Formal teaching of flint knapping at Kabazi II, Crimea

More news from Neanderthal kids: Formal teaching of flint knapping at Kabazi II, Crimea (Ukraine) and its implication for the demographic structure of Middle Paleolithic intimate groups Thorsten Uthmeier

“The culture of a group” as J. Peoples and G. Bailey (2009, 23) define it, “consists of shared, socially learned knowledge and patterns of behavior”. Besides individual attempts of trial and error or recurrent exercise conducted by oneself, it is quite certain that not only modern, but also Middle Paleolithic humans learned to manufacture artifacts from lithic raw materials socially. But, apart from the fact that their durability makes them an important object of archaeological analysis, how important were lithic artifacts in the definitions of “culture” created by Neanderthals? Were artifacts considered as symbols of cultural identification, bound to social values or norms? Or, to the contrary, was the production and use of lithics viewed upon as an inferior aspect of culture, brought into being by deeply internalized automatisms? Another point that concerns us here is the social context in which Middle Paleolithic acquisition of lithic technology took place. Was it embedded in active teaching by adults, or did individuals learn it by simple observation of others, e.g., by trying to copy the behavior of more experienced flintknappers? In the past, the topic of teaching was mainly discussed for the Upper Paleolithic (for an overview see Stapert 2007). However, in a more recent paper D. Stapert (2007) concludes that large part of the artifacts found in the pre-Eemian Middle Paleolithic archaeological horizon of the K-site at Maastricht-Belvedere resulted from children who learned flint knapping. This finding encouraged me to present another Middle Paleolithic case of formal enculturation, this time from Kabazi II in Crimea, Ukraine. Most arguments for this stem from “transformation analysis”, an approach developed by

W. Weissmüller (1995) in his pioneering work about the lower levels of Sesselfelsgrotte. Before coming to the case study, I would like to briefly survey some theoretical aspects of Neanderthal learning. How indicative is flaking for the understanding of Paleolithic cultures? In the light of the vast variety of features that make up human culture, the importance of the manufacture of everyday objects like stone artifacts seems negligible. Apart from particular objects like Solutrean leaf points (Aubry et al. 2003), the production of Paleolithic artifacts through flaking of isotroph raw materials calls for a comparably low amount of time and knowledge. From an evolutionary perspective on technology as a whole, flint technologies have a comparably low number of parameters to be controlled (Weissmüller 1995). In addition, they seem to be brought into being by haptic routines, conducted without much reflection almost every day. However, most of us are not aware to which extent our behavior is learned socially. The scale of social imprint is often only recognized in socially open situations that require rational decision between different options. However, much of our daily routines are equally determined by culture, though we usually do not ask about their mode of imprinting. This accounts for gestures, facial expression, or, for example, the way we seat ourselves. The cultural imprint of these actions, which became our second nature, often only becomes apparent when social actors are confronted with cultural contexts other than its own. A classical

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Fig. 1: Combined schèmes opératoires of Kombewa cores (top) and Levallois cores, which may constitute one and the same chaîne opératoire. 228

More news from Neanderthal kids

example for this is reported by M. Mauss (1979, 100; cf. Apel 2001, 23), who describes French soldiers using English spades during World War I so inefficiently that the tools had to be exchanged. This affinity between all day artifacts and cultural imprint leads to the question if, for example, Neanderthals from Dordogne, France, would have also felt inconveniency when using Micoquian backed bifacial knives (“Keilmesser”) instead of Couteaux de Abri Audi? Were they, as the French soldiers, from time to time aware that even simple all day manual actions, like flaking a core, were determined culturally? I would agree and argue that all-day actions like flint knapping, which at first sight seem to be conducted without much intentional reflection, are still indicative for cultural behavior. The analysis of artefacts does not only give insight into the manufacture of lithic artifacts. The knowledge about the technology and the practical gestures confined to it had to be transferred from generation to generation – hence, a process embedded in social norms, values and ties. One way to elucidate social dimensions of flaking is to look at the transfer of knowledge, e.g., to investigate the way individuals learn flaking techniques, methods and concepts (the terminology for the description of the chaîne opératoire used here is from Boëda 1990). Although information about this is fractured, interrupted and hidden, an approach that aims to holistically understand the process of tool manufacture may lead to a first, and piecemeal, understanding of Middle Paleolithic cultures.

from Apel 2001). The “savoir faire” brings the technological knowledge into being. Especially muscular actions, like a hard hammer blow, are deeply internalized, leading to automatisation. However, the practical knowledge is based on the technological one, and both – to different extend – result from learning. Depending on complexity, technological and practical knowledge is learned formally, e.g., by oral exchange in defined social situations, or informally, e.g., by observation and “learning-by-doing”. But how complex were Middle Paleolithic flaking concepts? W. Weissmüller (1995) used the tasks of “realization of a fracture”, “control of a fracture”, “maintenance of the core” and “standardization” in an ascending order to illustrate the difficulties of stone flaking. Whereas the first one is rather simple to negotiate, the other three require anticipated, 3-dimensional images of future geometrical forms. Any attempt to achieve this without the knowledge of what É. Boëda (1994) describes as “concepts” and “methods” will easily fail. It is the repeated shaping of anticipated forms out of various raw nodule volumes that makes flaking complex. However, not all concepts or methods described in literature show the same complexity. The time that it took prehistoric science to understand concepts and methods in regard of their theoretical and

About learning among Neanderthals To explain the procedure of learning manual production sequences, it is instructive to differentiate between abstract cognitive knowledge and its physical realization, as A. Leroi-Gourhan (1980, 288-295) did when he referred to “connaissance” and “savoir faire” in his concept of chaîne opératoire. According to M. B. Schiffer and J. M. Skibo (1987, 87, cf. Apel 2001, 27), “connaissance” includes the technological knowledge, e.g., the theory of flaking, the concepts and methods, as well as the techniques applied, and, finally, the social circumstances of learning the aforementioned features. Technological knowledge has to be stored explicitly, it has to be explained, and to a large extend it cannot be produced by the individual alone. Instead, it is transferred through situations of learning (this and the following information about learning are taken

Fig. 2: Kabazi II, Level II/6. Longest measurement (all items larger 2.9 cm, including broken ones; chips were excluded from analysis; for a description of the method see Weissmüller 1995).

