attempt began with my registration with the Wageningen Agricultural University, the. Netherlands ...... actions on the ground and actions in the policy domain.
Groundwater Recharge Management in Saurashtra, India: Learnings for Water Governance A THESIS Submitted In partial fulfillment for the award of the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy in Science Specialisation: Groundwater
SRINIVAS MUDRAKARTHA Supervisors:
Prof. MS Rathore, Director Centre for Environment and Development Studies Jaipur & Professor (Retd.), Institute of Development Studies, Jaipur; Dr. Sudhanshu. Chief Mentor and Director Suresh Gyan Vihar University, Jaipur. SURESH GYAN VIHAR UNIVERSITY MAHAL, JAGATPURA, JAIPUR, INDIA 302025 April 2012
i
ii
Acknowledgements This has been my third attempt at PhD during my almost three and a half decades of career in the development sector. On both the previous occasions, a change of job that came along with much higher responsibilities pushed my research to the background, although more than half the work was done each time. Retrospectively, I feel that it was basically a choice that I had made between livelihood and professional commitment, and pursuing research. One may also call it inability to prioritise, as some of my close professional associates say. In any case, this time, pursuing my Phd was fraught with the biggest challenge of my life-a long concurrent phase of personal agony. As the so-called Almighty destined for me, research was one activity that I could pursue with single minded objectivity, although with breaks, and here I am. Working for a doctorate has been more of a personal ambition for me. My thanks go to my post graduate classmate and guide, Dr. N. Sundararajan, who encouraged me very much during the first attempt during early eighties. My current third attempt began with my registration with the Wageningen Agricultural University, the Netherlands, under the supervision of Dr. Peter Mollinga. It took time for Peter to get a special status as a „professional Phd‟ in view of my „senior‟ position, and my inability to leave the job. My associates Praveen Singhai, Eshwar, Praveen Soneri and others have been of great help in collecting field data. Unfortunately, due to time delay, my registration with Wageningen lapsed two years ago or so when I was almost on the verge of submission. Most of the chapters were cleared, and some revision was remaining. Nevertheless, I place on record the support, guidance and encouragement I received from Prof. Mollinga, Prof. Linden Vincent and Prof. Henny van Lanen of the Wageningen University. I am fortunate to be completing my thesis under the able supervision of Dr. MS Rathore and Dr. Sudhanshu. My special thanks to Rathoreji and Partha for goading me from time to time. Dr. R. Parthasarathy and Dr. Tushaar Shah have been a source of motivation and inspiration to me.
iii
A lot of progress in my writing took place during my stay at IRMA during 2007-09. I express a deep sense of gratitude to Prof. Debiprasad Mishra, and to Dr. Vivek Bhandari (Director) for giving me opportunity to serve IRMA as Sr. Visiting Fellow. During this period, I also enjoyed the benefits of invigorating and enlightening academic and nonacademic talks with Shriprakash Rajput and Prof. Durgaprasad. The key support to carry out my entire field work was possible courtesy Shri Premjibhai Patel (and his two trusted long time lieutenants Nimmeshbahi and Mensibhai), Odhavjibhai Patel and Jayantibhai Raval of VPST, ORPAT and Sarvodaya Seva Sangh. Shri Shyamjibhai Patel, the journalist „for life‟ has been kind enough to answer many queries, several times, and shared all his writings. I have been inspired by these personalities who seemed to have nothing else but people‟s welfare in mind 24x7x365. In particular, the Octogenarian Premjibhai Patel whom people fondly call Bapa, defies his age in terms of his indomitable spirit. He is no less than a person possessed! Even at this age, he goes to field, attends workshops, seminars and other events. Almost invariably, he is accompanied by his less old pilot driving an equally old jeep!! It is perfectly possible that I have missed out someone there. My sincere apologies! Lastly, I express my love and affection to my sons, Hemanth and Naren, and my companion, Veenadhari, who all have put up with my „low‟ social contribution to the family all through, perhaps due to my inability to balance professional and personal life. All through the vicissitudes of my life, the one person who never let me down on any occasion is my mother-my living goddess. To whom I dedicate my thesis.
Srinivas Mudrakartha
iv
List of Tables Table 1.1: Area irrigated under Bhadar dam, Rajkot district ............................................ 15 Table 1.2: Some salient features of the study villages ...................................................... 16 Table 1.3: Details of water harvesting structures in study villages .................................. 21 Table 2.1: A Comparative Table of the Study Organisations, and some salient features/characteristics .................................................................................................... 113 Table 3.1: Incidence of Drought: Number of Villages Affected, year-wise ................... 123 Table 3.2: Groundwater Balance and Utilization, Saurashtra......................................... 128 Table 3.3: Sources of irrigation in Rajkot district........................................................... 129 Appendix 3.1: Groundwater conditions in Gujarat at a glance ....................................... 170 Table 4.1: Particle diameter ............................................................................................ 182 Table 4.2: Study Villages and Coordinates..................................................................... 224 Table 5.1: Groundwater development in study talukas .................................................. 227 Table 5.2: Computation of Groundwater Balance and Stage of GW development for Ambaredi village (Mudrakartha, 2008) .......................................................................... 228 Table 5.3: Study Villages and Coordinates..................................................................... 232 Table 5.4: Rainfall data for 1901-2002 for Ambaredi cluster ........................................ 235 Table 5.5: Recharge and frequency of recharge occurrence for Ambaredi .................... 238 Table 5.6: Analysis for Rainfall trend 1901-2002 for Jalsikka Cluster .......................... 242 Table 5.7: Recharge in Jalsikka ...................................................................................... 244 Table 5.8: Water holding capacity and soil type............................................................. 248 Table 5.9: Rooting Depth, soil constants, recharge and available soil moisture relationship for Jalsikka for the year 2003 for actual rainfall (740 mm) ........................ 248 Table 5.10: Wilting point versus available soil moisture ............................................... 251 Table 5.11: Impact of Rooting Depth layer on recharge and available soil moisture in Jalsikka............................................................................................................................ 252 Table 5.12: Comparison of Recharge values for the year 2003 ...................................... 260 Table 6.1: Income and income sources per capita for study villages for year 2002-03 . 265 Table 6.2: Income and income sources per capita for study villages for year 2003-04 . 265 Table 6.3: Change in cropping intensity village wise in study villages .......................... 269 Table 6.4: Change in cropping intensity village wise of Irrigated and Unirrigated Areas ......................................................................................................................................... 271 Table 6.5: Villagewise distribution of wells, check dams, plugs and ponds .................. 284 Table 6.6: Change in WEM used for direct pumping from river by sample households across study villages ....................................................................................................... 287 Table 6.7: Village wise composition of pumpsets owned by households, 2003-4 ......... 292 Table 6.8: Caste composition and sources of income ..................................................... 297 Table 6.9: Stage of groundwater development computed by various methods .............. 301 Table 6.10: Comparison of Recharge values for the year 2003-4 .................................. 303 Table 6.11: Recharge and stage of groundwater development in study villages ............ 306
v
List of Figures Figure 1.1: Map of Rajkot district showing Study Villages ............................................. 27 Figure 3.1: Map of Gujarat showing the physiographic units ........................................ 119 Figure 3.2: Map of Gujarat showing the drainage pattern .............................................. 120 Figure 3.3: Isohyets of Gujarat ....................................................................................... 121 Figure 3.4 Saurashtra map showing major faults and rifts ............................................. 125 Figure 3.5: Map of Saurashtra showing lineaments........................................................ 127 Figure 3.6: Geological Map of Saurashtra. ..................................................................... 127 Figure 3.7: Water availability and demand in Gujarat .................................................... 130 Figure 3.8: A recharge well ............................................................................................ 162 Figure 4.1: Types of water flow (after Gunn, 1983) ....................................................... 179 Figure 4.2: Phases of soil ................................................................................................ 184 Figure 4.3: Relationship between the ratio of the AET, and the PET, PE, and the soil moisture storage. ............................................................................................................. 185 Figure 4.4: shows an average moisture extraction pattern by plants .............................. 187 Figure 4.5: Key elements in potential groundwater recharge. ........................................ 192 Figure 4.6: Input file sample for CRU_TS_READ_METEO programme ..................... 221 Figure 4.7: Main input file for NUT_MONTH .............................................................. 223 Figure 4.8: Input file Water_down_under_soils.txt for soil characteristics .................... 223 Figure 5.1: Scatter diagram between rainfall and recharge for Ambaredi ...................... 236 Figure 5.2: Rainfall-Recharge relation for Ambaredi ..................................................... 237 Figure 5.3: Rainfall versus probability of RF occurrence and frequency years ............. 237 Figure 5.4: Recharge versus Rainfall probability-Ambaredi .......................................... 239 Figure 5.5: Relationship between rainfall, recharge and PET and AET for Ambaredi .. 240 Figure 5.6: Rainfall vs. rainfall frequency and probability of occurrence for Jalsikka .. 242 Figure 5.8: Rainfall-Recharge correlation for Jalsikka ................................................... 243 Figure 5.9: Potential and Actual Evapotranspiration trend for Jalsikka ......................... 246 Figure 5.10: Rooting depth, FC and Recharge for Jalsikka cluster ................................ 249 Figure 5.11: Rooting depth versus available moisturefor Jalsikka cluster ..................... 250 Figure 5.12: Relation between Rooting Depth, Recharge, soil moisture and WP .......... 251 Figure 5.13: Year to year change in AET for Jalsikka ................................................... 253 Figure 5.14: Year to year change in AET for Ambaredi ................................................ 254 Figure 6.1: Income per household .................................................................................. 266 Figure 6.2: Change in irrigated area village wise ........................................................... 272 Figure 6.3: Change in unirrigated area village wise ....................................................... 273 Figures 6.4 to 6.9: Key crops raised during the three seasons of 2002-3 and 2003-4 .... 277 Figure 6.10: Various activities as part of watershed in Vithalpar................................... 285 Figure 6.11: Change in pumpsets in percentage across river.......................................... 287 Figure 6.12: Change in pumping hours season wise and village wise per day per household. ....................................................................................................................... 291 Figure 6.13: Average direct investment on WEM per household .................................. 294 Figure 6.14: Average expenditure on pipeline per household ........................................ 295 Figure 6.15: Stage of groundwater development –taluka versus village levels .............. 301 Figure 6.16: Recharge values obtained by various methods........................................... 304
vi
Glossary AET CGWA CGWB cm COMMAN CRU ET EU SPP FAO FC GEC GoG GoI GP GW GWRE IGRAC IRMA ISA IWRM JGY MCM mm NGO PET PVC RD SJSY SJT SLMT SPPWCP SSS UNDP VPST WEM WL & SY WP
Actual Evapotranspiration Central Ground Water Authority Central Ground Water Board centimeter Community based Management of Groundwater project Climatic Research Unit Evapotranspiration European Union funded Rajasthan State Partnership Programme Food and Agriculture Organisation Field Capacity Gujarat Ecology Commission Government of Gujarat Government of India Gram Panchayat Groundwater Ground Water Resources Estimation Committee International Centre for Groundwater Resources Assessment Institute of Rural Management Anand Implementation Support Agency Integrated Water Resources Management Jyoti Gram Yojana Million Cubic Metres millimeter Non Governmental Organisation Potential Evapotranspiration polyvinyl chloride Rooting Depth Sardar Patel Jal Sanchay Yojana Saurashtra Jaldhara Trust Saurashtra Lok Manch Trust Sardar Patel Participatory Water Conservation Programme Sarvodaya Seva Sangha United Nations Development Programme Vruksh Prem Seva Trust Water Extraction Mechanism Water Level & Specific Yield Wilting Point
vii
viii
Contents Chapter 1 ............................................................................................................................. 2 Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 2 Water Resource Scarcity and People‟s Response ........................................................... 2 Need and scope for artificial recharge in hard rocks ...................................................... 7 Focus of Research ........................................................................................................... 9 Objectives ..................................................................................................................... 11 Study Methodology....................................................................................................... 12 About the study villages................................................................................................ 14 Overview of Chapters ................................................................................................... 21 Chapter 2 ........................................................................................................................... 28 Literature Review.............................................................................................................. 28 Section 1........................................................................................................................ 29 Adaptation Theory-conceptual foundations .................................................................. 29 Section 2........................................................................................................................ 32 Socio technical framework applied to groundwater irrigation ..................................... 32 Section 3........................................................................................................................ 36 Evolution of Groundwater as a driver of development ................................................. 36 Depleting Water Levels and Water Scarcity: Responses by Government and Civil Society........................................................................................................................... 38 SECTION 4 ................................................................................................................... 50 Saurashtra Recharging Movement: Conceptual framework for review ....................... 50 part 1: Conceptual Framework for study of Social Movements ................................... 51 PART 2: Pioneering Institutions, Leadership and Social Mobilization........................ 61 PART 3: KEY DETERMINANTS OF SOCIAL MOBILISATION AND THE BUILD UP TO THE WATER-CENTRIC SOCIAL MOVEMENT ......................................... 92 Chapter 3 ......................................................................................................................... 118 Understanding Groundwater Balance: ............................................................................ 118 Physical Factors, Institutions and Challenges ................................................................. 118 Section 1...................................................................................................................... 119 Description of Gujarat and Saurashtra ........................................................................ 119 Geology of Saurashtra................................................................................................. 124 Groundwater Balance in Saurashtra............................................................................ 128 Groundwater conditions in Saurashtra ........................................................................ 130 Section 2...................................................................................................................... 132 History of Well Irrigation in Gujarat .......................................................................... 132 Section 3...................................................................................................................... 139 Government Programmes to develop groundwater .................................................... 139 Groundwater Policy, Institutions and Management.................................................... 139 Setting up of the Ground Water Authority and Institutional Limitations ................... 141 Reappraisal Hydrogeological Studies for Improving Data through Monitoring ........ 147 Government Schemes on water conservation in Saurashtra ....................................... 148 Sardar Patel Participatory Water Conservation Project .............................................. 149 Section 4...................................................................................................................... 153 The Recharge Movements of Gujarat-an Overview ................................................... 153 ix
Innovations in Recharging .......................................................................................... 161 Well recharging movement and government schemes ............................................... 165 Chapter 4 ......................................................................................................................... 174 Groundwater Recharge Estimation: ................................................................................ 174 Conceptual Foundation ................................................................................................... 174 Section 1...................................................................................................................... 175 Groundwater recharge: conceptual foundations ......................................................... 175 Flow Processes through unsaturated zone .................................................................. 178 Groundwater movement and soil characteristics ........................................................ 182 Groundwater Recharge: Understanding the Need and the Process ............................ 187 Groundwater recharge studies in black cotton soils of Basalts................................... 195 Section 2...................................................................................................................... 200 Global efforts for groundwater knowledge and practice ............................................ 200 Section 3...................................................................................................................... 204 Groundwater Recharge Estimation Methods-An Overview ....................................... 204 Challenges in recharge estimation .............................................................................. 215 Estimation of recharge using a soil water balance model ........................................... 218 Chapter 5 ......................................................................................................................... 226 Groundwater Recharge Estimates by different methods ................................................ 226 Section 1...................................................................................................................... 226 Estimation of Groundwater Recharge for Study Villages .......................................... 226 Long term Rainfall-Recharge Analysis of study villages based on CRU data ........... 233 Section 2...................................................................................................................... 254 Uncertainty in Recharge Estimation Methods ............................................................ 254 Section 3...................................................................................................................... 259 Comparison of recharge values ................................................................................... 259 Chapter 6 ......................................................................................................................... 263 Adaptation, Groundwater Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement ............................... 263 Section 1...................................................................................................................... 269 Water augmentation drives agrarian outputs- ............................................................. 269 evidences from field .................................................................................................... 269 Section 2...................................................................................................................... 298 Recharge and Stage of groundwater development...................................................... 298 Stage of Groundwater development-Taluka values .................................................... 299 versus study villages ................................................................................................... 299 evaluating Recharge values obtained from various methods ...................................... 302 Stage of Groundwater development and Recharge ..................................................... 305 Chapter 7 ......................................................................................................................... 309 Summary and Key Findings: .......................................................................................... 309 An Agenda for Water Governance Reforms ................................................................... 309 Section 1...................................................................................................................... 310 Water Scarcity and Adaptive Responses: ................................................................... 310 Key drivers in Saurashtra recharging movement ........................................................ 310 Recharge estimation methods and stage of groundwater development ...................... 315 Section 2...................................................................................................................... 319 The Saurashtra Recharging Movement:...................................................................... 319 x
Water Governance and the Missed Opportunities ...................................................... 319 Section 3...................................................................................................................... 324 An Agenda for Water Governance Reforms ............................................................... 324 References ....................................................................................................................... 329
xi
Abstract Water scarcity due to recurrent low, erratic rainfall is common in Saurashtra region of Gujarat. During mid-eighties, there was a spell of three consecutive years of low rainfallabout one-third of the annual average. Faced with severe livelihood challenge, some farmers of Rajkot district, Saurashtra region, diverted the small overflows from their farmlands almost as a hunch into their dug wells. These farmers got some crop yield compared to almost no yield of others. This encouraged many other farmers to join the dug well recharging activity. Over the years, the dug well recharging activity expanded to include many other types of water harvesting techniques such as check dams, deepening of old ponds and tanks, construction of new structures, farm bunds, small barriers with pipe outlets at water flow exit areas of farms, and storm water drain training. Farmers attributed their enhanced agriculture and livestock income to increased water availability, which resulted in, among other things, reduction in migration. There have been anecdotal studies, and at best back-of-envelope estimations of how much water had recharged into the ground, that supported agriculture. However, there has been no longitudinal study to identify how the innocuous recharge movement has converted into a social movement around water. This study is concerned with: (i) estimation of groundwater recharge at village/gram panchayat level; (ii) computing household income change; (iii) finding evidences to connect enhanced agriculture income and enhanced recharge by farmers with changes in the cropping intensity, pumping hours, shifts in agrarian landuse pattern (from unirrigated to irrigated land categories, and from fallows to unirrigated land), crops and cropping pattern, composition of the water extraction mechanism (WEM) and the change in composition due to availability of more water and assured 8 hours of energy due to implementation of the
Jyoti Gram Yojana, investment by farmers on WEM and
pipelines, seeds and fertilizers and other agriculture inputs; (iii) estimation of groundwater recharge by CGWB is done only upto block/taluka level to declare the stage of groundwater development in terms of safe, critical, semi critical or overexploited. Since the status of groundwater development varies from village to village, several villages in the block, otherwise not overexploited, are denied opportunity of accessing groundwater, affecting their livelihoods adversely. To help this situation, the study
demonstrates that groundwater recharge can be estimated within the permissible 20% variation using the two standard (WL & SY, and the Regression) methods adopted and recommended by CGWB. The study also compares the standard methods with an international method proposed by TD Michael and Mitchell et al (2004) of the University of East Anglia that takes into account nine climatic variables. This study finds that the Indian standard methods, especially the Water Level & Specific Yield method, give reliable results and can be employed by farmers themselves with a little training. With mandatory e-governance implementation in India, village youth could be trained to use a simple computer programme to help farmers estimate groundwater recharge in their own village. This information will further enhance the efficacy of farmers‟ adaptive strategies to deal with complex water issues. Furthermore, where data on ground water levels is not available, the international method can be used. Groundwater problems are a social construct so also are the solutions. The study examines the movement by applying the socio-technical approach to groundwater. The Saurashtra movement has seen farmers taking decisions on technical aspects such as investments in types and composition of WEM and the pipelines, taking cropping decisions based on water availability which also implies pumping decisions, including from rivers. The study examines this social shaping or social construction approach to irrigation technology decisions through the socio technical lens as part of the effort to identify the key drivers. Applying the social movements framework alongside, the key drivers identified include, in addition to social benefits derived from irrigation technology aspects discussed above, leadership and work philosophy, framing techniques, innovative communication and social mobilization techniques, invoking Saurashtra identity, culture, kinship and fraternity, and strategic involvement of political and religious leadership, apart from businessmen. Although the leadership that emerged during the two decades was disaggregated, it was, for sure, selfless, honest, dedicated and dynamic. Notably, there is no single overarching institution that has led the movement so far. Nevertheless, several leaders have institutionalized their efforts for the purpose of transparency, drawing government schemes and higher outreach. Institutionalization also included involving the diamond and textile business leaders in the boards of trusts established, seeking donations, and offering innovative services to people such as loaning of JCB by
one organization to any village against meeting only fuel costs for deepening of tanks/ check dams, and training of streams. These attributes catalyzed self-reliance, generating high local participation and contribution. As part of the objectives, the study draws an agenda for water governance reforms based on lessons learnt from the Saurashtra Recharging Movement. While recognizing that water problems are complex, the study finds that the government has missed out on capitalizing the social capital generated during the movement. The agenda includes recommendations on capitalizing on such movements, both smaller and bigger, that keep occurring in society. The adaptive strategies hold a clue to addressing the complex water problems whose solutions are otherwise elusive to any one stakeholder working independently. There is also a need for taking up capacity building of village water committees to equip them to estimate groundwater recharge so that their cropping decisions improve further. Such involvement of villagers leads to improvement in the database, in particular, at gram panchayat level. To support this, there is a need for designing a programme for GP IWRM Plan preparation and implementation through village water committees facilitated by NGOs and supported by the government, as is being done in the case of the EU funded Rajasthan State Partnership Programme. The government will do well to strengthen the weak linkages between research & academic institutions and the action at grass root level, to strengthen the community action around water. To sum up, it may be stated that there is no dearth of knowledge, experience or social capital; there is just the dearth of political will and leadership at governance levels. Decentralisation is a hugely required process set in motion across India, albeit slow, but real empowerment is imperative. The Saurashtra movement has shown that people are raring to go, especially because their livelihoods are at stake. We have a silver lining under an otherwise dark cloud.
Introduction
1
Introduction
2
Groundwater Recharge Management in Saurashtra, India: Learnings for Water Governance CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION WATER RESOURCE SCARCITY AND PEOPLE’S RESPONSE The past six decades have seen an ever-increasing role of water as a driver of development in India (Roy et al. 2002). Post independence, the initial focus was on harnessing the rivers, mostly perennial, through construction of dams and reservoirs for various purposes-water supply, irrigation, hydropower and fisheries, and for water diversion (Smathkin et al. 2006; Keermane et al. 2006) under the name of multipurpose projects. A network of canals from the reservoirs ensured supply of dam water to the farmlands. Although such projects are no more preferred due to widespread criticism and the ever reducing utility of the reservoirs due to sedimentation (Smathkin et al. 2006), the supply augmentation approach continues to dominate the irrigation policy of India. While the multipurpose projects focused in well endowed areas, the arid and semi arid parts of India that constitute 58% of the geographic area continue to be neglected. The Green Revolution that was launched during sixties to address hunger and poverty through enhancing agriculture production has succeeded in converting the country from being a food-deficient state to a food-surplus one within two decades. However, it concentrated in the northwest and a few river valleys in the peninsular regions of India where assured irrigation support was available. Bulk of the central, western, eastern and north-eastern states were left out of the preview of the Green Revolution (Bhatt, 2004). The Green Revolution has simultaneously brought in its wake land degradation problems such as
Introduction soil salinity, water logging, loss of fertility and reducing crop yields due to inputoriented, agriculture intensification strategy adopted (Bhatt, 2004). While the surface water sources such as rivers began to have less flowing water due to numerous dams and depletion of groundwater levels, alongside groundwater was increasingly being tapped throughout the country leading to secular declines. The impact was felt much more in the arid and semi arid areas.
