Lincolnshire's response to the Troubled Families Program; from .... could only be referred to Lincolnshire's FWT team by, for example a school or nursery.
Lincolnshire’s response to the Troubled Families Program; from Postures of Vulnerability toward Resilience. "Every
human being possesses a reserve of strength whose extent is unknown to him, be it large,
small, or non-existent, and only through extreme adversity can we evaluate it” (Griffith, 2013). Being a Thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements For,
MSc in ‘Social Research Methods’. By,
BRIAN GILLINGHAM (BA HONS IN CRIMINOLOGY)
2017
Acknowledgements. Firstly, I would like to thank my supervisor Sue Bond-Taylor for the constant accurate guidance and dedicated support throughout this project. During the project, Sue encouraged me to develop my own ideas whilst providing invaluable feedback during one to one meetings. My gratitude also goes to Emma Trowbridge (Senior Early-Help Worker) who completely supported this project. Emma supported this project during field work by introducing me to the entire Early-Help team at Lincolnshire County Council, providing links to training allowing me to actively observe the service and being there to answer any questions. Thanks, is also given to the Early-Help Team who offered their support throughout. I would also like to thank my Grandmother, Mother and best friend who pushed me through stressful times and contributed toward the cost of my course.
Brian Gillingham (Author) The University of Lincoln Brayford Pool, Lincoln LN6 7TS
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Abstract This journal article sets out the main research findings from a research project exploring Lincolnshire County Councils (LCC’s) approach at supporting ‘Troubled Families’ towards a better, healthier future. The Troubled Families Program (TFP) agenda was set out by the Department for Community Local Government (DCLG) originally in December 2011. The program was implemented at a nationwide level, with little instructions or framework for its implementers. Instead research commissioned prior to the deployment of the TFP had illustrated the structure of a ‘Troubled Family’ (TF). The research, is briefly touched upon and its argued a TF was imaged post London Riots, in August 2011. The literature review conducted as part of this project focuses on the origins of the term TF supporting the argument made by academics such as Clarke (2012) who argue the imaging of a TF was constructed by mainstream media, television shows, political speeches and research based on little empirical evidence. The London riots are positioned in this context to illustrate how mainstream media and David Cameron (2012 cited in Jensen, 2013) shamed a significant amount of families, who during times of unrest, should have been recognised as rioting as a last resort or in other terms ‘negotiating for resources/ social justice’. Because of the amount of academic literature covering addressing the research validity, it is not expanded upon in this article, as to not skew the amazing insight into a successful approach at supporting families facing problems, in times of austerity. The results presented in this article came from a 6-month project, utilising qualitative methods, in the form of semi-unstructured interviews, field notes and observations. The research discovered how LCC had built a humane framework, utilising Existential ideologies and therapies to ‘turn families around’. The approach taken also utilised many research orientated tools, such as signs of safety and interview probing techniques to explore how families existed in their ecologies, the dynamics of a family and what factors were causing them to qualify as ‘Troubled’. Throughout the entire project, it became clear LCC acknowledged families were under and responding to stress invoked by worsening austerity and the staff had a duty to support them to achieve a healthy
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prosperous life. LCC’s response “consider[es] child’s development needs, family and environment factors and parenting capacity” (Lincolnshire county Council, 2015: 256).
Journal Outline This journal article will introduce the TFP set out by the DCLG exampling the instructions given to Lincolnshire County Council (LCC) in phase 1 and 2 on how to recognise a TF. The introduction will concurrent tie in LCC’s response to the Troubled Family’s agenda vis-à-vis the discourse taken in phase 1 and 2 and how it was/ is driven summarily to Labour’s Family Intervention Projects in 1996. This section will be followed by a literature review which brings into question the appropriateness of the imaging of the TF. The research aims will be introduced followed by the impetus and importance of this research, paying attention to its aims and objectives. The methodological section will introduce and explore the motivations behind the collection and analysis methods used. This article will flow on to present the research findings. This specific section will be broken down into the main themes discovered during the thematic analysis conducted. The last stage of the results section will illustrate the underlying theories LCC’s model aligned with. Finally, a brief discussion will be presented concerned with, where research and action is needed, and why this project failed to explore these areas. Coming from this thesis should be a successful rich description of the mechanisms that allowed LCC to meet their targets in the 1st phase of the TFP (Poxon, 2015) and continually work successfully toward further aims in the second.
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The Troubled Families Program, an overview In December 2011, it was announced the government was establishing a dedicated ‘Troubled Families’ Unit lead by t*star Louise Casey. The unit was allocated £450 million government funding distributed on a payment by results basis, to local authorities who could provide evidence to show they had turned a TF around. Per the literature underpinning the TFP it was Louise Casey (2012) who coined the criteria of a TF through a, as discovered by Bailey (2012) an unethical research project titled ‘Listening to Troubled Families’. (Levitas, 2012, Bailey, 2012).
