Grounding abstract object characteristics in embodied ... - TU Delft

Acta Psychologica 119 (2005) 315–351 www.elsevier.com/locate/actpsy

Grounding abstract object characteristics in embodied interactions Thomas van Rompay a, Paul Hekkert Daniel Saakes a, Beatriz Russo b

a,*

,

a

b

Department of Industrial Design, Delft University of Technology, Landbergstraat 15, 2628CE Delft, The Netherlands LEUI-Laboratory of Ergonomics and Usability, Pontifical University of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil

Received 5 August 2004; received in revised form 4 February 2005; accepted 6 February 2005 Available online 29 March 2005

Abstract Recent studies in cognitive linguistics have demonstrated that objects are conceptualised in terms of the actions they afford, i.e., in terms of their spatial-functional meaning. Since our interactions are constrained by the structure of our body, these studies view conceptualisation as essentially embodied. In this paper we argue that an objectÕs abstract/figurative meaning is also embodied in that it is grounded in patterns of recurrent interactions with our environment, referred to as image schemas. On the basis of the spatial, relational structure of three such image schemas, two everyday products, a jug and an alarm clock, were systematically varied on form dimensions. Experiment 1 showed that participants with a background in design relate abstract characteristics to the form changes in the way predicted. To rule out the possibility that the relations uncovered are due to learned associations, a replication of the experiment was conducted with naı¨ve participants (experiment 2), leading to highly similar results. In experiment 3, we tested the cross-cultural consistency of our findings by performing a second replication with Brazilian participants. The results of this experiment were only partly in line with our predictions, suggesting that cultural differences in interacting with the environment to some degree affect our understanding of the abstract meaning of objects. 2005 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

*

Corresponding author. Tel.: +31 1527 81346; fax: +31 1527 87179. E-mail address: [email protected] (P. Hekkert).

0001-6918/$ - see front matter 2005 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved. doi:10.1016/j.actpsy.2005.02.001

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T. van Rompay et al. / Acta Psychologica 119 (2005) 315–351

PsycINFO classification: 2323 Keywords: Visual perception; Embodiment; Product expression

1. Introduction In our daily interactions, artifacts are omnipresent. Our homes are full of domestic appliances; bus shelters, cars, and street furniture colour the neighbourhoods we live in, and museums house art objects of all kinds. Although many of these objects escape our conscious attention, while others are at the centre of it, they all have the power to affect us in many ways; a lamppost may strike one as melancholic, a chair as dignified, and a work of art as mysterious. Such characteristics that are not literally part of an objectÕs appearance—objects are not literally melancholic or dignified—are referred to as abstract or expressive characteristics (Blank, Massey, Gardner, & Winner, 1984), and are considered an integral element of the experience we have with objects (Dewey, 1934; Goodman, 1976). In accounting for abstract characteristics of objects, studies usually stress the role of either the perceiver or the object perceived (Crozier & Chapman, 1984; Dewey, 1934). Generally, object-centred studies seek to explore the impact of simple stimuli, such as lines and forms, on the perceiver, often based on the assumption that abstract characteristics are authentic and objective qualities conveyed by perceptual characteristics such as shape, size, and rhythm (Arnheim, 1992, p. 205). Exemplary in this regard are ArnheimÕs studies concerning the relations between compositional structures in works of art and perceived abstract characteristics (Arnheim, 1954). He demonstrated, for instance, that compositional structures that are improperly balanced are perceived as restless or striving towards equilibrium. A similar approach can be found in studies looking into abstract characteristics of consumer products. Motivated by designersÕ needs to communicate Ôdesign knowledgeÕ among designers, several attempts have been made to establish one-to-one relationships between objectsÕ formal features and abstract characteristics (Chen & Owen, 1997; Hsiao & Huang, 2001; Muller & Pasman, 1996). Studies acknowledging the contribution of the perceiver usually stress the importance of biological or cognitive processes involved in the experience of objects (Berlyne, 1971; Kreitler & Kreitler, 1972). Berlyne (1971), for instance, stresses the relation between the experience of visual stimuli and exploration, a tendency he links to ÔarousalÕ, a presumed fundamental characteristic of the central nervous system. According to Berlyne, works of art may differ with regard to their arousal potential. Whereas works of art with high arousal potential are generally perceived as dramatic, dynamic or stirring, works of art with low arousal potential are more likely perceived as static, harmonious or serene (Berlyne, 1971, p. 254). In addition to a biological component, Kreitler and Kreitler (1972) stress the perceiverÕs Ôcognitive orientationÕ, encompassing processes like comparison, evaluation, and interpretation, in establishing the meaning of works of art. As for cognitive processes in the experience of products, Hsu, Chuang, and Chang (2000) explored differences between designers


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and users in perceiving product form expression, accounting for these findings in terms of differences in their respective conceptual models. A similar focus on conceptual models can be found in Purcell (1984) who looked into the experience of houses. Although studies of the kind reported have certainly been successful in revealing object-related and individual-related characteristics underlying the experience of objects, several authors have criticized the implicit duality between object and perceiver, arguing an objectÕs expression is grounded in the interaction between the two (Crozier & Chapman, 1984; Takahashi, 1995). Already in 1934, Dewey stressed the importance of considering the mutual contributions of object and perceiver (Dewey, 1934), and also later theories have tried to capture the mutual relations between objects, mostly works of art, and selves (Goodman, 1976; Wollheim, 1973). Nevertheless, such theories often turned out to be resistant to experimental inquiries (Takahashi, 1995). 1.1. Affordances and action Recently, scholars in different fields have made a convincing case for the claim that various aspects of our understanding of language and artifacts are grounded in interactions between people and their environment, and thus cannot be accounted for by a one-sided focus on either perceiver or object. Since these interactions are constrained by the peculiarities of the human body, studies originating in this perspective view cognition as embodied. However, most of these studies have looked into our understanding of literal language, i.e., language that refers to concrete objects or situations, or spatial-functional characteristics of objects. After reviewing these studies and their related findings, we will show how they may also help explain our understanding of abstract characteristics of objects. Building on GibsonÕs claim that artifacts are perceived in terms of their affordances (i.e., in terms of what we can do with them) (Gibson, 1979), Borghi (2004) showed that objects are not represented in terms of propositional features but in terms of their potential for interaction. Furthermore, she showed objectsÕ parts to be more or less salient in peopleÕs representations of the same object dependent on the activated action. For instance, in a part verification task participants first heard sentences describing actions such as she grasped the knife or he cut the orange, and then had to indicate whether a consecutively presented noun indicating a part of an object, for instance ÔhandleÕ or ÔbladeÕ, was part of the object referred to. The results showed that parts congruent with the action described (i.e., ÔbladeÕ with she cut the orange, or ÔhandleÕ with she grasped the knife) were processed faster and produced fewer errors than parts not matching the action described (i.e., ÔhandleÕ with she cut the orange, or ÔbladeÕ with she grasped the knife). These results are in line with the claim that conceptual organization is variable, and intimately linked to action (Barsalou, 1999). In a similar fashion many recent studies centred on language comprehension have revealed that people understand language by extracting the affordances of the objects described (Glenberg & Robertson, 2000; Kaschak & Glenberg, 2000). Studies of this kind are usually set against traditional accounts that conceive of linguistic meaning