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physical implications (e.g. the technological knowledge) can be taken as a scale for their complexity (this is even more so as scientist were able to use the written down results of older readings of the evidence). For example, V. Commont (1909) was able to recognize the Methode Levallois à éclat préferentiel (in the sense of Boëda 1994) without actual experiments or ethnographical analogies by simple observation of blanks and refitting. After this initial step, the identification of the variability of methods within the Levallois concept remained a fundamental problem. It took almost a century to be solved (van Peer 1992; Boëda 1994). The same accounts for the “control of a fracture” as well as the “maintenance of the core” of the Methode discoïde (Boëda 1995). Until a decade ago, this concept was not understood even in its principles. If the assumption is correct that the history of investigation into Middle Paleolithic flaking concepts mirrors its complexity and, thus, the efforts needed to transfer knowledge from one generation to the other, then Neanderthal lithic technology demanded different degrees of teaching. While adults certainly were important agents of knowledge, may it be through formal learning or as role model for informal “learning by doing”, some concepts or strategies might also have been learned from little more experienced relatives, like older siblings, or even informally by observation. These less complicated

reduction processes may have ranged from simple strategies of flaking, e.g., choppers, chopping tools and simple flake cores, to concepts like the methode à éclat préferentiel of the Levallois concept. We have already seen that others, like the Methode discoïde (as defined by Boëda 1995) or Levallois methods with recurrent target flakes, presumably needed technological knowledge transferred through formal learning. Another approach to estimate the amount of learning inherent to flaking is actual experiment. For example, J. Apel (2001) has shown that the production of flint daggers in the Scandinavian final Neolithic resulted from year-long formal teaching, possibly within institutionalized relations between master-craftsmen and apprentices. While this conclusion certainly provokes little debate in face of the impressively thin daggers, some Middle Paleolithic bifacial surface shaped tools are surprisingly near to them. With an average width to thickness ratio of 1:5 (calculated from data given by Allsworth-Jones 1986, tab. 3), leaf points from the Bavarian cave site of Weinberghöhlen in Southern Germany are an equivalent of the fourth stage of the production sequence described by J. Apel (2005), which he believes can only brought into reality after years of formal teaching. In sum, on grounds of material culture it can be concluded that formal teaching existed among

Lithic technology „savoir faire” practical knowledge

„connaisance” technological knowledge - explanation - explicit memory - communicative - theoretical memory - no solution in case of oblivion (- words (2-dimensional))

- acting - unconscious memory - intuitive - muscular memory - solution in case of oblivion - imagined pictures (3-dimensional) - experience Learning

formal external (through instructions) - transfer of information via language - teaching by social institutions (e.g. parents, school) - theory - rituals, ceremonies, initiation

informal internal (through exercise) - transfer of information by observation - “learning by doing” - practical exercise

Tab. 1: Preconditions for the successful conduction of lithic technology, and attributes of different forms of learning (after Apel 1999). 230


Neanderthals. With regard to small group sizes (Uthmeier 2004), it is highly probable that it were close relatives who took over the role as a teacher. However, was technological knowledge that complex that it deserved language to be transferred? A look at the planning depth of the Olduwan industry (Philipson 2005; Haidle 2004) may lead to the conclusion that higher levels of language were not needed during the onset of human culture, when artifacts were manufactured ad-hoc from local raw material. As activities exclusively took place in the present, a purely descriptive level of language was sufficient to exchange the needed information. Any statement only had to be truth or false. This certainly changed with the appearance of hand axes (Haidle 2004) produced by soft hammer technique. These tools combine the anticipation of final products with thorough raw material acquisition for both lithics and striking instruments. As it refers to past, present and future, the exchange of information about the knapping anticipated forms needs both a descriptive and an argumentative level of language. According to a classification of information expressed through vocals given by J. Eccles (1993, Fig. 4.1), these levels are indicative of fully developed human language. To conclude, I believe that enculturation among Neanderthal groups included formal teaching; if this accounts for technological knowledge only will not be discussed here. In the following section, I will shortly describe a case study into Middle Paleolithic teaching from Kabazi II (for a more detailed analysis see Uthmeier 2004). Before going into details about teaching and learning at Kabazi II, I will briefly refer to some aspects of transformation analysis, as the use of it here differs from past applications. Archaeological methods to encode individual behavior: refits and transformation analysis As far as lithic artifacts are concerned, the most adequate method that enables the investigation of technological and practical knowledge of individuals is refitting. With few exceptions, artifacts from refitted reduction sequences stem from activities, decision making and cultural background of one and the same person. However, the rarity of refits underlines the weakness of Paleolithic data in this regard. Its incomplete structure, caused by natural as well as cultural site formation processes (Schiffer 1987),

usually leads to the analysis of broader units that, like classical attribute analyses, results in assertions based on averages. In such a case, averaging is not only made in terms of the number of individuals involved, but also in terms of time depth. Confronted with the many assemblages of the lower (e.g., early Würmian) levels of Sesselfelsgrotte that were, to different degree, incomplete, W. Weissmüller (1995) developed a method to diachronically compare different stages of incompleteness. Essentially, his method – which he called transformation analysis – based on two assumptions: first, that it is possible to define raw material units (abbreviated here as “RMU”) by macroscopic criteria which equal distinct nodules, and second, that it is possible to classify the length of the local chaîne opératoire within raw material units even when these are widely incomplete. While the first assumption, e.g., the methodological equatation of refits and raw material units, already had been common practice in Paleolithic research (e. g., Hahn 1988; Roebroeks 1988; Thieme & Veil 1985), the second was new. It included a classification system that referred to the presence or absence of working steps observed for each nodule at the site under investigation (Weissmüller 1995). Apart from single pieces that were transformed elsewhere, this accounted especially for raw material units with two or more pieces. Because these were explained as resulting from onsite reduction of lithic material, W. Weissmüller named them “workpieces”. The incompleteness of workpieces was explaind in two ways: first, by evacuation of artifacts between the earliest and the latest step of the chaîne opératoire observed at a given site due to natural or cultural site formation processes, and, second, by different reduction statuses of a workpieces at the point of import or export. Although W. Weissmüller (1995) was more interested in Neanderthal land use pattern and, therefore, compared assemblages of workpieces defined by stratigraphical context, his general approach radically differed from those existing at the time. Instead of trying to put together as much artifacts as possible in a surpassingly synchronous analytical unit, he consequently treated workpieces as sub-assemblages. In defining workpieces as shortest temporal units, transformation analysis not only relied on pieces that were tied by subsequent fractures, but shifted the focus of lithic analysis to the understanding of single nodules. Assemblages now became a combination of short-term activities

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Tab. 2: Kabazi II, Unit II, Level 6 – Transformation analysis (after the method of Weissmüller 1995).