Because of the Listening to Troubled Family’s report (Casey, 2012) families were ‘Troubled’ in 2012 – 2015 if one of the following criteria was met: a) A member of the household was involved in youth crime and/ or antisocial behaviour. b) Children of school age not in/ attending school. c) The family has one or more adults on out-of-work benefits, such as Job seekers allowance. d) Cause excessive costs to the public purse (DCLG, 2012) (i)
In addition to the above local authorities were also awarded discretion to work with other families, they deemed fit to do so.
LCC responded to the first phase of the TFP by creating the Families Working Together team (FWT) (Poxon, 2015). The FWT team was made up of 48 Key-Workers working alongside a Performance and Management team. LCC sourced and employed Key-Workers from partner organisations and others directly employed by LCC work with and support families toward a better future. The mission of the FWT was to work with families and ‘turn them around in line with the DCLG criteria’. The first phase of the project for the FWT focused on getting children back to school and adults ack into work. It was reported the FWT successfully met the by ‘turning around’ 100% of the 1,370 families identified as ‘troubled’ in Lincolnshire (Lincolnshire County Council, 2015). After the FWT meeting targets set out by the DCLG funding was secured for the expansion of the TFP programme in 5|P age
Lincolnshire. In June 2014, the government announced the TFP would be expanded to reach a further 400000 families expected to meet the new TFP criteria in the next 5 years (2015 – 2020). The government devoted £200 million to fund the “the first year of [a further] … five-year programme” (Poxon, 2015: 20). Phase 2 of the TFP began in January 2015. LCC was part of the second phase of early starters because they had met their targets in phase 1 (Poxon,2015).
The criteria introduced by the DCLG (2014) in phase 2 is as follows. Families had to meet at least 2 of the following 6 criteria to be included on the program. a) Parents/ children involved in crime/ anti-social behaviour (DCLG, 2014). b) Children not attending school regularly. c) Children who need help (CIN). d) Adults unemployed and/ or at risk of financial exclusion or young individual of working age at risk of ‘worklessnes’s. e) Families experiencing domestic violence and abuse (DV). f) Parents or children affected by an array of health problems.
It was acknowledged the widening of the TFP criteria, in phase two warranted a multiagency, more holistic approach that would allow the welfare net to be further strengthened. Subsequently LCC merged existing teams who already were working with families struggling in times of austerity. Families working (FWT) together, family support (FS), and targeted youth support (TYS) were merged together into a team called the Early Help Team (EHT). The Early Help Teams objective was to “to best meet the problems families face” by taking a holistic approach to best understand and support the needs of a family unit (Lincolnshire children, 2016). The rationale behind the merge was to pool together all existing resources and skills held by the three main teams in Lincolnshire (Poxon, 2015). Alterations were made to streamline the referral process. LCC restructured the referral process and made it possible for anyone to raise their concerns about a family, by Telephoning the 6|P age
Lincolnshire Children's Services and Safeguarding Queries line. In contrast, in phase one, families could only be referred to Lincolnshire’s FWT team by, for example a school or nursery. However, phase two in Lincolnshire allows any practitioner or member of the public to highlight their concerns about a family they identify or believe needs support or intervention. An emergency customer services line was introduced to allow abuse and safeguarding issues to be immediately responded to. All authorities in Lincolnshire (for example the Police force, children’s services and educational services) were encouraged to think holistically and use surveillance techniques to identify children at risk of abuse and neglect (Lincolnshire County Council, 2015). The Threshold and response child concern model previously used to asses a child’s/ family support needs were replaced by the Family Support Pathway and Single Assessment. The rationale behind this change which was because it was believed it would allow the EHT to respond to abused and neglect efficiently in a preventative timely manner (Lincolnshire County Council, 2015). Both assessments are used to identify the appropriate route of referral for the family/ child (Universal help and complex and severe). If any practitioner (e.g. school, health services etc.) suspect a child or young person involved in their service needs further services then the single assessment process would be commenced. The Early-Help Team was created to intervene at a critical point to stop neglect and child abuse before it is too late. However, The LCC also focused on working close with other agencies to enhance communication and productivity and increase support available that may cause harm to children and other members of a family. Their aim was to maximise efficiency and provide a good mechanism that identifies those in need of an early intervention. If the EHT cannot deal effectively with serious concerns of neglect, abuse or mental health, all staff members are trained to make the appropriate referrals. For example, if it is reasonably believed a child is at risk of harm and abuse children’s social care are immediately involved.