Alongside, there was also increase of population. Demands on land multiplied, urbanisation proliferated leading to increased demand on water for various needs such as for drinking, irrigation, livestock, industry, commerce and town and city drainage requirements. With increasing gap between demand and supply which may be termed as water scarcity1, the surface water harnessed in reservoirs was preferentially allocated to meeting drinking water needs of towns and cities, especially during water scarcity periods. Arid and semi arid regions which experience frequent water scarcity conditions, and low, erratic and poorly distributed rainfall (with respect to time and space) witnessed a clear change in use priority when such hitherto irrigation schemes reserved water to meet drinking water needs2, in addition to ad hoc changes under specific situations such as during summer of 2000 (1999-2002 was a drought period in Saurashtra, Kutch and north Gujarat in Gujarat state) when out of the total capacity of 2200 million cubic metres (MCM) water in 113 dams in Saurashtra region, less than 7% (140 MCM) storage was available which was reserved fully for drinking water3.
In the past three decades, groundwater moved in to become a primary source of irrigation to agriculture and for drinking water in many parts of India, and as supplementary irrigation source even in surface water endowed areas. The increase in the number of wells from less than one million in 1960 to about 28 million by 2002 (Mudrakartha, 2004) is indication of the emerging role and dependence on groundwater across country for all purposes including the major demand for irrigation.
1
For a more detailed discussion, see Krishnan (2007). 2 Dharoi irrigation project in Mehsana district of Gujarat is one such example. 3 http://guj-nwrws.gujarat.gov.in/english/checkdam.htm accessed 6 August 2009.
3
Introduction
4
Groundwater being a „democratic resource‟ is available to any farmer who has access to a pump (Roy et al. 2002); further it has legal status as a free resource attached to land (Singh, 1992; Mudrakartha, 1999).
In India, groundwater has come to occupy an
enviable position in terms of meeting 55% of irrigation, 85% of rural and 50% of urban and industrial needs. Almost 90%of drinking water needs are met from groundwater (Planning Commission, 2007).
Gujarat is one of the most water scarce and drought-prone regions in India (IRMA, 2000, Rathore, M.S., 2006, Mudrakartha et al. 2004). As per the third Census of Minor Irrigation Schemes (2005), the ultimate irrigation potential4 created in many states such as Rajasthan, Punjab and Haryana has far exceeded the ultimate potential, thus creating overexploitation conditions. In case of Gujarat too where the irrigation potential of 4364 thousand hectares already created through groundwater has exceeded the ultimate irrigation potential of 2756 thousand hectares through groundwater by 59%. The irrigation potential utilized through groundwater is 2713 thousand hectares-almost equal to the full potential (Planning Commission, 2007:6, Table 4). The total water utilization of Gujarat, a predominantly semi arid state in western India, is 89% for irrigation, 7% for domestic and drinking water, and four percent for industry and other uses (IRMA, 2000)5. With many rivers reduced to seasonal flows and surface water resources drying up, competition between various uses and users was increasing for the common groundwater resource. Being the most affected, farmers were a worried lot.
During mid-eighties, some farmers from Dhoraji-Upleta and a few other villages in Rajkot district of Saurashtra region discovered an opportunity to improve their well water supplies when they realized that a lot of rainwater was running off their farmlands. This realization led to diverting the „running off‟ water into their dry wells through a small pit to trap the silt so that only fresh water is delivered into the well. The predominantly black cotton soil in the Saurashtra region allowed a low rate of silt accumulation in general, 4 Ultimate potential assessment has been made based on the dynamic ground water zone recharged by mainly rainwater. Rain water harvesting by artificial means supplements the recharge already taking place and helps in partly recouping declining water levels. Thus, some of the lost irrigation potential due to decline in ground water can be retrieved. 5 South Gujarat is the only water surplus region in the state.
Introduction although in some places where the soil contained more silt, it posed a problem. Gradually, some of the local leaders turned their attention to the rivers which were small and seasonal. In order to capture more water, they constructed small check dams with locally raised funds and found that it has further enhanced water availability in the wells. The water remained in the wells for longer duration in a year due to extended flow in the rivers due to the check dams. Over a period, farmers abandoned the direct dug well recharging and adopted groundwater recharge through construction of water harvesting structures such as check dams, farm ponds, tanks and earthen bunds; in the process they have also made many innovations that reduced not only cost but also improved water storage. Saurashtra‟s major livelihood occupation, agriculture, has a very high dependency on groundwater due to its typical inverted saucer shaped topography (NCA, 1992; Shah, 1998; Nagar, 2002) described later. Groundwater recharge efforts carried out by households benefited thousands of wells; they have not only helped stabilise the agrarian production systems but also have created a significant impact on the ecology. This was evidenced in the form of increased biomass, enhanced vegetative growth in the upper catchment and in the common lands. Although ecology was not of primary importance to the individual households, and later, to the villages that were engaged in water harvesting, coverage of villages in contiguity, and coverage of as many households as possible within a village are considered crucial elements that helped create a social capital sensitive to ecology and leading to ecological regeneration through adaptive management.
Although it is two decades since the recharge efforts began (in late eighties) in Saurashtra, there has been no systematic, intensive research done to inquire into the impact of these efforts on livelihoods or on the social and technical aspects of the approach. The variety of innovations carried out by households, promoted by local leaders and non-governmental agencies have not been studied at reasonable scale for their technical veracity or for suggesting improvements. There have been, however, some quick, limited studies, that examined some of these innovations, a few anecdotal studies,
5
Introduction and a lot of back-of-the-envelope computations to compute the quantity of water harvested by estimating the number of wells covered. These studies were mostly by nongovernmental research agencies, and were largely based upon the information and data provided by the local leaders and local NGOs. Notably, there have been no such studies by government agencies. There have also been no systematic, longitudinal studies essential to scrutinise the evolving techniques and technology of well recharging or the science of it (in terms of hydrogeology, for instance). The Government of Gujarat had commissioned a study in the year 2000 to study the check dams constructed under the Sardar Patel Participatory Water Conservation Programme (SPPWCP), popularly known as SJSY (Sardar Patel Jal Sanchay Yojana) scheme. The Indian Institute of Management Ahmedabad (IIMA) which conducted the study submitted its report in June 2002. The study was an independent evaluation of the scheme and its impact on agricultural and rural water supply systems. The evaluation was made more with the objective of exploring further investments and extension of the scheme.
When the above scenario is examined from the point of view of water governance, there appears to be disturbing disconnect not only between constituent actors but also between the actions on ground and the policy domain. Noteworthy is the weak link of the government departments with the dynamic village communities and the nongovernmental agencies that have made the social movement happen.
Therefore, critical questions as to what constituted the key drivers that sustained the recharging movement over the past two decades, and whether the movement has had the necessary elements and characteristics to continue to be effective in future remain unanswered. Recharge activity and the accompanying agrarian benefits shown by the quick studies also raise questions such as whether farmers have evolved adaptive strategies, if so, what are those and with what impact. What lessons are available from these local water management actions for the larger water management domain? Related questions are: What are the ways in which the groundwater recharge could be quantified at village level so that farmers are able to manage the additional water more efficiently? What are the socio economic benefits that the farmers seem to be deriving, and how can
6
Introduction they be linked to the recharge activity? What impact does the recharge movement have on the policies and programmes and vice versa? What kind of institutional arrangements exist and what kind of a role they are playing?
This study aims at filling this crucial gap in understanding by focussing on the recharging efforts, the technology (hydrogeology, economics), resource sustainability (institutions, scaling and governance), social aspects (collectives, user groups), and socio-economic impacts (lifestyles) through livelihood changes (crop yield changes, livestock). The study considers the recharge activity in the background of adaptation efforts of communities in the study villages. The socio economic impacts are traced at the household level as well as the village level. NEED AND SCOPE FOR ARTIFICIAL RECHARGE IN HARD ROCKS Two-thirds of the geographical area of India covering states of Gujarat, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Orissa, Chhattisgarh and Tamil Nadu comprise hard rocks ranging from granites, basalts and sandstones.
Hard rocks have no primary porosity but develop secondary porosity in the form of fractures, fissures and joints due to tectonic activity. Dykes, where occurring, have given rise to fractures and fissures in the country rock to serve as secondary water bearing zone. Generally, a weathered zone is formed whose thickness depends upon the time period of exposure to the weathering agents such as wind, water and temperature. The disintegration of the rock over centuries into a weathered zone (broken down rock that comprises soil, gravel and silt) plays an important role in accumulating significant quantities of the surface run-off in the weathered zone and yielding the same through wells under unconfined conditions. Unconfined conditions are created when a formation has a confining (impervious) layer at the bottom and a water table at the top arising normally due to partly saturated conditions of the formation (CGWB, 1982). The gravity drainage in unconfined aquifers is not instantaneous resulting in a time delay in lowering of the water table and drainage of the aquifer. The delay effect is more prominent in fine grained aquifers as compared to coarse grained aquifers.
7
Introduction Due to its occurrence in hard rock areas, weathered zone has become an indispensable water bearing formation for the small and marginal farmers who generally have dug well or dug cum bore wells penetrating the weathered zone. The weathered zone becomes all the more important in arid areas where the generally dry zone, in particular, offers a huge storage opportunity for water during the ensuing monsoon. Technically, parameters such as moisture content, matrix potential and hydraulic conductivity are sensitively interrelated; and hence, the volumetric water content and flow mechanisms in the unsaturated (weathered) zone vary in a complex manner. The weathered zone rarely displays homogeneous properties; but displays a strong potential for lateral rather than vertical flow (Sakthivadivel, 2001). While this is a matter of research, what the farmers experience is that the water in the weathered, unsaturated zone, percolates with relative ease and is available to them in their wells.
In sum, the process of recharging is both simple and complex, and the efficacy of recharging depends upon the degree of understanding of the complex aquifer systems. Proper understanding of the physical systems and their interactions helps in utilizing the full potential of aquifers for solving the water scarcity problem. Some of the promoters of the Saurashtra recharging movement have recognized this complexity based on the variation in the groundwater-dependent agrarian responses, in particular from the study villages discussed later. As discussed in the foregoing there has been extensive experimentation by the government agencies on scientific lines, and by the civil society as an adaptive response. The research and experimentation in the former case by and large remained as manuals or guidelines or at best as policies, and remained accessible to only the elite section; in the latter case, the experimentation had made a difference to the socio economic conditions of the practising households irrespective of the degree of their knowledge about the process of recharge. The shallow weathered zone perhaps helped achieve visible impacts of recharge in the form of enhanced water levels in wells and crop yields. Often, due to lack of technical or scientific support, questions related to the efficacy of the recharge methods in the case of civil society and quantification of socio economic benefits remain as gaps.
8
Introduction FOCUS OF RESEARCH
The focus of the thesis is on understanding the factors that transformed the innocuous recharge experiments carried out by a few individual farmers and motivators during late eighties into a mass-based social movement around groundwater recharge in Saurashtra region of Gujarat. Saurashtra region‟s climate is known for uncertainty and variability, adversely affecting livelihood occupations. Households have been adapting to these climatic uncertainties in a variety of ways (Moench et al 1999, 2003; Mudrakartha et al. 2004c; Mudrakartha, 2007)6. The few innovative experiments such as the direct dug well recharge carried out now accorded a new meaning to the adaptation strategies by ensuring water in the wells of farmers. Beginning with this direct well recharge, the recharge activity got transformed into a water-centric social movement. Since irrigation is a socio technical phenomenon (Mollinga, 1998), it is imperative to understand the social and technical factors that influenced and shaped the demands and responses, and the shaping of the irrigation technology on the livelihood canvas. Further, for the movement to grow and sustain for two decades, albeit in modified forms, there must have been clear socio-economic benefits obtained at individual household level. The thesis analyses and quantifies the agrarian benefits, and the consequent income returns. More specifically, changes in the land use, cropping intensity, fodder availability, milk income, among others, are analysed. Alongside these social effects or benefits accrued to the households because of groundwater augmentation, it is essential to quantify the groundwater recharge due to recharge activity. While it may be extremely difficult to draw a line in terms of pre and post recharge structures, it is possible to arrive at quantum of annual recharge. It is also important to compare the annual groundwater recharge figures using more than one method, including one that uses modelling and climate data. For this purpose, the thesis applies standard methods of natural recharge estimations to quantify groundwater potential for the six study villages. 6
Research conducted in India and other countries by collaborating partners has provided some insights: Adaptation is a continuous process. Adaptive strategies reflect the social, political, economic and technical context in which groundwater problems are occurring and the types of response-including or excluding conventional management-that are likely to be within that context. They focus on core objectives (livelihood and environmental values as opposed to specific groundwater parameters) and respond to the spatial and temporal factors that influence the probable effectiveness of response strategies rather than attempting to be „comprehensive‟ or „fully integrated‟. (Moench et al. 1999, 2003)
9
Introduction The CGWB estimates recharge routinely at taluka level using Water Level & Specific Yield Method and Regression Method making several assumptions. The thesis makes estimations at village level using primary data on groundwater extraction as a key input to make recharge estimations more accurate and representative. The study has also compared these recharge values with those obtained using a software model, namely, CRU & NUT-MONTH by the University of East Anglia, U.K. The edge of this model is that it uses global data on rainfall, temperature, evapotranspiration (potential and actual) and sunshine hours to estimate groundwater recharge. The global data is available for 102 years from 1902-2002 and therefore it also helps study the recharge trends in the study villages corresponding to rainfall patterns.
Further, any resource creation requires in-built mechanisms to sustain the resource and its management. How did the study villages ensure this? This important aspect is examined by analysing the efforts the households have made for the sustainability of the water resource such as investments into the water infrastructure, conjunctive use of surface flows from rivers and groundwater, and improving efficiency of water use.
The study will also examine the factors that contributed to the transformation of the recharge activity into a social movement. For this purpose, the study looks at the main actors-individuals and institutions, their leadership, philosophy, processes of social mobilisation and meaning construction for awareness and participation. While this gives the broad aspects, the study villages are researched closely for leadership styles, processes of social mobilisation, awareness and communication, and comparison of recharge estimates with the socio economic benefits through agriculture and animal husbandry.
When the above scenario is examined from the point of view of water governance, there appears to be disturbing disconnect not only between constituent actors but also between actions on the ground and actions in the policy domain. Noteworthy is the weak link of the government departments with the dynamic village communities and the nongovernmental agencies that have made the social movement happen.
10
Introduction The central research question could therefore be formulated as: What are the socio-technical and socio-economic processes and mechanisms that contributed to the origin and sustenance of the Saurashtra Groundwater Recharge movement over the past two decades? OBJECTIVES The objectives of the study could be framed as:
Identify the gaps in understanding by focussing on the recharging efforts, the technology (hydrogeology, economics), resource sustainability (institutions, scaling and governance), social aspects (collectives, user groups), and socioeconomic impacts (lifestyles) through livelihood changes (crop yield changes, livestock).
Identify the key drivers that sustained the recharging movement over the past two decades including the socio economic impacts at the household level as well as the village level;
What are the ways in which the groundwater recharge could be quantified at village level;
How can the socio economic benefits derived by farmers be linked to the recharge activity?
Whether the movement has the necessary elements and characteristics to continue to be effective in future?
What lessons can be drawn for water governance from the Saurashtra recharging movement experience?
The study considers the recharge activity in the background of adaptation efforts of communities in the study villages. The socio economic impacts are traced at the household level as well as the village level.
11
Introduction STUDY METHODOLOGY
After an initial literature review, a reconnaissance visit was made to various parts of Saurashtra during 2002-03 to look at some of the different types of recharge experiments carried out by various individuals and non-governmental organisations. The survey provided an indication of the range of local innovations attempted by people under local leadership. However, in most places, check dams have become the most preferred mode of groundwater recharge while the initial direct dug well recharging of late eighties was abandoned somewhere down the time line. The survey also indicated that the farmers were benefiting from the recharge activity in terms of agriculture and animal husbandry, the two most prominent livelihood occupations. The on-going watershed programmes that were launched by Government of India in mid-nineties have helped to link up with government funding. The basic difference between the recharge activity and the watershed programme was that every village now had opportunity to be covered in toto aimed at benefitting all the participating families. The watershed programme also has institutional support in the form of implementation support agency (ISA).
For the purpose of the research study, three study sites were selected comprising six villages (including hamlets) across three talukas: Ambaredi in Jamkandorna taluka, Vithalpar and Jalsikka in Wankaner taluka, and Haripar-Kerala and Bella in Morbi taluka-all in Rajkot district located in Saurashtra region of Gujarat state in western India. These are the villages (and talukas) which have had long association with the local leaders such as Premjibhai Patel, Jayanthibhai Raval and Oddhavji Raghavji Patel respectively. Some of these villages have participated in the earliest pioneering experiments along with the local leader. Over a period, the leaders realised the need for institutionalising their efforts and hence have formed and registered NGOs, namely Vruksh Prem Seva Trust (VPST), Sarvodaya Seva Sangh (SSS) and ORPAT Trust respectively. These organizations as well as their leaders have diverse backgrounds, work culture and ideology. While Vruksh Prem Seva Trust was founded and headed by a former businessman turned social activist, Sarvodaya Seva Sangh is run by a staunch follower of Gandhian principles and ORPAT Trust is run by a former teacher turned
12
Introduction leading entrepreneur in electronics goods and watches by establishing the company called ORPAT.
The selection of study villages was guided by criteria that included village composition, type and nature of the organizations and the variation in the hydrogeology. The villages chosen had a mix of patels, kolis, Brahmins, rajputs, rabaris, harijans and STs, the composition varying from village to village. Like in Saurashtra region itself, in most of the study villages, patels formed a majority. The common factor across all these villages is that they have taken up water harvesting activities.
Two types of questionnaire were included in the research design: one, the village questionnaire that captured the larger scenario; and, two, a household questionnaire that was administered on sampled families. The survey was carried out during 2003-4. The sample households were selected based on proportionate stratification done with a view to understand the equity and sustainability aspects of distribution of benefits from the water harvesting structures in particular and the recharge movement in general. It may be mentioned that all the sampled households are engaged in agriculture and or animal husbandry; therefore the sample households have a direct concern with groundwater recharge. When animal husbandry is the primary occupation for certain households, the fodder security from within the village becomes important as it impacts their livelihood.
Further, an in-depth study of select villages was carried out to develop insights into the critical elements of the various facets of the movement. There are two reasons for this: [a] The non-governmental organisations supporting the recharge movement are considered pioneers, and could achieve remarkable degree of people‟s participation. The research study would provide an opportunity to understand the approach of the NGOs, and how they have deployed technology, resources and the institutional form to achieve the targets set by themselves initially, and later as part of the national watershed programme. The leaders‟ target driven approach was embedded in their own vision of favourable transformation of the livelihood economies through water enhancement. [b] The stratified sampling helps understand the degree of participation, and the degree and extent of
13
Introduction benefits accrued across the sample categories so important for access equity and sustainability of the programme. The village survey provides the changing socioeconomic conditions that represent not just livelihood economics but also the human growth and prosperity. Analysis of „plough back‟ into (water) resource management at individual and village levels indicates sustainability and the stake of the people in the programme proliferation essential for building ecological resilience.
The research study in the villages is carried out in the backdrop of the groundwater recharging movement across Saurashtra (although with varying degrees of participation). The study examines through secondary data as to how the recharge activity has converted into a social movement around water, the type and role of key leadership, the institutionalisation, the techniques and tools employed, the networking-all of which provided an ambience often leading to local innovations in terms of social mobilisation, technology and techniques.
The expressed opinion is that the spontaneous, self-energising and self-propagating movement is hoped to be moving towards a long run aquatic equilibrium in Gujarat (Shah, 1998). Literature shows that although the movement, which began in Gujarat, spread to other states such as Orissa, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh, there has been varying degrees of success even within Gujarat. North Gujarat and Kachchh have not received so much of a response when compared with Saurashtra within Gujarat. These varying responses are reflective of the grass root level complexity from the point of view of social, technical, cultural, economic, institutional and above all governance factors. This only cautions that localisation of the technology, design and implementation strategies are essential as against mere implanting of a technique or technology that was „successful‟ somewhere. The study also aims at identifying the shortfalls in the water governance mosaic believed to contribute to water crises. ABOUT THE STUDY VILLAGES The six study villages or gram panchayats (including hamlets), are located across three
14
Introduction talukas: Ambaredi in Jamkandorna taluka, Vithalpar and Jalsikka in Wankaner taluka and Haripar-Kerala and Bella in Morbi taluka-all in Rajkot district located in Saurashtra region of Gujarat state in India (see Appendix 1 for location map). The Rajkot district itself has a highly varying rainfall pattern, with an annual average of 552 mm. The following table which relates to capture of rainfall in Bhadar dam constructed across Bhadar river in Gondal taluka7 indicates the high inter annual variability in rainfall and how it affects agriculture. The only other alternative is to source groundwater.
Table 1.1: Area irrigated under Bhadar dam, Rajkot district Sr. Year Area irrigated % of cultural No. (ha) command area (of 26,587ha) 1 1996-97 25,823 97.12 2 1997-98 9,299 34.97 3 1998-99 8,221 30.92 4 1999-2000 0 0 5 2000-2001 0 0 Source: http://guj-nwrws.gujarat.gov.in/english/checkdam.htm; accessed on 17 October 2008.
The villages have been facing water scarcity conditions very frequently, and therefore, found a reason to participate in the recharge activities initiated by the local leaders during mid-eighties. The taluka and district rainfall indicates that every 4-5 years, there was one year of drought; sometimes, the drought spell continued for 4 years such as during 19992002. Water being a very basic need for the agrarian communities of these villages, the livelihoods were subject to instability.
Villages such as Ambaredi have participated in the earliest pioneering experiments along with the local leader Premjibhai Patel. Looking at the well response, many villages in Rajkot district and elsewhere have started participating under the local leadership that was emerging. Over a period, the leaders of the study villages realised the need for institutionalising their efforts and hence have formed NGOs, namely Vruksh Prem Seva Trust (VPST), Sarvodaya Seva Sangh (SSS) and ORPAT Trust respectively covering the 7
Some part of Ambaredi was in Gondal taluka; now in Jamkandorna taluka.
15
Introduction
16
study villages as mentioned in the table below. These organizations as well as their leaders have diverse backgrounds, work culture and ideology. While Vruksh Prem Seva Trust was founded and headed by a former businessman turned social activist, Sarvodaya Seva Sangh is run by a staunch follower of Gandhian principles and ORPAT Trust is run by a former teacher turned leading entrepreneur in electronics goods and watches. Table 1.2: Some salient features of the study villages Sr. no.
Taluka
Village name
No. of farme r house holds 294
Sampl e House holds
Sample Compositio n
Area (Sq. kms)
Supporting Organisatio n
Leader
1
Jamkandorna/ Gondal
Ambaredi
29
27.4 6
Vruksh Prem Seva Trust
Premjibha i Patel
Jalsikka
80
13
15.1 1
Sarvodaya Seva Sangh
Jayantbha i Raval
Wankaner
Vithalpar
80
17
5.9
4
Morbi
Haripar
101
14
Patel-11; Leuva Patel-10; Brahmin-1; Harijan/SC/ Bharvad-3; Koli patel3; Rajput-1 Ahirs/rabba ris/Bharvad s-12; Harijan-1 Koli patel17 Patel-13; Brahmin-1
2
Wankaner
3
Sarvodaya Seva Sangh ORPAT Trust
5
Morbi
Kerala
69
6
Patel-4; Goswami-2
5.6
ORPAT Trust
6
Morbi
Bella
133
11
Patel-9; Bharvad/Du rbar-2.