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in terms of abstract, disembodied symbols combined by syntactic rules. Although studies embracing a so-called ÔamodalÕ view to language comprehension (e.g., Burgess & Lund, 1997) have been successful in accounting for many aspects of linguistic meaning, neglect of the ways in which meaning is grounded in peopleÕs everyday interactions (i.e., is embodied) has undermined a scientific understanding of how it is that symbols convey meaning (Gibbs, 2003; Glenberg & Kaschak, 2002; Harnad, 1990). An alternative account proposes that human language, thought, and memory emerge from recurring embodied interactions between people and their environment (Glenberg, 1997; Lakoff, 1987). For instance, it has been argued that language is made meaningful by simulating the actions implied by sentences (Barsalou, 1999; Glenberg, 1997). These simulations involve reactivation of patterns of brain activation that were formed during the comprehenderÕs interaction with the world (Barsalou, 1999; Kan, Barsalou, Solomon, Minor, & Thompson-Schill, 2003), and allow one to encode patterns of possible interactions with objects described (Kaschak & Glenberg, 2000). Evidence for this claim comes in part from experiments that show that people find it less difficult to understand sentences when the actions described make sense in terms of the described objectsÕ affordances and the constraints they impose on our everyday interactions with them. For instance, a study measuring the speed with which people read sentences revealed that sentences like she used a coke bottle to hit her boyfriend are read faster than sentences like she used a coke bottle to cover her boyfriendÕs face (Glenberg & Robertson, 2000), a finding hard to predict by perspectives that do not acknowledge an embodied component to language understanding. Another line of evidence that suggests linguistic meaning is in part embodied comes from studies that show that people ÔuseÕ the spatial character of the interactions described to construct mental models of texts (Zwaan, Madden, Yaxley, & Aveyard, 2004; Zwaan, Stanfield, & Yaxley, 2002). 1.2. Abstract meaning and metaphor A question that has been left unanswered so far is how people come to understand abstract or metaphorical language that is not about concrete objects or interactions with them. Over the years, a large body of evidence has been gathered that supports the claim that people also understand metaphorical, abstract language in terms of concrete, embodied interactions (Gibbs, 1996; Johnson, 1987; Lakoff, 1987; Lakoff & Johnson, 1999). Primarily concerned with the role of metaphor in language comprehension, Lakoff and Johnson showed that many abstract concepts are structured in terms of spatial, relational patterns, referred to as image schemas, characterizing our embodied interactions with the world (Johnson, 1987; Lakoff & Johnson, 1999). For instance, they showed linguistic expressions conveying a sense of dominance or submission, such as sheÕs always looking down on others or he looks up to most of his colleagues, to be structured in terms of interactions involving a specific vertical orientation in relation to the object or person interacted with. Abstract concepts such as dominance and submission may be associated with an up- or downward direction since we experience power and control over others when positioned higher, for instance when one is looking down on others from above, or


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may feel controlled by others when they rise above us, for instance a child looking up to his stronger and taller father. However, there has been much debate over whether such spatial, relational aspects revealed by linguistic expressions are really part of peopleÕs core understanding of abstract concepts, and not mere historical or conventional associations (Murphy, 1996). Arguing against Lakoff and JohnsonÕs claim that people routinely understand conventional, metaphorical expressions in terms of their own embodied interactions, Keysar, Shen, Glucksberg, and Horton (2000) showed that metaphorical expressions can be understood directly, without recourse to underlying conceptual mappings. In line with this finding, various authors have expressed doubt whether linguistic data should be taken as evidence for the claim that people actually understand and think about figurative, abstract concepts in terms of image schemas reflecting embodied interactions (Glucksberg, 2001; Murphy, 1996). However, several recent studies from cognitive psychology seem to support the idea that at least some abstract concepts automatically invoke spatial representations during online language comprehension, lending support to the claim that people actually do understand abstract language in terms of concrete, embodied interactions. For instance, Richardson, Spivey, Edelman, and Naples (2001) showed that participants display a high level of agreement when asked to draw image schemas of abstract verbs like respected and succeeded, both resulting in a spatial representation extending along the vertical axis. In another study participants heard a sentence while pairs of pictures depicting these sentences were presented simultaneously on a screen. Analyses of a consecutively conducted picture memory task, in which the participants had to indicate whether the pictures presented had been paired in the same sentence, showed that pictures in a vertical orientation were responded to faster when they were associated with a ÔverticalÕ verb, for instance respected, rather than a ÔhorizontalÕ verb, for instance argued with (Richardson, Spivey, Barsalou, & McRae, 2003). These data suggest that image schemas are intimately linked to, or are part of, peopleÕs understanding of abstract concepts. A related implication concerns the intimate relation between the processing of language and visual imagery. That is, if linguistic, abstract concepts activate spatial representations (i.e., image schemas), one would also expect spatial, perceptual representations of image schemas to elicit associated meanings. For instance, if people understand concepts such as respect and success in terms of an extension along the vertical axis, one would expect that when confronted with visual imagery presenting an extension along the vertical axis, people understand such imagery in these same terms (i.e., a vertically oriented form as expressing success or respect rather than a horizontally oriented form). Evidence that this is indeed so dates back to Scheerer and Lyons (1957) who showed that people show a fair degree of consistency in matching, for instance, an abstract concept such as pride with drawings depicting upward, regular lines. In this paper we will further test the claim that not only our understanding of an objectÕs spatial-functional meaning is embodied (Borghi, 2004; Glenberg, 1997), but also our understanding of an objectÕs figurative or abstract meaning. Although we do not claim an embodied perspective on object-form expression is necessarily incompatible with other perspectives, we hope to show that adopting an embodied approach allows us to explain why certain objects express the abstract meanings they

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do, and thus allows us to predict peopleÕs intuitions about the meanings of various forms. Before discussing the experiments testing our prediction, first we will elaborate on the aforementioned verticality schema and several other image schemas discussed by Johnson (1987) and Lakoff and Johnson (1999).

2. Embodied expressions Primarily concentrating on figurative speech, Lakoff and Johnson (1980, 1999) showed that many abstract concepts are structured in terms of embodied interactions. For instance, in metaphorical expressions such as donÕt shut us out, open yourself up to others and I canÕt get through to him a sense of social isolation or introversion is communicated in terms of a container from which one can be Ôshut outÕ. Abstract concepts such as these may be associated with a containment structure since in interacting with spaces, i.e., containers, we experience a sense of isolation from others on the outside when we are on the inside. For this reason, we understand the abovementioned expressions (all making reference to this structure) as dealing with someone metaphorically isolated from others. As argued by Lakoff and Johnson, repeated ordinary interactions of a similar kind share a spatial, relational structure. For instance, interactions involving movement in or out of a container (e.g., getting out of bed, stepping inside a car, and entering a building) all involve an inside, an outside, a path leading from one condition to the other, and most importantly, someone or something interacting with this structure. These similarities are laid down in so-called image schemas (Johnson, 1987; Lakoff & Johnson, 1980, 1999). By virtue of being generic, image schemas have the power to structure a wide variety of abstract concepts. Apart from the containment schema, Lakoff and Johnson discuss numerous other schemas such as distance, linkage, resistance, verticality, and balance (Johnson, 1987; Lakoff & Johnson, 1999). For instance, describing someone as distant is related to interactions in which we experience difficulties in communicating with others who are, literally, far away. Likewise, aforementioned expression sheÕs always looking down on others is based on interactions in which we experience control and dominance over others when we are literally in a higher position. Describing someone as an unbalanced personality, and therefore not to be trusted, relates to interactions in which we experience a loss of control and position when literally out of balance. What these examples make clear is that embodied interactions underlie many abstract concepts, and, conversely, that accounting for our understanding of these concepts requires an interactional perspective. As discussed, recent findings in cognitive science (Richardson et al., 2001, 2003) indicate that the image schematic structuring discussed not only guides one in the understanding of linguistic, abstract concepts, but lies at the basis of conceptualization in general. If correct, the spatial elements connected to abstract concepts (e.g., ÔverticalityÕ to dominance, or ÔcontainmentÕ to introversion) are part of our core understanding of them. As suggested, this would imply that perceiving visual imagery presenting these spatial elements should elicit associated meanings. Several


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authors have speculated on the role of image schemas in peopleÕs understanding of the abstract meanings of architectural objects (Johnson, 2002), and designed objects (Lakoff & Johnson, 1999). Studies by Van Rompay and Hekkert (2001), and Van Rompay, Hekkert, and Muller (in press) indeed suggest that image schemas guide our understanding of objectsÕ abstract characteristics. In the latter study, Van Rompay et al. (in press) showed that ratings of chairs on abstract characteristics presumably related to the same image schema are highly related, suggesting an image schema-based structuring of product expression. Although the chairs in the reported study were carefully selected, the stimulus dimensions held responsible for the abstract characteristics were not systematically controlled. Such studies, testing the effects of systematic form changes on perceived abstract characteristics, as recommended by Hekkert and Van Wieringen (1996) for the field of experimental aesthetics, have thus far not been reported. For the present study, relevant dimensions of two everyday products, a jug and an alarm clock, are systematically manipulated. In the first experiment reported in this paper, we will test whether we can predict the effects of form changes, influencing the degree to which the products present certain spatial, relational (i.e., image schematic) structures, on participantsÕ understanding of selected abstract characteristics. These characteristics were selected for their frequent occurrence in everyday talk about products and from literature on product design. Since the ability to detect, at times rather subtle, form changes and the ability to relate abstract concepts to product form is expected to require a certain level of expertise, subjects participating in the first experiment were students of design. In all experiments reported we have limited ourselves to the three image schemas discussed most extensively by Johnson (1987): the containment schema, the verticality schema, and the balance schema. In discussing the form manipulations, the way these manipulations are based on the image schemas will be motivated, and their presumed effects on the abstract characteristics looked into elaborated on.