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The Early-Help intervention strategy was meant to ensure every child in Lincolnshire is healthy, safe and upskilled for a healthy adult life. All staff members involved at some point in the service were and evident from the research are still encouraged to ‘think family’. LCC in response to the increased targets and expanded criteria upskilled front line workers by providing training to enable staff to recognise when children are at risk or do not have the resources to thrive. The DCLG announced they would be auditing the work of the EHT and LCC to see if Early Help Workers (EHW’s) were working with families in a safe and professional manner. (DCLG, 2012). The criteria set out by the DCLG are not based on any ethical or sound research or evidence and there is a large literature the next part of this article draws on to try and establish the exact origins of the criteria of a TF (heron in referred to as imaging).
Troubled or Rioting/ negotiating for resources? Poverty of a different kind, from a Townsendian approach describes how the denial of “resources to obtain the types of diet, participate in the activities and have the living conditions and amenities which are customary, or at least widely encouraged or approved, in the societies to which they belong” can cause social seclusion (Townsend, 1979: 12)
This Townsendian idea is acknowledged academically to have precipitated the London Riots to spread into other areas. This idea is academically acclaimed by many, but quite clearly by Slater, (2011) Ramesh, and Wainwright, (2011) and Levitas, (2012) who argue a retrenchment of resources, welfare benefits and the rolling back of a state through draconian policy had led to a large degree of undoable damage, bringing families to the breaking point (unable to face any more adversity). Instead of the government recognising families were struggling to cope with adversity back in 2010, they commissioned a 2-year research project to explore the image of what is acknowledged as a TF. The welfare cuts and visions of a Big Society free of welfare dependant,
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lazy families, Britain voted for can be found in the conservative manifesto (Conservative Party, 2010).
This led to Casey (2012) rebranding of families struggling in times of austerity or adversity, or how Levitas (2012: 1) writes it, “families in a spin” to “troubled” (DCLG, 2012: 2014). The research was challenged by Bailey (2012) who made a FOI request into is ethics, The FOI request was granted and Bailey (2012) discovered the research was a line of inquiry as no ethical foundations supported it. Thus, in hindsight the imaging and of a TF is a product of media reporting and unethical politically charged research coupled with a Big-Society speech in 2010. Research in this area resulted in Levitas (2012a, 2014) following the same line of argument; that families are not troubled and the term implies families would cause trouble. Through furthering the literature review a picture is conveyed, illustrating an enormous academic doubt regarding how the initial documentation and discourse ideology was driven by a right-wing agenda.
Many academics made connections
between the London riots and the TFP. The main connection can be simply seen when the criteria of a TF used in phase one (DCLG, 2014) is compared with the media’s description of the rioters (BBC, 2011) coupled with Cameron’s (2012 cited in Jensen, 2013) Big-Society speech.
The London riots began on the 11th of August 2011 resulting in nearly 1,000 punitive imprisonment sentences (Beckford, 2012). Many critical researchers who spoke to some of the rioters captured how political the riots were (for example please see Clarke, 2012) It was alleged, because the government denied any proto-revolutionary acts and blamed a certain group of individuals for the events in August 2011 (Clarke, 2012; BBC, 2011) the riots spread until a punitive knee jerk reaction saw judges throw away any notion of proportionate punishment. The media were echoing this in real-time as the events unfolded. For example, the BBC (2010) claimed rioters were from a 'poorer, younger and less educated' background. This purported notion of the ‘rioter’ is like phase one’s construction of a TF. This was a centrally acting theme which drove a multi-agency weapon, academically following Cohens (1972) notion of a moral panic, brought up to date by McRobbie and 9|P age
Thornton (1995: 559). Defined and used heron in as “a process which politicians, commercial promoters and media habitually attempt to incite”. Following this theme on in 2012 120,000 families fitting the BBC’s (2011) and other media ‘copy cats’ resonated unsupported claims about the rioters, disbanding any idea of realistic cohesion or that any programs are able to fix a ‘Broken Society’. This led to any previous attempts at supporting families being pointless and perpetuated the imaging of a TF. This gave Casey (2012) ammunition to further ground the already established image of a TF. Cameron further weaponised this concept by responding to the riots alongside the likes of Boris Johnson, further shaming benefit claiming, non-working families who had formed part of a shameless culture, rioting as an opportunist’s movement. (Levitas, 2012a). Families were scapegoated for a dysfunctional society and segregated from mainstream status quo, through a political controversial attack and subsequently again through public media (Levitas, 2012; BBC, 2012).
Cameron’s speech, the government and media’s response to the riots led to further defamation of families sinking into holes, either dug for them or because of the welfare and youth system collapsed, since the election on Thursday, 6 May 2010. This line of inquiry is argued in strain theories by Merton (1938, 1957) and its contemporized counterpart by Agnew, Brezina., Wright and Cullen (2002) which argues against an existentialist idea of individuals having the ability to ready oneself to respond to adversity in such baron societal condition. Academics such as Levitas (2012a) argue authorities simply labelled (as troubled) instead of listening to and understanding behaviours of families in a spin, under increasing strain as welfare retrenchment, which continues in 2017. Thus, to ever work toward a safe and supportive society, any research commissioned to tackle the ‘problem’ should have explored how families may have taken on a posture of vulnerability, as they get/ got closer to the edge, retreat and even give up (Griffith, 1994). This existentialist concept will be expanded and brought into further context in the results section, to explain how these postures, through the right kind of support can be displaced for postures of resilience.