4.66
ORPAT Trust
Jayantbha i Raval Odhavji Raghavji Patel Odhavji Raghavji Patel Odhavji Raghavji Patel
18.8 8
The six study villages are located in three talukas and are serviced by three NGOs as described in the Table 1.2 above (see Figure 1.1). The study villages have different castes combination. Ambaredi has multiple castes, with highest patel households. Jalsikka is dominated by Ahirs, while Vithalpar is dominated by kolis (tribe). Haripar, Kerala and Bella are dominated by patels. Patels are generally well-to-do, landed people who are also often into business. Some members of the family venture to go beyond the state and out of country, mostly for business purposes. The rest of the family remains in
Introduction the village and continues to take care of the land. Thus, the kinship ties of the „migrant‟ family members with their native village remains strong. Saurashtra has a mixed culture of living. All the castes inhabit together, as against in wards segregated along caste lines. This mixed living breaks down the typical barriers that exist in a disaggregated living style. The advantages include strong communication linkages, familial bonding, and empathy. It is observed that exchange of information and response to the innovations carried out by farmers from within the village and elsewhere had been quite active, leading to generation of interest and awareness raising described in Chapter 7. Saurashtra over the past few centuries has been recognized as a cotton growing belt with the climate being suitable to grow best variety of export quality cotton; farmers continued with this tradition post independence too. The change is that the farmers now grow cotton and groundnut as well as adopting newer varieties of these crops for higher yields. Specialising in growing certain crops also has the advantage of attracting traders and thereby obtaining a better rate. Links get established with market reducing uncertainty of buyers and ensuring a better price. In short, a farmer of Saurashtra is more known as an entrepreneur farmer, and less known by caste tag. Agriculture and animal husbandry usually comprise the main occupations. Farmer households usually form half to three fourths of a village; they keep limited number of livestock such as cows and buffaloes for domestic milk consumption. Rabari and bharvad households have major occupation of livestock rearing comprising cows, buffaloes, goat and sheep. Usually they have minimum or no land; however, good agriculture crop implies availability of fodder for their animals within the village from farmland as well as common lands thus helping establish fodder security. Cotton is dry fodder. Being a major crop in the study villages, animal husbandry therefore has a direct link with the recharge movement. The villages have a predominance of medium farmers followed by large farmers irrespective of caste. However, there are no marginal farmers, while small farmers are negligible. Due to frequent water scarcity conditions, not-well-to-do farmers also work as agricultural labour. Landless from the villages used to depend upon agriculture and non
17
Introduction agriculture labour, both within and outside the village. Since 1990s, when the recharge movement picked up, more employment opportunities have become available within the village. Many villages started attracting regular migrants from other areas since late nineties according to Premjibhai Patel. In addition to farmers and livestock rearers (maldharis), the villages also have people with avocations such as tailoring, carpentry, black smithy, barbers, skilled and unskilled construction workers, electricians and potters. The number of such people is higher in big villages such as Ambaredi while it is quite lower in villages such as Haripar, Kerala and Bella. The rainfall pattern and the geological and topographical features of Rajkot district and the study villages therein are quite similar. Within the district and within the study villages the rainfall varies. The average annual for Rajkot district is 552 mm for the years 1961-2007. The potential evaporation is quite high, in the range of 1700-1800 mm/year. The potential evapotranspiration is negative throughout the year except during the monsoon months, i.e., during July-September. The level of groundwater development for Rajkot district as per CGWB estimate is 72.01% as of 2004 as against the state‟s figure of 76.47% (CGWB & GoG, 2005). The drainage of Rajkot district is in radial directions with an almost east west divide more or less in the middle of the district (see Figure 3.2). This is because of the inverted saucer shaped topography. The study villages also have slopes that form part of the inverted saucer shaped topography of Saurashtra region. All the study villages have a shallow top soil comprising clay with varying silt and sand content. The clay, silt and sand content determine the type of soil and thereby the rate of infiltration and soil moisture balance. While Ambaredi, Vithalpar and Jalsikka are loamy, Haripar, Kerala and Bella are clayey. Basalt is the country rock in all the villages; in Vithalpar and Jalsikka patches of sandstone are exposed in the river section as well as in some patches. The hydrogeological profile of the study villages is broadly similar. Wells are a major source of groundwater, in addition to (direct pumping from) rivers which flow during monsoon and to a certain extent during winter. However, well inventory shows that there is variation in the well dimensions due to lithology. The general well section is soil zone
18
Introduction of about 2 m followed by highly weathered and partially weathered zone; underlying the weathered zone is a partially or moderately fractured zone overlying hard basalt rock which is the country rock. The thickness of these zones varies from village to village and determines the total depth of well structures. The depth of wells in Ambaredi, Jalsikka and Vithalpar are in the range of 13-20 m below ground level (bgl) while in the other three villages Haripar, Kerala and Bella, they are in the range of 10-13 m. In the former set of villages, the hard rock is struck at the bottom of wells and hence people do not find scope for tapping any more groundwater. In the latter villages, the lithomarge occurs in a depth range of 11-13 m and does not allow farmers to dig deeper due to collapsing problem; in addition, beyond this depth of 13 m, the quality of water also turns saline. Well inventory shows that as an alternative, farmers have drilled horizontal, radial bores at the bottom of the wells. These bores are found to have enhanced the yield in Ambaredi, Jalsikka and Vithalpar, and hence have become popular; whereas in other villages, they are not popular because of the presence of lithomarge. The water levels in the wells fluctuate over a long range: from shallow depths to becoming dry before advent of subsequent monsoon. However, the recharge activity is reported by farmers to have improved the water levels to shallow levels, while during pre-monsoon, there is still water column left, generally. If less than half the annual average rainfall occurs in subsequent years continuously, then the residual water levels are adversely affected as reported by people. All the study villages have proximity to rivers. River Phophal flows through Ambaredi, river Machhu along Jalsikka, and river Mahanadi along Vithalpar. The other three villages, Haripar, Kerala, and Bella are at around half a kilometer to 1.5 km away from the river in different directions. In the Mahanadi river course along Vithalpar, sandstone is exposed, while in Jalsikka, boulderous rocks of sandstone are exposed along the Machchu river. Presence of sandstone tends to give rise to lithomarge which is poorly permeable. The groundwater quality in entire Morbi taluka where Haripar, Kerala and Bella are situated is categorized as moderately saline while the adjacent Wankaner where Vithalpar and Jalsikka are located are less affected. Jam Kandorna/Gondal taluka where Ambaredi is located is by and large found to be free from salinity or any other problem.
19
Introduction The study villages along with other villages have been participating in the recharging movement promoted by the NGOs and other leaders. From the direct well recharging during the initial phase in late nineties, the activity expanded to include check dams mostly under private funding. Along with check dams, there was some amount of plantation work, farm bund and nalla plugging. From mid-nineties, the launch of watershed programme in the Rajkot district has helped cover clusters of villages. As part of watershed treatment, water harvesting structures, land development, entry point programmes, plantation and animal husbandry were allowed. The NGOs VPST, SSS and ORPAT Trust have taken up these activities with almost 80% of the budget for water harvesting structures and the least for animal husbandry and plantation (with exception of VPST which has been promoting plantation vigorously for many years). The status of the key activities in the watershed programmes in the study villages is given in Table 2.5. Notably, all these agencies have taken up clusters of 10 units of 500 ha microwatershed in a contiguous manner. This has helped to have both in-village/watershed and extravillage resource enhancement essential for creating/sustaining environmental flows. While VPST has taken up watershed treatment of 27 contiguous villages that includes Ambaredi, the study village, Sarvodaya Seva Sangh took up 30 watersheds along 35 km of river Mahanadi under the name of Lunsar Mahal cluster that includes Vithalpar and Jalsikka study villages. On the river, SSS constructed a total of 48 check dams across the river Mahanadi that includes 3 check dams falling under Vithalpar watershed; the watershed also implemented one pond and 10 nalla plugs and some plantation. The farmers invested on VPST has covered entire Ambaredi village extensively with 43 check dams, 10 ponds, 10 nalla plugs, farm bunds and farm ponds, and with plantation of 10,000 trees, thus more or less saturating the land and drainage treatment. ORPAT Trust has similarly covered about 30 watersheds that included the study villages Haripar, Kerala and Bella. Haripar has been covered with 28 check dams and 2 ponds; Kerala 22 check dams and 2 ponds; Bella 32 check dams (plus previous 8).
20
Introduction
21
Table 1.3: Details of water harvesting structures in study villages S. No. 1 2 3 4 5 6
Watershed/ Village Ambaredi Vithalpar Jalsikka Haripar Kerala Bella
Check dams 43 5 23 28 22 32
Ponds 10 2 1 2 2 1
Nalla plugs 10 10 10 10 10 10
Farm bunds Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
Farm ponds Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
Source: Primary data, 2003-04; Annual reports of agencies and other communication
material. Farmers were using diesel pumpsets commonly for pumping water from rivers as well as from wells. Since the introduction of Jyothi gram yojana8 during 2000-04, the electricity supply for domestic lighting was available throughout the day while for irrigation it was an assured 8-hour supply per day. Table 1.3 shows that, in all the study villages except that of Vithalpar, there was more or less uniform similar activities carried out as part of watershed that majorly consisted of constructing check dams, ponds-new or desilting, farm ponds and farm bunds. However, in the case of Vithalpar, there has been not watershed activity except for the construction of 5 check dams across river Mahanadi. Farmers pumped water from the river directly to their farms by laying pipelines totaling 26,000 m.
OVERVIEW OF CHAPTERS
The literature review for the thesis is spread across Chapters 2 and 4. This is because the 8
Jyothi gram yojana (JGY) is a scheme by the Government of Gujarat to provide continuous three phase power supply to the rural areas in order to boost quality of life as well as socio economic progress. Under this project, 100% village electrification and 24 x 7 power supply is made available to all the 18,065 villages and 9,681 hamlets in Gujarat from the year of launch in 2003-04 to 2007-08 at a cost of Rs.10 billion. During first year, 2516 villages were covered, second year 6203 villages and the rest 17,826 by 2007-08. The separation of feeders and supply lines for catering to domestic lighting as well as agriculture has ensured that 24 x 7 domestic power and assured 8 hours supply for agriculture is available. About 12,621 new transformer centres and 56,599 km of new electricity lines were laid down in 30 months. A study by Confederation of Indian Industry and IRMA shows that the JGY has resulted in an increase of average employment and reversed migration from rural areas by 33%. There has also been an average gain of 3-6 hours of work per week due to uninterrupted power supply (http://guj-epd.gov.in/epd_jyotijojna.htm and http://www.business-standard.com/general/printpae.php?autono320640 accessed 17 May 2008.
Introduction core themes of the thesis, namely, the water-centric adaption strategies including the historical and modern day responses, and the groundwater recharge assessment methods dealt with in the two chapters respectively, require a distinct review. Accordingly Chapter 2 reviews conceptual foundations of adaptation theory, socio technical approach and its (proposed) application to groundwater irrigation, a quick review of how groundwater has evolved as a driver of development over the years both in India and in Saurashtra, and the response of civil society and the government to the secular declines of groundwater and water scarcity conditions. While Uphoff (1991) has applied the socio technical approach to physical irrigation systems, limited to channel, sprinkler or drip, Mollinga (1998) and Narain (2003) applied it to canal irrigation systems. This study extends the socio technical framework to groundwater-based irrigation systems. The rationale for such an application is provided in this chapter. Finally, the chapter deals with the conceptual framework of social movements for the purpose of studying the Saurashtra groundwater recharging movement examining aspects such as leadership, framing, and communication processes. Chapter 4 deals with review of groundwater recharge assessment methods. Chapter 3 aims at understanding the physical factors, review of policy environment in pre- and post independence India, the efforts of relevant government institutions, and a review of the recharge movements in Gujarat to contextual the current study. All this is done through literature review. The chapter describes the physiographic, rainfall, drainage and soil conditions of Gujarat followed by the hydrogeology and groundwater conditions in Saurashtra. Saurashtra has been historically suffering from water scarcity due to quick drainage in radial directions in view of its typical inverted saucer topography. Topography plays an important role in terms of providing enabling conditions for surface accumulation as well as scope for groundwater recharge. Put differently, the Chapter aims at understanding water scarcity from the standpoint of hydrological and hydrogeological settings of the region, and livelihood vulnerability. For an enhanced understanding of the modern recharge movements, the chapter traces the history of well irrigation in Gujarat over the past many centuries through analysis of factors that worked and that did not. This is done by dividing the time period into precolonial, colonial and post-independent India. This understanding helps lay a background
22
Introduction context for modern day‟s recharge movements; at the same time, the chapter also describes how water harvesting and recharging efforts were „embedded‟ in the policies and strategies over the centuries. Following this, a brief review of the recent recharge movements that took place during the past few decades in Gujarat is made and the individuals and institutions that played a key role in the movement through social mobilisation, awareness, technology and innovations. The chapter also recognises the fact that the farmers did not have a clear idea as regards how much water was being recharged, how much potential existed of the aquifers say on a year to year basis, or what quantity of groundwater was extracted on annual basis vis-à-vis the potential of the area. In spite of these recharge efforts sustaining over decades, no agency, government or otherwise, has carried out scientific or systematic studies on the above. Some researchers, however, have made back of envelope estimations as to the quantity of recharge. Notably, the Guidelines for groundwater resource estimation itself were standardised and issued by the CGWB for the first time in 1997, and revised in 2002. Chapter 4 deals with establishing conceptual foundations of groundwater recharge and estimation methods. This is done through literature review. The Literature Review is organised in three sections: one, groundwater recharge: conceptual foundations; two, global efforts for groundwater knowledge and practice; and, three, groundwater recharge methods-an overview. The literature review also examines groundwater recharge studies in basalts in particular, as basalts comprise the local rock formation of the study villages. As part of the overview of the recharge methods, a brief description of the three methods used, namely Water Level & Specific Yield Method, the Regression Method and the CRU_NUT-MONTH Method is given. The Chapter also discusses briefly the challenges in recharge estimation in arid and semi arid conditions under the term „uncertainty‟. Continuing from the theoretical and conceptual discussions made in the previous Chapter 4 on the three methods, namely, WL & SY Method, the Regression Method and the CRU Method, this Chapter 5 presents results of computation of recharge for all the six study villages using these methods. These values are compared, and conclusions drawn on the practical usefulness of one method over the other and on employing more than one method. The consideration was whether the farmers or laymen could use these methods at
23
Introduction village level, which is shown as one of the basic requirements and possibilities, in Chapter 7, „An Agenda for Water Governance Reforms‟. Importantly, for drawing the conclusions, the study examines the various factors that contribute to Uncertainty in Recharge Estimates in different methods; this helps in being aware of not only the relative merits and demerits of recharge estimations but also the limitations. The Chapter also analyses the rainfall-recharge relationships, and the factors that contribute to different rates of recharge such as rainfall pattern, distribution and quantity, and the soil constants.
Chapter 6 begins by examining the enhanced income, and how these income changes are linked to the agrarian actions by farmers. The actions are evidences that contributed to enhanced agrarian returns or social benefits, in the form of changes in crops and cropping pattern, shifts in land from unirrigated to irrigated, and from fallow to unirrigated or irrigated, investments in water infrastructure such as purchase of WEM and pipelines that indicate availability of additional income, changes in pumping hours, well structuration in terms of depth, radial horizontal bores and depth limitations, and cropping decisions etc. In other words, the villages have adopted socio technical approach to not only enhance groundwater availability and thereby social benefits (as described in the socio technical framework) but also adapt to the limitations of hydrogeology, with or without an explicit understanding of the complexities of the hydraulics of groundwater. The social action also integrates innovations-all by people in this case-in technologies such as the variety of recharge techniques, changes in composition of pumpsets driven by diesel and electricity to suit local conditions etc. In short, this chapter describes how irrigation and irrigation technology have shaped the agrarian livelihood decisions as a function of social benefits related with agriculture and livestock. The chapter also examines how the communities have coped in the absence of any formal support from official technical agencies, and how the local leaders have tried to fill in this gap by their innovations and experimentation. Further, the study also examines if a relationship exists between the recharge and the stage of groundwater development using computed data of the study villages. It compares and contrasts the computed stage of groundwater development of
24
Introduction the study villages with those taluka values used for policy decisions that greatly impact farmers. The study also examines briefly how caste determines the livelihood occupation.
The core objective of the concluding Chapter 7 is to propose an Agenda for Water Governance Reforms based on the study findings. The chapter begins by recapitulating the adaptive responses of the farmers to water scarcity, their decisions on cropping, and investment on WEM and pipelines. While doing so, the thesis captures the key drivers of the Saurashtra Recharging Movement. While water itself is a core driver, factors that contributed to the movement included self-initiated and self-propagated efforts for water conservation by people, high degree of participation of study villages and the very many spread all over Saurashtra aided by disaggregated leadership driven by honesty and sense of purpose, business acumen employed by leaders in terms of ability to mobilise people and other leaders, raise funds while avoiding government funds initially, and participation of persons from different walks of life including journalists. Failure on the part of the government to capitalise on the movement leads us to the water governance agenda. The cornerstone for water governance today has to be the Integrated Water Resources Management with well defined policies, guidelines and programmes that protect water rights of people. With a brief discussion on the policies and programmes, and the major learnings from the study, the chapter examines how the study villages have played their part in the water governance, although beginning ostensibly with a simple recharge activity. Though the stake was at individual level, the study villages have displayed significant level of resource understanding and long-term concern evidenced by absence of conflicts around water even after more than two decades of the advent of the recharge activity. However, in the case of other villages in Saurashtra, the response is not so uniform. The movement has a critical level of participation and not maximum participation. Therefore, conflicts might arise in future when the water availability gets further constrained or the demand increases disproportionately, say, due to complete switch over to water-intensive cash crops. Promoting IWRM at gram panchayat level and at other panchayati tiers within a river basin concept will help encourage local water management. With decentralisation and devolution being advanced, the village (gram panchayat) level institutions are in an increasingly stronger position to manage their own
25
Introduction water resources, make conflict resolution and install their own agenda of water levies for operation and maintenance aspects. The State could focus on river basin management to provide a strong water resources database, while alongside generating data at gram panchayat level which is mostly missing today. In local water management, gram panchayat IWRM planning not only helps in generating reasonably reliable primary data but also arrive at IWRM measures based on local demand supply gap 9. Convergence of the various fundings schemes/projects at gram panchayat level envisaged as part of GP IWRM Planning institutionalises the planning and implementation. Being a dynamic plan, the GP IWRM plan may be revisited every year or biannually as felt necessary by the gram panchayat. Thus, local water management comes not only much closer to the people, but also is embedded on the larger water governance. Imperative towards this goal is the need to capitalise on the social capital, linking research and academic domains with the ground level actions and institutions, and empowering the community. The thesis also shows that it is not difficult for local people to assess their own surface and groundwater resources scientifically; they could use this information to make a much better GP IWRM Plan. On the implementation side, a GP IWRM could focus on different priority elements such as drinking water, sanitation, pollution and contamination, irrigation efficiency, rainwater harvesting and artificial recharge-all separately or in combination-towards a holistic IWRM.
9
The European Union funded Rajasthan State Partnership Programme (EU SPP) is promoting IWRM at various levels within the river basin; preparation and implementation of the plans at three tiers are part of the approach.
26
Introduction
Figure 1.1: Map of Rajkot district showing Study Villages
27
Literature Review
28
CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW Literature Review for the thesis has been carried out on two major aspects: (i) watercentric adaptation strategies mainly from livelihood point of view; (ii) a review of the Saurashtra Recharging Movement from a conceptual framework of social movements and examining the leadership styles, framing techniques in social mobilisation and communication processes inter alia; and (iii) a review of concepts related to groundwater recharge estimation methods. While the first named two aspects are dealt with in this chapter, review of groundwater recharge estimation methods, socio technical approach and its (proposed) application to groundwater along with rationale are dealt with in Chapter 4 along with a description of groundwater recharge estimation methods.
This Chapter is divided into three sections. Section 1 gives conceptual foundation for the adaptation strategies, mainly from agrarian livelihoods point of view. The predominant livelihoods in the study villages comprise agriculture and livestock, which have (ground-) water as a critical element, around which the adaptation concepts revolve. Section 2 describes the socio technical approach and the rationale for its application to groundwater irrigation. While Uphoff (1991) has applied it to physical irrigation systems, limited to channel, sprinkler or drip, Mollinga (1998) and Narain (2003) applied it to canal irrigation systems. This thesis extends the socio technical framework to groundwaterbased irrigation systems. Section 3 describes evolution of groundwater as a driver of development by examining the response by the government and the civil society actors to water scarcity in Gujarat. Section 4 establishes a conceptual framework for social movements necessary for the analysis of the Saurashtra Groundwater Recharging Movement; this includes factors influencing social mobilization, and examining the type
Literature Review and role of leadership, the framing techniques and the key drivers that shaped a seemingly innocuous, disaggregated recharge activity into a movement.
SECTION 1
ADAPTATION THEORY-CONCEPTUAL FOUNDATIONS Adaptation often is a Hobson‟s choice, more so in the context of livelihoods, as it involves uncertainties, and factors, over which one does not have control. People faced with livelihood challenges are compelled to take certain actions which they hope would improve their livelihood options. These actions are both immediate and long term, and often are hard choices. Adaptation may therefore be seen as factors that enable households to take courses of actions particularly during disaster situations (such as droughts, floods, earthquakes and volcanoes); importantly, these actions are located in the extant political, social, economic and systems theory (Moench et al. 2005). Further, the actions also comment on the relevance and effectiveness of the government programmes and policies that are expected to aid communities tide over and build capacities to tackle the adverse livelihood situations.
In the case of the predominant livelihoods such as agriculture and animal husbandry, the main concern of a majority of the agrarian households is to ensure availability of irrigation water. In the arid and semi arid areas, groundwater is the most dependable source. Securing water secures crop yields which comprise the major means of income to the households. The other aspects that influence income comprise the market, choice of migration and other systems that enable flows to occur (Moench et al. 2005, Rathore, M.S., 1998). But more importantly, social capital and institutional arrangements are critical to ensure not only use and management of resources but also sustain and improvise adaptive actions. The term „social capital‟ here is inclusive of the ability of the households to cooperate on mutual and communal basis, to share knowledge, skills and experiences for individual and common benefit.
29
Literature Review There is increasing recognition of the linkages between the ecological and social systems as seen in the past two and a half decades or so. In particular, in Asia, as part of adaptive strategies, communities have been managing natural resources such as forests, water bodies, village wastelands, mangroves, and other commons over centuries. This community management of natural resources has been subjected to fluctuations in performance and efficiency due to a variety of internal and external factors. Internal factors relate to the composition of humans in terms of caste, class and creed and power relations; external factors comprise the governance, policies and hierarchies in implementation. There are many „obstacles‟ or challenges to the adaptive livelihood strategies by the communities which are in some sense „externalities‟:
[a] In many regions, hydrological systems have been fundamentally transformed by regional overdraft of groundwater or by the construction of surface structures (such as roads, railway lines and embankments) that fundamentally altered water availability and drainage patterns. This transformation along with the inherently unpredictable weather patterns, compounded by the increasing climatic change scenarios, limits the ability of society to regulate regional hydrologic systems (Moench et al. 2005).
[b] Major sources of water supply systems such as rivers drying up result in groundwater level declines which in turn causes snapping up of environmental flows. The consequential impact on water security is both immediate and long term more so in arid and semi arid regions. Areas with shallow overburden and saline zones underlying productive aquifers limit both recharge and storage and thereby the yield. Such aquifers are common in arid and semi arid regions (Roy et al. 2002).