3. Experiment 1 3.1. Method 3.1.1. Participants Participants were 47 undergraduates (24 women and 23 men) of the Faculty of Industrial Design Engineering at Delft University of Technology. All participants completed the task. 3.1.2. Stimulus material In order to systematically vary the objectsÕ form features, the jugs and the alarm clocks were created in Maya, a 3D modelling software package. With regard to both products, a base model was designed in cooperation with two design experts. All manipulations to be discussed were made with regard to these base models (see Fig. 1, and also centre variants in Fig. 2). In order to allow the participants to infer

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Fig. 1. Base models of the objects used in the studies reported: (a) jug, (b) alarm clock.

the relative size of the products (something deemed relevant for at least one of the image schemas discussed next), a familiar everyday object (i.e., a box of matches or a pair of cigarettes) was presented along with the product (see Fig. 1). We will next describe how these models were systematically varied on the basis of the selected image schematic structures. 3.1.2.1. Containment schema (form manipulation: CLOSURE). Interactions with insides and outsides (i.e., containers) may give rise to different experiences. In being inside a space, one may feel secure as the result of being protected by the boundaries of the enclosure. At the same time, being enclosed entails being constricted in oneÕs movements. And since being enclosed entails being cut off from oneÕs environment, people inside an enclosure may be perceived as withdrawn or introvert by those on the outside. Similar to how insides protect and cut people off from their environment, designed objects may do the same in relation to the contents they enclose. Increasing degrees of closure result in higher degrees to which people are protected and cut off from their environment, and as such may feel increasingly secure and constricted, or are perceived as increasingly withdrawn or introvert. Similarly, objects enclosing their contents to a high degree are presumably perceived as expressing these characteristics more than objects providing less closure to their contents. It is in this sense that characteristics that are not literally part of an objectÕs spatial appearance or cannot be related to specific actions with, or functional aspects of products may be grounded in embodied interactions with the environment. In order to study the relation between the containment schema and related characteristics, two variants of the jug were created by varying its top radius: a relatively open ( 1, low enclosure) and a relatively closed (+1, high enclosure) variant (Fig. 2, top: row a). With regard to the alarm clocks (Fig. 2, bottom: row a), the containment schema was related to the positioning of the display in relation to the housings of the alarm clock, an aspect on which many electronic devices such as mobile phones and mp3 players vary. Displays sticking out of their housings ( 1) are less enclosed than displays hidden inside the housings (+1) of the alarm clock. It is predicted that jugs and alarm clocks are perceived as more secure, introvert, and constricting with increasing levels of CLOSURE.


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Fig. 2. Front views of the image schema-based manipulations of the jugs (top) and alarm clocks (bottom): row a = containment schema manipulation CLOSURE (ÔopenÕ = 1, ÔneutralÕ = 0, ÔclosedÕ = +1), row b = verticality schema manipulation HEIGHT (ÔlowÕ = 1, ÔneutralÕ = 0, ÔhighÕ = +1), row c = balance schema manipulation BALANCE (Ôunbalanced leftÕ = 1l, ÔbalancedÕ = 0, Ôunbalanced rightÕ = 1r). Alarm clocks (bottom) in row a presented in side view.

3.1.2.2. Verticality schema (form manipulation: HEIGHT). Interactions between people may give rise to different experiences depending on their relative position to each other. In being positioned high above others, one may experience dominance or pride as the result of being able to exert control, whether physical or visual, over those below. Consequently, those below may perceive those above as impressive.

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Analogous to experiences we have in interacting with the world and others at increasing heights, the higher an object articulates a rising upward, the more it is likely to be perceived as dominant, impressive or proud in relation to its environment. In order to study the relations between the verticality schema and abstract characteristics, for both objects two variants were created: a relatively ÔlowÕ ( 1) and a relatively ÔhighÕ (+1) variant. In varying the objectsÕ height, the jugÕs handle and spout, and the alarm clockÕs time indication and button panel covaried proportionally (see Fig. 2, rows b). Since the degree of verticality is perceived relative to other objects in the environment, the two reference objects (box of matches and pair of cigarettes) were presented next to the jug and alarm clock (see Fig. 1). It is predicted that both jugs and alarm clocks are perceived as more dominant, impressive, and proud with increasing levels of height. 3.1.2.3. Balance schema (form manipulation: BALANCE). In interacting in and with our environment, balance is crucial for our everyday functioning. A disruption of balance, caused by an unequal distribution of oneÕs bodily weight around the vertical, is felt immediately and may cause one to feel restless, unstable, and uncontrolled. Not only are we extremely sensitive to disruptions of balance with regard to our own bodies, Locher, Gray, and Nodine (1996) and Locher, Stappers, and Overbeeke (1998) showed the presence or absence of pictorial balance to be effortlessly detected. In analogy to experiences we have ourselves when not properly balanced, objects perceived as unbalanced are presumably understood as restless, unstable, and uncontrolled. In order to study the relation between the balance schema and these abstract characteristics, for both products two variants were created. For jugs to be properly balanced, the weights of the spout and the handle have to be evenly distributed around the vertical. Since creating too much unbalance would make the jug unrealistic, two variants were created of equal unbalance (see Fig. 2, top: row c): one variant with a relatively small spout and a large handle ( 1l), and one variant with a relatively large spout and a small handle ( 1r). With regard to electronic media, such as an alarm clock, displays and buttons are often placed on the front panel. Dependent on the buttonsÕ placement around the vertical axis of the alarm clock, the alarm clock will appear more or less balanced. Two unbalanced variants ( 1l and 1r) were created by systematically shifting the middle button to the left of the alarm clockÕs button panel in two steps (see Fig. 2, bottom: row c). It is predicted that balanced jugs and alarm clocks are perceived as more still, firm, and controlled than unbalanced jugs and alarm clocks. For both products, the unbalanced variants were expected to be equally unbalanced (i.e., both 1). In sum, by being manipulated in the ways discussed, the products represent the three image schematic structures to varying degrees. If these spatial, relational structures underlie our understanding of the proposed abstract characteristics, the products should express these characteristics in the way predicted. The nine abstract characteristics and the image schemas these were based on are summarized in Table 1. In order to study all 2-way interaction effects between containment schema manipulation CLOSURE, verticality schema manipulation HEIGHT, and balance schema


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Table 1 Image schemas and related abstract characteristics Containment schema

Secure–insecure Introvert–extravert Constricting–liberating

Verticality schema

Dominant–submissive Impressive–insignificant Proud–modest

Balance schema

Still–restless Firm–unstable Controlled–uncontrolled

manipulation BALANCE, all 12 combinations of the two manipulations were created (e.g., CLOSURE = 1, HEIGHT = +1, BALANCE = 0, or CLOSURE = +1, HEIGHT = 0, BALANCE = 1r), resulting in a total of 19 variants of each product (see Table 2). 3.1.3. Procedure Participants were individually invited in an isolated room at the Department of Industrial Design. In a 1-hour session, the participants were asked to sit in front of an Apple desktop computer on which the products were presented on the left side and nine 7-point rating scales tapping the nine abstract characteristics on the right side of the screen. The participants were informed that the aim of the experiment

Table 2 Levels of CLOSURE (a), HEIGHT (b), and BALANCE (c) for all 19 variants of the jugs and the alarm clocks (Nr. 1–7 are represented in Fig. 2) CLOSURE

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

0 1 +1 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 1 0 0 0 0 +1 +1 +1 +1

(a)

HEIGHT

0 0 0 1 +1 0 0 1 +1 0 0 1 1 +1 +1 1 +1 0 0

(b)

BALANCE

0 0 0 0 0 1l 1r 0 0 1l 1r 1l 1r 1l 1r 0 0 1l 1r

(c)

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was to look at relations between product form and product expression. Before starting the actual experiment, an example product was presented which the participants were instructed to rate on the nine scales. Half of the participants started their session with the set of 19 jugs, the other half started with the 19 alarm clocks. Within each set, the order of products was varied randomly. In order to rate the products, sliders could be moved over the scales with a mouse. The scales were presented to the participants in one of four different orders, each order predetermined in such a way that characteristics presumably structured by the same image schema would not follow one another. In-between the two sets, participants were allowed to take a 5-minute break. Although there were no time limits, the participants were instructed to base their judgments on their first impression. After completing the experiment, the participants received a financial reward of seven euros. The duration of the sessions varied from 40 to 60 min. All participants completed the task within this time period. 3.2. Results The means of the ratings for the nine abstract characteristics were calculated over the participants. Intra-class correlations (ICC, Shrout & Fleiss, 1979) showed that these mean ratings were reliable and varied from ICC (18, 828) = 0.91 to 0.95 for the jugs, and from ICC (18, 828) = 0.70 to 0.97 for the alarm clocks (see Table 3, left columns). 3.2.1. MANOVA The presumed relations between image schemas and abstract characteristics were analyzed through the use of a 3 (CLOSURE) by 3 (HEIGHT) by 3 (BALANCE) multiple analysis of variance (MANOVA) with the nine abstract characteristics discussed as dependent variables. All 2-way interactions were included in the analysis. The results are presented in Table 4.