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Research Motivation The original impetus for this research stemmed from the negative labelling and conveyance of families in the media and television programmes, such as Benefit street (2017). This projects supervisor has influenced this important research due her own research illustrating the need for more academic attention in this field. This unethical approach currently labelling entire families as ‘troubled’ does not help researchers to understand these behaviours thus how can any authority know how to deal with families or individuals facing adversity. A rhetorical attempt to ‘listen to ‘Troubled Families’ by Casey (2012) led to the pollicisation of the image of a TF. It is thus this section of this articles aim to illustrate how LCC has effectively delivered a humane social care system, underpinned by existentialist ideology that sees beyond political mystification, and listens to and supports families in developonig adversity facing skills. Both the original research and this journal article is underpinned by a passionate desire to inform the DCLG about the need to implement the structure of an existing program witnessed by the researcher, which has successfully supported families through austerity. In doing so other families facing multiple problems or responding to adversity in a politically frowned upon way may be able to be taught to overcome their own challenged and work toward positive goals. This may revolutionise the social care system and provide all parties involved with an understanding of complex /negative behaviours that have led the public to believe they are troubled. Over all this research and subsequent article aims to provide a rich learning opportunity to other councils who struggled to meet their target in phase one and two of the TFP. This research, is cutting edge because there is limited research vis-à-vis phase two of the TFP, especially in Lincolnshire. This meaning it would be a valuable contribution to any existing research concerned with empowering families.
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Objectives and Aims This research presented in this journal aimed to find out how LCC managed to ‘turn around’ 100% of the families they had or are still working with. This aim was broken down into three categories, as follows I.
To explore if other factors outside of Families control are causing them to qualify as ‘Troubled’.
II.
To also explore if any theoretical positions underpin Lincolnshire County Councils (LCC’s) response to the TFP rebuild relationships, morals and core values, such as trust and hope.
III.
To explore if the label ‘Troubled is used when EHW’s speak to and about families.
Methodology This research utilised a mixed methods approach compiled of observation, project field notes and qualitative interviews with the EHW’s who had regular contact with families.
Due to the projects focus being sensitive in nature, the research did not begin until a 3-month process of induction. Induction included getting to know the EHW’s and the safeguarding policies they followed. This was important vis-à-vis the ethics surrounding this project. It was implicit rules and regulation were understood to protect vulnerable families the researcher encountered. This research was tailored around LCC policy so it would not compromise the EHW’s relationship with the families they work with. It also adhered to the University of Lincoln’s Conducting research with Human’s with special attention given to confidentiality and safeguarding.
An observation phase and a literature review followed the research throughout to supplement the findings from the other two methods (field notes and semi-structured interviews). This method is widely used by academics exploring the dynamics of a relationship or trying to observe a subjective
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reality. In this research, it was deemed important to get as close to what was being researched as possible, in order to as insofar as possble depict the participant's view of social reality (Bryman, 2015)
The observational stage also supplemented the data drawn from the qualitative stage of interviewing. Johnson, Onwuegbuzie, and Turner (2007) argue observation techniques allows for data to be compared from different methods within the same field. At most observation is important when a method of triangulation is being used. This was the initial chosen method. However, due to the vulnerability of the families at the time, it was decided families would not be contacted. EHW’s gave their consent to be observed on duty. Field notes were used to make notes about events the researcher thought to be important to the research focus.
Loosely semi-structured interviews were used to gather the experiences of the EHW’s. These interviews aimed to gather EHW’s experiences of working under the TFP agenda and working with families. Seven interviews were conducted with a group of EHW’s. These interviews were set up in the same room, over a two-week period. EHW’s were chosen on a purposive basis by a senior worker supporting this project. The interviews ranged from 1.5 hours to 45 minutes. The interviews were driven by phenomenological methods. The interviews were loosely semi-structured so the interviewee had most of the control over what they disclosed. Probing techniques were used to enrichen descriptions of the interviewees response. The interviews all started with a single question; can you tell me a little about the experiences of being an EHW.
The data collection and analysis was theoretically underpinned by phenomenology. Phenomenology methods were used to get as close to the researched as possible. The individuals involved in this project were a portal to the researched because families were deemed too vulnerable, thus they did not participate in this project. The inability to get close to families restricted the reliability of the data in context with some of the research aims. Thus, this denoted a further application of field notes, a 13 | P a g e
personal emotive diary so a process of triangulation could be used to overcome any biasness coming from a small sample groups experiences.