[c] Adaptive strategies that address long term water management problems are those that respond to variability, and work with change processes to reach socially desired goals; however, these approaches do not provide much practical direction due to need for greater specification (Moench and Dixit, 2004). Adaptive strategies generally represent the cumulative experience of the people that includes their own innovations and experimentation. A critical aspect is whether these strategies are able to draw upon the
30
Literature Review scientific advancement that often tended to remain in a parallel, protected domain. Adaptive strategies that possess characteristics of historical connectivity, traditional knowledge and advances of modern science, coupled with robust civil society and governance institutions would be ideally situated to address long term resource management problems. Forest management in India is a classic example where communities in certain States such as Orissa, Madhya Pradesh and the Northeastern states have had been managing the local forests over many decades (Mudrakartha & Kumar, 2001; Kumar and Mudrakartha, 2001); the experiential learning has been passed on to generations. State intervention since nineties in the form of a policy resolution for management of forests has triggered more criticism than benefits (Mudrakartha et al. 2001)
[d] In complex societies, social movements contributed effectively to prevention of ecological degradation. They can successfully challenge the dominant political systems as needed to not only accommodate marginal voices but also carry out ecological functions in the interest of the community. However, Shah (1998) contends that many of the diverse initiatives or responses by people tend to be peripheral and ineffective as they depend upon a host of factors such as the leadership, vision and a whole set of alternative approaches and technologies. Further, the „success‟ is also determined by the clarity of purpose, organisation, scale, technical and social strengths. In matters of common resources such as forests and water in particular, participation of the people evidenced in the form of social capital at the command of the leadership is critical. Other factors such as the degree of social cohesion in the community and enabling externalities (such as policy environment) play a great role for the various sub groups or collectives to reflect, identify options and act (Mudrakartha et al. 2005; Rathore, 2003c); COMMAN, 2005).
[e] Innovation is another important element that sustains collective action. When innovation is encouraged, it tends to build in flexibility in resource management by providing space for further innovations at various hierarchies. Accumulation of such experiences on resource management combined with people‟s wisdom helps protect systems against collapse; the physical and the human systems thus would possess
31
Literature Review resilience for an effective adaptive management. In contrast, guidelines prescribed for large-scale implementation of programmes under government funding tend to stifle innovation.
[f] Not just innovation, but strategic implementation of the innovative approaches is equally important. This can happen only when critical soft elements are integrated into a programme along with scaling up arrangements10. The critical soft elements include clear messages through policy implementation guidelines on people‟s ownership of the programme, transparency, co-partnership between government and non-governmental actors, and display of genuine concerns bereft of political overtones.
SECTION 2 SOCIO TECHNICAL FRAMEWORK APPLIED TO GROUNDWATER IRRIGATION
Groundwater problems are socially constructed, and so should be the solutions. However, groundwater is not just a technical resource but also a social resource. Therefore, an approach that combines both social and technical approaches is most appropriate.
Mollinga (1998) has described the conceptual framework of a socio technical phenomenon while tracing its emergence to Uphoff (1986) and Huppert (1989). He states that a comprehensive understanding that integrates technical and social science
10
An example here is in order. When the Sardar Patel Participatory Water Conservation Programme was launched during the year 2000, the agrarian households of Saurashtra contributed more than the mandated 40% and built three check dams within the budget sanctioned for two check dams. This was possible due to the maximum labour contribution that formed 40% of the check dam cost. The local leaders by then had already built up social capital over several years as part of the well recharging activity and hence could achieve very high contribution with quality. However, when this scheme was sought to be scaled up shortly thereafter in the name of Sardar Patel Jal Sanchay Yojana (popularly known as the 60:40 or 80:20 scheme), the Gujarat government only provided for „physical‟ scale up. The implementation guidelines did not integrate the soft elements, and hence people saw it as government scheme. Therefore, even when much needed, state sponsored schemes are found to collapse no sooner than the project duration is over, or when the grant or subsidy comes to a halt. Sometimes, there would be lukewarm response, as in the case of SPPWCP.
32
Literature Review perspectives underlies the basic assumption that irrigation is inherently a socio-technical phenomenon. He further argues that social shaping or social construction approach to irrigation technology investigates the social dimensions of irrigation artefacts 11. The social dimension comprises three aspects, namely, social requirements for use, social construction and social effects or benefits. Put differently, social requirements are defined as enabling conditions essential for irrigation technologies to operate.
The above framework has been evolved and applied to the irrigation technology involving surface water. While Uphoff (1991) has applied it to physical irrigation systems, limited to channel, sprinkler or drip, Mollinga (1998) and Narain (2003) applied it to canal irrigation systems. This thesis would like to extend the framework to groundwater-based irrigation systems.
Mollinga argues that irrigation technologies are socially constructed implying that the designs and technical characteristics (such as use of type of material) not only evolve but are shaped through social processes such as communication, negotiation, struggles and decision-making. In the ground-water based irrigation systems, it is proposed that the starting point is the groundwater, not the irrigation technology or the irrigation artefact. Availability of groundwater triggers the imagination of the user for potential benefits. Once the user is convinced about the availability of the resource, the irrigation technology comes into play. The user now transforms into an active stakeholder from a passive stakeholder.
In canal irrigation systems, when bereft of external technical inputs (government schemes or externally funded projects or through NGOs) the shaping of the irrigation technology is driven by ideas that emerge and improvise from within the community, based on their experience, traditional wisdom and knowledge. A similar response happens in the context of groundwater where the irrigation technology comprises the type of well structure, the water extraction mechanism and the conveyance system; the official technical agencies 11
Mollinga reserves the term artefacts to mean technology for the hardware component of irrigation (Mollinga, 1998:13).
33
Literature Review predominantly provide the external technical inputs and or funding sometimes. Historically, such inputs have been provided mostly for surface water supply projects and very little for groundwater. It may be recalled that groundwater development in India has been mainly due to private capital formation except for certain schemes that aimed at promoting groundwater extraction through bore wells such as during the Green Revolution period (Shah, 2009).
What makes households participate in the process of social construction of irrigation technology? Is there a difference in participation response to surface water and groundwater centric activities? Fundamentally, what drives communities to participate is the social effects, that is, the benefits, that accrue to the households. In surface irrigation systems, the process of benefits accrual is perceivable, given the ability of the farmers to connect their irrigation demand with the water stored in the canals and reservoirs. In the case of groundwater, uncertainties exist even as regards its availability in the first place, and in quantities needed, assuming the quality is suitable. Therefore, to what extent a household could readily participate in a groundwater based irrigation system depends not so much on the household‟s ability to visualise-which is fraught with risk-than upon how quickly the benefits are accrued in tangible terms. The tangible results here include irrigation security for crops, crop yield increase, income rise, or fodder security. In short, the key difference between surface water based irrigation technology and groundwater based technology is that the resource (that is, water) in the former case is visible, and is available, for design of a technology or artefact for use or supply. In the case of the latter, the resource is not visible, and therefore, difficult to envision in terms of availability and quantum. While this is so for the farmer, it is difficult for planners too as basic scientific information on aquifer condition is often extremely limited (World Bank and Ministry of Water Resources, Government of India, 1998). The macro figures such as the overall level or stage of groundwater development12 in India as 58%, although indicative of a comfortable situation at the aggregate level, mask the high degree of variability in availability and development of groundwater (at village and at farm level) throughout the
12
The level or stage of groundwater development is assessed with respect to recharge on a year to year basis, expressed in percentage.
34
Literature Review country (Planning Commission, 2007). Data and information based on macro assessments has serious limitations for use at the village level as it uses several assumptions and often provides unrealistic information. Further, in the case of assessing groundwater status in India, the geographic unit of reference adopted is taluka, which is agglomeration of a village and hamlets-the smallest inhabited area. Since the taluka may contain anywhere from a few tens of villages to more than a hundred, differing widely in geographic, climatic and social aspects, the assessment figures such as the stage of groundwater development are often misleading. It should be emphasised that one of the most critical uncertainties relates to aquifer delimitation in addition to data inadequacy especially of water and climatic parameters.
Another dimension relates to the availability of groundwater. Groundwater may not be available at all places in a given village due to high variations in its occurrence, and quantum; this is especially true in the current scenario where groundwater overexploitation is rampant, unlike in earlier decades when groundwater was seen as a dependable source as “it occurs where you want”. This situation is unlike the canal irrigation systems, wherein water flows from one place to another, allowing farmers to tap parts of the flow along the way. However, with groundwater availability in question, and groundwater storage a limitation due to small aquifer thickness and low permeability, in particular, in hard rock areas, the groundwater based irrigation technology has to regress one step in terms of resource augmentation, rather than just design for use as the starting point as in the case of surface water.
In the past two decades or so, neither groundwater has been capable of meeting all the irrigation requirements in a given area, nor is the surface water; therefore, both surface water and groundwater should be used conjunctively. In water harvesting activities, the surface flows are regulated through checks across rivers, and through similar structures (farm bunds, farm ponds) on the landed area, as in a watershed programme. In such cases, the socio technical approaches are guided by the availability of both surface and groundwater, and their conjunctive use. In the absence of technical information about the groundwater resource, the community assesses the resource availability and adequacy
35
Literature Review based on their traditional wisdom. Ultimately, the type and design of irrigation technology in such situations has to cater to both surface water and groundwater characteristics.
SECTION 3 EVOLUTION OF GROUNDWATER AS A DRIVER OF DEVELOPMENT
For many decades, groundwater has been playing a major role in agrarian livelihoods in India. Even during 1930, well irrigation accounted for over 78% of the total irrigation area as against 10% irrigated through canals (Prakash, 2005). More than half of the irrigation requirements of agriculture are sourced from groundwater, which, in monetary terms, contributed to 9% of India‟s GDP (the World Bank and Ministry of Water Resources, GoI, 1998). Thus, groundwater contributes substantially to the agriculture sector‟s major share of 28% of the total GDP. Agriculture as a sector is the largest employer accounting for 60% of the employment and supporting 70% of the India‟s rural population (Shah, 2009).
However, during the 1960s, large numbers of people in India were suffering from hunger and poverty, primarily due to unavailability of food grains. The shortfall in food grains was due to uncertainty in climatic conditions including rainfall, primitive agriculture practices, low efficiency technologies and high demands from the burgeoning population. Green Revolution was introduced during mid-sixties to enhance our food grain production. The focus was on areas endowed with water, where highly subsidised agricultural inputs were pumped in. For the following two decades, the food grain production went up and India got transformed from a food deficit state into a food surplus one.
The 60% of the households from the arid and semi arid regions, not covered under the Green Revolution, continued to have problems with agriculture; low yields due to inadequate irrigation and farmer inability to invest in agricultural inputs were the critical ones. Nevertheless, households borrowed money from private sources against high rates
36
Literature Review of interest to invest in water infrastructure in the form of wells, bore wells and water extraction mechanisms hoping that water security would lead to higher returns. The result was exponential increase in the quantum of groundwater extraction with time. In short, groundwater extraction beyond aquifer capacity took place almost throughout India including in the semi arid and arid regions. Many studies have brought out the impact in the form of unprecedented decline in water levels, groundwater mining and deterioration of livelihoods aided by the ever increasing horse power of the pump sets to cope with the increasing hydraulic lifts (Mudrakartha, 2004; Mudrakartha et al. 2005; Kulkarni, 2005, Moench & Dixit, 2004, Rathore, M.S. 1990, 2003a). The Central Ground Water Authority which monitors groundwater levels through its own, as well as states‟ network of well stations has been recording continuously increasing overexploited zones, thus portending current and potential groundwater crisis (CGWB & GoG, 2005).
A major development in groundwater extraction has been the transformation of the well structure (Mudrakartha et al. 2005). Until mid sixties, dug wells or open wells comprised the popular medium of groundwater extraction. Increasing water crisis and depleting water levels have resulted in households drilling vertical, small diameter boreholes from the bottom of the wells, in particular in hard rock areas, as digging deeper wells was either uneconomical or was physically risky. These vertical extension bores, and the horizontal bores from well bottom especially in hard rock areas, have enhanced the yield of the wells. However, sooner, these wells have also started drying up as deeper and deeper zones were tapped through deepening. Deep vertical tube wells came into the scene, during and post the severe drought of 1966-67, initially for meeting drinking water requirements (Rathore, 1994). After the drought period, the high capacity, imported drilling rigs were lying idle. In order to supplement uncertain or inadequate surface irrigation supply, the Green Revolution farmers commissioned the rigs for drilling deep tube wells and install submersible pump sets. This paved the way for more and more private drilling rigs to enter the water sector resulting in ever increasing private capital formation.
The following three decades saw hectic drilling activity all over the country, including in
37
Literature Review remote villages. There was competition to catch up with the depleting water levels and extract groundwater by deploying high horse power submersible pump sets. In the process a water crisis was being created. A large number of wells were going dry year after year due to depleting water levels. While the rate of well failure was as high as 70% (in hard rock areas) in certain states like Tamil Nadu and parts of Andhra Pradesh, it was 50% (in alluvial) in western states such as Gujarat [Shah, 2005; Mudrakartha et al. 2005] thus creating non-performing assets (Mudrakartha, 2004).
The failure did not elude the small and marginal farmers. In fact, many of these farmers even from arid and semi arid regions have joined the bandwagon of drilling activity by borrowing money at high rates of interest from private moneylenders to tap groundwater. As the secular decline of groundwater levels set in, their wells were the first to dry up adversely affecting their agrarian livelihood income. Dairy too was affected due to dependence of fodder on agriculture. The communities under the patronage of nongovernmental agencies have responded by taking up water harvesting activities to improve water levels. This effort was supplemented by the watershed programme launched by the Government of India in 1995 implemented through district rural development agencies (DRDA) and later by some state governments through some other projects.
DEPLETING WATER LEVELS AND WATER SCARCITY: RESPONSES BY GOVERNMENT AND CIVIL SOCIETY
Focused efforts on water harvesting or artificial recharging in India have begun in the past three decades or so. This also includes research and experimentation by government institutions. With increasing water scarcity, the debate on water harvesting has picked up in particular in the past two decades. Three basic types of recharging are recognised: [a] direct, [b] indirect and [c] induced (Sakthivadivel, 2001). In direct recharge, water percolates down to the groundwater table and helps in enhancing the available volume of groundwater in that area. For this purpose, the percolated water has to first saturate the overburden as well as compensate for evapotranspiration losses before it reaches the
38
Literature Review groundwater table. Indirect recharge is facilitated by structures such as ponds, tanks, natural depressions and depressions in water bodies facilitating accumulation of water even during non-flow conditions in the water courses. Artificially induced recharge involves percolation of water through water harvesting structures constructed for the purpose such as ponds, tanks, check dams, tube wells, canals and spreading channels. Two key stakeholders are recognised in these efforts: one, the government agencies, and two, the civil society (which includes individual households as entities). Response by the government agencies The major agencies in the government sector comprise the Central Ground Water Board (CGWB), the National Geophysical Research Institute (NGRI) and to a certain extent, state Groundwater departments. In terms of research and experimentation, by far, the government and research agencies, barring a few NGOs and CSOs, have carried out plans, designs and evaluation. Among other demonstrations, CGWB has utilised percolation tanks, check dams, dug wells, surface spreading methods and recharge shafts in select parts of the country. Athavale (2003) describes some of them:
i.
CGWB carried out artificial recharge experimentation on percolation tanks and check dams in the basaltic terrain of Maharashtra (CGWB, 2000). The experiments have yielded important results: (i) The total capacity utilisation of the percolation tanks was found to be as high as 150% as there were several fillings in a given monsoon season, while that of the check dams was 400%. These structures also had performed at an efficiency level of 91% and 94% respectively. (ii) The additional water was part of the surplus flow computed for the subject watershed13. (iii) There was overall improvement in the groundwater levels in the wells; even during the ensuing summer, contrary to earlier situation, wells had some water. (iv) The experimentation has proved the techno-economic feasibility of the artificial recharge techniques in basaltic terrain with no adverse environmental impact.
13
Watershed no. WR-2, Amaravati district, categorized as an overexploited watershed.
39
Literature Review ii.
Another study in Jeur Sub-basin of Ahmednagar district in similar basaltic terrain carried out on percolation tanks indicated that the recharge to groundwater or effectiveness of percolation tanks varied from as low as one-third to three-fourths, averaging half. This depended upon several factors such as the silt/sediment load in the percolation tank, design, evaporation losses, and above all on the recipient of the recharged water, that is the degree of porosity and permeability (CGWB 2000). The experiments also demonstrated that recharge on basaltic terrain is effective due to the vesicular and fractured formation; the evaporation was found to be within 15% of the total storage.
iii.
Artificial recharge was carried out through an injection well using canal water in the Ghaggar river basin of Haryana. The injection was done both by gravity and under pressure. The study found that the recharge rate obtained with injection under pressure is almost ten times the gravity method. During the recharge cycle, the clogging of the injection well due to silt entry was a serious problem, and periodical cleaning therefore was essential, in particular, when the injection pressure exceeded 6 atmospheres. As regards injection under gravity was concerned, the study found that the inducing zone from the river recharge to the aquifer should be at least 100 metres away.
iv.
CGWB and the Gujarat Water Resources Development Corporation Limited, Government of Gujarat, have jointly carried out experimentation in Mehsana and in coastal Saurashtra with UNDP. In Mehsana, known for 150% groundwater development and severe depletion of water levels, a pilot artificial recharge experiment was conducted through injection wells, connector wells and by infiltration channels and ponds. Surplus water from plain aquifers of the major rivers in Mehsana and tail-end releases from the Dharoi canal system (Sabarmati river basin) were utilised for these feasibility studies. Similarly, in the coastal Saurashtra, artificial recharge was injected through injection wells and recharge basins in order to check the coastal salinity ingress, a serious concern here. Storm water as well as tail-end releases from the canal system of Hiran river irrigation
40
Literature Review project were used to inject water. v.
There are a large number of tanks in India existing since centuries. However, due to lack of maintenance for several reasons, the tanks, in particular the percolation tanks have stopped functioning. For example, in Yerravcheruvu tank in Andhra Pradesh, it was noticed that although the tank was full after a thunderstorm, the well nearest the command area still remained dry indicating that no percolation was taking place (Athavale, 2003). Removing top layers of sediments/silt have resulted in enhancing the rate of infiltration of water significantly (Mousavi and Rezai, 1999).
vi.
In order to experiment a siphon method of transferring tank water to an aquifer, the National Geophysical Research Institute designed a simple method. The tank water was transferred through siphon method into a well with an in-well borehole at the bottom. The water was recharged at a rate of 30-40 litres per minute on an average in an experiment that lasted 190 days (Athavale, 2003).
vii.
Other methods researched include groundwater recharge from tanks through a deep borehole along with adequate filter arrangements for trapping silt/sediments. While the Andhra Pradesh State Groundwater Department has carried out experiments in hard rock areas (Athavale, 2003), the author has carried it out in alluvial areas (Mudrakartha, 2004).
As in some parts of the country, in Gujarat too, there were responses both by the State and by the civil society to addressing water scarcity. The first type of response by the Gujarat government was in the form of „grandiose‟ plans and schemes (Shah, 1998) which has been the overarching policy in India. River water diversion schemes by the government are a typical example. The rationale was that since there is a huge variation in rainfall from 300 mm in the south to 1200 mm in the east (south Gujarat), the surface water from the water surplus south Gujarat should be transported to water deficit north Gujarat, Kachchh and Saurashtra to „correct the imbalance‟. Small rivers in south Gujarat
41
Literature Review were linked with the Ukai dam from where the water is transported into Narmada through a Tapi-Narmada High Level Canal. The Rs.540 billion Kalpasar14 project is another grandiose scheme, yet to take off, aiming to create a huge fresh water reservoir by damming the Gulf of Khambhat connecting the east and west banks of the Gulf. It is estimated that more than 30,000 MCM of inland water flows off into the sea annually from the basins of Sabarmati, Mahi, Dhadar and Narmada. The proposed Kalpasar dam is expected to store this huge volume together with the waters from almost 100 (not perennial) Saurashtra rivers discharging into the Gulf of Khambhat. The stored water will be used for irrigation, water supply and industrial requirements of the Saurashtra region. Through a 660-km canal system, 1.05 million hectares of land in coastal Saurashtra will be irrigated. Power generation of 5880 MW is expected to be generated from the tidal energy. Other aims of the Kalpasar project include land reclamation, transportation improvements and fisheries development. A final decision is due in December 2009 based on recommendations of various committees on the extent of the dam from among the five alignments, the largest being 64-km across will determine the extent of benefits too15.
The second type of response by the government of Gujarat is to take off or build up on the gains of the Saurashtra recharging movement when the Sardar Patel Participatory Water Conservation Project (also called Sardar Jal Sanchay Yojana-SJSY) was launched on the 17th of January 2000. This is because the previous effort of promoting check dams did not meet with success. The SPPWCP is a revamp of the previous experience with an idea of capitalizing on the Saurashtra recharging movement leadership and participation.
The following reasons have compelled the government to launch the SPPWCP: [a] Till 1999, the construction of Check dams was carried out either through tendering or departmentally. As per the government of Gujarat‟s own admission16, the progress of execution of works was so slow that only 2500 check dams could be constructed till 1999 in Gujarat State out of which 1341 were constructed during 1991-99 under the 14
http://www.gujaratindia.com/Initiatives/Initiative2(5).htm accessed 8 August 2009. DNA, April 10, 2009. 16 http://guj-nwrws.gujarat.gov.in/english/checkdam.htm accessed 9 August 2009. 15
42
Literature Review Government sponsored „Own your check dam Programme‟. Even the involvement of NGOs was not effective. Looking at the tremendous participation in the recharging movement in Saurashtra and having attended some of the biggest conventions organized by the movement leaders, the then chief minister of Gujarat has decided to launch the revamped Sardar Patel Participatory Water Conservation Programme (SPPWCP) all over the state. [b] During 1998-2000, there was the 90:10 scheme for construction of check dams with 90% of the cost as subsidy and 10% as local contribution from the „beneficiaries‟. In spite of the high subsidy, there were not many takers, with less than 200 check dams constructed in two years of the scheme (Shah 1998, Nagar, 2002). In contrast, people were happily contributing 10-20% or more in the privately supported well recharging activities, for many years then. [c] The grand conventions organized by NGOs (like the one on 19th December 1998 and in 1999 by the Saurashtra Jaldhara Trust (described in section 4, Chapter 2) for which the chief minister of the state was invited as chief guest encouraged the government to tie up with the well recharge promoters. [d] There were clear political advantages that could be derived from collaborating with the promoters of the movement which has stood the test of time for more than a decade by that time (in 1999-2000). [e] During 199917 (the worst drought in ten years period), the 113 dams in Saurashtra region could store only 140 MCM out of a storage capacity of 2200 MCM (Shingi et al. 2002; Nagar 2002, Rathore, 2005). This storage, which constitutes hardly 6% of the total storage capacity available, did not suffice even drinking water requirements. In contrast, many villages that have participated in the well recharging movement not only did not face drinking water problem, but had reasonable crop yields and animal husbandry income, even during the low rainfall years. [f] Above all, the Government had noticed that an intense awakening was taking place among the people on the importance of water18. They found that several social workers and service oriented NGOs had successfully implemented several water conservation projects by collecting voluntary contributions from the people for harvesting rainwater to recharge groundwater which addressed can be utilized for drinking and agricultural purposes. With this background, the GoG launched Sardar Patel Participatory Water Conservation
17 18
Saurashtra, among other areas in Gujarat, suffered drought a drought spell from 1999-2002). http://guj-nwrws.gujarat.gov.in/english/checkdam.htm accessed 9 August 2009.
43
Literature Review Project or the Sardar Patel Jal Sanchay Yojana (SJSY) and invested over Rs.1180 million in the construction of 10,708 check dams distributed over Saurashtra, Kutch, Ahmedabad, and Sabarkantha region. Saurashtra capitalised on this opportunity by sourcing more than 95% of the check dams, that is, 10,205 check dams. As part of making the check dam construction simpler, the government provided six prototype designs with various costs, maximum being Rs. 1 million. However, small and medium check dams were given priority. The deputy executive engineer, who is available at the taluka level, was authorised to sanction check dams upto Rs. 100,000. In this revamped SPPWCP, the participation of people was encouraging which could be seen from the following. The scheme covered a total of 1469 villages out of the 4029 villages of Saurashtra covering 36% of the total. In other words, there was one check dam in 25% (389) of the villages under the 60:40 scheme, 32% (467) villages had 2 to 3 check dams, and almost 75% villages had 5 or less check dams; 5% (75) had more than 25 check dams. The storage capacity of the check dams varied from a minimum of .0001 MCM to a maximum of 0.7500 MCM. The average storage capacity of constructed check dams was considered as 0.015 MCM. Depending on the size, the check dam construction took anywhere between two weeks to 3 months.