Table 3 Intra-class correlations (ICC) for the nine scales: (a) jugs, (b) alarm clocks Experiment 1

Secure Introvert Constricting Dominant Impressive Proud Still Firm Controlled

Experiment 2

Experiment 3

a

b

a

b

a

b

0.93 0.93 0.91 0.95 0.91 0.91 0.93 0.91 0.95

0.91 0.96 0.74 0.97 0.94 0.95 0.93 0.70 0.86

0.86 0.84 0.90 0.88 0.84 0.85 0.94 0.88 0.93

0.84 0.91 0.39 0.93 0.92 0.92 0.86 0.51 0.85

0.68 0.32 0.80 0.81 0.51 0.74 0.89 0.86 0.84

0.64 0.39 0.84 0.84 0.76 0.88 0.89 0.81 0.84


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Table 4 Multiple analysis of variance summary table of experiment 1 df

Jugs F

Containment schema characteristics Secure Main effects Closure Height Balance

2 2 2

66.51*** 13.15*** 17.93***

Interactions Closure · Height Closure · Balance Height · Balance

4 4 4

Introvert Main effects Closure Height Balance

2 2 2


4 4 4

Constricting Main effects Closure Height Balance

2 2 2


4 4 4

Verticality schema characteristics Dominant Main effects Closure Height Balance

2 2 2

22.51*** 80.93*** 9.30***


4 4 4

1.01 2.12 2.47*

Impressive Main effects Closure Height Balance

2 2 2

9.52*** 47.77*** 6.95**

0.73 2.15 0.96

51.27*** 8.94*** 45.67*** 0.62 1.83 0.45

69.30*** 2.71 5.94** 1.18 1.65 0.99

Clocks F

90.12*** 45.31*** 2.34 1.58 0.27 0.21

113.35*** 53.26*** 0.87 0.32 0.45 0.28

22.97*** 3.54* 0.02 0.48 0.98 0.46

25.08*** 45.31*** 2.34 1.78 0.34 0.70

26.12*** 104.84*** 1.30 (continued on next page)

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Table 4 (continued) df

Jugs F


4 4 4

Proud Main effects Closure Height Balance

2 2 2


4 4 4

Balance schema characteristics Still Main effects Closure Height Balance

2 2 2

6.45** 0.47 66.86***


4 4 4

0.22 5.80*** 0.59

Firm Main effects Closure Height Balance

2 2 2

4.33* 2.09 52.17***


4 4 4

1.11 1.55 2.45*

Controlled Main effects Closure Height Balance

2 2 2

3.73* 0.60 101.98***


4 4 4

0.30 5.33*** 0.54

Note: Predicted effects in bold. * p < 0.05. ** p < 0.01. *** p < 0.001.

0.42 1.94 1.67

13.67*** 37.12*** 18.29*** 0.44 2.33 1.60

Clocks F 0.74 0.55 0.62

39.57*** 87.33*** 0.02 0.70 0.78 0.16

48.43*** 49.12*** 7.34** 2.31 0.15 0.09

9.92*** 9.41*** 6.03** 0.44 0.50 0.35

28.12*** 14.41*** 13.41*** 0.59 0.07 0.41


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3.2.2. Main effects Starting with the jugs, all main effects for the nine characteristics confirmed our predictions (see Table 4). Main effects were obtained for CLOSURE on all related characteristics, indicating that jugs are perceived as more secure, introvert, and constricting with increasing levels of CLOSURE (see Fig. 3A). With regard to HEIGHT, main effects were obtained on all three related characteristics, indicating that jugs are perceived as increasingly dominant, impressive, and proud with increasing height (see Fig. 3B). Finally, with regard to BALANCE, main effects were obtained on all related characteristics, indicating that the balanced jug is perceived as more still, firm, and controlled than the two unbalanced variants (see Fig. 3C). As for the jugs, all nine main effects for the alarm clocks were as predicted (see Table 4). Main effects were obtained for CLOSURE on all related characteristics, indicating that alarm clocks are perceived as increasingly secure, introvert, and constricting (see Fig. 3D) with increasing levels of CLOSURE. With regard to HEIGHT, main effects were obtained on all related characteristics, indicating that alarm clocks of greater height are perceived as more dominant, impressive, and proud than alarm clocks of lesser height (see Fig. 3E). Although the results for the alarm clocks on BALANCE are considerably less pronounced than the results for CLOSURE and HEIGHT (Table 4), significant main effects on still, firm, and controlled were obtained, indicating that the balanced alarm clock is perceived as more still, firm, and controlled than

Fig. 3. Effects of CLOSURE, HEIGHT, and BALANCE on the abstract characteristics in experiment 1 (top row (A–C): jugs, bottom row (D–F): alarm clocks).

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Table 5 Covariate analysis summary table of experiment 1 df (A) Containment schema characteristics Secure 2 Introvert 2 Constricting 2

Jugs F

Clocks F

70.47*** 43.67*** 81.03***

104.05*** 136.84*** 24.61***

(B) Verticality schema characteristics Dominant 2 Impressive 2 Proud 2

105.11*** 62.19*** 45.88***

255.60*** 118.15*** 109.32***

(C) Balance schema characteristics Still 2 Firm 2 Controlled 2

97.42*** 77.20*** 155.80***

1.85 3.05* 9.41***

A = effect of CLOSURE with HEIGHT and BALANCE as covariates, B = effect of HEIGHT with BALANCE as covariates, C = effect of BALANCE with CLOSURE and HEIGHT as covariates. * p < 0.05. ** p < 0.01. *** p < 0.001.

CLOSURE

and

the unbalanced variants (Fig. 3F). Moreover, Table 4 shows that BALANCE did not reach significance on the other characteristics. Although all main effects were as predicted, Table 4 also shows that many unpredicted main effects were found (discussed in Section 3.3). In most cases the effects of these other variables were considerably smaller than the ones predicted. Nevertheless, in order to control for a possibly confounding effect of these variables, separate MANOVAs were carried out in which the effects of the two unpredicted variables were statistically controlled for by including them as covariates. The results are presented in Table 5. All of the predicted effects remained significant at the 0.001 level for the jugs, and all but two of the predicted effects are still significant at the 0.001 level for the alarm clocks. Whereas the effect of BALANCE on firm is small, the effect of BALANCE on still is no longer significant (see Table 5C). These two relationships were already rather weak, albeit significant, in the original MANOVA (see Table 4). 3.2.3. Interactions With regard to the jugs, four out of the 27 two-way interactions (three for each abstract characteristic) were significant, each involving an interaction of a predicted variable with one of the unpredicted ones (see Table 4). CLOSURE · BALANCE reached significance on balance schema-related characteristics still and controlled. Figs. 4A and 4B reveal that these interactions are due to the differential effect of the three CLOSURE levels on the main effect of BALANCE: for the left unbalanced variant ( 1l), the effect of BALANCE on still and controlled decreases with increasing levels of CLOSURE, whereas for the right unbalanced variant ( 1r), this effect increases. A significant interaction effect was also obtained for HEIGHT · BALANCE on dominant.


331

Fig. 4. Interaction effects for the jugs in experiment 1.