The analysis process involved inputting data into NVivo and deconstructing the data into themes. Each method of data collection was analysed separately. The data was being searched initially in context with the research aims. The data was searched in context with each of aims separately. In doing so, each aim advocated a different research frame so the results were organised and not confused, presented heron in under sub headings. Segments of textual data that were similar thematically were grouped under an overarching theme. These were then reanalysed and drawn, if possible into context with theories drawn from a wide group of theories concerned with understanding/ researching existence and how thriving may not follow status quo. The motivation for this lengthy process was to try and understand how families were facing recent economic austerity and being dragged through the dirt by political figures.
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Results “…It feels very strange being on the other side of the table, watching vulnerable children classed as adults reporting to the council as homeless, labelled as ‘Troubled through policy and political public speeches. […] [.] Whereby many problems were/ are societal driven causing austerity, lack of resources available to the ‘poor’ and homelessness at worst. With the evidence collected over a three-year criminology course it is clear a blatant ignorance of a failing youth service for the last five years has resulted in un-doable damage. I still feel dis-empowered as I watched with an enormous amount of empathy but unable to intervene as I was the observer…” (Fieldnotes: November 2017).
The Wrong type of Label The label (Troubled) used in the documents and Casey’s (2012) research underpinning the TFP has been criticised by other academics such as Levitas (2012, 2012a, 2014) for being inhumane and further drags families through dirt and disgust. The terminology and practices seemed to be under constant scrutiny by line managers. During the observational stage of this research the label ‘Troubled’ was only mentioned outside of contact with families because it was felt the label would infringe upon the work the EHT were doing. Upon being inducted into the service the semantic content of the label and the name of the team was under discussion by managers. A name change from Early Help to Early Support was being discussed because it was believed, supported rather than help support suited the aims and objectives of the service. It was argued the term support would portray to families they could take ownership for their own decisions, goals and steps taken. Supporting a family toward their own goals was mentioned in one interview with a senior Early Help Worker (EHW) as the main purpose of the team. During this interview, it was mentioned the service offered a tailored support package to families so they could positively face tough times.
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This concept was clear after observing an EHW for the first day. It was clear from the start of time in the field of study, EHW’s each had different approaches toward their work. This was acknowledged in interviews to be owed to the different working backgrounds of each member of the team. Realistically this approach could be criticised to be unpractical. Marshall and Bottomore (1992) argue social inequality can be the result of the difference in services locally delivered. However, in the interview, EHW6 explained quite clearly how this worked write quite practically. EHW6 gave a rich description into their working background –being mental health. It was explained how their case load primarily was made up of families struggling with mental health problems but the systemic communication was universal across the board. This was described to be a practical approach as it allowed other workers, with different skills sets to be drawn in as a resource.
“[F]or example … if one of the families I work with started to struggle financially …. [a]nother worker could be used to support the family so progress was not disrupted” (Interview with EHW6, January 26, 2017)
It was made clear from a further six interviews with other workers, cases were allocated dependant on the worker’s experience and learnt skill set. It was explained in most interviews to be a way of utilising different working experience, to give families a more tailored programme to best support them toward a dignified future. The rational for the merge was explained by a senior manager, to be the best way to pool together all resources, to best meet the needs of families who Lincolnshire County Council acknowledged they had a duty to help (Poxon, 2015).
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Communication Across the Board Helping around three of the Early Help Teams main offices, allowed for the observation of how EHW’s contacted families, agencies and other appropriate personnel over digital modes of technology, such as text messages, telephone and emails. It was clear a multi-agency approach was being utilised. Recognising neglect and safeguarding at the appropriate time was spoken about throughout the observational and interview processes. The most emotive, rich memorable account of how communication was core to the services effectiveness was captured during an observational period in the office. A phone call came in for a specific worker, who had only just been allocated the case. However, this call was taken by another member of the team because EHW7 was visiting another family. This call was taken, notes were made and immediately inputted onto ISC Northgate so all professionals, including the designated EHW would be aware of the nature of the phone call. In this instance, due to the nature of the message left, the EHW was contacted so they were immediately aware of the situation. Communicating in this way was drilled into the workers by management as it was believed to be the best way to manage the cases they dealt with. This idea of effective, close to real time communication was part of the concluding remarks of the Munro Report (Munro, 2011) where “coordination and communication between [all agencies was believed to be] … crucial to success. –Success defined as the ability to “respond … to abuse and neglect” (Munro, 2011: 14). It was clear recommendations made regarding the need to improve how agencies should communicate were built into the framework, the EHT worked under.