The SPPWCP or SJSY was perhaps a step in the right direction as can be seen from the key guidelines given below which were simple and clear. [a]Any group of farmers/NGO could apply to the concerned deputy executive engineer of their area, who would give his approval. [b] Flexibility for own designs by the NGO/farmers group existed which were however to be technically approved by the engineers. However, the government has provided 6 prototypes to suit different sites. [c] On completion of the construction activity, the deputy executive engineer would visit the site, carry out measurements, verify bills and forward the same to the executive engineer for final approval and release of payment. The entire procedure was to be completed within seven days of submission of the bills by the beneficiary group. Strict instructions existed to avoid any delays at any levels of approvals.
44
Literature Review Although the independent evaluation by IIMA (Shingi et al. 2002) has considered the project as overall achieving its objectives, it has also pointed out at the entry of private contractors to the extent of about 19%, during the later stage (that is, during the second year of the project itself) and recommended that it be curbed. From then and till now, the programme has faced major problems for various reasons, and made some gains which are given below19: [a] One of the basic issues with the programme is the lack of „preparedness‟ in terms of orientation of the executives, namely the engineers at the taluka and district levels. The government only made provision for „physical‟ scale up through funds disposal but not for developing the skills of the engineers for dealing with the people and their problems. Nor, were they trained to learn „tricks of participation‟ from the NGOs who have already built up the social capital. Social capital too can become weak in the face of temptations and can prove to be the undoing of the collectives. This has started happening when the contractors constructed the check dams without any contribution in the form of participation. The net result was that people saw it as government scheme and the check dam as a government check dam in place of „our‟ check dam. [b] The payments were to be made in three stages, that is, at the completion of foundation, super structure and finish. However, at each of the stages, there was often delay due to the limited number of engineers available on the staff role, and the large number of check dams under construction simultaneously (Shingi et al. 2002). The engineers were supposed to visit the check dam site, monitor, make verifications, and release payments. [c] At each stage, the implementing person/agency had to invest money in advance and wait for releases which were inordinately delayed, due to various reasons, including corruption. Guidelines stipulated that ten per cent of the approved cost of check dam was to be released after the check dam survived the overflow of rainwater during the succeeding monsoon. While very few farmers or NGOs could afford these delays, or had capacity to invest and wait for more than a year for complete payment to happen, the local contractors secured the work orders in the names of local farmers and made profit. This was just like another business activity for them. Thus, the whole spirit of participatory programme was 19
These include personal experience with the programme.
45
Literature Review gradually eroded. [c] Many complaints were made regarding favoritism in allocation of check dams; totally unconnected, inexperienced agencies such as a marriage bureau, travel agency were also sanctioned projects. [d] Although monitoring mechanism was in place, it was bureaucracy-driven and target-driven with no impactful functioning. [e] The scheme was also open to farmers, either as individuals or as a group. Many individual farmers have taken advantage of the 60% subsidy to construct check dams close to their farmlands, which have benefitted them immensely (Mudrakartha, 2005, Reddy V.R, and M.S. Rathore, 1993).
Wherever the committed agencies or individual promoters have leveraged these projects, the work went on well with people‟s participation, ownership and work quality ensured. However, the goings on from the areas in the neighborhood where contractors were implementing, and no people‟s contribution was collected (it was „subsidized‟ by the contractor) (Shingi et al. 2002), led to certain amount of „weakening‟ of the contributory fabric of the people. To counter the undue influence from such areas, leaders of NGO groups had to put their foot down to maintain their quality and level of work. The role of diamond and textile business men in the take off of SPPWCP was commendable as they convinced the unbelieving people to participate. People‟s suspicion mainly related to government‟s release of instalments. The same people along with the NGOs have countervailed the undue influence to a good extent. However, there has been a certain dilution of participation that happened due to government way of approach, depending of course upon the local leadership and their grip on the villagers.
In the ultimate analysis, the following key points have emerged: [a] Large number of structures have come to be installed, with mixed „success‟. In any case, the amount of recharge has increased considerably making a difference to the farmers in terms of irrigation water availability through wells. [b] Where contractors were involved and people were indifferent, such structures provided employment in the least. Where local contractors from villages were involved; the quality of structures was reasonably good, as the farmer-contractor had sense of belongingness to the area. [c] There was a significant dilution of people‟s emotional and physical contributions, overall, in the whole process.
46
Literature Review [d] As can be seen from the guidelines, a lot depended upon the attitude and commitment level of the concerned engineers, which was highly varying, and who were the key to effective implementation of the project. Response by the civil society As for the civil society response, many small localised efforts have been made. The notable ones are the pani panchayats (water councils), and the recent Tarun Bharat Sangh and the Saurashtra Recharging Movement which stand out as large experiments in groundwater recharging (Rathore, 2003). A pani panchayat is a collective action of farmers for water conservation and management. The experiment by Vasanthrao Salunke, a Pune-based engineer-turned industrialist, was begun during the drought of 1970 on a leased land of 16 acres in Naigon with funding support from local industrialists (Keermane et al. 2006). The first pani panchayat that emerged in 1979 had clear rules regarding water sharing, collective crop decisions, and equity principles. Farmers found that the water was available in their wells for eight months; this encouraged 59 other villages to adopt the pani panchayat. However, subsequently, Salunke lost interest in development works after he lost his election to Maharashtra Assembly elections in mideighties; the consequence was that the number of collectives reduced to 19, and gradually become dormant.
The TBS focused on developing ponds and tanks as key water storage and recharge structures initially, and later included check dams; Saurashtra recharging movement concentrated on direct well recharging initially and later moved over to check dams, farm ponds, gully plugs and tanks. TBS as a non-governmental institution has provided the lead while for the Saurashtra movement, there has been no overarching institution. The non-governmental agencies came onto the scene gradually. The following gives a description of the efforts of TBS and the Saurashtra recharging movement in brief. Tarun Bharat Sangh, Rajasthan Tarun Bharat Sangh (TBS) is one of the very few success stories that could be termed as a social movement. It has inspired many individuals and agencies across India and
47
Literature Review abroad, and has reinforced the belief that with social mobilisation, rivers can be regenerated and groundwater levels can be improved.
TBS was formed by a small group of youngsters interested in rural development in the year 1985. Based on principles of gram Swavalamban (self reliance), TBS engaged in working for soil conservation, improved seeds, collection of herbal medicine, forest management and water conservation initially through voluntary labour. Rajendrasingh, the Magsaysay Award winner for 2001, coordinated all these activities to integrate and gel with a village‟s cycle of rituals and traditions so that people would accept and absorb the same in a routine manner. TBS also successfully persuaded the government to close down ecologically damaging mines and quarries in the Sariska National Park under the orders of the Supreme Court of India. This was part of the effort to regenerate forests that were felled leading to increases in run off; TBS also focused on regeneration of forests from 1986 onwards. For this, Singh was awarded Indira Gandhi Paryavaran Puraskar (1994), Tiger Conservation Award (1999) and Jamnalal Bajaj Award (2005) among others.
In the field of water conservation, TBS has done pioneering work by facilitating construction of 8600 johads (water harvesting structures) in 1058 villages spread over 6500 sq. km in the districts of Alwar, Dausa, Sawai Madhopur, Karoli and Jaipur in Rajasthan state. While TBS was instrumental in constructing 3500 johads, the rest 5100 johads were constructed by villages themselves as they had witnessed the benefits of the structures. TBS also extended its work to Jaisalmer, Ajmer, Udaipur and Bharatpur districts. Because of all these efforts, five seasonal rivers, namely, Ruparel, Arvari, Sarsa, Bhagani and Jahajwali in northeastern Rajasthan have now become perennial20 (Rathore, 1998, 2003a; Shiva, 2002).
In terms of institutional arrangements, TBS initiated a (Arvari) River Parliament with representation from 70 villages that the river flows through, much along the democratic pattern of governance in India (Rathore, 2003). In the year 2001, TBS has started „jal 20
http://www.tarunbharatsangh.org accessed 6 August 2008.
48
Literature Review biradari‟ (water community) to create awareness on National Water Policy throughout India by networking with other NGOs in different states. Further, to create consciousness and equip people with skills, TBS has started a Tarun Jal Vidyapeeth which offers a twoyear diploma course to any person with or without any formal educational background; there are also some short duration courses catering to different needs21.
TBS has carried out jal yatras, water campaigns, conventions and conferences in addition to networking with other agencies to spread awareness on the need for water conservation and for social mobilisation. Singh has also served as an advisor to some state governments and member of committees in the water sector with both governments and non-governmental agencies. TBS has also adopted a confrontationist approach as and when necessary such as in the case of the mines and quarries 22 and construction of check dams.
In terms of watershed projects, TBS has worked in 850 villages out of which about 200 have been made drought-proof23. This means, that even if these villages receive less than 3 inches of rain per annum they will face none of the hardships of drought. The only awareness that they will need to have is not to take crops which consume too much water and not to waste any water.
21
http://www.tarunbharatsangh.org accessed 6 August 2008. TBS has filed a case against illegal mining activity in the area reserved as Tiger Reserve in Rajasthan state. The petition alleged that there were notifications prohibiting all mining activity, and yet the State Government had granted hundreds of licences for mining marble, dolomite and other materials and that such section was contrary to law. This was damaging the ecology, environment and was against rule of law. The Court appointed a committee to ensure due observance of the various Acts and Notifications that had been issued in respect of the protected area. The committee stated that there were 215 mines completely falling within the areas declared as protected forest while 47 mines fell partly inside and partly outside the areas declared as protected forest. http://www.asianlii.org/in/cases/INSC/1993/209.html and http://www.ecolex.org/ accessed 6 August 2009. 23 http://www.tarunbharatsangh.org accessed 6 August 2008. 22
49
Literature Review
SECTION 4 SAURASHTRA RECHARGING MOVEMENT: CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK FOR REVIEW
This Section is divided into three Parts. Part one lays down the conceptual framework of social movements for the purpose of studying the Saurashtra groundwater recharging movement. This section describes social movements and factors that contribute to social mobilization. Part two applies Oommen‟s criteria of leadership to the Saurashtra recharging movement and examines the type and role of leadership, and some key organizations that shaped an innocuous, disaggregated recharge activity into a movement. Other aspects examined include the role of public events, involvement of political, religious and spiritual personalities for public discourse, use of slogans, messages, audiovisual communication and posters as persuasive communication and consciousness material is discussed. The manuals on „how to do‟ recharging played a critical and useful role in „demystifying‟ the recharge techniques. Finally, the advent of the watershed programme during mid-nineties supported by the government of India has given a boost by enabling systematic, areal implementation of water-biased activities. Part three analyzes the Saurashtra recharging movement within the conceptual framework described in Section one. Put differently, this section identifies and discusses the key determinants of social mobilization in the run up to the social movement namely, the institutions, the leadership styles, the principles and the approaches adopted by the leaders in contributing to the recharge movement. Also, the conceptual framework of Oommen‟s alternatives for a crisis situation, the process of framing employed by the recharge movement leaders, and Klanderman‟s process of meaning construction and communication are also analyzed.
50
Literature Review PART 1: CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK FOR STUDY OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS
This sub-section lays down the conceptual framework of social movements briefly, to the extent required for my analysis of Saurashtra recharging movement. The framework looks at the role of individual actors for collective action accompanied by the role of culture defined by people‟s behavior patterns; the role of identity, narratives, and the process of meaning construction as part of framing strategies that drives social mobilization and consequently social movements. The sub-section also briefly describes the „new social movements‟ around resource mobilization and how it is relevant for the current discussion.
One of the earliest theories, proposed by Weber (1958, 1968), considered the individual actor as the fundamental unit in the study of social behavior. He opined that the ideas arise in and get implemented by the individual actors through a variety of actions. Weber illustrated the role of an individual‟s motives for action through the famous railway “switchman” analogy: Not ideas, but material and ideal interests, directly govern men‟s conduct. Yet very frequently, the „world images‟ that have been created by „ideas‟ have, like switchmen, determined the tracks along which action has been pushed by the dynamic of interest. „From what‟ and „for what‟, one wished to be redeemed, and, let us not forget, „could be‟ redeemed, depended on one‟s image of the world (Weber, 1946:280). In Weberian theory, culture is an important means of understanding basis for action. If the social actor is an influential individual (king or a ruler, religious leader, philanthropist, business person, social reformer, caste leader) or an institution, or a motivated leader, then there is the systematization of processes and procedures, leading to certain amount of routinization in implementation of activities. There may also be institutionalization of the activities leading to its being nominated as social movement.
51
Literature Review Against Weberian theory, Durkheim viewed culture as comprising “collective representations” reflecting existing cultural practices, moral beliefs and faith. He considered these representations not just as ideas developed by individuals or groups pursuing their interests but as vehicles of a fundamental process in which publicly shared symbols constitute social groups while they constrain and give form to individual consciousness (Durkheim, 1965; Bellah, 1973). To put differently, social groups evolve their own shared beliefs and pursue them under their own group identity for commonly held objects. At this point, we need to clarify the use of terms „culture‟ and „social movements‟. Although both the terms have evolved over the past couple of centuries and have been applied in different contexts with different meaning, this study would restrict to basic operational definitions or understanding as demanded by the thesis. Detailed discourse on both these topics is beyond the scope my thesis. Culture Culture24,25 as a term was first used by the pioneer English Anthropologist Edward B. Tylor in his book, Primitive Culture, published in 1871, and has become a central concept in anthropology. According to him, culture is "that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, law, morals, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by man (or woman) as a member of society." In other words, „culture is the full range of learned human behavior patterns‟. Culture can easily get lost because it exists only in our minds: language, governments, buildings, and other man-made things are merely products of culture; they are not culture in themselves. Culture as a complete 24
http://anthro.palomar.edu/culture/culture_1.htm When the concept first emerged in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Europe, it connoted a process of cultivation or improvement, as in agriculture or horticulture. In the nineteenth century, it came to refer first to the betterment or refinement of the individual, especially through education, and then to the fulfilment of national aspirations or ideals. In the mid-nineteenth century, some scientists used the term "culture" to refer to a universal human capacity. In the twentieth century, "culture" emerged as a concept central to anthropology, encompassing all human phenomena that are not purely results of human genetics. Specifically, the term "culture" in American anthropology had two meanings: (1) the evolved human capacity to classify and represent experiences with symbols, and to act imaginatively and creatively; and (2) the distinct ways that people living in different parts of the world classified and represented their experiences, and acted creatively. Following World War II, the term became important, albeit with different meanings, in other disciplines such as sociology, cultural studies, organizational psychology and management studies. 25
52
Literature Review whole is influenced by its subcultures. Subcultures are embedded domains with their own culture, identity, practices, beliefs, symbols and religion, but tend to get mainstreamed over a long period of time. However, it is seen that subcultures do tend to retain some identity of their own in spite of blurred boundaries of their own domains. Social Movements What are social movements and how can they be defined26? Social movements are nothing but behavior of groups or society in a particular way in response to a situation. They are forms of collective action with a high degree of popular participation, which use primarily non-institutional channels (Shah, 2008), at least to begin with; they formulate their demands while simultaneously finding forms of action to express them (Jelin, 1992). Forms of action could include institutionalization and networking, and expanding to include larger geographies or extended themes. Research has shown that movements are neither mere accidents nor entirely the resultants of manipulations by leaders and demagogues; but the consequence of conscious efforts of men to change systems in the light of their past experiences, avoiding pitfalls (Oommen, 1990).
At the core of social movement lies social mobilization for which effective leadership is critical. For social mobilization to happen and sustain, three factors are critical: identity, communication and benefits. Often, the leadership shapes the movement based upon its own experience and understanding of the needs of the individuals and the society. In resource related movements, it is the economic benefits that bind the group(s) from across areas. The potential economic benefits are used as a critical input into the process of creating mental orientations, called framing, in stakeholders for visualization of future scenarios. Slogans, messages and public events help strengthen the awareness raising and participation through generating interactions and exchange of information, knowledge and experience not only among the participants but also among the state actors and
26
Shah (2008) discusses difficulties in defining social movements simply because of the variety of actions that are termed social movements by various authors. This categorization has also been a function of the influence of the times (in India, it could be pre-British, during and post independence) and prevailing socioeconomic and cultural contexts. For example, the term „social movement‟ which gained currency during early nineteenth century concerned with emancipation of exploited classes and creation of new society by changing value systems as well as institutions and/or property relationships (Shah, 2008).
53
Literature Review representatives, leading to a possibility of policy influencing. Social mobilization depends on the ability of the leader and his framing skills. Framing implies mental orientations that organize perception and interpretation for solutions to either social, political, economic, physical, cultural or resource problems. From a cognitive perspective, frames are problem-solving schemata, stored in memory of people, for the interpretative task of making sense of presenting situations. They are based on past experiences of what worked in given situations, and on cultural templates of appropriate behavior (Johnston, 1995). This framing by the leader helps trigger action at individual or at group level, simultaneously or jointly, providing a purposive orientation aided by the strength of the prevailing social relationships. There is contribution by individuals in the form of human labor, money, expertise or skills in addition to the group contribution of kinship relationship and strengths of social networking. Regular group meetings serve as forums for exchanging and developing narratives. These narratives encompass past and present experiences, information and knowledge, and tend to reinforce the cognitive frames. They help in not only strengthening but in proliferation of the movement by inducing more members from the hitherto passive domain.
Studies have shown that a large number of social movements across the world has been reactionary, revolutionary or reformist, and have been resisting change rather than working towards change (Preston, 2000, Shah, 2008). Post modernization has seen the emergence of social movements that aimed at working for or against change. This is because post-modernists view current society as an aggregation of fragments, or embedded domains. Western India has been a treasure house of social movements related to environment, the Dalit movement, women and peasants (Omvedt, 2003). Study of social movements has ranged from micro-level studies, which examine the motives and aspirations of individuals within these movements, to organizational-level studies (Preston, 2000; Shah, 2008). Oommen (1990) believes that social movements can be studied by data collected through multiple techniques-participant observation, content analysis, informant interviewing, and survey method.
54
Literature Review
55
While the focus of the movements of the west was on improving the quality of life through equality and rights approach, many social movements in the Asian countries are about a very wide range of livelihood issues such as related to quality of life, land reforms, rights of women, human rights, tribal rights, privatisation of water, marketisation and globalisation, and access to HIV antiretroviral treatment (Shah, 2008). The actors involved generally comprise the underprivileged, the marginalised, workers and poor farmers. Not only do they suffer from poverty due to the dependence for primary source of income on, namely, agriculture and animal husbandry, but also are increasingly becoming vulnerable due to the economic liberalization, globalization and marketisation. These individual actors are generally at a great disadvantage in terms of awareness, knowledge and understanding of the latest techniques of resource management. Here resource implies water, improved seeds, agriculture and animal husbandry practices, land development techniques and farm machinery, or post harvest processing and marketing. Many of the social movements involving the poor, small and marginal farmers or otherwise have often petered out before achieving their goals and objectives as the staying capacity of such groups in terms of economic self-maintenance is quite low. In terms of fighting the state such movements often achieved partial or little success. However, literature indicates that collectives have done appreciative, autonomous
work,
given
appropriate
motivational,
technical
and
financial
backstopping27. Chipko movement28 (hugging trees to prevent felling), water
27
The story of Amul from Gujarat, India, is an excellent, one-of-its-kind example of what cooperatives could do even in most adverse conditions. The productivity of milk, availability of fodder, uncertain rains and poverty of farmers, mostly illiterate, was all too common a situation when the Amul revolution began in mid-forties. Registered in 1946, the Kaira District Milk Producers Union Limited, popularly known as Amul, began with 250 litres of milk collection per day from two villages. As the number of participating villages increased, excess milk collection led to setting up of a plant to process milk into products like butter and milk powder. Subsequently, cheese was also produced for the first time from buffalo milk and many other baby food products. Today Amul collects, processes and distributes over a million litres of milk and milk products per day on behalf of more than a thousand village cooperatives owned by half a million farmer members. The turnover of Amul is Rs.22 billion from the branded packaged products sold across the country and exported to several countries. Each obstacle was converted into an opportunity and today Amul represents all that is international quality with no let up even after six decades of cooperative functioning that speaks volumes about commitment at all levels and institutional strength. Studies show that about half the income of a participating rural household comes from dairy providing income security. The Amul success has also inspired the „operation flood‟ and heralded „white revolution‟ in India thus addressing poverty directly. For more details visit: http://www.indiadairy.com/cont_highest_milkproducer_amulorigin.html; http://www.rediff.com/money/2005/sep/23spec.htm.
Literature Review conservation (pani panchayat29) and the recent Saurashtra groundwater recharging movement are notable ones. The collectives are generally a homogeneous group and the action is for a common purpose and common benefit. Therefore, the collective identity of a group plays an important role in the social movements. To sum up, ssocial movements therefore shape action by defining what people want and how they imagine they can get. Collective identity Every social movement that arises revolves around one or more issues and mobilizes people affected presently or potentially. When individuals come together and act for common cause, a collective identity is generated. This identity may be pre-existing such as in caste, class or profession, or may be created such as in the case of earthquake or flood affected victims who generally form groups to fight for compensation for loss of property and life from the state. In social movements, the concept of collective identity is of paramount importance. Collective identity is neither a „datum‟ nor a „thing‟ with a real
28
The Chipko movement was a spontaneous response of the forest-dependent community to the decades old felling of Indian forests for commercial purposes. They saw that the forests that provided them with direct livelihood support through food, fuel and fodder, and healthy soil and flowing water resources, were getting being felled systematically. The first Chipko action happened spontaneously on March 26, 1974 in the Garhwal Himalayas when a group of female peasants in Reni village, Hemwalghati, in Chamoli district, Uttarakhand, India, hugged the trees to prevent their felling. This spurred hundreds of such grassroot level actions, throughout the region. By the 80s, the movement spread throughout India, and led to formulation of people sensitive forest policies and stopping of open felling of trees in regions as far reaching as Vindhyas and the Western Ghats (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/ Chipko_movement). The Chipko protests in Uttar Pradesh, led majorly by women, achieved a major victory in 1980 with a 15-year ban on green felling in the Himalayan forests of that state by order of India's then Prime Minister, Indira Gandhi. Since then the movement has spread to Himachal Pradesh in the North, Kamataka in the South, Rajasthan in the West, Bihar in the East and to the Vindhyas in Central India. In addition to the 15-year ban in Uttar Pradesh, the movement has stopped clear felling in the Western Ghats and the Vindhyas and generated pressure for a natural resource policy which is more sensitive to people's needs and ecological requirements. A feature published by the United Nations Environment Programme reported the Chipko Movement thus: 'In effect the Chipko people are working a socio-economic revolution by winning control of their forest resources from the hands of a distant bureaucracy which is concerned with selling the forest for making urban-oriented products.' 29 „Pani Panchayat‟ translates to „water council‟. Started by late Shri Vilasrao Salunkhe in 1973, this institutional form comprising five village elders, has motivated the villagers of Naigon in the drought-prone Purandhar taluka of Maharashtra State to harness their meagre water resources for both individual and common good. The basic plank for development was guaranteed, equitable allocation of water through a set of technological and social innovations. The village reaped good economic returns from agriculture and animal husbandry, which was leveraged to bring about social transformation too. Social barriers and economic inequalities were sought to be addressed through a string of social and economic actions and sanctions. Many villages across Maharashtra and in some other states got motivated and joined the 'Pani Panchayat' movement (http://panipanchayat.org/accessed 06 July 2009).