Fig. 4C shows that this effect is due to the fact that the effect of HEIGHT on dominant is stronger for the balanced variant than for the two unbalanced variants. Finally, a significant interaction effect was obtained for HEIGHT · BALANCE on firm. It appears that only for the right unbalanced variant ( 1r), the high HEIGHT variant (+1) is relatively less firm than the variants of lesser height (0 and 1) (see Fig. 4D). No significant interaction effects were found for the alarm clocks. 3.3. Discussion Summarizing, the results corroborated all our predictions derived from the theoretical position that our understanding of certain abstract characteristics is grounded in embodied interactions. The relatively weak effects of BALANCE for the alarm clocks

332


on the three related characteristics are most likely due to the subtlety of the ÔbalanceÕ manipulations. In informal discussions after the experiment, participants indeed indicated they had not, or only at a later stage, noticed these manipulations. Next to the predicted effects, it should be noted that the three manipulations in many cases also affected ratings on other characteristics (see Table 4). Although not predicted, these effects may nevertheless also be tentatively explained on the basis of an embodied framework. For instance, the effects of BALANCE on secure and introvert are strong for the jugs, indicating that the unbalanced variants are perceived as less secure and introvert than the balanced variant. These effects may be embodied in so far as taking in an unbalanced position implies being vulnerable to forces trying to bring one down. Feeling secure on the other hand implies being protected from forces potentially threatening or dangerous. Therefore, unbalanced variants may be perceived as less secure than balanced variants. And since taking in a balanced position brings along a sense of stillness, it is not too surprising to find that BALANCE not only has an effect on still, but also on other concepts connoting a lack of (outward) activity such as introvert. Of further interest are the generally strong, linear effects of CLOSURE on HEIGHT-related concepts for both products; ÔopenÕ variants are perceived as more dominant, impressive, and proud than ÔclosedÕ variants. This effect may relate to the given that being powerful makes one less dependent on protection from potentially threatening forces, whereas vulnerable objects or people require protection. Therefore, objects presenting low levels of closure may connote meanings implying a sense of power or self-assuredness such as dominance, impressiveness or pride, rather than objects presenting high levels of closure. The effects for CLOSURE on still and controlled are particularly strong for the alarm clocks. Inspecting the means for still and controlled on CLOSURE reveals that ÔclosedÕ alarm clocks are more still and controlled than ÔopenÕ alarm clocks. Perhaps this effect relates to the fact that displays of ÔopenÕ alarm clocks (CLOSURE 1) appear to break free from their housings, granting these alarm clocks a less still and controlled character, similar to how we feel less in control over objects defeating our attempts to keep them in place (e.g., a slippery mass slipping through oneÕs fingers). The overall strong effects of HEIGHT on secure, introvert, still, and controlled for the alarm clocks (indicating that ÔlowÕ variants connote these characteristics to a higher degree than ÔhighÕ variants) are more difficult to account for, especially since no, or much weaker, effects were found for the (identical) HEIGHT manipulation on these characteristics for the jugs. Regardless of these unpredicted effects, the predicted ones were generally much stronger, supporting the claim that abstract characteristics of products are grounded in embodied interactions. Notwithstanding, an alternative interpretation of our results may be considered. Because we used design students as participants, the possibility cannot be ruled out that the observed relationships between abstract characteristics and form variants reflect conventional associations ÔlearnedÕ by those familiar with discourse on product design such as students of design. To rule out such an explanation, a replication of the first experiment was conducted with participants who had received no education in design, form semantics, or related subject (e.g., architecture). Although these participants may have some difficulty interpreting


333

the abstract concepts and detecting the subtle form manipulations, it is predicted that their responses will reflect the same mappings between image schema-based form changes and abstract characteristics.

4. Experiment 2 4.1. Method 4.1.1. Participants Participants were 40 undergraduates (20 women and 20 men) of the Faculty of Technology, Policy, and Management at Delft University of Technology. All participants completed the task. 4.1.2. Stimulus material and procedure The stimuli and procedure were similar to the ones used in the first experiment. 4.2. Results The means of the ratings for the nine abstract characteristics were calculated over the participants. Similar to the first experiment, intra-class correlations (see Table 3, middle columns) showed that these mean ratings were in general reliable and varied from ICC (18, 702) = 0.84 to 0.94 for the jugs, and from ICC (18,702) = 0.84 to 0.93 for the alarm clocks, with the exception of low agreement scores for constricting (ICC = 0.39) and firm (ICC = 0.51). 4.2.1. MANOVA The presumed relations between image schemas and abstract expressions were analyzed by a 3 (CLOSURE) by 3 (HEIGHT) by 3 (BALANCE) multiple analysis of variance (MANOVA) with the nine abstract characteristics as dependent variables. All 2-way interactions were taken into account. The results are presented in Table 6. 4.2.2. Main effects Starting with the jugs, all main effects for the nine characteristics confirmed our predictions (see Table 6). Main effects were obtained for CLOSURE on all related characteristics, indicating that jugs are perceived as more secure, introvert, and constricting with increasing levels of CLOSURE (see Fig. 5A). With regard to HEIGHT, the main effects indicate that jugs are perceived as increasingly dominant, impressive, and proud with increasing height (see Fig. 5B). Finally, with regard to BALANCE, main effects were also as predicted. Fig. 5C reveals that the balanced jug is perceived as more still, firm, and controlled than the two unbalanced variants. For the alarm clocks, all but one of the main effects were as predicted (see Table 6). Main effects were obtained for CLOSURE on secure and introvert, indicating that alarm clocks are perceived as increasingly secure and introvert (see Fig. 5D) with increasing levels of closure. The effect of CLOSURE on constricting now failed to reach

334



Jugs F

Clocks F


2 2 2

4.05* 4.01* 26.29***

18.43*** 18.54*** 1.22


4 4 4


2 2 2

10.47*** 4.87** 15.66***


4 4 4

0.33 3.41** 1.21


2 2 2

42.13*** 2.51 5.91**


4 4 4

1.67 2.67* 1.89


2 2 2

10.43*** 32.10*** 6.22**


4 4 4


2 2 2

0.97 1.51 0.57

0.48 1.64 1.30

3.30* 28.88*** 2.27

0.40 0.40 0.34

34.34*** 30.66*** 0.72 0.74 0.57 0.13

0.43 5.04** 3.39* 1.71 0.39 0.29

20.49*** 69.39*** 1.12 0.30 0.36 0.24

23.10*** 60.48*** 1.44


335

Table 6 (continued) df

Jugs F


4 4 4


2 2 2


4 4 4


2 2 2

1.58 4.42* 74.47***


4 4 4

1.32 4.54** 1.15


2 2 2

4.98** 1.43 26.31***


4 4 4

2.41* 2.29* 3.01*


2 2 2

0.04 0.97 55.65***


4 4 4

1.66 5.26*** 2.36


0.28 1.06 2.14

6.02** 23.78*** 6.56** 1.13 0.68 1.34

Clocks F 0.34 0.60 0.87

29.63*** 51.39*** 0.56 1.15 0.82 0.90

17.31*** 20.75*** 4.37* 0.58 0.66 0.10

3.83* 6.00** 3.76* 0.97 1.09 1.10

21.82*** 15.31*** 8.02*** 0.67 0.47 0.16

336



significance (see Table 6). With regard to HEIGHT, main effects were obtained on all related characteristics, indicating that alarm clocks of greater height are perceived as more dominant, impressive, and proud than alarm clocks of lesser height (see Fig. 5E). Although the results for the alarm clocks on BALANCE are, as in experiment 1, less pronounced than the results for CLOSURE and HEIGHT, significant main effects for still, firm, and controlled were obtained. Fig. 5F reveals that the balanced alarm clock is perceived as more still, firm, and controlled than the unbalanced variants. Although these effects of BALANCE were small, the ÔbalanceÕ manipulation failed to reach significance on the other, unrelated characteristics, except for a small effect on constricting (see Table 6). These results again indicate that the ÔbalanceÕ manipulation of the alarm clocks was too subtle to have a big impact on most evaluations. As in experiment 1, many unpredicted main effects were obtained, which were in several cases even bigger than the predicted ones (see Table 6). In order to control for confounding effects of the other manipulations, separate MANOVAs were carried out with the two unpredicted variables included as covariates (Table 7). All of the obtained effects remained significant. 4.2.3. Interactions With regard to the jugs, seven out of the 27 two-way interactions were significant, six of them involving the interaction of a predicted variable with one of the unpredicted ones (see Table 6). Interaction effects were obtained for CLOSURE · BALANCE on


337

Table 7 Covariate analysis summary table of experiment 2 df

Jugs F

Clocks F

(A) Containment schema characteristics Secure 2 Introvert 2 Constricting 2

4.14* 9.74*** 57.40***

23.93*** 40.58*** 2.99*


43.64*** 37.71*** 30.97***

85.83*** 65.98*** 63.88***


122.62*** 49.17*** 98.33***

3.77* 4.49* 6.90***


Fig. 6. Interaction effects for the jugs in experiment 2.

