40X c. Outer mantle 1000X - d. Inner mantle 1000X e. Cystidia 1000X
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MORPHOTYPE 18 Morphological characters: Colour greyish brown - Type of ramification unramified to monopodial pinnate Mantle surface smooth to cottony. Anatomical characters: Outer mantle layers pseudoparenchymatous, with angular cells (type P), but sometimes looking like a transitional type mantle (type H) - Inner mantle layers also pseudoparenchymatous, with angular cells (type P), sometimes looking like a transitional type mantle (type H) - Emanating hyphae abundant, hyaline, with clamp connections – Cystidia awl-shaped (type A), hyaline, looking like those of a Russula, but without apical knobs – Rhizomorphs hyaline.
a Fig. 11 - a. Mycorrhiza 20X - b. Mycorrhiza 40X c. Outer mantle 1000X - d. Emanating hyphae 1000X - e. Cystidia 1000X
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MORPHOTYPE 24 Morphological characters: Colour whitish brown - Type of ramification irregularly to monopodial pinnate Mantle surface smooth to shortly spiny. Anatomical characters: Outer mantle layers
plectenchymatous (type B) - Inner mantle layers
plectenchymatous (type B) - Emanating hyphae not observed – Cystidia bottle-shaped with an apical knob (between type B and D), hyaline – Rhizomorphs not observed.
a Fig. 12 - a. Mycorrhiza 40X - b. Mycorrhiza 40X c. Flask-shaped cystidia with apical knobs 1000X
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MORPHOTYPE 31A Morphological characters: Colour orange - Type of ramification irregular to monopodial pinnate, with bent ends and axes - Mantle surface slightly cottony. Anatomical characters: Outer mantle layers plectenchymatous (type B) - Inner mantle layers plectenchymatous (type B) - Emanating hyphae abundant, hyaline, without clamp connections, but they could be saprotrophic, it is very difficult to see if they emanate from the mycorrhiza or are just surrounding it - Cystidia not observed - Rhizomorphs not observed.
a Fig. 13 - a. Mycorrhiza 10X - b. Mycorrhiza 20X c. Outer mantle 1000X - d. Inner mantle 1000X e. Emanating hyphae 1000X
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MORPHOTYPE 31B Morphological characters: Colour dark brown - Type of ramification unramified to monopodial pinnate Mantle surface slightly stringy. Anatomical characters: Outer mantle layers pseudoparenchymatous, with angular to roundish cells bearing a hyphal net (type P) - Inner mantle layers transitional type mantle (type H), sometimes looking like a plectenchyma (type B) - Emanating hyphae brownish, with clamp connections - Cystidia not observed Rhizomorphs not observed.
a Fig. 14 - a. Mycorrhiza 40X - b. Hyphal net 1000X - c. Outer mantle 1000X - d. Inner mantle 1000X e. Emanating hyphae 1000X
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MORPHOTYPE 32 Morphological characters: Colour yellowish brown - Type of ramification irregularly to monopodial pyramidal - Mantle surface shortly spiny. Anatomical characters: Outer mantle layers plectenchymatous (type B), with many soil particles attached Inner mantle layers plectenchymatous (type B) - Emanating hyphae not observed – Cystidia slightly bottleshaped, sometimes with an apical knob (between type B and D), bright yellowish – Rhizomorphs not observed.
a Fig. 15 - a. Mycorrhiza 10X - b. Mycorrhiza 40X c. Outer mantle 1000X - d. Inner mantle 1000X e. Cystidia 1000X
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MORPHOTYPE 55A Morphological characters: Colour pinkish brown - Type of ramification irregularly to monopodial pinnate Mantle surface smooth, but covered with soil particles. Anatomical characters: Outer mantle layers pseudoparenchymatous, with angular cells bearing a hyphal net (type P) - Inner mantle layers pseudoparenchymatous, with angular cells (type L), but sometimes looking like a transitional type mantle (type H) - Emanating hyphae not observed- Cystidia not observed – Rhizomorphs not observed.
a Fig. 16 - a. Mycorrhiza 20X - b. Hyphal net 1000X - c. Outer mantle 1000X
b
c
MORPHOTYPE 55B Morphological characters: Colour white - Type of ramification irregularly to monopodial pinnate - Mantle surface slightly cottony. Anatomical characters: Outer mantle layers pseudoparenchymatous, with angular cells bearing a hyphal net (type P) - Inner mantle layers pseudoparenchymatous, with angular cells (type P) - Emanating hyphae hyaline, with clamp connections – Cystidia not observed – Rhizomorphs not observed.