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on the same paleo-surface conducted by individuals. For the first time, it was aimed to analyze these individual activities not only in the rare cases of refits, but for most part of an assemblage. This view on Paleolithic assemblages, together with W. Weissmüller´s method of transformation analysis, was adopted in a multi-disciplinary international research program devoted to the “Functional variability of the late Middle Paleolithic on the Crimean Peninsula, Ukraine” (Chabai et al. 2004; Uthmeier 2004). One benefit of transformation analysis is that the collection of data is based on the assessment of workpieces as basal analytical units (instead of individual artifacts). In doing so, similarities and differences in the reduction of nodules become apparent. In the course of the many Crimean Middle Paleolithic assemblages analyzed in the years 2000 to 2007 (Chabai et al. 2005; 2006; 2007; 2008), this strategy of investigation indeed led to the identification of individual behavior. One of these cases will be described in greater detail below.

Case study: Kabazi II, Unit II, Level II/6 The open air site of Kabazi II (Chabai et al. 2005; 2006) is one of six neighboring Middle Paleolithic sites known so far from the southern cliffs of Kabazi Mountain near the little town of Malinovka, some 20 km to the south of Simferopol. At Kabazi II, a large limestone slab formed a sedimentation trap at the middle of the slope. Presumably, it fell down from the top of the cliff during the Eemian and since then remained in an upright position. The impressive section measures approximately 14 m and yielded 51 archaeological horizons embedded in 17 geological layers. According to pollen and microfauna analysis as well as AMS-C14-dates, coupled ESR/U-dates and U/Th-dates, these cover the time range between the very end of the last interglacial and the Denekamp interstadial. Together wit 12 other archaeological horizons, Level II/6 constitutes the stratigraphical Unit II of Kabazi II, which was found in geological layer 7 and dates to the Hengelo

Fig. 3: Kabazi II, Level II/6. Results of transformation analysis, raw material units (RMU) without on-site transformation (RMU 16-39), with tool use only (RMU 40), and with short flaking sequences of unidentifiable concept (RMU 4-18, “B” indicates flaking of beginners; “T” indicates flaking of teachers; letters and numbers are coordinates of artifacts in the excavated are; other items shown are reconstructed from transformation analysis; letters and numbers are coordinates of artifacts in the excavated are; other items shown are reconstructed from transformation analysis).

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interstadial (Chabai & Uthmeier 2006, Tab. 18.1). Sterile sediments allowed a precise stratigraphical identification of the archaeological horizon, which measured 3 cm to 8 cm in thickness and was excavated on an area of 60 sqm. Like in many other levels, artifacts and faunal remains were found in-situ in a distance of one to three meters from the limestone block. The analysis of lithic artifacts and faunal remains from this single concentration of approximately 10 sqm allowed the reconstruction of the following activities (Uthmeier 2004): 1. According to transformation analysis (tab. 2 and figs. 3 to 6), which counts the most initial and most final working steps found in a raw material unit as indicative for the part of the chaîne opératoire conducted on the site (Weissmüller 1995; Uthmeier 2004), most workpieces represent short reduction sequences of intermediate working steps. Flint knapping activities were mainly focused on the preparation of raw material which had been gathered in the vicinity and was supposed to be reduced

further elsewhere. In most cases, the part of the knapping that happened on the site started from large nodules that were already tested or partly decorticated when brought to Kabazi II, presumably at nearby local raw material sources. While some large flakes and chunks were further reduced, most nodules were taken out of the excavated area after initial flaking. Most reduction sequences at Kabazi II are not only short in the sense that initial and final working steps of the chaîne opératoire are missing or poorly represented, but also in the low quantity of blanks per workpiece. Formal tools are equally rare and account for 12 pieces only. Among these, simple sidescrapers and points dominate. The assemblage has been classified as “Crimean Mousterian” characterized by the presence of the Levallois concept and blade producing flaking methods, and the absence of bifacial tools. 2. Faunal remains (Chabai 1998, Tab. 8.3) were only briefly examined. A sample recovered from Level II/6 during a first sondage at the site is dominated

Fig. 4: Kabazi II, Level II/6. Results of transformation analysis, raw material units with short flaking sequences of Kombewa concept (RMU 28-32), unknown concept (RMU 17-23.3-5), and Levallois concept (RMU 2; “P” indicates flaking of pupil; “T” flaking of teacher; letters and numbers are coordinates of artifacts in the excavated are; other items shown are reconstructed from transformation analysis). 234


by (at minimum) 10 mainly adult individuals of Equus hydruntinus, accompanied by two Saiga tatarica. Horses were the preferred prey of Crimean Neanderthals (Chabai & Uthmeier 2006), and the ethology of this species largely influenced their subsistence tactic (Chabai & Uthmeier 2006) and land use pattern (Burke et al. 2006; Uthmeier et al. 2008). Comparative archaeozoological analyses (e.g., Chabai & Uthmeier 2006) have shown that Kabazi II was a kill and butchering site in a system of special task sites (where resources were extracted) and corresponding camps (where resources were consumed), with the quantity of prey killed at hunting locations being highly variable and, therefore, opportunistic. Seasonality and differences in the state of preservation of faunal remains suggest that camps were moved within short periods, and that the same territories were repeatedly used within annual cycles (Uthmeier et al. 2008). Like in many other archaeological levels of Kabazi II, the lack of evident structures, the presence of only one concentration of finds, and the low frequency of lithics in