CLOSURE

and

338


the containment schema characteristics introvert and constricting. Fig. 6A reveals that jugs are seen as more introvert with increasing levels of CLOSURE (the main effect of CLOSURE) for the balanced (0) and right unbalanced ( 1r) variant, but not for the left unbalanced ( 1l) variant. With respect to constricting (Fig. 6B), notable is the fact that the left unbalanced variant ( 1l, oversized handle) is less constricting than the right unbalanced variant ( 1r, oversized spout) at the lowest level of closure, but that this effect reverses at the highest level of closure. As in experiment 1, CLOSURE · BALANCE reached significance on the balance schema-related characteristics still and controlled, and this time also on firm (Fig. 6C to E). Interestingly, the effects on still and controlled are similar to the ones in experiment 1. For the left unbalanced variant ( 1l), the effect of BALANCE on still and controlled decreases with increasing levels of CLOSURE, whereas for the right unbalanced variant ( 1r), this effect increases. The effect on firm is slightly different in that the increasing effect of CLOSURE for the right unbalanced variant ( 1r) does not appear here (see Fig. 6D). Finally, the interaction effect of HEIGHT · BALANCE on BALANCE-related characteristic firm resembles this effect in experiment 1. Again, the high HEIGHT variant (+1) is relatively less firm than the low HEIGHT variant ( 1) for the right unbalanced variant ( 1r), but now the low HEIGHT variant is less firm than the high HEIGHT variant for the left unbalanced ( 1l) variant (Fig. 6F). Again, no significant interaction effects were found for the alarm clocks. 4.3. Discussion Although the results from experiment 2 are generally less strong than the results from experiment 1, as witnessed by the generally lower F values of the predicted effects, they are to a considerable extent in line with our predictions. The differences between the findings from both experiments might in part be accounted for by the fact that the participants in the second experiment were less sensitive to the form changes than the design students of the first experiment. This was most apparent with regard to the alarm clocks. Several participants admitted after completion of the experiment they had found it difficult to notice the differences between the variants. Interestingly, the unpredicted effects obtained mirror those found in experiment 1 (see Section 3.3). But whereas in experiment 1 these unpredicted effects were in most cases much lower than the predicted ones, in this experiment the unpredicted effects are in several cases equally strong or even stronger than those predicted (see Table 6). Again, strong unpredicted effects were obtained for BALANCE on secure and introvert for the jugs. Also resembling the results from experiment 1, the effects for CLOSURE on verticality schema-related characteristics dominant, impressive, and proud are strong, most notably for the alarm clocks. Finally, and also in line with the results from experiment 1, strong effects were found for HEIGHT on secure, introvert, still, and controlled for the alarm clocks. Regardless of the product judged, several participants indicated, as expected, they had found it difficult to judge the products on the scales, or indicated they only Ôgot the hang of itÕ after a while. Although the results are less convincing than those ob-


339

tained in the first experiment, they do indicate that the relations revealed are not solely due to conventional associations fashionable in discourse on product design, thereby further supporting the claim that understanding form expression has an embodied basis. In experiment 3 we will put this claim to a third test. If embodied interactions guide our understanding of certain abstract characteristics, the degree to which objects are understood as expressing these characteristics must be considerably consistent across cultures since our bodies, and to a lesser degree the environment we live in, show little variation. In line with this prediction, Lakoff and Johnson (2002) demonstrated that linguistic metaphorical expressions grounded in embodied interactions occur across languages. In order to test such cross-cultural consistency, a second replication was conducted in Brazil.

5. Experiment 3 5.1. Method 5.1.1. Participants Participants were 40 undergraduates (20 women and 20 men) of the Laboratory of Ergonomics and Usability at the Pontifical Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro in Brazil. The task was part of a design course. All participants completed the task. 5.1.2. Stimulus material and procedure The stimuli and the procedure were similar to the ones used in the first and second experiment. To find the equivalent terms in Portuguese for the nine abstract characteristics, a back-translation technique was applied (Osgood, 1960). This technique requires two translators: a native Portuguese speaker to determine the Portuguese equivalents of the original Dutch terms, and a native Dutch speaker to translate from the Portuguese back to Dutch. This way we tried to ensure that the exact meanings of the original terms would be maintained. The meanings of the Portuguese equivalents of secure and constricting, i.e., seguro and suffocando, differ slightly from the meanings of the original Dutch terms, but were considered the best possible translations. 5.2. Results The means of the ratings for the nine abstract characteristics were calculated over the participants. Intra-class correlations (see Table 3, right columns) showed that these mean ratings were in general reliable, although not as high as those from the other two experiments. All but one varied from ICC (18, 702) = 0.51 to 0.89 for the jugs, and from ICC (18,702) = 0.64 to 0.89 for the alarm clocks. For both products, the intra-class correlation for introvert formed the exception (ICC (18,702) = 0.32 for the jugs, and ICC (18, 702) = 0.39 for the alarm clocks), indicating the mean rating of both products on introvert is far less reliable than the mean ratings for the other abstract characteristics.

340


5.2.1. MANOVA The presumed relations between image schemas and abstract characteristics were analyzed through the use of a 3 (CLOSURE) by 3 (HEIGHT) by 3 (BALANCE) multiple analysis of variance (MANOVA) with the nine abstract characteristics as dependent variables. All 2-way interactions were taken into account. The results are presented in Table 8. 5.2.2. Main effects Starting with the jugs, a main effect was obtained for CLOSURE on constricting (see Table 8), indicating that jugs are perceived as increasingly constricting with increasing levels of CLOSURE (see Fig. 7A). Although a main effect was also obtained for CLOSURE on secure, Fig. 7A shows that the direction of this effect is not in line with our prediction. The predicted effect of CLOSURE on introvert did not reach significance. In line with the results from experiments 1 and 2, main effects were obtained for HEIGHT on all three related characteristics, indicating that jugs are perceived as increasingly dominant, impressive, and proud with increasing height (see Fig. 7B). Likewise, main effects were obtained for BALANCE on all related characteristics, indicating that the balanced jug is perceived as more still, firm, and controlled than the unbalanced variants (see Fig. 7C). With regard to the alarm clocks, the effects of CLOSURE on related concepts are not in line with our prediction; CLOSURE failed to reach significance on all predicted concepts (see Table 8 and Fig. 7D). Again, the predicted effects for HEIGHT were confirmed, indicating that alarm clocks are perceived as increasingly dominant, impressive, and proud with increasing height (see Fig. 7E). Finally, with regard to BALANCE, a main effect was obtained on controlled, indicating that the balanced alarm clock is perceived as more controlled than the two unbalanced variants (see Fig. 7F). The predicted effects of BALANCE on still and firm did not reach significance (see Table 8). Like in the preceding experiments reported, several unpredicted effects (see Table 8) were also obtained. Again, separate MANOVAs were carried out in which the effects of the two unpredicted variables were statistically controlled for by including them as covariates. The results are presented in Table 9. All but one of the obtained predicted effects remained significant for the jugs. The effect of CLOSURE on constricting is no longer significant. This effect was weak, though significant, in the original MANOVA (see Table 8). Also for the alarm clocks, all but one of the obtained, predicted, effects remained significant (see Table 9). The weak effect of BALANCE on controlled in the original analysis (see Table 8) is no longer significant. (Note that although Table 9 shows that the effects of CLOSURE on secure, introvert, and constricting are significant, Fig. 7D shows that none of these effects are in the predicted direction.) 5.2.3. Interactions No significant interaction effects were obtained for the jugs (see Table 8). With regard to the alarm clocks, two of the 27 two-way interactions were significant, only one of them involving the interaction of a predicted variable with one of the unpredicted ones (see Table 8). HEIGHT · BALANCE reached significance on verticality


341


Jugs F


2 2 2

4.37* 3.80* 16.67***


4 4 4

0.95 1.00 0.34

0.13 0.06 0.57


2 2 2

2.83 1.90 1.30

1.04 6.35** 0.34


4 4 4

0.99 1.34 2.07

0.56 0.07 0.15


2 2 2


4 4 4


2 2 2


4 4 4

1.22 0.36 0.82


2 2 2

0.02 6.12** 0.56

5.23** 3.54* 18.89*** 0.56 0.79 1.23

0.90 25.22*** 0.36

Clocks F

1.58 9.31*** 2.16

2.20 21.16*** 0.45 1.78 1.78 2.81*

0.32 36.65*** 1.23 0.60 1.01 0.44

1.74 14.00*** 0.99 (continued on next page)