56
Literature Review existence. It is a concept, an analytical tool or a lens through which we read reality; it helps to analyze phenomena, or dimensions of them (Melucci 1995). Collective identity is a shared definition of a group that derives from members‟ common interests, experiences, and solidarity (Taylor, 1989). Melucci (1988) and other social movements analysts differentiate collective identity from the social psychological concept of social identity which is based on caste, for example. In contrast, collective identity is seen as constructed, activated, and sustained only through interaction in social movement communities (or submerged networks, Melucci‟s) and as shaped by factors such as political opportunity structures, the availability of resources, and organizational strengthin other words, matters of resources and power. Individuals who act as leaders and promoters of social change often initiate the process of creating an ideology-based collective identity. Thus, collective identity is a process of „constructing‟ an action system that combines ends, means and a field or fields of action (Melucci, 1995). Construction of an action system draws upon the networks of active relationships between the actors, who interact, communicate and influence each other, negotiate, and make decisions. Collective identity also defines the capacity for autonomous action, produced and maintained by selfidentification, and rests on the ability of a movement to locate itself within a system of relations (Melucci, 1995). When the ends, means and actions are well integrated, the actors convert it into a strong, vibrant social movement that is capable of moving ahead on its own. In short, in resource-centric social movements for livelihood enhancement, the (natural) resources play a complementary but critical role in public performance of the collectives or groups contributing to the social movement‟s achievement of goals and objectives. The role of institutions and its structure, leadership patterns and other institutional networks also become very crucial components.
Further, forms of organizations and models of leadership, communicative channels, and technologies of communication are constitutive part of this network of relationships (Melucci, 1995). The kinship relationship serves to bring in emotional ties that not only strengthen the societal identity but convert it to action in terms of collective formation
57
Literature Review and cooperation. Such a societal identity sees beyond the economics and the collective domain; the environmental concerns and the larger geographical scales also become a part of the thought process. Depending upon the strengths of the institutions and the collectives, and the extant political environment, the concerns get integrated into the planning process. Thus, the whole cultural production process contributes to the social movement in gaining or developing additional resources for livelihood security.
Thus, the success of the movement depends upon (a) the degree to which the individuals are „prepared‟ through cognitive frames not only in the identification of the problem, but also in problem solving strategies and clarity on possible individual and collective benefits, and (b) the combination of processes that are employed by the leaders and the institutions for meaning construction.
Framing, culture and process of meaning construction Framing implies mental orientations that organize perception and interpretation. From a cognitive perspective, frames are problem-solving schemata, stored in (human) memory, for the interpretative task of making sense of presenting situations. They are based on past experiences of what worked in given situations, and on cultural templates of appropriate behavior (Johnston, 1995). Regular group meetings, which serve as forums for sharing and learning through narratives, tend to reinforce the cognitive frames, and help in not only strengthening but in proliferation of the movement by inducing more members who were hitherto passive audience.
Klandermans (1992) distinguishes between three different processes of meaning construction in the context of social movements: public discourse, persuasive communication, and consciousness-raising. In these processes, the set of actors are different, and therefore not only the dynamics but also the strategies need to be different. While public discourse is general in nature and addresses everyone in a society or a particular set of actors within a given society, persuasive communication is employed to address only those actors who need to be targeted. The third type of the process of
58
Literature Review meaning construction, namely, consciousness raising, is aimed primarily at the participants directly concerned with the objective of the social movement. Often, such a process of meaning construction at an individual or group level tends to become expansive as there is indirect audience, who may also get benefited either immediately or with a delay. This phenomenon is commonly witnessed in social movements concerned with natural resource conservation and livelihoods. Examples include joint forest management and watershed programmes in India. Thus, the rate at which the expansion of the domain of actors occurs (scaling up), and the active participation of actors determines not just continuity of the movement but also its sustainability.
The production of culture in a social movement therefore is continuously fed by the strengths of the embedded small groups (and cautions drawn from failures), that may have their own identity. Some strengths include the groups‟ network of social relations, cultural resources and its communication network. The broader social network facilitates the origination of actions, cultural diffusion, and the framing and reframing of movement ideology and demands (Haase, 1996; d‟Anjou, 1990:8; Snow et al. 1986).
Further, for a given social movement, networks among the concerned groups, both within the “movement geography” or beyond contribute to the expansion of the consciousness raising, provided similar concerns and issues exist. The expansion comes about through a variety of actions such as rituals and story-telling, in addition to sharing, dissemination and media due to the fast spreading telecommunications technology. Research has shown that story telling in social movements is quite effective, given the conditions of literacy or education, backwardness and other constraining conditions. Story telling essentially comprises narratives, by individual members, in various forms, by word of mouth and through media. Narratives create social spaces in which audiences are encouraged to identify with the situations, problems, and concerns of others (Fine, 1995). It helps to strengthen the beliefs of the other members through an image of positive change (through framing techniques) thus leading to movement allegiance and enhanced commitment to the objectives of the social movement. These stories, which are “bundles of narratives” and usually told about oneself (Goffman, 1974), may be expanded to include episodes
59
Literature Review and related, subsidiary forms as gossip or anecdotes. All these give rise to informal history of the social movement that lives in the memory of individuals and passed onto generations, sometimes captured in different format depending upon the access to and development of communication channels at the given point of time. There might also be constraining conditions of opposition by other forces opposed to change.
The expansion of the narratives is also generally found to be highly anecdotal to capture the imagination of the audience, whose members immediately tend to visualize the effects to address their own similar needs. One of the major advantages is that the capacity of risk taking of social actors too gets enhanced due to the presence of “experienced actors” who actually have got “benefited”. The Weberian perspective indicates that the reasons of incentives, benefits and value addition, tend to keep movement adherents together leading to internalization of the culture.
The culture production resulting from the above processes attains a symbolic legitimacy; the role of movement leaders here becomes significant as they guide continuously to improve the performative factor with their own knowledge and wisdom, employing frames as necessary. While people look at leaders as repositories of knowledge and wisdom, the leaders are themselves continuously engaged in updating their own knowledge through observation, reading learning and creative actions. In the process, the culture of knowledge building gets diffused to individual actors, who in turn, may also contribute to the process of knowledge creation. By conceptualizing culture as a stock of knowledge that allows a person to perform as a competent member of a society, the performative approach allows for creative and adaptive processes with the movement itself (Johnston and Klandermans 1999).
Oommen (1972a, 1990) argues that to cope with a crisis situation, one of the three alternatives may emerge: [a] appearance of a charismatic leader who promises to lead the people to a new utopia, [b] emergence of a new ideology which champions the cause of the deprived, and [c] establishing a new organization to deal with the problem at hand.
60
Literature Review Interestingly, the „new social movements‟ are capturing the imagination of the individual actors due to the materialistic focus on resource mobilization in the backdrop of resource dependency at individual and collective levels. These new social movements have been occurring since seventies and eighties and have revolved around issues such as forest, water, mines and rights. Since most of these movements are also concerned with issues of democratic and human rights, equality, justice, environmental stability and development they are also referred to as „movements for environmental socialism‟ (Sanghvi, 2003). The experiences are also shared and learnt across regions of the world due to the globalization process by which the world is becoming highly interconnected through economic, social, political and cultural contacts (Jogdand & Michael, 2003). Globalization also involves flows of goods, capital, people, information, ideas, images and risks across national borders, combined with the emergence of social networks and political institutions (ibid).
PART 2: PIONEERING INSTITUTIONS, LEADERSHIP AND SOCIAL MOBILIZATION
Tushaar Shah (1998) defines the Saurashtra groundwater recharging movement as spontaneous, self sustaining and self-propagating that has become popular and adopted by thousands of households over a two-decade period. The recharging movement was ideated and experimented by a few individual farmers, promoted by leaders who brought together groups of farmers to further experiment without any institutional support to begin with (Shah, 2008). Since the movement‟s aim was to address water scarcity, a problem faced by all the farmers, attention of farmers was drawn cutting across castes and classes. Leadership was provided mostly by the patels who are often rich, influential and enjoy close-knit network, both within and outside the country in order to draw funds and political support. Thus, the response of human behaviour to addressing a basic need called water scarcity generated increasing response over time from both patel and nonpatel farmers alike. The movement has also seen „patterns of learning and improvisation‟ occurring continuously over time that determined the culture of the movement to benefit the agrarian community.
61
Literature Review This section describes the pioneering farmers, key individual leaders and organizations that kept the movement growing. In doing so, the leaders and promoters have used narratives and techniques of meaning construction through public discourse, persuasive communication and consciousness-raising as part of framing strategies. The personality traits, principles and approaches of the leaders have contributed to the shaping of the movement although the leaders differed between themselves. Significantly, there was no conflict or working at cross-purposes. Although not working as one entity, or under one umbrella, these organizations across Saurashtra have contributed to the movement retaining their own identities. The pioneering farmers The origin of the Saurashtra recharging movement lay in the pioneering direct dug well recharging by the Dhoraji-Upleta farmers during 1987-90 just after the drought spell of 1985-87. Babubhai Chanabhai Parmar of Bhayavadar village, Sukhabhai of Kodaki village, Dhirubhai Sitapara of Navagam and Raghunathbhai village, Savdasbhai Patel of Mandlikpur, Yogesh Kumar Dhirubhai Patel of Kathrota and Muljibhai of Rana Rajiwada are among the pioneering farmers. The ideas that they adopted are as follows:
Babubhai Parmar simply inundated his farmland by raising the farm bunds so that the rainwater gets accumulated and infiltrates. In addition, he also diverted water into his well nearby through pipes from the farm bund at a lower elevation. Babubhai had a channel dug up all along the bund on the sloping side of the field to collect the run-off from his 20 bigha land. He connected the channel to four cement pipes of 6” diameter. By closing the pipes, the flow from the farm is directed into the well. Before allowing water into the well, Babuhbhai constructed a silt trap, mainly for reducing damage to insides of well due to high velocity runoff water. However, he made further modifications later. When the well gets filled up, he opens the caps of the pipes to allow draining into the stream adjacent to his farm. Premjibhai Patel interacted with him and motivated him to construct a check dam across the stream abutting his farm. He provided only cement from his personal funds while rest of the labor and other expenses was borne by Babubhai
62
Literature Review as agreed between them (Shingi, 2003). This is one of the earliest check dams that further convinced farmers about the efficacy of water harvesting.
Mandlikpur in Jetpur taluka of Rajkot district was known as a „village with no water‟30 in entire Saurashtra due to occurrence of hard rock at shallow depth. In 1987-88, Savdasbhai Patel, a farmer, took the initiative and facilitated recharge of wells in the village with farmers‟ own contribution. To address the drinking water crisis in the village 86% of the 220 wells were recharged, along with other activities such as roof water harvesting and underground tankas 31 with the support of an NGO.
Yogesh Kumar Dhirubhai Patel was the first farmer to have attempted well recharge successfully in Kathrota village, Upleta taluka of Rajkot district, during 1997-2000 under the guidance of Antala, when IFFCO (Indian Farmers Fertiliser Cooperative Ltd.) came forward with a big programme. Earlier experiences in Upleta taluka promoted by Premjibhai Patel were on a much larger scale and dispersed across villages. People knew about the useful results. As part of the programme, IFFCO provided material support to 84 wells out of 124. Similarly, many agencies and individuals provided pipes and cement for construction of pit for well recharging. Over a period of years, the well recharging concept spread to other districts. People like Shyamjibhai Antala, Premjibhai Patel, Swadhyaya Parivar and Swaminarayan Gurukul have played the role of mentor and provider in the process.
Individual leaders and Institutions (a) Hardevsinh Jadeja-Rajsamadhiyala Village Rajsamadhyiyala, a village about 22 km from Rajkot along Rajkot-Bhavnagar highway, has been one of the pioneering cases of social transformation and successful water conservation. The development story began in the year 1978 when Hardevsinh Jadeja was elected sarpanch. He was determined to put an end to the social „evils‟ and 30 31
Na pani gaon, a Hindi phrase to mean village without water. Traditional storage structures.
63
Literature Review superstitions such as witch practice and other blind faiths prevailing in the village that amply indicated its backwardness at that time. He strengthened the existing village development committee (VDC) comprising 11 members representing all existing castes and communities. The committee drew its power and authority from the gram sabha and was empowered to take decisions in all matters of village development. In that sense, it was practically more empowered than the local bodies of village panchayat. Jadeja exhorted and guided the VDC to devise norms and practices that checked the exploitation and social evils. This met with stiff resistance initially but with VDC asserting its powers, the dissent was controlled. The support to Jadeja and the VDC enhanced when families started deriving benefits from the rainwater harvesting structures initiated from 1987 onwards. Around 46 structures were constructed over an area of 1090 hectares that included check dams, causeways-cum-check dams, percolation tanks, and farm ponds (Down To Earth, 2002). The financial support was sourced from projects and schemes of District Rural Development Agency (DRDA), Government of Gujarat drought programme, Gujarat Water Supply and Sewage Board (GWSSB), Sampurna Gramin Rojgar Yojana (SGRY)32 and some support from social welfare trusts like Rajkot Lodhika Sahakar Sangh (Sreedevi et al., 2006). The watershed programme started launched in 1996 yielded further benefits from the various land and water related activities. Rajsamadhiyala has received awards such as “Jalkranti Mahaprerak Award 33” for 1999-2000 by the Saurashtra Jaldhara Trust for excellent community participation in resource management. Other awards include “Namami Devi Narmade Award” and “Jal Bachavo Jivan Bachavo-Lokseva Award”.
Jadeja is aware of his tough, no nonsense approach but believes that it is essential for the task at hand and given the social conditions. Mark Tully (2000) describes Jadeja as „a formidable autocrat who has dragooned his village into harvesting water so successfully that the taps are still running in every house, and he can irrigate his own crop of bhindi‟(okhra vegetable). Jadeja believed in a holistic approach to development which begins with social transformation. In addition to Village Development Committee, the
32 33
Employment Assurance Scheme in rural areas. Translates as exceptional motivator for water conservation crusade.
64
Literature Review Watershed Association and the watershed committee, Self-help and User groups, have all been promoted to ensure effective participation of both men and women in the watershed programme.
Although Jadeja is no more the sarpanch, his opinions continued to be valued by the people. He has developed a charisma and a stature that people respect. Under his overall leadership, the VDC continues to act without bias or favour in matters of village. Even VDC members are not discriminated in matters of penalty when acts of omission take place. There is no delay in taking decisions or in implementation. Government programmes are leveraged so that employment is available as well as benefits derived.
There were two detailed studies made on Rajsamadhiyala water harvesting activity. One, a PhD thesis34 by Hiren Tilala from Junagadh Agricultural University, Junagadh; two, a study by ICRISAT. The first study found that water harvesting structures in Rajsamadhiyala have resulted in clear advantages to the beneficiaries in terms of increased yield and net income from various crops, reduction in unit cost of production, efficient utilization of resources, higher labor productivity, decline in income inequality and improvement in water use efficiency compared to control villages. The study by ICRISAT (Sreedevi et al. 2006) has found substantial investment of 16.25 million rupees (US$ 0.36 million) in rainwater harvesting in one village-Rajsamadhiyala- created storage capacity to harvest 16% of the mean annual rainfall of 503 mm which is equivalent to 100% of potential runoff during a normal year. The study believes that in view of the percolation seepage and evaporation losses, 40% of annual mean rainfall could be harvested and stored underground. Due to typical topography, there is surface run-off at least 2 or 3 times during a season. This has been found to have benefited the downstream villages, Anilaya and Katurba Dham benefited in terms of increased groundwater availability, reduced siltation and flooding through the base flow seepage water and excess runoff. The agricultural productivity also was found to have increased in these villages by 25–30%, improved groundwater availability by 25%, and reduced
34
The title of the thesis is Water Harvesting Structures: A Sustainable Way for Equity and Income generation under the guidance of Prof. RL Shiyani.
65
Literature Review distressed migration. In the case of Rajsamadhiyala, the agricultural crop productivity has increased by 119% in case of groundnut, 53% for cotton, 95%for wheat and 50% in case of cumin seeds. The cropping intensity has risen by 32% in 8 years. Enhanced groundwater availability has assisted diversification with high-value crops like cumin, vegetables and fruits. Food, fodder, fuel sufficiency substantially improved along with the increased incomes, literacy and social development. Increased income from agriculture and other allied sectors such as livestock rearing, enabled farmers to maintain a higher consumption status and enhanced standard of living, this provided the farmers enough work opportunities in farming.
The study also points out that Rajsamadhiyala has recently doubled the number of borewells as also the number of pumping hours; there may soon be a situation when water levels start declining and the whole efforts are undone.
(b) Shri Pandurang Shastri Athavale-Swadhyaya Parivar
Shri Pandurang Shastri Athavale of Swadhyaya Parivar may be termed as the forerunner among the visionary leaders because he talked about water conservation as early as in the late seventies as part of his discourses on self-transformation and self-empowerment. In the year 1942, India was in turmoil due to sense of insecurity and prolonged „battle‟ with the British government. Pandurang Shastri Athavale, at the age of 22, has started discoursing upon social problems such as exploitation, indignity and deprivation suffered by masses in particular of lower caste, tribal and dalit (ex-untouchable) populations. The Swadhyaya, which means self transformation, run by his father eventually came onto his shoulders. In addition to Bhagawad Gita, he also studied Indian history, religion and philosophy, Karl Marx and Mahatma Gandhi, and came to believe that a universal human religion across and above all religious barriers (Sheth, 2009) alone would address the evils of society. He interpreted „Bhagawad Gita‟ in such a way that people found solutions to their predicament of material and spiritual life, both at individual and social
66
Literature Review levels35. He proposed an alternative vision, based on self-less love, dignity accorded to all, and co- sharing of community, well and weaving in to a unified approach to life. Parivar means „family‟. Swadhyaya Parivar is strikingly different from any religious congregation; religion and god are used only as a means of social mobilization for community good. The spiritual organization has a large gathering among the elite, the peasant community and the unorganized members-women and men alike.
For any activity, Athavale has imposed certain non-negotiables that were fundamental to his philosophy of unique synthesis of the individual, society and God. He located his philosophy in the wider social and historical perspective (Sheth, 2009). Athavale took personal care in devising experiments and schemes that have an overwhelming approach of combining individual needs with the environmental and spiritual tenets. Those who aspired to become Swadhyayees had to adhere to certain strict principles laid out by the „Dada‟ (meaning „elder brother‟). The overarching of these principles is the inculcation of „bhaktibhav‟ (feeling of devotion as offered to God), and this feeling to permeate in action (kruti bhakti) and shram bhakti (devotion through labor) as a worshipper of God (pujari). Any wealth, material or money, or in any form generated by such collective effort is treated as impersonal wealth (apaurusheya laxmi). This impersonal wealth is to be used exclusively for the purpose of welfare of the society. The evidence of effectiveness of Athavale‟s approach lay in the huge following of about 15 million touching 100,000 villages in India36. He has received many awards for his exemplary approach of self-transformation and self-empowerment which include Ramon Magsaysay Award for 'Community Leadership' (1996), Templeton Prize37 for 'Progress Dr. Rudolf Haubst (Institute for International Research on St. Nicholos of Cusa): „I have Studied "Bhagvad Gita" in Germany but after listening to Pujya Dadaji's analysis of "Bhagavad Gita", I feel that even Saint Nicholos, the great scholar of Chritianity would have been attracted towards "Bhagavad Gita". Through the depth and width of his discourses Rev. Dada reaches the heart of the listeners‟ (http://www.dadaji.net/way). 36 http://www.dadaji.net/way. 37 Sir John Templeton (at the Award ceremony of Templeton Prize) remarked : „Today we rejoice that the person that is selected by the nine judges who come from all the five major religions, is someone who has done something new in the spiritual information that is different from anything done before. It is a new concept which thrills me. I could not have imagined 100,000 villages would now be living by the principle 35
67
Literature Review
68
in Religion' for originality, effectiveness, creativity and progress in religion and spirituality (1997), Indira Priyadarshini Award for 'Temple of Trees' (1987) and Padma Vibhushan (1999).
Some of the innovative schemes formulated and implemented include:
Yogeshwar krushi (God‟s agricultural farm): The responsibility of farming on this plot of land was given to the village community while all farming inputs including labor are willingly contributed by the village. Groups took up this responsibility in rotation.
Vruksha Mandir (tree-temple) is a large plot of land usually managed by a cluster of twenty villages. This land under lease is generally wasteland on which orchards and forestry plantation are cultivated.
Shridarshanam (The abode of God): A group of people come together comes together to develop and cultivate a large plot of land.
All the inputs for
development is contributed by a cluster of twenty villages.
Lokmath Amrutalayam (the immortal abode of people‟s Lord). This is a model village temple built by total contribution of villages; further a couple is given responsibility for daily worship on rotational basis. The couple belongs to any community or religion.
Another unique scheme was the Matysagandha in which the local affluent were convinced to donate a corpus which was used to purchase boats for fishing by the Parivar. Managed by the local pujaris (priests), the boats were given to boatless fishermen who were expected to part with a portion of the catch as offering to god. The activity was laced with songs of devotion and gratitude, thus imparting spiritual value to a simple economic activity. The offering was used to buy more boats and cover more assetless fishermen families.
of Mr. Athavale. Perhaps this concept would be useful in America, Europe and many other areas. This is a thrilling new invention in spiritual development information. It is a great joy to see what Mr. Atahvale has achieved, accomplished in one lifetime and how it is rolling in future‟ (http://www.dadaji.net/way).
Literature Review In all, there are above 3000 yogeshwar krushi farms, 20 vruksha mandir farms, 10 Shridarshanam plots and about 100 Amrutalayam shrines in operation established by Athavale‟s Parivar; majority of them are located in Gujarat, while the rest are in neighbouring states. It can be seen from the above that all the activities are for resource enhancement through which the livelihoods of the people is addressed.
Another unique feature of Swadhyaya Parivar is that the Swadhyayees are always self dependent for all their food and other requirements even when they go and participate in schemes for the benefit of people of other villages. If a farm pond is to be deepened in a farmer‟s land, the few leading swadhyayees not only organize their own food but also mobilize equipment and volunteers from the same village and from neighbouring villages. Similar approach is adopted in case of common activities too such as tank deepening, new tank construction, channels and desilting of check dams. Swadhyayees on a regular basis visit villages based on the requests received and organize work there. The works are slated depending upon the swadhyayees‟ own farm schedule and other engagements in consultation with Athavale. The swadhyayees offer selfless labor in the name of God (shrambhakthi-devotion of labor); they do not display traits that might indicate that they are helping someone low in economy or caste or any such. Differentiation on any count is not acceptable in the Parivar principles. People also get highly motivated with this exemplary behavior, become members and contribute their best to any activity through Parivar. For example, a 100-metre long earthen bund was to be constructed in a village; 1000 men and women worked for almost nine months in shifts, while carrying out their own farm work and other activities. The bund which otherwise would have cost Rs.0.40 million was completed with only expenditure made on purchasing some explosives (Sheth, 2009)
From around mid seventies, Athavale started focusing on water related issues looking at the recurring drought problems faced by farmers. However, his approach was not focused on narrow water domain. He located the problem in the context of symbiotic living with nature and therefore any imbalances that occur due to whatever reasons need to be corrected. Thus, he talks about unison of physical and spiritual needs. In line with this, he
69
Literature Review exhorted farmers to carry out water conservation activities through invoking the slogan “If you quench the thirst of Mother Earth, she will quench yours” (Shah, 1998).
However, it was only after the 1985-87 drought spell that his preachings found greater response, perhaps also aided by the ambience created by the pioneering farmers of the Dhoraji-Upleta. A group of swadhyayees‟ got motivated by Dada‟s exhortation, got trained from local agricultural scientists in Junagadh on inexpensive methods of recharging wells and took off well recharging along with some volunteers. According to one estimate (Shah, 1997), between 92-96 thousand wells were recharged through Swadhyaya Parivar and Swaminarayana Sampraday.