On one occasion the effectiveness of ICS Northgate was discussed in one of the interviews. EHW2 explained how families were registered under a unique number and all data collected with their consent was collected and stored. This enabled, per EHW2 “all … [staff] to login in to a universal system to upload case notes and track progress” (Interview with EHW2, January 26, 2017). In addition, it was noted during the observation stage, if a staff member was off sick any member of staff had a rich descriptive timeline of data that allowed the family to be supported during their normal
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worker’s absence. After probing into the worker’s background history, it was clear communication across three of the local areas broke down significantly in previous years. This was taken somewhat personally in the past because they felt “ineffective communication prevented immediate safeguarding procedures to protect children in urgent situations”. EHW2 prided the service and her colleagues for managing communication at an optimal level, to which she felt safeguarding was effective on a procedural and timescale basis.
However, during 4 out of the 7 qualitative interviews, it was conveyed ICS Northgate was slow and did not serve its original purpose well due to the massive influx of cases caused by the change in criteria set out by the DCLG in phase two. Per EHW 4 this issue was raised in a staff meeting and it was agreed for the IT department to consider streamlining this process. After probing into this topic, it was discovered, in its place, in January 2017 Mosaic was planned to be deployed across all offices in Lincolnshire to further enhance communication across all agencies.
Theoretical context Shadowing and observing the EHW’s in the office, on a few visits and from all the interviews it became clear how the framework the EHW’s worked under was built to recognise abuse and neglect before it was too late, theoretically following ideologies from Existentialism. Existentialism draws many ideas from a group of theories related to empowerment, exploring existence, social engagement and left realism. Canda (1988) explains Existentialism focuses on individual reality, existence and personal empowerment though freedom and choice. Through this lens, individuals meaning in life is important which advocates researchers getting as close to the researched as possible (Dowling, 2005)
Dowling (2005) draws on a phenomenological research approach to be one of the methods available to use, to adequately capture the meaning of an individual’s life, through their own eyes. Dowling 18 | P a g e
(2005) argues researchers should bridle (or bracket) their own values and use every opportunity to record every single event in the interview/ situation or field of study. Throughout the interviews and the field work, bridling was an overarching concept that seemed to be an everyday practice. It was said during a journey with EHW6, to meet a youth who was presenting as homeless that “ [she could] never expect an individual to respond to a … situation rationally if they are irrational due to a condition, erm … it is my job to explore … [their] reality and way[s] of thinking to promote development (Filed notes, Sepetember 16th, 2016)
Evidence of phenomenological research methods being used when contact was made between new service users were gained after observing. These observations were processed in Nivivo to look through the notes, to find any theoretical concepts or relationships. The notes made in the TAC meeting pointed toward this way of working, supporting the underlying philosophy the entire team clearly deployed. This approach again followed in the wake of existentialist philosophy.
“Sitting in the main head mistresses’ office with Mother and Friend and Head Mistress and EHW1. The conversation was flowing nicely as I was hoping in my interviews next week. I never expected this approach, where this meeting was just like the loosely semi-structured interview I had conducted last week, to practice my skills. However, a distinctive probing approach was being adopted by EHW1 …. which followed Existentialist and Phenomenology methodologies” (Field notes, December 2016).
The common skill set held by EHW’s, the ability to see into another’s reality and explore, make sense and support families to look positively at what may have worked well. This way of working is like a form of existential underpinned therapy, discussed in by the NSPC (2017: Online).
Existential Therapy “aims to illuminate the way in which each unique person …. comes to choose, create and perpetuate his or her own way of being in the world” (NSPCC, 2017). 19 | P a g e
Evidence of this therapeutic therapy being brought into practice by the EHW’s was gained throughout observations during this project, the interviews and the paperwork used with families. During the interviews and observation, signs of safety was discussed as an excellent approach. EHW2 spoke about signs of safety explaining “[it] allows us to use a scale to track families progress to their own set goals … [It] also allows an individualistic approach where we support families to face the tough times with strength [,] [all] supported by goals and progress that we can evidence.
This interview again illustrated how existentialist therapy had been used to see into the reality of a child aged 16 years old. The child had mental health difficulties and was refusing to go to school “holding ... [mother] to ransom with medication”. EHW2 spoke about how they had been bought in as a last resort because of a long history of disengagement by the child.
EHW2 spoke emotively about how it was a case that empowered themselves. It was explained that observations of the relationship between the child and mother were obfuscating a simple reason for the history of disengagement. EHW2 expanded this by explaining how low school attendance was subsequent to the child’s fear of institutional (school) social exclusion.The child’s medical condition led to seizures which was known be all the workers for the last years. However, observation of what the child did after a seizure at home led to further information being ascertained through a conversation between EHW2 and child. The child, prior to a seizure coming on would lock themselves in their room. After, “[child] would come down the stairs and immediately put their bedding and clothes into the washing machine. After an exploration of child’s reality EHW2 described disengagement and absence from school was because of incontinency. The child “explained to me they were worried other … [children] would make fun of me”. This additional information acted as a springboard for new idea and regimes where a place was gained by child at a local college. A safety plan was put in place so they would not be at risk of social exclusion. The ecology was changed to suit the needs of the child, whereby someone could administer intravenous 20 | P a g e
medication after a seizure; discrete incontinency measures were advised and a separate room was always available, if child felt a seizure coming on. In a separate interview with EHW1 it had been explained how important fact finding and gaining a degree of an Individuals reality is the key to successful family cohesion. EHW1 explained how a situation could have been escalated if the voice of the child had not been captured.