Level II/6 speak for an ephemeral stay that probably did not last longer than some hours. The chaîne opératoire In this section, I will investigate the principal features of the chaîne opératoire in Kabazi II, Level II/6. The main focus is on the reconstruction of the technological knowledge, while questions about the acquisition and economy of the raw material will be touched only very briefly. The raw material is flint with volumes ranging from round to round and flat nodules. Soft cortex speaks for a primary source, and many features resemble those from pieces found at an outcrop at the foot of Mount Milnaya, some 1 km West of Kabazi II. Amongst 167 artifacts larger 3 cm, 42 raw material units were recognized. From these, one unit was excluded for methodological reasons because it contained patinated items. 11 other units are of minor interest here as they contain one item only. Chips prove the reduction of raw material at the site, but were – following W. Weissmüller´s (1995) classification of

Fig. 5: Kabazi II, Level II/6. Results of transformation analysis, raw material units with short reduction sequences (letters and numbers are coordinates of artifacts in the excavated are; other items shown are reconstructed from transformation analysis; “B” indicates flaking of beginners; “T” indicates flaking of teachers; letters and numbers are coordinates of artifacts in the excavated are; other items shown are reconstructed from transformation analysis; letters and numbers are coordinates of artifacts in the excavated are; other items shown are reconstructed from transformation analysis).

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the latter as “static” objects – equally not included in transformation analysis. The following considerations are based upon 30 workpieces with on-site reduction of raw material. Most workpieces consist of two to six artifacts, while only some units have 8, 9, 15 and 16 artifacts, respectively. However, the in-situ preservation of Level II/6 speaks against severe natural evacuation and argues for cultural site formation processes being responsible for the incompleteness of workpieces. The notion of short reduction sequences is attested by a high amount of cortex, which proves that the reduction never went deep into the nodules. From the detached blanks, three are cortical, 57 have remnants of cortex on the dorsal surfaces, and 73 are without cortex. The ratio of blanks with cortex to those without is 1:1,2. Despite of this, 25 workpieces (out of 30) are tested nodules or partly decorticated performs rather than fully prepared cores, and 3 reached the site as

raw nodules. Only 6 workpieces were indicative for the production of formal tools and underline a low need for working edges. Another feature of of the raw material economy at Kabazi II, Level II/6 is the export of lithic items. In first place, this concerns cores, as this lithic category was discarded in 9 workpieces only. It must be considered that most of the cores were taken out of the excavated area together with an unknown (but most probably low) number of blanks. Typical blank types, e. g., crested flakes, Levallois flakes and blades, indicate the presence of at least two different concepts of core preparation and reduction: Levallois and volumetric blade production. In addition, Kombewa flakes prove that apart from prepared cores, the convexity of ventral surfaces was used to control flaking fractures. In the following, I will briefly examine the three main modi operandi of raw material reduction mentioned above to

Fig. 6: Kabazi II, Level II/6. Results of transformation analysis, raw material units with long flaking sequences and with reduction of (“B” indicates flaking of beginners; “T” indicates flaking of teachers; letters and numbers are coordinates of artifacts in the excavated are; other items shown are reconstructed from transformation analysis; letters and numbers are coordinates of artifacts in the excavated are; other items shown are reconstructed from transformation analysis). 236


Fig. 7: Kabazi II, Level II/6. Transformation started from a decorticated nodule. In the course of this long reduction sequence, an experienced flint knapper first detached one Levallois target flake on the flaking surface (14, left), followed by a second one on the former striking platform after the correction of the lateral convexities by two éclats débordants (14, right).

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elucidate the technological knowledge inherent in the lithic assemblage of Level II/6. 1. Kombewa method The Kombewa method was observed in three raw material units, RMU 27, RMU 32 and RMU 41. In one unit, a Kombewa flake could be refitted to the corresponding core (RMU 32: fig. 10). Ventral surfaces of large flakes were reduced quite intensively by using flaking directions and fracture orientations comparable to those found at prepared (Levallois-)cores. For example, series of lateral negatives were supposed to improve lateral convexities, as did crested flakes with prepared or natural crest. In some assemblages of Kabazi II, Unit II (e.g., Pathou-Mathis & Chabai 2003, Fig. 7,4-5), small remnants of ventral surfaces on the flaking surfaces of Levallois-like cores suggest that large flakes were used as blanks for prepared cores. 2. Levallois concept The main concept for blank production in Level II/6 is the Levallois concept. Besides cores of the Methode Levallois à éclat préferentiel with one central target flake (fig. 7,14), there are also cores that have up to three target flakes and belong to the Methode Levallois recurrent unipolaire. 3. Volumetric blade cores Evidence for a third reduction scheme that exploited a volume by elongated flakes and blades are rare. One core, and one large flake that removed large part of the flaking surface of a second core, have blade negatives that stem from short reduction sequences that were controlled by guiding ridges and a carefully prepared distal convexity. Further arguments for the assumption that the technological knowledge of the flintknappers at Kabazi II, Level II/6 included volumetric blade cores are several RMU with corresponding blanks, e.g., blades. Workpieces as evidence for individual knowledge in flintknapping Any assessment of the knowledge of actors other than oneself tends to be subjective. It is therefore difficult to judge whether a lack of technological or practical knowledge is responsible for a number of failures in the attempt to produce a controlled fracture plane. Actual experiments, conducted by experienced flint knappers on the one hand and beginners on the other, show that increased knowledge 238

significantly reduces knapping accidents (Shelley 1990, cf. Stapert 2007, 21-23). One of the most frequent accidents is the ignorance (or incorrect estimation) of flaking angles equal or larger than 90°. The same accounts for inaccurately executed gestures, e. g., when the anticipated striking point is missed. In most cases, these accidents will lead to hinge fractures. Equally fatal are too low or too high amounts of striking energy, as this provokes hinging or plunging of fracture planes. Both cases will provoke severe problems, because a step negative may stop further strokes, or the core is shattered into two parts. In the experiment of P. H. Shelley (1990), beginners were students of Prehistoric Archaeology. Therefore, it can be assumed that it was more a lack of practical rather than technological knowledge that led to the high frequencies of flaking accidents. However, some failures during the reduction of cores may relate more to technological knowledge, e. g., when distal and/or lateral convexities are not, or not adequately, prepared. Apart from the level of knowledge, low quality of raw material used, or small dimensions of cores at the end of reduction sequences, are often discussed as causes of high frequencies of knapping failures (for example, see the discussion in Stapert 2007, 21). Apart from the opening of raw nodules (especially when they are round), flaking is certainly less complicated at the beginning of the reduction process when pieces are large and energy is more easily running through the isotroph material. The frequencies of classes of longest measurement (for an explanation of this attribute see Weissmüller 1995) in fig. 2 shows that artifacts in the assemblage of Kabazi II, Level II/6 are not small, especially when taking into account that the values combine complete and broken items. Therefore, it is highly improbable that small dimension of cores led to failed knapping attempts. The raw material used in Level II/6 is of medium quality. The crystalline structure of the flint is fine and homogeneous, but nodules often have cracks due to weathering. In general, quality of raw material is a difficult matter, as there are at least two aspects: the overall characteristics of a given raw material, and its variability within the outcrop(s). Overall characteristics refer to the geological genesis and include, from the point of view of flint knapping, among others the structure, stiffness and homogeneity of the material. Despite this, the quality of nodules from one and the same source can vary considerably in shape as well as in the presence or