342


Table 8 (continued) df Interactions Closure · Height Closure · Balance Height · Balance

4 4 4


2 2 2


4 4 4


2 2 2


4 4 4


2 2 2


4 4 4


2 2 2


4 4 4


Jugs F 0.89 0.40 0.83

0.38 10.58*** 7.84*** 0.21 0.11 0.65

4.10* 5.52** 41.33*** 0.43 2.18 1.34

2.33 1.77 31.88*** 0.76 1.07 2.00

2.35 1.44 30.23*** 0.53 0.68 1.22

Clocks F 0.55 0.34 1.89

4.16* 31.60*** 1.09 1.46 1.26 2.90*

5.98** 42.42*** 0.81 0.65 0.67 1.33

2.70 22.83*** 1.67 0.10 1.02 0.76

1.64 25.56*** 3.29* 0.65 0.49 1.37


343


Table 9 Covariate analysis summary table of experiment 3 df (A) Containment schema characteristics Secure 2 Introvert 2 Constricting 2

Jugs F

Clocks F 4.28* 3.70* 4.12*

0.61 0.89 2.42


38.18*** 10.93*** 15.51***


49.67*** 42.81*** 40.76***

45.26*** 21.90*** 49.93***


0.78 0.82 2.17 CLOSURE

and

344


Fig. 8. Interaction effect for the alarm clocks in experiment 3.

schema-related characteristic proud. This effect is due to the fact that the balanced variant (0) is more proud than the two unbalanced variants ( 1l and 1r) at the highest HEIGHT level, but not at the two other levels of HEIGHT (see Fig. 8). 5.3. Discussion The results of the third experiment (Table 8) are to some extent in line with our predictions, although considerably less convincing than the results from the first two experiments (Tables 4 and 6). Apart from the weak effects of BALANCE on the three related characteristics for the alarm clocks (which may, again, be due to the subtlety of the ÔbalanceÕ manipulations), the predicted effects of CLOSURE for both products are not as expected. These effects of CLOSURE, or rather the absence thereof, could be accounted for by different, not mutually exclusive, explanations. First, they may be caused by differences in the denotative meanings of the verbal concepts, and hence unsuccessful translation. This might be the case for the Portuguese equivalents of the scales secure–insecure and constricting-liberating which meanings are not exactly similar to those of the original Dutch terms, as discussed in Secion 5.1.2. Second, they may (also) reflect differences in the degree to which certain abstract characteristics are common in discourse about objects in various cultures. For instance, although unequivocally translated, the Portuguese equivalent of introvert, i.e., introvertido, is rarely used to describe objects in Brazil, whereas it is less uncommon to characterize objects as such in the Netherlands. This may explain why the ICC scores for introvert were low (see Table 3, right columns). Finally, since the characteristics looked into are supposedly embodied, differences between people in perceiving these characteristics might also reflect cultural differences in the way people perceive and interact with their environment. This last explanation will be elaborated on in the next section.


345

Interestingly, the results of this third experiment suggest that not finding effects of on related characteristics is not solely due to unsuccessful translation. Similar to the results from the other two experiments, that is, the effects of BALANCE on containment schema related characteristics secure and, most notably in this third experiment, also on constricting are strong for the jugs, indicating that the balanced variant is, like in the other experiments, perceived as more secure and less constricting than the unbalanced variants. If the unpredicted effects of CLOSURE on these abstract characteristics were nothing but side effects of the translation procedure, one would expect the effects of BALANCE on secure and constricting to differ from the results of experiments 1 and 2 also. Clearly, this is not the case.

CLOSURE

6. General discussion The findings of the first two experiments reported in this paper support the claim that our understanding of an objectÕs abstract or figurative meaning is, at least in part, grounded in embodied interactions with the environment. Objects are perceived as expressing abstract characteristics due to recognition of a structural similarity between the spatial, relational (i.e., image schematic) structures characterizing our own previous interactions with the world and spatial, relational structures presented by objects. And although the results from the third experiment fail to provide strong support for the claim that this understanding is consistent across cultures, they at least indicate that the understanding of product expression is not solely due to cultural conventions. Contrary to perspectives that consider abstract characteristics to be more or less fixed properties of objects, the results generally show that our understanding of these characteristics is foremost a matter of perceiving relations between products and ourselves or something else, at least with regard to the nine abstract characteristics looked into. Objects are not, for instance, impressive in and by themselves, but in relation to, for instance, other objects in their environment. Likewise, perceiving objects as secure involves seeing the object in relation to, for instance, its contents. Since objects may be seen as engaged in a variety of relationships, what objects express will differ depending on our perspective. For instance, a jug not only relates to its contents but also, at the same time, to its user. Whereas a jug may be seen as secure for providing closure to its contents, its closed form may be perceived differently, for instance as distant and withdrawn, when seen in relation to ourselves (i.e., its user). Differences with regard to the perspective taken in judging the objects on the nine abstract characteristics could account for some of the low intra-class correlations, and for effects of various manipulations on presumed unrelated characteristics. Interestingly, perspective taking has been discussed in relation to language comprehension as well (Glenberg & Kaschak, 2002; MacWhinney, in press; Talmy, 1988). For instance, MacWhinney (in press) argues language comprehension involves an enactive mode of understanding in which we take the perspective of the object or person described. When reading the skateboarder vaulted over the railing, for instance, MacWhinney argues we may take the perspective of the skateboarder and imagine crouching down, snapping up the tail, and jumping into the

346


air (MacWhinney, in press). Some authors have speculated on perspective taking in relation to abstract language as well (Gibbs, 2003; Glenberg & Kaschak, 2002). For instance, based on TalmyÕs analysis of causal language (Talmy, 1988), Glenberg and Kaschak (2002) argue our understanding of a figurative sentence such as peopleÕs expectations were too much for her to bear presupposes an identification process by which we project our own embodied experiences of forceful action, for instance causing an object to tumble over by pushing it away, onto the social, metaphorical force exerted by ÔpeopleÕs expectationsÕ. Arguably, rating a jug on, for instance, the scale secure–insecure presupposes a (similar) process by which we project our own experiences of containment onto the jugÕs contents. As such, we come to ÔfeelÕ the degree of security or constriction they ÔundergoÕ. Although perspective taking in language may be guided by syntax or specific spatial terms such as ÔoverÕ or ÔunderÕ, with regard to the stimuli in the experiments reported it is less clear what guided the participants in taking one perspective rather than another. As argued, different abstract characteristics may imply different perspectives. Whereas abstract characteristics such as proud and dominant imply the perspective of the jug rising high above the ground, concepts such as secure or constricting imply the perspective of the jugÕs content being enclosed. In hindsight we should perhaps have been more specific in our instructions by guiding observers to take a particular perspective. The generally high ICC scores do however suggest that the concept under discussion and the object presented in most cases prompted participants to take one perspective rather than another. Nevertheless, some ICC scores were rather weak, suggesting not all participants took a similar perspective in judging the products on some of the scales. This may well be the case for constricting in relation to the alarm clocks. Several participants indicated they had judged the alarm clocks on this concept in relation to themselves, and not, as expected, by focusing on the relation between the housings of the alarm clocks and the digital components, i.e., displays, they enclose. As such, they had judged the open variants (displays sticking out of their housings) as more constricting than the closed variants (displays hidden inside their housings), accounting for their judgment by claiming they had interpreted the approaching movement (i.e., outgoingness) of the alarm clocksÕ displays as intrusive. Perspective taking may also explain why, most notably in experiments 1 and 2, strong unpredicted effects were obtained for HEIGHT on secure and introvert for the alarm clocks, but not for the jugs (see Tables 4 and 6). Perhaps in the latter case these characteristics clearly prompted the participants to focus, as expected, on the relation between jug and content (secure) or jug and perceiver (introvert), relations both centred on the jugsÕ degree of closure. However, feedback of some participants indicates they thought it less natural to consider a relation between the alarm clocksÕ housings and their digital components. This might explain why the characteristics secure and introvert were in some cases (also) related to the alarm clocksÕ height, and not solely, as expected, to the degree to which the alarm clocksÕ housings enclose their components. Similarly, for lack of a clearly perceptible BALANCE manipulation, balance-related concepts still and controlled were perhaps in all three experiments more readily related to the alarm clocksÕ height (see Tables 4, 6 and 8). In sum, per-