Fig. 17 - a. Mycorrhiza 40X - b. Hyphal net 1000X
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- c. Outer mantle 1000X - d. Inner mantle 1000X e. Emanating hyphae 1000X
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MORPHOTYPE 58 Morphological characters: Colour orange brown - Type of ramification monopodial pinnate to pyramidal Mantle surface smooth. Anatomical characters: Outer mantle layers transitional type, bearing a hyphal net (type H) - Inner mantle layers transitional type (type H), but sometimes looking like a plectenchyma (type B) - Emanating hyphae not observed, but the hyphae from the hyphal net are hyaline, with clamp connections – Cystidia not observed – Rhizomorphs not observed.
a Fig. 18 - a. Mycorrhiza 10X - b. Mycorrhiza 20X c. Hyphal net 1000X - d. Outer mantle 1000X - e. Inner mantle 1000X
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d
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4. Discussion Our records show that Uapaca kirkiana is one of the most common ectomycorrhizal partners in miombo woodlands, followed by several species of the genus Brachystegia. U. kirkiana is known to be an early-stage species very well adapted to disturbed miombo woodlands probably because of its ability to form ectomycorrhizae with a broad range of fungi. The fungi found belong mainly to the genera Lactarius, Russula and Cantharellus, and most of them are edible. Ectomycorrhizae were more easily found in areas where grasses were absent, and where the soil had retained the moisture due to the presence of a welldeveloped litter layer. If grasses are abundant, the ectomycorrhizae will only occur under their rooting zone, i. e. about 10-20 cm deep, making the tracing of tree roots more difficult. It is worth pointing out the great abundance of Russula-like ectomycorrhizal morphotypes found. On the contrary, there does not seem to be any Lactarius mycorrhizae, at least none with the typical features of the genus, such as laticifers. We will be able to discuss more about these results when the fruit bodies are identified, thus linking definitively the fruit bodies, the ectomycorrhizae and the host trees. This successful preliminary approach to miombo woodland ectomycorrhizae encourages us to keep finding the physical link between miombo trees and fungi. More applied research is needed, and ectomycorrhizae are an easy and rewarding topic to work with. The more we know about them, the better the management of the miombo woodland can be, thus contributing to the sustainable development of such an important ecosystem. 5. References Agerer, R. (1987-1998) Colour Atlas of Ectomycorrhizae. Einhorn-Verlag, Munich. Alexander, I.J. & Högberg, P. (1986) Ectomycorrhizas of tropical angiospermous trees. New Phytologist 102: 541-549. Högberg, P. (1982) Mycorrhizal associations in some woodland and forest trees and shrubs in Tanzania. New Phytologist 92: 407-415. Högberg, P. & Piearce, G.D. (1986) Mycorrhizas in Zambian trees in relation to host taxonomy, vegetation type and successional patterns. Journal of Ecology 74: 775-785. Thoen, D. & Ba, A.M. (1989) Ectomycorrhizas and putative ectomycorrhizal fungi of Afzelia africana Sm. and Uapaca guineensis Müll. Arg. in southern Senegal. New Phytologist 113: 549-559.
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Annex 8
Miscellaneous briefing notes February 2001 E Boa Extension knowledge: learning from local technical people. February 2001 Commercialization of Wild Edible Fungi. February 2001
www.malawifungi.org
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Extension Knowledge Learning from local technical people Notes prepared for Gerald Meke by Eric Boa Background
Local forestry officers will have acquired various bits of information and knowledge about forest products, including wild edible fungi (wef). Some have been in place for many years and will have travelled extensively in their area, talked with many people and made frequent observations throughout the year. As researchers, we want to make maximum benefit from these experiences. At present there is no systematic analysis of the knowledge acquired by extension people, or examination of its completeness or correctness. In fact, there is often an assumption by scientists that extension officers know little or nothing of use and that which they claim to know is usually wrong. Research in other countries has shown that extension knowledge can be a powerful tool, helping scientists to identify areas of interest or pinpointing regions where research could be most usefully carried out. I believe that similar benefits could be obtained from talking with local forestry officers in Malawi regarding their knowledge of wild edible fungi and other forest products. Local officers are capable of highlighting topics and issues that would require scientists much longer periods of time, travel and consultation to identify. Roundtable meeting
A colleague and I have developed a general meeting format where information is exchanged between scientist and extension officers (the latter is a general category to include all ‘technical’ people i.e. not formal researchers). For the present project, I suggest that a small number of forestry officers are invited to Zomba for a one day meeting, from areas around Malawi, with the purpose of telling them more about our project and learning from them their knowledge of edible fungi. Since some of them may have little experience of edible fungi it may be useful to include more than one forest product in discussions. Discussion methods
The most important feature when trying to document extension knowledge is not to question the information being offered, unless it is for purposes of clarification. So if someone says that ‘manyame are purple’, note this down and do not contradict. There will be an opportunity later to question statements that appear wrong. Get each officer to provide a potted biography: age, duty station, training, current duties, place of work, and so on. I’d devise a short questionnaire for them to fill in. Suggested questions include: •