EHW1 spoke about how a safeguarding referral had been made by school because the child had said “mummy hit me on the bottom last night … she said if I did not behave … she would do worse” (Interview with EHW1, January 31, 2017). This had concerned the school and the case was allocated to EHW1. After going to see the family a simple question led to a springboard of action being taken. EHW1 explained how “[mother] had admitted to smacking her child on the bottom … but after a conversation with … [child] it was discovered ‘worse’ was taking … child’s Xbox 1 away
(i)
Signs of Safety.
LCC’s Early-Help Team used a tool called Signs and Safety which was coined by Turnell (2012). Signs and Safety is used to maintain and track the progress of families. “Its aim is to empower families to face tough times through ownership of gaols” (Field notes, December 2017). LCC use Signs of Safety to empower families to create their own goals and engage in support to achieve them. This process was observed on two occasions and clearly followed and existentialist notion of fostering resilience through challenging times, by transferring skill set to families, which allowed them to work at their own speed toward their own ideal future goals.
Sign of safety, was used by LCC’s EHW’s to encourage family members to reflect on their own perception of the healthy self (self-reflection of the idealistic self) and terms this “where do we want to be”. This concept follows an existentialist inquiry which explores hey say where are we now (selfreflection of the realistic self). Following this, after reflecting on goals, the family (or member) is then 21 | P a g e
encouraged to reflect on the current positon, termed “where are we now”. This sets the scales relative to the individual or family. The process is deployed so questions are positive in nature and are Existential in nature, normalizing, rather than pathologizing, because they ask about adversities (tough times) that all people may face at some time in their life (Cullen, 2002; Griffith,1994).
During observations, it was clear EHW’s were encouraging families to think positively about their experiences of adversity, asking existential questions such as, ‘what prevented you from giving up’ what worked well and kept you going through tough times. The answers to these questions were used in a egalitarian discussion between the EHW and the family to identify what coping mechanisms families already utilised and most importantly, how they can be made more effective. Mostly these were in the form of coping mechanisms that families could implement to face adversities in different ways, whilst working toward their own goals that had been initially identified when they entered the service. Scaling family’s goals in the ways discussed, reflects an existentialist line of inquiry, this being the assessment of one’s ability to respond to adversity and asses their posture toward adversity (either of a vulnerability or resilient state).
Discussion There is an enormous difference in how the discourse is driven at a macro governmental level and micro level (in Lincolnshire) were the label troubled isn’t used to brand families. A generous allocation of space in the results section is dedicated to how LCC’s response compares to how the TFP agenda was grounded in 2010 and 2012 and evolved underpinned by elements from the theory of existentialism. Although it follows in the footsteps of other researcher’s and academics such as Clarke (2012) and Beckford (2014) who claim a similar idea; no research is able to illustrate how the TFP is a constantly evolving service, framed by ideologies spoken about in Re-imagining Child Protection: Towards humane social work with families, (Featherstone, White, and Morris, 2014). It is clear from this research that LCC are delivering an empowerment model of support focusing on 22 | P a g e
facilitating families to think positively and expand upon their skills set. In addition, in other cases it was clear during the observation process especially, the EHW’s researched the ecologies families resided in and found resources for training that provided individuals with the idea a dignified future awaiting.
It was clear from the results that the EHT had established a strong leadership position and communicated efficiently across the Service, between EHW’s and other agencies deemed important in reducing the time it takes to safeguard individuals it, supports and those identified as in need. Observations and interviews uncovered communication between all EHW’s and managers, other agencies (such as the police and LEAP) and families themselves had once again rigorized the welfare net (Families First, 2015).
A humane holistic approach underpinned by existentialist
ideology was grounded into the work ethic of all workers, involved in this project. Overall, it was clear the EHT aimed to deliver a multiagency approach, so they could tailor an individual support package for families facing, but struggling to deal with adversity. The approach the EHT took when speaking to families owes itself to existential inquiry or therapy, which draws methods used in phenomenology. The purpose of this was to explore the reality of the family and their members. Positive questions were utilised to find out what has worked. What works was attained through the signs of safety framework used to support families through challenging times.
Signs and safety, anchors moral reasoning within core identities. It is the understanding family’s overall desires and aspirations and how they view themselves internally that help ‘turn a family around’ and empower them to think about their own abilities to face adversities. This idea again is grounded in existential psychotherapy which aims to deconstruct a demoralized person's life, through a non-judgmental acknowledgement and affirmation of an individual deliberations, (negative decisions and actions), as well as their praiseworthy responses to life's harsh circumstances.