347

spective taking requires natural and clear prompts that guide one in doing so; ÔnaturalÕ in that the proposed perspective should be considered appropriate, and ÔclearÕ in the sense of being perceptually discernable. With regard to the jugs, our results indicate these requirements were generally met; the results for the alarm clocks in several cases speak otherwise. Although differences in perspective taking almost certainly lie at the basis of several unexpected findings, consider another explanation for some of the unpredicted effects. In introducing our experiments we claimed the concepts on which the objects were to be judged are abstract in the sense that they cannot be related to objectsÕ functional aspects and the constraints they pose on our interactions with them. However, feedback from some of the participants indicates that in some cases we may have been mistaken. That is, two participants stated they had judged alarm clocks with larger buttons as less constricting than alarm clocks with smaller buttons since larger buttons are easier to operate (i.e., easier to interact with). Similarly, manipulating a jugÕs height also influences the shape and size of its handle, and therefore its functional, concrete characteristics. In other words, in some cases the manipulations undertaken did also affect the objectÕs potential for interaction. This may have influenced our findings. Another issue that deserves further explanation concerns our remark that inconsistencies between the judgments from Dutch participants (experiments 1 and 2) and Brazilian participants (experiment 3) might be grounded in cultural differences in their embodied interactions. For although an embodied framework predicts considerable consistency with respect to the abstract meanings people give to objects across cultures, this is not to say that such meanings are fixed or universally stable per se. The environments people interact with, for instance, may show variation across cultures; what is seen as large or high in one culture may be considered less so in another. A skyscraper that is perceived as reaching high, and therefore impressive, in the Netherlands, for instance, may be considered normal, and therefore less impressive, in the USA. Likewise, a large cappuccino at Amsterdam Central Station equals a small sized (ÔtallÕ!) cappuccino at Starbucks. Another source of variation that may underlie differences in the abstract meanings people (regardless of their cultural background) give to objects pertains to the human body. The door of oneÕs fatherÕs house that seemed immense as a small child, for instance, may appear pretty average to the same person literally grown up. Likewise, the embodied interactions of a handicapped person differ substantially from the interactions of those fully mobile. In sum, the finding that conceptualization is linked to (embodied) action not only motivates why significant parts of peopleÕs understanding of abstract concepts are shared within and across cultures, it may also help us understand differences between people in the way they give meaning to objects, i.e., why conceptualization is not fixed (e.g., Barsalou, 1999; Borghi, 2004). Future studies will have to demonstrate to what extent an embodied framework can account for such differences. A final explanation for some of the unexpected or weak results relates to the manner in which the abstract concepts used in the experiments were derived from the ÔlogicÕ of the image schemas discussed. Lacking an established framework for

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selecting appropriate scales, we had to rely on our own intuitions, selecting those characteristics we thought best reflected the image schemas looked into. In some cases the participants defeated our expectations regarding the relations between image schemas and abstract concepts. For instance, the results from the second and third experiment fail to provide strong support for the presumed relation between the concept secure and the containment schema. Richardson et al. (2001) report a similar finding when discussing the fact that the verbs ÔperchedÕ and ÔrestedÕ were, contrary to their expectations, associated with a vertical orientation by subjects participating in a task in which they were asked to draw image schemas of selected verbs. Observations such as these highlight the need for a more systematic way to define relationships between image schemas and their related characteristics. After taking note of explanations based on an embodied perspective, one could still object that the relations uncovered can also be explained by seemingly arbitrary associations. People might, for instance, associate a particular spatial element (e.g., ÔtallnessÕ) with a specific abstract concept (e.g., pride) because of conventions pertaining to everyday language use (e.g., Murphy, 1996). But even if that is the case, embodiment provides a natural, non-arbitrary explanation for why specific conventions or associations have come to be part of language and thought in the first place (e.g., why people associate pride with ÔtallnessÕ rather than with ÔshortnessÕ), or why it is that different abstract concepts are structured in terms of the same spatial element. As argued by Gibbs (1996), such relations are hard to account for by perspectives that do not acknowledge an embodied component to peopleÕs construal and understanding of abstract meaning. This should, of course, not obscure the fact that significant parts of what objects express are related to aspects other than the embodied structuring discussed in this paper. Cultural and personal context inevitably influence the understanding of many abstract characteristics. For instance, perceiving an objectÕs form, e.g., the shape of a chair, as modern, outdated, advanced or old fashioned involves an assessment of the degree to which it shows similarities or differs from form typologies that have come to be associated with past times. An objectÕs form, for instance, may remind one of objects that dominated our culture in the 1970Õs, and may therefore not only evoke a sense of nostalgia but also an understanding of the object as old fashioned or outdated. Since people may differ with regard to knowledge of other objects or form typologies characteristic for past times, it is also not surprising to find that people differ substantially in the degree to which they perceive forms as connoting these characteristics (Van Rompay et al., in press). And also with respect to the abstract characteristics studied in this paper, our findings do certainly not rule out other factors (i.e., factors other than embodiment that we are not aware of) involved in peopleÕs understanding of these meanings. The insights presented are of relevance to those involved in the creation of artifacts, such as industrial designers. Our results suggest that designers may benefit from exploring the spatial, relational structure of embodied interactions underlying a particular experience in order to create an abstract expression. Instead of deriving these relations from linguistic figurative expressions, designers may also derive these relations from their own embodied experiences. For instance, when consciously


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adopting a dominant posture in relation to another person, one may become aware of the relations between dominance and spatial, relational aspects such as vertical orientation and size. Similarly, Gibbs, Beitel, Harrington, and Sanders (1994) showed that peopleÕs understanding of the meanings of the verb ÔstandÕ are partly motivated by image schemas that arise from interactions involving an upright bodily position. For instance, stretching out on oneÕs tiptoes makes one aware of the relationship between standing and balance, a relationship that motivates specific figurative uses of the verb ÔstandÕ such as the law still stands, referring to a struggle to remain balanced in the face of forces trying to bring one down. A final remark concerns the relative lack of studies assessing the extent to which abstract meanings are grounded in ordinary experiences (Gibbs, 2003). Our results show that an adequate understanding of what objects express (i.e., of their abstract characteristics) requires taking into account the role of ordinary experiences arising in recurring, everyday interactions between people and their environment. Regardless of the extent to which abstract characteristics are embodied, it is our contention that theories on meaning should take this fact into account. Acknowledgements The authors gratefully acknowledge the assistance of Wim Muller in the design of the stimulus material employed in the experiments reported in this paper. Further thanks are due to Charles Forceville, Ed Tan, William Domhoff, Rene van Egmond, Johan Wagemans, and two anonymous reviewers for their thoughtful comments on earlier drafts of this manuscript. Finally, we would like to thank Aadjan van der Helm for developing the software used in the experiments and Fedor Baart for his helpful comments on the statistical treatment of our data. References Arnheim, R. (1954). Art and visual perception. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Arnheim, R. (1992). To the rescue of art: Twenty-six essays. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Barsalou, L. W. (1999). Perceptual symbols system. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 22, 577–660. Berlyne, D. E. (1971). Aesthetics and Psychobiology. New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts. Blank, P., Massey, C., Gardner, H., & Winner, E. (1984). Perceiving what paintings express. In W. R. Crozier & A. J. Chapman (Eds.), Cognitive processes in the perception of art (pp. 127–143). Amsterdam: North-Holland. Borghi, A. M. (2004). Object concepts and action: Extracting affordances from objects parts. Acta Psychologica, 115, 69–96. Burgess, C., & Lund, K. (1997). Modelling parsing constraints with high-dimensional context space. Language and Cognitive Processes, 12, 177–210. Chen, K., & Owen, C. L. (1997). Form language and style description. Design Studies, 18, 249–274. Crozier, W. R., & Chapman, A. J. (1984). The perception of art: The cognitive approach and its context. In W. R. Crozier & A. J. Chapman (Eds.), Cognitive processes in the perception of art (pp. 3–23). Amsterdam: North-Holland. Dewey, J. (1934). Art as experience. New York: Berkley Publishing Group. Gibbs, R. W. (1996). Why many concepts are metaphorical. Cognition, 61, 309–319.

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