what are the main edible fungi for sale
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when is the season for each type
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how many people are involved in selling
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what prices are they sold at
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where are bowa sold (only by the road, near to the forest, or also in large towns)
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recognition of species (from our printed sheets)
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You can add other questions. If you want to include other forest products (honey, edible insects) then a separate series of questions will have to be created. I will print a series of photographs from our collections. Show these to the officers and see if they can give them local names and even scientific names (though I don’t expect much information on the latter). Carry out the questions and discussions with the extension officers first, before you tell them about our project. When you have finished telling them about the project you can then discuss how their own knowledge contradicts, corroborates or adds to our own knowledge. Outputs
Prepare a short report of what happened during the workshop. Comment on how successfully you obtained information from the extension officers. Are there ways of improving the structure of the meeting for future similar events? We’ve used the roundtable method for tree health and we think there are many other applications within forestry and agriculture. Welcome to the Three Legs are Better than Two method! Document the responses of extension officers in the form of tables. The intention is both to learn from extension officers and to show them that they can play a positive part in research. The purpose is not to expose the inevitable gaps in their own knowledge, or to undermine the authority which they believe they possess. There is a tricky balance of course between telling somebody that their knowledge is wrong, but if we are successful in building up their confidence we should be able to tell them new things. If you can, try to note the general responses of the officers during the meeting. We have found some are excellent in the field but very poor at writing things down. Perhaps some extension officers are good at explaining things verbally but cannot express themselves well in writing? The more we as researchers understand about extension officers the better we will be able to carry out research and deliver benefits.
Eric Boa 8 February 2001 Zomba, Malawi
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BRIEFING NOTE
Commercialization of Wild Edible Fungi
Background
The Miombo edible fungi project is a collaboration between CABI Bioscience UK, and the Forestry Research Institute of Malawi. It began in April 1999 and will run for three years. It is funded by the UK Department for International Development, whose principal aims are the alleviation of poverty and creation of sustainable livelihoods. DFID recognizes that both public and private bodies have a part to play in the complex task of improving living conditions and prospects for poor people and poor countries. Our project is concerned with the productive potential of wild edible fungi (wef) and has been measuring productivity in field plots, as well as carrying out market surveys. The surveys will tell us more about how much is sold while the field plots will, for the first time, give an indication of the size of an important natural resource. The preliminary findings of the project have been published as part of the proceedings of a workshop, held in July 2000 in Zomba. We are still working on the difficult task of matching local names to scientific equivalents. This is the main reason why we are unable to confirm amounts of natural production. We do have some ‘best guesses’, though we would be reluctant at this initial stage of research for these to acquire, perhaps inadvertently, any degree of certainty. The issue of identifying fungal species accurately remains a crucial issue and one which cannot be resolved quickly. We expect to clarify the principal confusions following collections made during the most recent fungus season (Nov 2000 to March 2001) and this will allow us to give indications of productivity in the four areas where we have been sampling. These areas are: Liwonde, Dzalanyama, Chimaliro and Perekezi. Key issues
Commercialization is a foremost topic for many, from those with a scientific interest in the edible fungi through to NGOs and other community-based organisations keen to maximize benefits from Miombo woodlands for rural communities. There has been a swelling interest in forest products in all parts of the developing world and this has led to an intensive debate about how more intensive harvesting and marketing might help local communities while contributing to the conservation of the forests. It is clear that strong enthusiasm for the potential of forest products has to be matched by clear thinking about the implications of more intensive and aggressive harvesting and marketing. A recent careful analysis of several case studies from around the world, including diverse products such as rattan, brazil nuts and palm fibre, highlighted five key issues: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.
nature of government involvement distribution of property rights ability of local people to claim and enforce such rights market transparency pressure on the resource
None of the studies consulted involved wild edible fungi, and there are subsidiary points which we need to consider for this quite different forest product.