Fig. 8: Kabazi II, Level II/6. Top: éclat débordant after the production of several hinges; this pieces is interpreted as indicating interaction between a beginner (hinges) and an experienced flint knapper (éclat débordant). Below: plunged removal of a series of hinges after a try to laterally renew the distal convexity (to be continued in Fig. 9).

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Fig. 9: Kabazi II, Level II/6 (continued). At the start of the reduction, the nodule of RMU 28 was fractured into at least to pieces, perhaps due to poor quality. All further flaking aimed to control fracture planes by guiding ridges, but most of the times ended in hinges; the large flake in Fig. 8 may stem from flaking of the chunk (2). RMU 28 is interpreted as being manufactured by a beginner. 240


absence of fissures, geodes, and inhomogeneous or coarser parts. Furthermore, the role of raw material quality is even more difficult to estimate as experienced flint knappers are able to recognize (and abolish) bad quality raw material as well as problematic nodules after initial flaking. At the same time, they have the technological and practical knowledge to remove problematic parts of a core after detachments failed. At least to a certain extent low quality raw material does not hinder successful flaking. It follows that even if the quality of the raw material is supposed to be low, marked differences in reduction sequences can be caused by different levels of knowledge (in the avoidance of bad quality nodules and in the solution of technological problems), or in a (most probably socially controlled) access to nodules of better quality. In the following section, I will show that this, e.g., different levels of knowledge confronted with the same quality of raw material, is the key to identify Neanderthal individuals at Kabazi II and to reconstruct social interactions of teaching and learning among them. In contrast to D. Stapert (2007),

who compared quantitative data of the assemblage of the K-site of Maastricht-Belvedere to actual experiments, we searched RMU identified in the lithic assemblage of Level II/6 (figs. 3 to 6) for typical flaking accidents. Methodologically, each RMU (with artifacts from the same nodule) is treated as a refit (Weissmüller 1995) and, therefore, is generally thought to reflect the technological and practical knowledge of individual agents. These preconditions led to the identification of reduction sequences with a high level of both technological and practical knowledge. Others are characterized by typical accidents of novices in flint knapping, like series of hinges, which led to early discard of the workpiece. I will now briefly describe the results of transformation analysis of RMU exemplary for both aforementioned groups. A large repertoire of technological knowledge led to the assumption that RMU 2 (figs. 4 and 7; tab. 2) was produced by an experienced flintknapper. Few cortical surfaces show that the reduction started from a partly decorticated nodule. According to some long (fig. 7,5) and wide (fig. 7,10) de-

Fig. 10: Kabazi II, Level II/6. The reduction started with the splitting of a large nodule (by an experienced knapper), followed by the radial reduction of a flake into a Kombewa core (by a beginner who aimed to learn the control of a fracture by lateral and distal convexities). The core shown here was discarded after a flake was detached with a steep fracture plane, whereas the remaining part(s) of the nodule were not found in the excavated area.

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tached items, it must have been quite large. In a final phase, a Levallois core was flaked to produce a central target flake on the flaking surface (fig. 7,14, left). A number of flat hinges led to the discard of the first flaking surface, but not of the core. Instead, it was turned, and a technologically challenging solution was executed on the former striking surface to continue core reduction. After the removal of elongated crested flakes (éclats débordants) on each lateral side provided pronounced lateral convexities, a central Levallois target flake was detached. According to transformation analysis (tab. 2), the Levallois target flakes were taken out of the site by human agents. Operational schemes with the reduction on both faces of the Levallois core are generally rare in the European record, but not in contradiction with the definitions of the concept (Boëda 1994, 18). Comparable cores were, for example, found in larger frequency at the late Micoquian site of Salzgitter-Lebenstedt (Pastoors 2001). In contrast to RMU 2, a detailed reading of the schème opératoire of RMU 28 (figs. 4; 8,4-5; 9; tab. 2) reveals a number of accidents typical for beginners (Shelley 2004, cf. Stapert 2007). According to transformation analysis, RMU 28 originally was a larger nodule that split into several pieces along natural cracks in the course of initial flaking. After this, Concept / Method

at minimum two parts were flaked in separate reduction sequences, which both are failed attempts to control the fracture of elongated flakes by guiding ridges. One reduction is represented by a core (fig. 9,1) that has numerous hinges after the successful detachment of two large flakes forming a frontal ridge. Another diagnostic piece comes from the second flaking sequence and is a large flake (fig. 8,4) that plunged and thus destroyed a second core made from a large flake or chunk of the former nodule. In a more initial stage, the flintknapper had decided to abandon the previous striking platform to escape from several deep hinges, and turned the flaking direction. During this phase, a (refitted) flake was detached by striking onto the flaking surface (fig. 8,5). D. Stapert (2007, 27) calls this “face battering” related to “incompetence in almost all cases” (ibid.). While the general quality of the nodule was not too good, which is underlined by the discard of some untouched chunks (fig. 9,2), the reduction of qualitatively better parts (figs. 8,4-5; 9,1) shows flaking accidents which occurred although control of the anticipated fracture was available. The fact that alternative nodules of better quality must have been available from the local outcrop, and the frequency of unforced mistakes, led me to conclude that RMU 28 was, probably purposely, given to a novice after