Nirmal neer (pure water) is another activity that is aimed at enhancing the storage capacity of community tanks and ponds so that there is increased recharge to the nearby wells. The swadhyayees chalk out a labor contribution programme on a selected pond or tank for a specific number of days; the excavated earth is often used to strengthen an existing bund, or build a new barrier across a stream flow. All the required implements for earth excavation such as tractors, trolleys, spade, and pick-axes are pooled from parivar members from neighbouring villages and the work is executed in a relaxed manner. The work load is also shared by women. The activity spreads an ambience of love, goodwill and empathy while the activity remains a means of bringing people together (Raju et al., 2000) for individual and common good. More than 400 such tanks have been covered under this activity.
The organization has faced a serious setback after the death of Shri Athavale in late 2005 due to management issues.
(c) Swaminarayan Sampraday The goal of Swaminarayan Sampraday is „inspiring a peaceful, progressive life, free from crime, aggression and addictions.‟ The Sampraday has 3,300 centres worldwide and has large number of followers in India and in many other countries across the world. They
70
Literature Review undertake a wide variety of activities in the spiritual, medical, environmental, social, relief and women‟s programmes. Over 12,600 weekly assemblies for children, teenagers, youths and elders are held regularly. As part of the environmental activity, they have undertaken waste management, paper recycling, afforestation, etc. In Gujarat, the Sampraday has recharged 5,475 wells in 338 villages, distributed over 300,000 water conservation awareness posters and leaflets. They have also established the first & largest drip irrigation system in Gujarat in Sarangpur. Aslo de-silting of Veri Dam, Gondal taluka was taken up creating a storage capacity of 170 million litres of water.
In 1994, for the purpose of well recharging, the Sampraday have donated 30,000 metres of cement pipes and organized technical help to the farmers. Further, Sampraday has also printed and distributed 20,000 information leaflets through teams of sadhus and volunteers. A total of 4,593 wells were recharged in 240 villages, most of which are in Saurashtra; this includes 1005 wells across 68 villages in Rajkot district alone. The efforts for well recharging have been continuing. In addition, the Sampraday has constructed 85 check dams, 21 percolation tanks, 118 farm ponds, 55 underground tanks and carried out 218 gully plugging38.
In addition to action at the BAPS level, the key role they have played is the participation of the senior sadhus in the public meetings and camps held by organizations such as SLMT, SSS and SJT.
(d) Premjibhai Patel-Vruksh Prem Seva Trust Premjibhai Patel, an octogenarian today and founder of Vruksh Prem Seva Trust, started off as on an individual basis trying to address water scarcity through self experimentation on capturing rainwater. He is one of the earliest and well-known innovators of Saurashtra. Tired of Mumbai (a metropolis) life, he abandoned his business and came back to his native place in Upleta. He chose to be in social service as against joining politics which he found too murky. Incidentally, at that time, he happened to see a play 38
http://www.swaminarayan.org/activities/environmental/index.htm
71
Literature Review “Jher to pida jani jani”39 written by Manubhai Pancholi, a well known educationist in Gujarat and got motivated into social service. His first activity however was promotion of plantation which he began by himself planting seeds in wastelands, on the roadside and on tank/pond bunds. Patel zeroed in on Prosopis juliflora, for good reasons. He says Prosopis juliflora is one plant that grows anywhere and fastest, hardy, needs no tending, fixes nitrogen, and serves as fodder and fuelwood to the poor people. He says there are lots of benefits from this plant, and therefore, wanted to spread all wastelands with this plant. To begin with, during early eighties, he targeted temple premises, and later schools in his native village Bhayavadar and neighbouring villages. In addition to hiring people to do this work, he himself started planting the seeds during weekends and on holidays by going on his motor bike; over time, he got obsessive. His contention was that Saurashtra is a dry place with lot of dry land which does not facilitate recharge to groundwater. He believes that the more the vegetation, the more the rains. To speed up tree planting activity, he modified his motor bike to fit a pump through which he used to spray the prosopis juliflora seeds collected by paying incentives to people, especially youth and children from neighbouring villages. He also encouraged people to collect and sell him the seeds which he distributed free of cost except for an undertaking and meeting transportation costs. He even gave advertisements in newspapers notifying free availability of seeds. He carried out all these activities out of his own funds which are estimated as roughly Rupees 3.5 million (Chokkakula, 2001). This became his obsession which is recalled by many people even today40. The title of his organisation „Vruksh Prem‟ means „tree lover‟. Patel first experimented with recharging his own well in his farm in the year 1968-69. Subsequently, during 1973, he carried out roof top rainwater capture in the backyard of 39
Premjibhai Patel was inspired by a character called Gopal Bapa who regenerated a large forest that gave employment through horticulture. 40 His obsession got a further boost when in 1987 his industrialist-son had presented him with a Gujarati translation of a book, „The Man who Planted Trees‟ by the famous French novelist Jean Giono published in a local magazine. The author desired that people should get motivated to plant trees; so, he presented it as a true story of an old man, Elzeard Bouffiard, a shepherd, who spent his retired life dedicated to tree plantation. In the process he created a very large forest all by himself. Premjibhai Patel got inspired by this „true story‟ and took up retirement in consultation with his son, who encouraged him, and took up tree plantation.
72
Literature Review his residence in Rajkot city which continues to function till date (Field visit, 2003-4). Thereafter, he recharged his own well in his farm. While simultaneously engaged in his own business of supplying explosives for well blasting and deepening purposes, he took up supply of PVC pipes for recharging purposes as the recharge activity was picking up all over Saurashtra villages. After retirement from business, from 1987 onwards, Patel got seriously into recharging activity. He encouraged well recharging and construction of cement tanks, and supplied cement and pipes free of cost to those who requested for. He supplied approximately 60 trucks (17,000 metres) of PVC pipes till 1994 from his own funds. To his credit, he has provided cement to Babubhai Chanabhai Parmar of Bhayavadar village, one of the pioneering farmers who took up dug well recharging, to construct a check dam across a stream course by the side of his farm. Cement cost usually works out to one third of the estimate for a check dam. He continued this „cement teko‟ (support with cement) programme from 1988-1995 from his own funds estimated at Rs. 3.5 million until the watershed programme began (Field notes, 2003-4). It was not that he did not face discouragement, or got despaired. Often, in the initial years, people used to make a mockery of his obsession with tree plantation and his „madness‟ in spending personal money for buying and donating pipes; few people also tried to cheat him on cement as he used to reimburse money against bills. They tried to submit fake or inflated bills. He remarked, “We supplied pipes by trucks to as close to the site (place of use) as possible. Sometimes, even when a farmer is non cooperative, we unloaded the pipes ourselves, while the farmer commands us to arrange the unloaded pipes properly, with hands in his pockets.” He also recalls his well wishers advising him against going to villages such as Pipardi and Anchawa, the darbar dominated villages, where alcoholism is quite high (Field notes, 2003-4).41 However, over the years, people have begun to appreciate his honesty and sense of purpose, and have cooperated with him including the above indifferent two villages. In 1990, he formally registered his organization as Vruksh Prem Seva Trust and got fullfledged into development work after handing over his business to his son. Even before he formed his Trust, during 1987-2004, Patel has helped construct more than 500 check 41
Personal communication during field visit.
73
Literature Review dams by providing cement against vouching of free labour by any farmer. Initially, 100 bags of cement were provided per check dam. As the check dams were constructed and people started realising the benefits, there was lot of demand. Patel gradually reduced the quantum of cement to 25-30 bags; rest was contributed by the people themselves. In some villages, there was 100% contribution. The cement support was provided by Patel mostly from his own funds and from those mobilised from his industrialist son (Field notes, VPST occasional release dated 1.11.2005). Since the launch of the watershed programme in 1996, Vruksh Prem Seva Trust has constructed 1200 small/big check dams in 27 villages of Upleta taluka of Rajkot district. For a couple of years, there was lukewarm response to his watershed efforts mainly because the grant was released only in February 1998 (VPST Occasional release dated 1.11.2005). In all these watershed programmes, majority of budget was spent on constructing check dams (Progress Reports submitted to DRDA by VPST). The Trust also focused on post construction maintenance of check dams by organising desilting activity every year; the scooped up fertile soil was used in the farms. Patel went about the watershed works systematically. His analytical ability and writing skills in Gujarati have seen him address every issue incisively. The field data collection included many such releases which he marked to all the concerned government agencies including bureaucracy, NGOs, researches and politicians. For example, the occasional release of 1.11.2005 is a 20-page foolscap note covering most of the issues related with rainwater harvesting, watershed, public participation and budget. The note also reports on the work done by the VPST, the approach adopted, details of expenditure, people‟s contribution etc. He also raises questions about the technicalities such as the dimensions of check dams related with the stream characteristics, siltation in check dams issue, corrupt practices, quality of construction, people‟s participation related issues, lack of engineers, delays in fund releases, and many more. He also advocates increases in people‟s contribution in later years of watershed where people have already benefited
74
Literature Review from earlier years, shows how his organisation has saved money on administration and against SORs (Schedule of Rates). One of the noteworthy contributions of Premjibhai Patel is reduction in costs of construction. He has constructed check dams at one-third of the cost as per the standard schedule of rates. In the place of one, he has constructed almost three. How was this possible? He says that this is possible because of [a] higher local contribution-20% as against 10%; [b] avoiding contractor‟s profit of 20%; and [c] at least 10% saving on payment of corruption. He also makes known his logic to everyone by speaking up in conferences and meetings, and through his occasional writings/releases (dated 1.11.2005:5). He has also demonstrated the cost reduction in the construction of storage tanks. VPST has saved an amount of Rs.1.14 millions out of the first batch of watershed projects (1995-2001). Using this amount, the Trust has constructed water storage tanks of 206 tanks of 15,000-litre capacity which according to Standard Schedule of Rates costs Rs.20,000/-. The provision was actually Rs.15,000/- for a 10,000-litre capacity tank. Thus, VPST demonstrated cost reduction in this also by mobilizing more beneficiary contribution. captured his process-oriented approach for cost reduction as follows: one, he convinced the farmer that by constructing the check dam, his returns from crop yields would increase significantly, in addition to an assured crop. Two, he motivated them to contribute as much labor as possible. Three, he also encouraged people to use stones available locally as far as possible to reduce the cost. Four, he used the ingenuity of local masons in the design and construction of check dams. Five, he did not employ any supervisor for monitoring the construction, but made the concerned farmers themselves responsible for the quality of construction, thus reducing the overhead costs. This way, he could have tens of check dams constructed simultaneously. His charisma and stature commanded honesty from the farmers with the result that the check dams built were of good quality and of lowest cost.
Many watershed implementing agencies and government agencies were by and large unhappy with VPST. From interviews with government officers and some NGOs, the study has gathered that the extent of savings on administration, salary, training and other
75
Literature Review aspects made by VPST and shown to DRDA is not possible by other agencies. VPST has few volunteers and retired persons who are paid only honorarium. He has low overheads on salaries as he does not generally employ engineers or other qualified staff. Watershed guidelines insist on employing qualified personnel. His delegation style has worked because of his stature and his own level of honesty. NGOs tend to employ qualified staff with vehicles for travel and reasonable compensation and other overheads.
If we look at the cost reduction, overall cost reduction is possible in the cost of construction. The fact remains that there has been cross-subsidization through enhanced people‟s labor contribution, and minimal supervision/management costs. Although the fact remains that the money paid out works out to almost one-third per unit of work, this cannot become a standard across the table as the minimalist approach can be representative of the optimal approach. The social capital obtaining prior to launch of any project or programme dictates the costs and its efficiency.
The Trust also promoted silt traps to reduce silt into the wells during direct well recharging. The Trust believes that check dam is an effective water conservation option for addressing Saurashtra water scarcity problem because it captures the run-off water, allows maximum percolation of rainwater and does not need a filter which reduces the inflow to recharge, thus resulting in „loss‟ of water. Some excellent check dams have been constructed such as the Phophal dam which ingeniously makes use of the outcrops to cut down drastically on the total cost.
Other innovations include semi-circular small check dams underneath culverts. The flow from one side of the road to the other side will happen only after the water gets stored up to the height of the check dam. With the small cost of say Rs.2000-4000 per unit, a huge storage using the natural depression is achieved. Another innovation is the construction of single tier or double tier piped wall at the place where water from the farms overflows into the other farm or onto the roadside drain. The small outlet pipes can be closed as per storage need in the farm. This is a simple low cost technique, which can be done by anyone. Similarly, VPST has enhanced recharge of rainwater into the root zone of plants
76
Literature Review in wastelands and rocky lands, by replacing the soil adjacent to a plant with sand encased in a PVC pipe. The germination and growth of plants is thus enhanced and ensured. Patel‟s approach sometimes is unique. For example, in a watershed programme, the component of labor should be 60%. Due to the diamond polishing industry, a lot of labor goes to work in the cities. In the absence of labor availability and in time, Patel argued with the DRDA for use of JCB and tractors to complete the earth work in the watershed programme so that the season is not lost, and permanent employment is assured. The DRDA agreed to his logic and he completed the work accordingly (VPST occasional release, 1.11.2005). Premjibhai Patel has received awards for his selfless, tireless crusade for water conservation including the highly valued „Munishree Santbal Award‟ in 2003.
(e) Mansukbhai Suvagiya-Jal Kranti Trust Jal Kranti Trust has been one of the first in the recent decades to construct check dams and ponds in Rajkot district for rainwater harvesting. The Trust began its work in 1996 when its leader Mansukhbhai Suvagiya, who was serving as a government engineer, resigned and led the recharging activity. He won over the confidence of the people by himself working as a voluntary labour in the field during construction of rainwater harvesting structures. The impact of his direct involved demonstration is such that people still recall his hard work during extreme summer heat for 40 days at a stretch. His objective was to convince people that they should act themselves to solve their own water problems and not wait for the government or any external support. He also believes that this approach helps develop the spirit of ownership, and thereby ensures maintenance by people by developing ownership. The principles of Suvagiya, his personal commitment, hard work and sincerity of purpose won him the confidence of the people. With credibility established, the Trust embarked on construction of check dam with local funds and own designs. The Trust discouraged seeking or expecting funds either from the Government or from any external donor. Rafala was the first village where Suvagiya built 13 check dams with just Rs.100,000 for material such as stone, heavily supplemented by voluntary labour and use of local material.
77
Literature Review Himself a water engineer, Mansukhbhai developed inexpensive designs for small check dams at a cost of Rs.4000-6000. Jamka, Vichhavad, Chanaka, Mota Kotada and Rafala in Junagadh district were one of the earliest villages of Gujarat that constructed the low cost, locally designed check dams in 1996 wholly through collective inputs and locally raised funds. During 1996-97, Jal Kranti Trust has also motivated villagers of Mota Munjiyasar, Bagasara Taluka of Amreli district, to implement a new method of storing diverted rainwater in abandoned stone mines. The tremendous people‟s response, and the social capital created by Jal Kranti Trust could be gauged by the fact that 51 check dams and two ponds were constructed, and ten thousand trees grown, all at a cost of Rs.1.3 million, in less than three months. People‟s labour contribution was more than 20,000 person-days; this means that 225 persons were working for 90 days continuously! The impacts were quite encouraging: annual increment in agricultural production was more than Rs.20 million with annual agricultural labour creation of 30,000 person days; migration was completely checked due to in-village availability of employment. With the groundwater reserves increasing, the drinking and irrigation water crisis in the village was addressed to a great extent (Summary report, Jal Kranti Trust, 2002). In yet another effort, the Trust has promoted an Ideal Well Recharging Scheme as part of which 40 wells were recharged in the village Khijadiya (Khari), Amreli, with locally raised funds and shramdan (voluntary labour). No government support was sought. The Trust has also designed and implemented an innovative filter, which trapped silt before the rainwater was diverted into the well. The recharging scheme caught the imagination of the people from the neighbouring districts. The Trust has expanded its work to Amreli, Junagadh and Jamnagar. In fact, the influential and rich patels have come forward to participate in the movement with donations. Although no documentation was done until circa 2000, the Trust claims that one check dam helps to raise the returns from agricultural productivity by Rs.200,000300,000 annually. There are differential benefits to the farmers; however, every farmer was benefited with either full irrigation or partial irrigation support.
78
Literature Review Interestingly, witnessing the impact of the Jamka scheme (one of the first five villages in Gujarat to experiment with low cost check dams promoted by Mansukhbhai of Jal Kranti) which was done only by people‟s efforts and locally raised funds, the state designed the Sardar Patel Jal Sanchay Yojana, first of its kind in the country in the year 2000. Popularly known as the 60:40 scheme, any farmer, village institution, cooperative or a group could access the check dam scheme for which 60% of the estimated cost and design were to be provided by the government and 40% was to be contributed by people. This was later modified as 80: 20 for certain regions with tribal predominance, 20% being the local contribution. The movement had picked up and in a matter of four years; by 2003, under the SJSY scheme, 18,000 check dams were constructed, and 5000 check dams desilted across Gujarat state. According to Mansukhbhai, who has constructed more than 200 check dams in Gujarat, the 60:40 scheme has worked in killing the voluntary spirit of the people who were actively engaged till then in developing and managing their own water resources and related structures. He feels that people have stopped acting pro-actively as they were expecting sanction of the scheme and thereby the funds; the sense of ownership is lost as the check dam is considered to belong to government and therefore no one bothered about maintenance. He further states that the scheme has many loopholes as it is designed to favour contractors who could invest the initial amount and wait until the instalments are released over many months after the completion of work. It spread to many villages and cities in Rajkot and Jamnagar districts. In many places, villagers themselves constructed these low cost check dams and well recharging structures. During mid-nineties, he also experimented with the new idea of diverting rainwater into abandoned stone quarries in Mota Munjiyasar of Bagasara taluka in Amreli district. He also instituted an organization called Jal Kranti Trust operating from Rajkot. The board of trustees consists of at least 16 members from different parts of Saurashtra. These people belong to industry (including diamond industry), academics, social workers and local reputed leaders. Mr. Odhavjibhai Patel, the Chairman of Ajanta Watches, and the chairman of ORPAT Trust (another leading agency of recharging
79
Literature Review movement and a study area) is also a trustee42.
80 Mansukhbhai Suvagiya has been
appreciated for his contribution by the Minister of Irrigation, Government of Gujarat, Shri Madhavpriyadasji of Shree Swaminarayan Gurukul, Rajkot, and Dr. K.L. Jadav, National President, Bharatiya Kisan Sangh.
(f) Mathurbhai Savani-Saurashtra Jaldhara Trust
Among the later entrants into the recharging movement is Mathurbhai Savani, a diamond businessman hailing from Bhavnagar. Savani, a standard V passed, began as a low-paid worker in a diamond polishing industry in Surat. By the time he got interested in water conservation after visiting the Rajsamadhiyala experiment in 1998 along with 150 of his friends from Khopala, and the jal yatra idea of Tarun Bharat Sangh of Alwar district in Rajasthan. He was the owner of a Rs.1bn diamond industry at the age of 38 (Kishwar, 2003).
Savani came to play a key role in raising the pitch of the recharging movement through display of commendable skills of social mobilization, organization and fund raising (DTE, 2008). Much more than this, he introduced a unique way of enhancing rainwater capture through loan of earth excavation equipment (JCB43) in combination with people‟s voluntary contribution.
Initially, during 1997-98, although based in Surat, Savani focused on raising awareness in his native village Khopala in Gharda taluka of Bhavnagar district. He analyzed the main reasons for the acute water crisis in his village as (i) overexploitation of groundwater for irrigation and (ii) heavy run-off of rainwater (CSE, 2000) which resulted in missed opportunity for irrigation. He started interactions with villagers for awareness raising; alongside, he mobilized his other industrialist-friends from Mumbai, Surat and Bhavnagar to visit and also contribute to constructing check dams. For the purpose of 42
Sources: Field Visit and discussions with Mansukhbhai Suvagiya, Jal Kranti Trust brochures and other literature, Article „Saurashtra Recharging Movement is not the task of one or two persons‟ in “Saurashtra Bhoomi” daily from Junagadh dated 8.10.2002. 43 JCB is an earth excavation and moving equipment that was launched by Joseph Cyril Bamford in 1945 in a small garage of 12 x 15 ft and bears initials of his name-JCB. It has become popular by that name.
Literature Review transparency, he formed a “Khopala Navnirman Vikas Samiti” (Khopala development council). Within six months of laying of foundation stone by the then chief minister of Gujarat, Keshubhai Patel in December 1998, Savani organized construction of 25 check dams under „own your check dam‟ scheme offered to farmers. However, he realized that there was need for 200 check dams (DTE, 2008), 25 farm ponds and 22 channels (Raval, 2001). For all this, he mobilized Rs.4.8 million at the rate of Rs.300 per bigha in addition to labor contribution. The remaining amount was mobilized from businessmen from Mumbai, Vadodara and Surat (CSE, 2000). The monsoon of 1999 saw water levels in 550 wells rise and farmers witnessing crop production higher by 60% and increased fodder availability (Raval, 2001)44. Savani then thought of institutionalizing his efforts by forming „Saurashtra Jaldhara Trust (SJT)‟ in October 1999 with registered office in Rajkot. He deftly drafted trustees, as many as 37, belonging to all walks of life-diamond merchants, local politicians, industrialists, social workers and others-based in Gujarat, in India or abroad. One diamond businessman, Rajesh Mehta, based in Belgium, has been a big donor who was impressed by the early work of Savani in Khopala. The Trust made it its mandate to serve all the needy villages from Saurashtra, Kutch and North Gujarat as these are it felt that these are the most needy, dry areas of Gujarat.
Savani has adopted a strategy of motivation-action-motivation. The SJT has adopted a unique method of reaching out to people in their efforts of water conservation. Encouraged by Khopala experience, the SJT laid down a pre-condition for voluntary service for extending its help in the construction of check dams or for tanks, or any earth excavation related activity. While the villagers provided voluntary labor, the trust provided cement for construction of check dams. Thousands of check dams have been constructed in this manner (Raval, 2001). For one village, the Trust provides 2000 cement bags free of cost, which at the rate of Rs.135/-, per bag, works out to Rs, 275,000/-. If cement in excess of 2000 bags is required, then it is provided at a subsidized
44
„Marching towards Green Revolution through series of check dams by united villagers‟. Booklet (2001) published „by Saurashtra Jaldhara Trust.
81
Literature Review rate of Rs. 105/- per bag. More than 80,000 check dams have been supported in this way45. For construction of new ponds, tanks or deepening the old ones, or desilting the check dams, the SJT provided JCB (earth excavator). The Trust bought 20 JCB machines and gave them on loan to villages from Saurashtra, Kutch and North Gujarat against written request signed by the village. The machine was made available for 500 hours per village free of cost. The machine came with an operator and all the required material such as grease and oils; repairs, spare parts and servicing is taken care of by SJT . Only running cost of diesel was to be borne by the village. The market rate of hiring a JCB in the year 2000 was, say, Rs.550/hour. For 500 hours, the cost of hiring works out to Rs.0.275 million while the diesel cost works out to only Rs.50,000/-. Put differently, the SJT‟s assistance to each village works out to Rs. 0.225 million. The rates have now gone up significantly, but the service is still available. Many villages got benefited from this scheme of SJT which made villagers to cooperate to draw individual benefit.
SJT also has been promoting educational and awareness campaign for use of drip and other efficient water use methods (CSE, 2000).
One of the first things Savani ensured was to involve every community in the water campaign. For example, Khopala was 80% patels, and the rest comprised Brahmins, harijans, rabaris and others. VPST enlisted representation of one (preferably young) person from a cluster of 40 families of a particular community, including non-farming families (Kishwar, 2003). All these representatives formed the village committee which was the supreme decision making body. Saurashtra Jaldhara Trust has adopted the jal yatras (water campaigns), sammelans (conferences), and village walks to generate awareness and mobilize people for water conservation in their own village. This the Trust has done very successfully. Beginning in December 1998 when VPST could manage to involve the chief minister to lay the foundation stone for the 200 check dams and 25 farm ponds, he organized several events involving ministers, religious leaders, diamond industry owners and other industrialists. The following are some examples46,47,48.