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Productivity of Wild Edible Fungi
There have been repeated statements about how productivity is ‘in decline’, clearly linked or even prompted by the reduction in Miombo woodland area and increased extraction of fuelwood. We would not dispute a link between reduction in woodland area and productivity of wef, but there is no evidence to support a link between increased fuelwood extraction and reduced wef productivity. Such a link is probable but needs to be examined more carefully, and we cannot do this until we have baseline data on which to analyse productivity trends. There have also been statements about how sellers have to travel further to collect wef. We cannot say whether this is due to a shrinking of the forest area near to adjacent dwellings or because the forest is producing less. The whole issue of productivity lies at the heart of establishing any commercial venture, even before we consider the implications of how more intensive gathering would affect local communities. We know from initial surveys that the amounts of all wef sold at Liwonde and Perekezi are about 50 tons per season. We believe this is a very small proportion of total productivity. However, it is important to stress that we do not have any data to say how much wef are harvested for local consumption, though we believe this amount to be still small in comparison to the total wef resource. Our impression – and we would put it no stronger than this based on current data – is that wef production is more directly linked to general climatic and growth conditions. We know that there are good years for chanterelles and boletes in the UK, for example, and the general belief is that this is a consequence of the right conditions (rain, soil temperature) and ‘readiness’ of the ectomycorrhizae to fruit. Local knowledge from around the world demonstrates that there are off and on years for certain wef species and that it is difficult to make a positive link to the condition of forests and their trees. Wild Edible Fungi from Pine Forests
When we visited the pine plantations on Zomba Plateau in December 1999 we found relatively large amounts of Boletus edulis. These were not harvested by local people and we have heard of no other collections within Malawi. It appears that these boletes are produced early in the season; we could not find any B. edulis in a very cursory search of pine plantations in February 2001. Our impression is that there is a major potential for harvesting B. edulis but we would advise that more is learnt about parallel experiences in Zimbabwe. What species will be commercialized?
There are three different scales at which commercialization can occur: 1. local 2. national 3. international Our project is most interested in the local and national scales, in part a reflection of our development concerns but also because we lack the international links to establish what demand exists for wef from Miombo, or could be generated as the result of suitable promotion. Any commercialization at the international scale must take account of the impact this would have on existing sales. We believe that the two can be managed side by side, particularly if the harvesting for international sales took place in woodland areas where relatively little wef are currently harvested. We would avoid going to areas where there is significant trade in wef, such as Liwonde, if only to minimize initial conflicts with the introduction of commercial companies and their agents. Still, any organized collection on behalf of agents would have to ensure an equitable and fair return of monies to local communities. This is an issue which requires wider consultations and careful balancing of priorities.
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Impact on local communities
The whole thrust of national forestry programmes is to ensure an active participation of local communities. This is especially true when considering natural woodland areas. The Forestry Department has authority for plantations and may decide on their management according to local laws and regulations. Any collection of wef from Miombo, however, requires a broader consultation and matching of competing interests. Our project is concerned about possible conflicts between felling of trees, fuelwood gathering and harvesting of wef. If local people are being paid to collect wef while others make their living from selling fuelwood, then problems may arise. This is why local consultations and local agreements must precede any organised collection of wef. To do otherwise would countermand years of careful attempts to formulate joint management plans of indigenous woodlands. Balancing different needs
We are encouraged by the interest in commercialization of wef. This has the potential to increase the value of indigenous woodlands, increase incomes for local people and increase returns from commercial pine plantations. We have highlighted a number of issues which need careful consideration before any concessions are granted and these are listed below. We do not have sufficient data to predict the impact of more intensive harvesting on the wef resource or the health of Miombo woodland. The wef species (and others) are essential for maintaining forest condition and without them the Miombo would cease to exist. Short term financial gains, whether for government, local communities or others need to be balanced with the long term survival of Miombo woodland. Action points
This is not a comprehensive list but highlights points raised above and other key issues to be considered. • • • • • • • • •
How does commercialization fit with the new national forestry programme? How will concessions be policed? Concession costs should include an element for on-going monitoring of wef production – a research ‘tithe’ Surveys of B. edulis nationwide in pine plantations are required, to establish seasonality and productivity. To coincide with start of the rainy season. Identify forest areas best suited to commercialization – further surveys are needed with lists of identified wef species What is the experience of Zimbabwe with commercialization of wef? Gain more knowledge and understanding of how schemes have developed and how benefits are distributed. Liaise with local NGOs and development projects concerning their interest in commercialization of forest products and wef. Avoid setting precedents which undermine local initiatives. Local consultations to establish agreements on fair and equitable returns from wef extraction. Certification of wef – how important is it to establish that wef come from certified woodlands? Is FSC certification necessary or some other authority (Soil Association)?
Dr Eric Boa [
[email protected]] CABI Bioscience Mr Gerald Meke [
[email protected]] Miombo Edible Fungi project, Forestry Research Institute, Malawi 7 February 2001