Reduction of core was successful

was not diagnostic

Kombewa

failed

∑

27 32

2

Levallois

1 2 14

8 20

5

Blades

13

28

2

Levallois or blades

29 31

30

Unknown

17

5 7 10 11 19 22 23 25

3 4 6 9 15 18 42

16

∑ RMU

7

9

12

28

3

Tab. 3: Kabazi II, Level II/6. Classification of RMUs according to the completion of the reduction sequence. For many, neither the concept of flaking nor the end of the reduction is known because the concerning RMU has too few items. 242


primary flaking resulted in an uncontrolled breakage of the nodule along natural fissures. A comparable behavior may be documented in RMU 32 (fig. 10; tab. 2), in which a large flake was worked as a Kombewa core (Fig. 10,1). The centripetal direction of the ventral negatives may well be interpreted as an attempt to produce the initial stage of a Levallois core. In frames of this concept, the fracture of target flakes is controlled by convexities on both lateral parts as well as at the distal part. Because of their overall convexity, ventral surfaces of large flakes lend themselves as starting point for learners to comprehend basic features of the Levallois concept. Thus, RMU 32 can also be taken as an example for practicing the Levallois mode of fracture control. If this was the case, then the agent who flaked part of RMU 32 started the reduction by centripetal blows on the future flaking surface to improve the lateral convexity of the ventral surface. It is not entirely sure if the last detachment (fig. 10,2) was supposed to be the equivalent of a Levallois target flake, or an éclat débordant. The fact that the point of percussion is situated deep in the material suggests the former, as does the comparably high amount of energy that must have been applied to detach the Kombewa-flake. The outcome of the failed endeavor to produce a large flake controlled by convexities was refitted to the core (fig. 10,2). Like in RMU 28, an additional chunk (fig. 10,3) speaks for a comparably large size of the original nodule. Admittedly, the Kombewa core itself points to a reduction that stopped early, but the flaking of the entire nodule was not entirely unsuccessful, as it produced at least one large and regular flake. Because the opening of a nodule is critical even when it is large, I assume that a more experienced flintknapper began the knapping of RMU 32 and simultaneously loosened a flake and a chunk. Afterwards, this agent passed the flake to a beginner and took the remaining material of RMU 32 to another site. The last example for a lack of both technological and practical knowledge described in greater detail comes from RMU 6 (fig. 8). Although the few pieces do not allow a secure identification of the flaking concept, the many stacked steps at the lateral crest of one piece (fig. 8,1) are a typical attribute of learners. Stacked steps not only point to a wrong estimation of the striking angle, which is too flat, but at the same time they “are not rational and apart from incompetence also reveal frustration” (Stapert 2007, 21). With such a lack of technological knowledge, it

is difficult to imagine that one could have mastered the detachment of the flake itself, which is an éclat débordant - especially when the crest is badly positioned. It seems more likely that its detachment was done by a more advanced flintknapper. The reduction of workpieces as social interaction: from agents to individuals Most arguments for the identification of individuals (corresponding to different levels of knowledge) and possible interactions between them have already been put during the descriptions of the RMU above. Here, I will only list and briefly discuss them. To accept the interpretations given above, three conditions need to be met: first, differences in the flaking of workpieces must be independent from the quality of raw material, second, some workpieces must show features that enable an interpretation as resulting from interactive flaking in between individuals, and third, RMU should be contemporaneous. In sum, 28 RMU show flaking accidents described as being typical for beginners (tab. 3). Interestingly, successful reduction mainly ended up with objects that allowed the identification of concepts or methods, whereas RMU with failed sequences often lacked such items. These were abdicated too early to lead to controlled detachments of target flakes, and one may indeed discuss the influence of raw material quality on the early discard of these workpieces. However, a number of long reduction sequences show that it was possible to realize classical concepts in the raw material from Mount Milnaya. I conclude that the length of core reduction, the ability to reach anticipated forms and, therefore, the visibility of concepts correlates to the amount of technological and practical knowledge, and – included in the latter – practice. In other words, it is assumed that an experienced flintknapper would have recognized fissures early, or have established alternatives to avoid early discard. Unaware of the medium to low quality of raw nodules at Kabazi II, I therefore argue for the presence of flintknappers with different knowledge at Level II/6. The fact that raw nodules of lower quality are at all present at Kabazi II can be explained by the short distance to the outcrop. From the point of view of an experienced flintknapper, this may have led to a more superficial inspection of nodules. If we accept the presence of less experienced agents, who were unable to detect fissures and cracks, then it is self-evident to allow for the transportation of low quality material they

243

Thorsten Uthmeier

had picked up at the nearby outcrop. Both hypothesis lead to expectations that fit to the data at hand, and both gain support by transformation analysis. This shows that apart from examples of raw nodules with unrecognized problems (e.g. tab. 2, RMU 4 and RMU 23), many workpieces brought to Kabazi II already experienced some flaking, most probable at the outcrop. If successful, on-site reduction aimed not to loose too much volume. Because Kabazi II functionally was used for the acquisition of nutritional and lithic resources, it makes sense that experienced agents passed on chunks or large flakes from core preparation to beginners, while better quality parts of nodules were taken elsewhere. In this scenario, novices flaked nodules of minor quality procured by themselves, or made profit from a socially controlled access of dispensable parts of workpieces of better quality. The main argument for the notion that reduction sequences of lithics at Kabazi II, Level II/6 mirror social interaction is a combination of different skills of flaking in one and the same workpiece. Data from Kabazi II, Level II/6 supports the notion that apart from the sophisticated detachment of a failed preparation of a lateral crest (RMU 6: fig. 8,1), such interactions mainly found their materialized expression in the transfer of low quality raw material or large

RMU

flakes from the teaching agent to the novice (tab. 4). Because the opening of a round nodule is assumed to be difficult, is it considered that successful initial flaking was done by advanced flintknappers, who then released less useful parts for exercise. A good example for this comes from RMU 1 (fig. 6): the inner part of the nodules was transformed into a Levallois core with two phases of surface exploitation (requiring a good knowledge in flintknapping), whereas two flakes from its preparation were discared as simple Kombewa cores (interpreted as creations of a less experienced agent). The assumption that bad quality raw material was passed over to beginners was also made by J. Pelegrin (1995, 109110, cf. Stapert 2007) in the course of his analysis of the Châtelperronian of Roc-du-Combe, layer 8. As far as the contemporaneity of RMU at Kabazi II, Level II6 (in the sense of a single stay at the site) is concerned, it has to be taken into consideration that palimpsests are observed at Crimean Middle Paleolithic assemblages even if archaeological horizons are thin and interposed between sterile layers (e.g. at Kabazi V, Levels III/1A and III/2: Uthmeier et al. 2007; for an overview see Chabai & Uthmeier 2006). These palimpsests were recognized by differences in the preservation of fireplaces and fauna between concentrations in the excavated