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LCC’s EHT are supporting families to (re)define or continue a life trajectory in this way, focusing on the positives and empowering families to see progress rather than failure. It is thus objective of the signs and safety framework to assess the support needed by families to turn postures of vulnerability, in the face of adversity into resilience Table 1 to the left illustrates the negative responses to adversity (on the left) LCC look to transform into the ones on the right. Furthering this, LCC attempt to support families to turn isolation into Communication, Helplessness into Agency and overall Vulnerability to Resilience. It was firmly believed families had the ability to respond to change their own posture with support.
It is clear The EHT is helmed by a strong rigorous leadership which is continuing to strive to support many families through challenging times in 2017. LCC are driven by appropriate planning both in terms of action-plans but also in terms of positive development visions. Lessons are available to be learnt from the EHT who engage in phenomenological interview techniques, using well-placed existential questions to try and gain a better understanding of adversities faced by families. In turn it is an overall objective to facilitate “a demoralized person to articulate deeply felt identities that can revive motivation to strive and confidence, that choices can make differences that matter” (Griffith, 2012: iv, emphasis added).
Throughout all stages of this project, many factors were noted to backdrop families qualifying as ‘Troubled’. Mentioned in this article in different context, the main factors included the impact of lack of access to education, support available to families dealing with member having mental health difficulties, poverty and family’s adopting postures of vulnerability. It was not the objective of the council to foster resilience and this has not been discussed in a direct way to theories which engage 24 | P a g e
in techniques to foster this. Instead existence and the correct way to explore this is the current objective of the EHT. In a non-judgmental way, exploring existence, but also recognising the resources are not available for families to deal with problems they face sums up LCC response to the TFP.
In retrospect, the response to the Riots and increasing levels of unemployment, during a triple dip financial recession pushed families closer to the edge by policies which expanded the gap between the rich and poor. This was followed by a Big-Society speech which dragged families further through the dirt and disgust. The incidents and the policy that should never have been put in place could have been avoided. It should never have been a blaming game and it is the core ethic of this article to avoid a political biasness and illustrate the need to stabilize areas and to understand the “behaviour of individuals, the failures of families [that are misunderstood] ... and the consequences of that behaviour for society” (Cameron, 2015: line 129 cited in Jensen, 2013).
Limitations; Areas in need of further research Even though this research would be a worthy contribution to the existing literature as it illustrates a worthy learning opportunity on how to deliver a welfare family based service. It is only limited to the space and time in which the research was conducted. As previously discussed, it was noted the service is constantly evolving as new successful ways of working are learnt by professionals. It is also limited in context with the sample group, comprising mainly of EHW’s. One of the common themes spoken in all the interviews was how a connection, or an emotional holding was created prior to any work being done with families. This was an important stage for all interviewees who explained how trust underpinned all the work up to date the EHT have done. Without this, EHW5 explained how families would disengage if they had been pushed so far, they trusted no-one. Despite numerous efforts from all supporters of this research families were not interviewed. This leaves the research absent of families first hand experiences and unfortunately denied further data triangulation so results could be positioned in relation to families. 25 | P a g e
This research acknowledges the historical and dominant beliefs that underpin a history of ever changing social work processes. It is important in this section to emphasise the self-reflection about the constraining factors which led to family’s experiences being lost because their welfare is much more important to their supporters (being the EHW’s) than this research. This research should be questioned and analysed, hopefully leading to others to reflect on its “its subjects, its process, its theoretical context, its data, its analysis, and how accounts recognize that the construction of knowledge takes place in the world and not apart from it[.] [B]eing reflexive in doing research leads to honest and ethically mature research practice[s] that `stops … [the researcher from] being "shamans" of objective'” (Ruby, 1980: 154). In other word the process of self-reflection is the acknowledgment about the validity of arguments made in this article but also the methods needed to improve them. Many academics have discussed how difficult it is to research the vulnerable (Shacklock and Smyth,1998) and unfortunately family’s reality was not explored in this research. Self-reflecting after this project, its design made it impossible to interview family’s as well as their workers because in doing both may have led to ineffective trusty relationships being built with families. If research is ever to be successful in capturing family’s reality and experiences in the service it may need to take on an ethnographic model, which would need the researcher to be an active part of the research (closer to the research than this project could get).
It is also still unclear how Mosaic is streamlining the process of recording data about families because the research period finished prior to its deployment. Thus, it is unclear the impact Mosaic has had on communicating across the board. To truly assess this further research is needed to clarify how effectively the multi-agency approach is operating. The section regarding the communication between agencies is outdated due to the change in the software used. However, it does illustrate how flaws in the system are being ironed out in the interest of family’s welfare and reducing the incidents of harm and neglect.
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