Kabazi II, Level II/6 Flaking by experienced ( ) and less experienced flintknapper (

)

preparation of raw nodules 3 28

manufacture of core with elongated negatives on the flaking face distal convexity, perhaps due to wrong striking energy or angle

core shattered despite sufficient

1 20 27 32

fraction of a large nodule into flakes preparation of Levallois surface on one of the flakes vallois target flake ends in a hinge because striking point was to deep (RMU 20, 27, 32)

6

Negatives from preparation of striking platform of a Levallois core end in hinges negatives of preparation of convexities on Levallois surface end in hinges successful removal of problematic part of the core by éclat débordant

Le-

core reduction 28

manufacture of core large negative to control lateral convexity blade ends in a steep hinge

8 20

preparation of Levallois core xities fails, and core is shattered

crested flake

Levallois target flake ends in a hinge

removal of

attempt to renew conve-

Tab. 4: Kabazi II, Level 6. Examples of different levels of knowledge, and cases of assumed social interaction during reduction sequence. 244


area. However, at Kabazi II the preservation of the faunal assemblages analyzed so far (Chabai & Uthmeier 2006) is uniform, as is the distribution of finds that were found in a single concentration. Although a palimpsest cannot be ruled out terminatory, it seems more probable that Level II/6 results from a definite occupation. Discussion and conclusion: enculturation and the structuce of intimate groups among Eastern European Neanderthals In investigating Middle Paleolithic reduction sequences from Kabazi II, Ukraine, the analysis presented here took over aspects of post-processual positions (Bernbeck 1987; Eggert 2001) as it aimed to understand individual behavior, laid emphasis on social bounds and interactions, and allowed qualitative data to be significant for the test of hypothesis. The method of transformation analysis was used to show that Neanderthals of different technological and practical knowledge were present at the site, and that they interacted. In this final section, I would like to analyze the social context of Crimean Neanderthals on individual as well as on group level. In general, two levels of knowledge were detected at Level II/6, and subscribed to different individuals. As the acquisition of knowledge takes time, these individuals must have had different ages. Is it possible to more precisly estimate the ages, and,

furthermore, to estimate the size of the group that interacted? Tab. 5 gives an overview about the abilities and deficiencies revealed in RMU that failed. Lifecycles reconstructed by P. Pettitt (2000) suggest that already young and prime adults aged under 20 years possessed complete technological and practical knowledge (tab. 6). While experienced flinknappers have to be searched in this age class, and those including older individuals, beginners must have been younger. At Level II/6, the technological knowledge (often referred to as “theory”) of beginners included basal physical rules, which enabled agents to successfully initialize fractures. However, it is not sure that this also accounts for complete operating guidelines of the concepts aimed at, as some workpieces show the inability to find solutions when flaking accidents occurred. Several attempts to manufacture Levallois and volumetric blade cores were given up during preparation, and rather large volumes were discarded after minor accidents (fig. 4: RMU 28). Judging from the sometimes fragmentary data in each of the failed RMU, it seems that among beginners practical knowledge was problematic as well. This applies for the muscular memory as well as for the adequate estimation of striking angles. In sum, these individuals had basic knowledge, especially about the physics of flaking, but a lack of technological and practical knowledge concerning more complex contiguities. Because 3-dimensional imagination developes

Levels of knowledge of learner(s) at Kabazi II, Level II/6 technological knowledge memory of theory (2-dimensional)

+ theoretical knowledge of controlling the fracture of a flake a) by lateral and distal convexities [RMU 32], and b) guiding ridges [RMU 28) is verified by negatives of (failed) cores

no solution in cases of loss of information

- early discard of cores in cases of flaking accidents point to gaps or uncertainties concerning solutions practical knowledge

muscular memory (intuitive)

- is missing in cases when flaking fails due to too high or too low striking energy although core is well prepared

imagined pictures (3-dimensional)

+ basic parameters of flint knapping (striking platform, flaking surface) are meaningfully oriented towards each other - wrong rating of flaking angles

experience

- lack of experience, as problems lead to early discard

Tab. 5: Kabazi II, Level Unit II, Level 6. Overview about the abilities and deficiencies revealed in RMU that failed.

245

Thorsten Uthmeier

comparably late in the onthegenesis (Stapert 2007; 2007), modern humans usually start to learn more complex technologies when they are about 10 to 11 years old. If the developement of Neanderthals was analogous to modern humans (e.g., Ponce de Leon et al. 2008, but see Stringer & Gamble, 1993, 84-86), then the age of learners at Kabazi II should not have been much different. While the number of agents instructed can, at best, only be discussed against the background of the functional context of the site, estimations of the number of experienced flintknappers may base on the amount of technological knowledge reconstructed. But apart from the fact that at Level II/6 evidence for the reduction of volumetric blade cores is rather sparse, it is also suggested that Neanderthal adults commonly had the knowledge of more than one flaking concept (Richter 1997; Uthmeier 2004). Formal teaching in the sense used here (Apel 2001) does not necessarily need a school, nor is it inevitably connected to institutions operative in larger social contexts. In traditional societies documented in ethnographical studies, much education

and control of children is done by grandparents, and older siblings (Weisner & Gallimore 1977). However, it is still under debate whether social structures of Neanderthal groups were analogous to that of modern humans (e.g. Gamble 1999). Therefore, estimations of the number of individuals interacting at Kabazi II will be made on ground of site function and reconstruction of lifecyles (tab. 6). Like in all other levels from the long stratigraphical and archaeological sequence of Kabazi II, Level II/6 represents a typical all-day situation of hunting and gathering nutritional (and lithic) resources (Chabai & Uthmeier 2006). In how far the apparent dominance of hunting activities can be equated with the exclusive attendance of male individuals is open to question. In his reading of the fossil record, P. Pettitt (2000) suggested that Neanderthal economic activities showed little differentiation in sex (tab. 6). Given that Neanderthals during most parts of the year lived in small social units (Uthmeier 2006) that equal C. Gamble´s (1999) “intimate groups”, it is highly probable that most – if not all – economically active members of the family participated in hunting.

Overall features of Neanderthal lifecycle - early active participation in group activities with no (or minor) differentiation of sex or age - later weaning (~ 1 year) - frequent nutritional stress - status and prestige through physical achievements and accumulated knowledge Neanderthal lifecyle age class presence in fossils

participation in group activities

infant

infant (younger than 4-5)

young and prime adults

adulthood (over 20 years)

late adulthood (over 40 years)

common

very rare

high mortality

ubiquitous pathologies related to stress and trauma

rare

after weaning: active gathering, rite de passage

hunting, providing younger siblings, reproduction

mortality (schematic)

Tab. 6: Neanderthal lifecycle (compiled after Pettitt 2000). 246

grand-parenting?


The need for a considerable number of participants becomes even more compellent when, as in Kabazi II, Level II/6, hunting focused on family groups of prey. The fact that several hunting strategies are discussed for Kabazi II (Chabai & Uthmeier 2006) seems irrelevant here, as both a battue over the cliff as well as a drive towards one or two experienced (male?) hunters call for hunting parties that exceeded the size of a Neanderthal nuclear family. Because of late weaning, high infant mortality (Pettitt 2000) and low fertility due to energetically costly pregnancy (Uthmeier 2004), the number of surviving Neanderthal children was small. I tend to believe that in one Neanderthal family, the number of adults and children older than 4 to 5 years was too few to hunt down a herd of equids. It seems more plausible to assume that the hunting party that left behind the archaeological record of Level II/6 consisted of an extended family. Although mere speculation, a composition of two related sets of parents with their offspring seems to be the least costly variant in social terms (if a strictly rational evaluation of social ties was of importance at all). At the same time, it is equally insecure whether late adult Neanderthals were in general (active) part of such a group. In the fossil record, occurrences of Neanderthals older than 40 years are rare. The reasons for that may have had been manifold, e.g., burial practices that differentiated by age, or were selective towards younger, more healthy agents (Pettitt 2000). But if the lack of individuals that reached the age of grandparents goes back to constant high mortality rates even after survival of the critical youth, then grandparents would have been scarce. In recent traditional societies, grandparenting represents an important support in breeding and education of offspring (Weisner & Gallimore 1977). Referring to ethnographical data, J. Richter (1997) and D. Stapert (2007) have claimed that it were male Neanderthals

who were responsible for flintknapping. Even if, as P. Pettitt (2000) suggests, already young and prime adult Neanderthals under the age of 20 possessed full cultural knowledge, this would still mean that in extended families, the number of agents disposable to teach flintknapping must have been low. It is well possible that in the scenario drawn here for Kabazi II, Level II/6, it were only one or two male adult Neanderthals who instructed approximately the same number of beginners in flintknapping. The impression of small social networks is also mirrored in the seasonal variability of the amount of prey documented in Crimean Middle Paleolithic faunal assemblages. While some, like Kabazi II, Level II/6, yielded numerous minimal numbers of individuals, the larger part consisted of small numbers only, suggesting that larger social units on the level of extended families assembled occasionally only. Comparative archeozoological investigations, combined with GIS and site catchment analysis, provides a well founded picture of the subsistence tacticts and land use patterns of Crimean Neanderthals (Chabai & Uthmeier 2006; Uthmeier et al. 2008). It becomes more and more apparent that their behaviour fits to the assumption that Neanderthal lifeways were triggered by energetically costly bodies (Roebroeks 2008), which entailed the resource acquisition to be based on high mobility in comparably small logistical territories. Apart from this, the Crimean Middle Paleolithic faunal record described above indicates that fission and fusion altered local group sizes on a generally low demographic level. Few potential teachers in intimate groups, including older siblings, along with occasional demographic decline after environmental stress so often documented in the fossil record (Pettitt 2000), sheds light on an enculturation of technological and practical knowledge that must have been, on a larger spatial and temporal scale, occasionally problematic.

Zusammenfassung Der Artikel fasst Untersuchung zu den Abbaussequenzen des Levels II/6 der spätmittelpaläolithischen Freilandstation Kabazi II zusammen. Die Ergebnisse von Transformationsanalysen an 30 Werkstücken zeigen, dass verschiedene Individuen an dem Platz anwesend waren, die über unterschiedliche technologische wie praktische Fertigkeiten verfügten. Die Weitergabe von Wissen erfolgte durch formales Lernen und Verwendung einer voll entwickelten Sprache. Ethnographische und archäologische Daten legen nahe, dass die lokalen Gruppengrößen im späten Mittelpaläolithikum der Krim stark geschwankt haben. Je nach Verfügbarkeit der Ressourcen hielten sich Kernfamilien oder erweitere Familien an den Lagerplätzen auf. Vor dem Hintergrund einer allgemein geringen demographischen Dichte ist zu vermuten, dass die jeweilige Anzahl erwachsener

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Männer, denen die Vermittlung des Steinschlagens zugeschrieben wird, gering gewesen ist. Zusammen mit immer wieder im Skelettmaterial belegten Phasen großen Nahrungsmangels wird dies Anzeichen dafür gewertet, dass die Weitergabe von Wissen in einigen Gruppen mitunter schwierig gewesen sein muss. Abstract The article presents the analysis of lithic reduction sequences from Level II/6 of the late Middle Paleolithic open air site of Kabazi II, Crimea (Ukraine). The method of transformation analysis is used to show that Neanderthals of different technological and practical knowledge were present at the site. From theoretical considerations and the general structure of Middle Paleolithic material culture it is concluded that formal teaching, endorsed by fully developed language, was essential for the enculturation of technological knowledge among Neanderthals. Ethnographical as well as archaeological data suggests that fission and fusion altered Neanderthal local group sizes on a generally low demographic level, thus lowering the number of potential teachers in intimate groups. Given the temporal environmental stress documented in the fossil human record, the enculturation of technological and practical knowledge may have been, on a larger spatial and temporal scale, occasionally problematic.

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Abbildungsnachweis Alle Abb.: T. Uthmeier.

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