45 46
www.saujaldhara trust.com/advantagecheckdam.asp accessed 23 February 2008. www.saujaldharatrust.com accessed 23 February 2008.
82
Literature Review
From 14-19 November 1999, a 250 km awareness walk was organized which went from village to village for 6 days and nights, touch basing about 30,000 people. Launched by the then speaker of Gujarat Legislative Assembly (Dhirubhai Shah), the event was joined by many well known diamond merchants from Bhavnagar, Surat, Ahmedabad and Mumbai and other places.
A huge convention was organized in the year 2000 in Surat wherein 30 million people from Saurashtra, Kutch and North Gujarat were present and a vow administered to conserve rainwater. Chief Minister of Gujarat was present.
This was followed by another convention in Gadhada in Bhavnagar district which was attended by Shri Morari Bapu, the highly respected, eminent orator on Ramayana (Hindu religious epic). The thousands present took vow to conserve rainwater.
A mammoth 300 km long „jal sangrah abhiyan yatra‟ (water conservation campaign‟ was held in October 2001 from Talgajarda in Bhavnagar district to Probander through four districts. The yatra which was launched by Shri Morari Bapu had 400 persons throughout as the core team. The yatra passed through, Bhavnagar, Rajkot and Jamnagar districts to culminate in Porbander. All along the 400 team and many others who joined motivated the villagers in their own way using pamphlets, videos, posters, stories, data and other material.
Many other conventions throughout the dry areas of Gujarat were held and oaths administered in the presence of eminent persons, ministers, politicians and social reformers.
The Trust also has begun giving away awards to villages that did exemplary work on water conservation. In the year 2001, 150 villages were given awards by the Chief Minister of Gujarat and letters of appreciation by Shri Morari Bapu.
Newspapers, TV channels (both local and national) have covered the events of SJT. This has brought about a big awakening in Gujarat in addition in the Saurashtra, Kutch and north Gujarat areas. SJT has also used print media in a big way-such as pamphlets, 47 48
Times of India, 11 October 2001. http://indiatogether.org/manushi/issue118/reclaiming.htm
83
Literature Review posters, books and booklets in millions in Gujarati and to a certain extent in English. Audio, video cassettes, banners, hoardings were also used. Mobile vans with videos were pressed into service to reach each village and show the documentaries and films on the need and ways of water conservation49.
In short, it could be said that VPST under the leadership of Savani has displayed vision in trying to address the water scarcity systematically. A self-made hard working entrepreneur who made a rags-to-riches story, Savani managed to mobilize the rich and influential patel community together for a common cause of addressing water scarcity through water conservation. He convinced them to donate liberally to a common livelihoods cause. To ensure participation of all families irrespective of caste, and to ensure equity, he established a village committee that was supreme in taking decisions and actions. He mobilized people in many ways such as by appealing to their wisdom, applying peer pressure by religious and political leaders, and by voluntary labor. People obtained quick benefits too in the form of enhanced and stable crop yields; combined with the multiple communication strategy, the messages reached people and set them to thinking. A majority has responded positively.
(g) Jayantibhai Raval-Sarvodaya Seva Sangh Sarvodaya Seva Sangh (SSS) believes in „for the people, by the people and to the people‟. SSS has been working in one of the most backward areas called panchal area in Wankaner taluka of Rajkot district for the past 20 years. It believes that natural resources should be in balance; if the balance is disturbed, then the livelihoods get affected. Therefore, in order that man does not destabilise nature, it is important to ensure the quality and interdependency of jal, jameen and jangal (water, land and forests). Since the watershed programme is designed on these lines, SSS has taken up watershed programme in 5000 hectares covering villages, namely, Matel, Anandpar, Bhaktanpar, Oan, Virpar, Varkusar, Palas, Lakadhar and Vithalpar. This was part of the first batch of watershed programme was introduced from 1.1.1996. The Secretary Jayanthibhai Raval is the key 49
For more details, visit www.suarjaldharatrust.com/awarenessprog.asp accessed 23 Feb 2008.
84
Literature Review person who organizes the entire work. He is a strict follower of Gandhian principles. For the purpose of implementation of watershed programmes, he has encouraged people with integrity to take up leadership in the watershed association and the committee, and other groups. The leaders played a key role in enlisting cooperation of the entire village, and ensuring that all communities including womenfolk participate in the decision-making.
Vithalpar is one of the study villages which has carried out watershed treatment programme. SSS identified Vithalpar as a model village and put in efforts to develop it so. There were just 3 hand pumps to cater to the drinking water needs of both men and livestock. Due to the efforts of SSS under the leadership of Jayantibhai Raval, Vithalpar has evolved as a „model‟ village and has been awarded the „Jal Sanchay Gaurav Puraskar‟ – 2003 by the Gujarat finance minister Vajubhai Vala for „noteworthy water conservation programme‟. The village has a population of 500 families; till date there is no police station established in the village because there are no conflicts. Adopting Gandhian principles also implies abstinence from liquor. Hence, there is no liquor shop nor anyone consumes liquor. For implementing the watershed programme, SSS has facilitated formation of the Sarvodaya Watershed Project; for each village/ microwatershed, a watershed association and watershed committee was formed.
All the ten villages covered under the watershed programme are more or less contiguous. Most of these villages including Vithalpar were mostly rain dependent for irrigation support. Very few wells were present; in Vithalpar there were only 7 shallow wells that were providing critical irrigation support to (52 bighas). Kharif was the main crop while land sown under rabi was around 20-30%. For the 500 families of Vithalpar, the poor agriculture also meant fodder insecurity, and low milk yield. The income was at subsistence level.
SSS organized a inter-village meeting and strategized to take up water harvesting activities during the first year of watershed itself. This was because most people felt that irrigation water security would really make a difference to their economic vulnerability. As decided, within a year or two, by 2000-2001, five check dams were constructed across
85
Literature Review Mahi river abutting the watershed villages. While constructing these check dams, the presence of outcrops in some places, e.g., in Vithalpar, was made use of. With enthusiastic participation of people, the overall saving per check dam worked out to 2530%50. Further, impounded water from the check dams was transported to the farmlands by laying almost 27,000 metres of pipeline. Thus, the irrigation support was extended to 850 bighas. Moreover, in addition to kharif, rabi crop area also has increased as discussed in the chapter 6. A similar strategy was adopted for other villages too.
SSS has organized many awareness programmes in the villages, distributed pamphlets and other information material about the watershed before, during and at the end of the programme. They also invited politicians, social reformers and government officials to visit the sites, meet people and give their opinions and suggestions. The report/information on the various activities is distributed in printed form which indicates the transparency and confidence. The entire work is done through the watershed committees who take decision and are aware of the income and expenditure details. One booklet (undated) printed and distributed by SSS gives complete details of the programme including financial details. It also gives at least 80 half-page case studies from various watershed villages along with a photograph, and data regarding before and after scenario, in terms of crop yield increase, milk increase and overall income change. Interestingly, all these case studies belong to farmers who have mostly 1-3 bighas and very few up to 5 bighas.
(h) Oddhavji Raghavji Patel-ORPAT Trust
Odhavji Raghavji Patel (74), a teacher has turned entrepreneur at the age of 46 when he began manufacturing wall clocks in the year 1971 in Morbi taluka51 of Rajkot district. Beginning in rented premises and with 100,000 rupees as investment, his company now
50
Field notes (2003-4) and Information booklet/report, 2001 on Vithalpar by Sarvodaya Seva Sangh. Morbi, where the trust has its office, and is one of the villages where water harvesting has taken place, is a coastal town, close to the Rann of Kachchh. In addition to the water quality in the area being saline, there is also the scarcity issue. 51
86
Literature Review (2008) turns over Rs.50 million annually52. The growth of his company is attributed not only to his continued innovation in terms of improving quality of clocks but also providing them at prices affordable, even by the poor. He is called “father of wall clocks” for his pioneering range of product creation. Over the years, his company diversified into manufacturing a range of consumer goods and appliances, in addition to clocks.
His clocks became very popular, not only within India but also outside the country. He earned awards for his company‟s outstanding export performance. Among several awards, he also received “Man of the Year” award by the Government of India in 1992.
Being a native of Saurashtra and coming from a poor background, Oddhavji Patel had first- hand experience of its adverse climatological conditions especially on livelihood occupations53. He was also aware that Saurashtra has an inverted saucer topography making rainwater retention difficult; agriculture and animal husbandry, the main occupations of a majority of the population often faced challenges, leading to migration of farmers. Women were often left behind at home along with children to take care of the siblings, the old-aged, diseased and the infirm. He evolved a two-pronged strategy: one, to provide employment to women, who, he believed, are more dependable and committed to their work; two, to support direct implementation of water recharge activities. When he offered employment to women in his factory in order to implement his first strategy, no woman was forthcoming. After a long thought, and informal interactions with many families, he realized this behavior as due to „cultural‟ reasons. He made up his mind to somehow break this mindset. As a first step, he prevailed upon his own daughter-in-law and his domestic help to work in the factory. His efforts paid off; today, more than 5,000 out of the 7,000 employees in his company are women belonging to nearby villages (Raghu, 2007). The company also organizes buses to transport women from and to their villages. This has been a win-win situation for both Oddhavji and the women. While Patel recognized that women are honest and dependable, thus turning out their best, the
52
53
http://orpatgroup.com accessed 26 March 2008. Personal discussions, 2003-04.
87
Literature Review employment provides them with the much-needed stability of income source to support their families.
Importantly, employment with the company provides the family the much-needed cash flow, in particular, during the drought periods when agriculture and animal husbandry go even below subsistence level. Further, access to money helps women to take and implement certain decisions that have far-reaching significance to the family. For instance, it is often found that women, who remained back at home, continued to send their children to school, pay for their school expenses, and provide better food, while their men-folk migrated in the initial years. As can be seen in the later sections of Section 4, the migration in many villages has come down significantly or halted completely, due to increase in groundwater availability, thus further improving the school attendance and children‟s health. Patel, thus, deftly combined his business requirements with the employment needs of the people creating a win-win situation.
As regards his second strategy of helping people address water scarcity is concerned, he could not find ways to act till he witnessed other villages take to recharging of wells during late eighties and early nineties in other parts of Saurashtra. Oddhavji began promoting and constructing check dams in many villages of the neighbouring Halvad, Dhrol, Morbi, Wankaner and Jodiya talukas. As water levels in the wells increased, farmers started having enough work on farm and the migration came down. Patel actually has a traditional mindset and believes in all family members living together, even at the cost of earning a little less compared to what one would earn through migration to other places. Interestingly, his water harvesting programme has helped scores of families to again begin living together with migration reduced significantly in many of the villages he worked. It is witnessed that the employment of women in his factory had been a boon to the family in terms of enhancing stability in income and vulnerability reduction in agricultural income due to enhanced water storage in wells.
After relinquishing business to his son, around mid-nineties, Oddhavji began operating his ORPAT Trust, the NGO, from his palatial home in Morbi. He got full time into the
88
Literature Review social work and has developed very good rapport with the common people despite his stature and advanced age. The trust employed one mechanical engineer and five social workers. Thus, the overheads are quite low. When workload increases such as when recharge activity is to be carried out, the trust appoints volunteers from the village itself. It is a loosely run organization, where systems and procedures are followed to the extent formally needed by the government or the donor agencies as the case may be, or for the trust‟s own internal purposes. Due to limitations on personnel, monitoring is minimal. Oddhavji Patel, already 74 years of age, desires to do many things, other than water harvesting; however, limitations on staff, and their limited capacities come in the way. So, he throws his weight with other agencies to help in other social causes. For example, he has helped mobilize Rs.7.8 million from the people of Saurashtra during 2007-08 to run hostels hosting 50,000 girls and boys meeting their food, boarding and study material requirements. Similarly, he has mobilized significant support and funds for post earthquake (2001) rehabilitation work especially for shelter construction. While photo documentation is good, written documentation and other forms of communication are prepared only to the extent that is required such as reports.
Established in 1993, the ORPAT Trust has taken up watershed programme in HariparKerala (and Bella which is a hamlet) since 1996-97 in the first batch of watershed projects sanctioned by DRDA. It has constructed farm bunds, farm ponds, gully plugs, check dams, afforestation and fodder plots which are standard activities. There was only one dug well before the watershed project and the agriculture was predominantly raindependent. The Trust has formed watershed association and user groups as per watershed guidelines and submitted periodic reports to the DRDA.
(i) Shyamjibhai Antala-Saurashtra Lok Manch Trust
Shyamjibhai Antala (72) has been playing a unique role in the Saurashtra recharging movement over the past two decades. His role could be described as something that has successfully knit the various interventions by various actors on the movement canvas.
89
Literature Review Antala himself was motivated by the dug well recharge experiment of the Dhoraji-Upleta farmers during 1987-88. He began understanding and disseminating the results of the dug well recharging activity rationally. It could be said that his contribution was more towards (i) developing “frames” within the minds of the people about the benefits of recharge activity (this point is discussed in next sub-section), and (ii) information and “do-it-yourself” manuals. This has filled an important gap in the recharge activity. Working as a journalist in “phoolchhab”, a popular daily published from Rajkot, he was anyway covering the stories of recharge activities. Further, in spite of the 1985-87 drought spell, the degree of response and enthusiasm to water conservation from the people during late eighties did not satisfy Antala. He desired that there should be a mass awakening and action. His restlessness gave him a flash to try and involve the religious gurus as Saurashtrians are closely-knit religious people. He contacted and managed to convince Madhavpriyadasji of the Swaminarayan sect and Swami Kishorchandraji of the Pushtimarg Vaishnavas to interweave water conservation in their exhortations. Being highly respected gurus, people heeded to their advice and also to the various others in different parts of Saurashtra. Small nuclei of recharge has started happening. Alongside, Antala networked with NGOs, Swadhyaya Parivar and other groups, and embarked on conducting jal yatras (water campaigns).
In the year 1989, Antala has registered an NGO called Saurashtra Lok Manch Trust. He could mobilize some of the powerful and influential Saurashtra Patel Seva Samaj trustees on to his board to expand reach of his activities. His approach to recharge activity was scientific. In his articles, he explained in simple, layman‟s terms linking the amount of water that can be harvested corresponding with the rainfall and the dimensions of the well. He studied the various wells recharged, and developed manuals giving designs and other necessary details (SLMT, 1996). He identified seven different methods of recharging dug wells and four different methods of recharging hand pumps, which are simple and inexpensive (SLMT, 1996; Antala, 2007). The manual was first published in May 1996 later a revised, improved version along with some articles was published in April 1997.
90
Literature Review To expand reach of his crusade, he organized jal yatras networking with other actors such as the Swaminarayans and the Swadhyaya Parivar. The yatras witnessed the theme revolving around water scarcity in Saurashtra and how to address the same to improve the economic status of the people. The unique geology and topography of Saurashtra was also the focus and how these low storages could be beneficially utilized. The core idea was to „satisfy the mother earth‟ which is also indicated by the title of the manual „Dhara trupti‟. While the 1993 jal yatra witnessed farmers‟ participation from 700 villages of Rajkot district, the 1996 event covered six districts and a walk for 3000 km punctuated by meetings, discussions and functions during the 10 nights. In the latter yatra, SLMT has published several posters, pamphlets and booklets of techniques of recharging dug wells, borewells and hand pumps, both in rural and urban locations. It has organized 1500 gram sabhas (village meetings), 150 taluka level sammelans (conventions) and 3 maha sammelans (large conventions)-all in Saurashtra. Through these, it has reached out to 750,000 villagers and farmers. SLMT has also come out with a unique approach of reaching out to people through group weddings. Called samooh vivahs, these group weddings are quite common in Saurashtra where large number of people gather. SLMT used 42 such wedding occasions to provide demonstrations, speeches and distribution of manuals, thus covering 500,000-600,000 people (Antala, 2003). Antala‟s writings have been one of the major source of fuel to the spread of the movement. He has regularly written in “phoolchhap” daily where he was employed. In addition, he also wrote in many other newspapers and other print media in all totaling 200 plus articles. In addition to focusing on the local areas and Gujarat state, his articles also tried to give a broader picture of occurrence of water in nature and how the future scenario would become challenging say in 2025 (Antala, 2001).
In view of his advanced age, Antala has stopped activities through SLMT few years ago except for attending workshops, conferences and board meetings of which he is a member. He has been advisor to Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Orissa governments on
91
Literature Review
92
invitation and has helped them design water conservation programmes. In recognition of his work, he has been awarded at least 25 state and national awards54.
PART 3: KEY DETERMINANTS OF SOCIAL MOBILISATION AND THE BUILD UP TO THE WATER-CENTRIC SOCIAL MOVEMENT
This sub-section will analyze the Saurashtra recharging movement within the conceptual framework described in Part one.
Part two has discussed the organizations, the
leadership styles, the principles and the approaches adopted by the leaders in contributing to the recharge movement. This Part three applies the conceptual framework of Oommen‟s alternatives for a crisis situation, the process of framing employed by the recharge movement leaders, and Klanderman‟s process of meaning construction and communication. Put differently, this sub-section identifies and discusses the key determinants of social mobilization in the run up to the social movement.
Leadership and Work Philosophy Oommen (1972a, 1990) argues that to cope with a crisis situation, one of the three alternatives may emerge: [a] appearance of a charismatic leader who promises to lead the people to a new utopia, [b] emergence of a new ideology which champions the cause of the deprived, and [c] establishing a new organization to deal with the problem at hand. Study indicates that it is not a straightforward case of application of one of these three alternatives. The one that comes closer is alternative (a). Oommen‟s (1972) criteria at the outset do not seem to be applicable here.
The study reveals that there has been no single charismatic, overarching leadership that aimed at leading the recharging movement over whole of Saurashtra; nor is there an overarching institution or an institutional arrangement. Further, such an institutional structure or an arrangement has not evolved nor exists in any form today. The 54
Source: List of awards to Shyamjibhai Antala from 1996 to 2007 compiled by Prof. N.K. Dokariya, 2007.
Literature Review institutional structure or arrangement here implies „stake‟ of at least the major actors in Saurashtra who are connected in a formal way, problems and solutions discussed, implementation done, funding leveraged in part or full, documentation for knowledge sharing and growth in place and policy advocacy carried out. There is at best some informal interaction between various actors, that is, the leaders. A forged coordinated effort does not exist. What existed surely was that the widespread water crisis situation in Saurashtra and the frequent drought spells have witnessed pioneering efforts in direct dug well recharging by Dhoraji-Upleta farmers‟ during 1987-90. This effort served as trigger to almost all the actors reviewed in the previous section and also others not included there. Many villages have witnessed local or cluster level leadership emerging and leading people unto recharging activity. As discussed in the foregoing, many leaders were also experimenting directly and indirectly, and feeding results and experiences into the recharge activity. Overall, a scenario of dispersed „nuclei‟ of dug well recharging and its varieties thereof was emerging during the period late eighties and early nineties. The watershed programme that came onto the scene from the beginning of 1996 in Saurashtra and had well defined guidelines for implementation with funding support from the national government through the district rural development agencies gave a shot in the arm to the recharge movement.
Interestingly, the watershed programme in Rajkot district had a heavy bias towards water harvesting structures; especially, by those agencies which were already engaged in water harvesting and were fully convinced about it. While the guidelines do not permit 70-80% of the watershed budget to be spent on water harvesting structures as is done by the Rajkot (and some other agencies in Saurashtra), the agencies did not mind „flouting‟ these guidelines, because of which at least one pioneering agency had to face audit queries. The irony is that if one restricts oneself to these guidelines, innovation is not possible, as innovation itself demands “thinking beyond the box” of guidelines or rules. My visits to these agencies confounded my contention of need for flexibility in the watershed programme. In the initial years of watershed programme, Mr. BN Yugandhar (member, Planning Commission, Government of India), then Advisor to the PMO, and a strong promoter of the common guidelines, agreed to my contention that the
93
Literature Review implementation machinery actually considers guidelines as rules. He admitted by saying “…..a guideline (when handed over from the ministry) becomes a regulation etched in stone by the time it reaches down the rung leading not only to hindrances in successful implementation but also eradicating any creativity that would have been possible” (Mudrakartha, 1999). The factor to reckon here is the concern of the bureaucracy in the lower rungs which does not want to take any chances of being caught in the wrong foot. Thus, there is a need for thorough change in the “mind-set” of the bureaucracy along with necessary accompanying instructions and re-orientation programmes. Thus, we could distinguish two types of leaders: [a] Visionary leaders and [b] Action leaders. Certain characteristics of these leaderships could be listed: Visionary leaders are those who may have begun at an individual or a small scale, but have over a period enlarged their vision to see the resource management holistically, and over larger geography. They are flexible to ideas, learnings‟ and interactions not only with the grass root level actors but also the researchers, academics, bureaucracy and the politicians, and other actors. They are tireless workers who might have given their best over many years, without prejudice to caste, class, creed and gender. They had demonstrated their honesty of purpose either before entering the water conservation activity or in the initial years so that people would accept them as leaders.
Action leaders are those who would be satisfied with promoting the known techniques and technology, and facilitating their implementation at local or larger scales, directly or through other groups. Some of these action leaders also would show innovation, including when applying techniques and technology at larger level. Those leaders who go beyond their village and aim and reach out many villages should be distinguished to come in between action leaders and visionary leaders.
[a] Visionary leaders are the persons who visualized, prima facies, the potential of the dug well recharging experiments done by the Dhoraji-Upleta farmers in addressing water scarcity. These leaders over a period of time have also institutionalized their efforts as they witnessed the efficacy of further innovative experiments done by themselves or by others. Each leader had his way of contributing to the recharging movement. Shyamjibhai
94
Literature Review Antala of Saurashtra Lok Manch Trust, Premjibhai Patel of Vruksh Prem Trust and Shri Pandurang Athavale of Swadhyaya Parivar belong to this category. Over the years, they have expanded their work by taking their experience in rainwater harvesting across Saurashtra, and to other parts of Gujarat (Rathore, 2003a).
Shyamjibhai Antala has successfully reached out to play a key role in the planning of water harvesting programme of Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Andhra Pradesh invited as an advisor in addition to his work in Gujarat. He also served as a strategic link for the recharge movement by between action and rationale that he tried to provide through explanations, documentation of success stories, publication of manuals and personal interactions. Swaminarayan Sampraday and Pushtimarg Vaishnava Trust, two popular religious organizations with a huge Gujarati following, both within India and abroad, have been drafted into the movement by these visionary leaders to take benefit of their presence and exhortations.
[b] Action leaders are those local leaders who have primarily focused on their village or a cluster of villages. This also includes institutionalization. ORPAT Trust, Sarvodaya Seva Sangh, Saurashtra Jaldhara Trust, Jalkranti Trust etc. come under this category. SSS, however, has been working on other development themes for a long time. Interestingly, these agencies have forayed into watershed programme since 1996. In the watershed programme too, most of these agencies have ended up spending 80% and above for land development and water harvesting. Some of these organizations have begun working from early nineties by financing construction of check dams through or leveraged private funds.
Saurashtra Jaldhara Trust under the leadership of Mathurbhai Savani has contributed in a unique way to the recharging movement as described in the previous sub-section. The Trust has begun with „cement teko‟ programme and later providing JCBs for earth work for various storage structures; people only had to pay for the fuel (diesel) expenses which was amounting to about one-fourth of the total expense. Savani organized numerous village-level meetings in which he used to analyze the problems of water not as scarcity,
95
Literature Review but because of two reasons: (i) overexploitation of groundwater for irrigation without commensurate recharge, and (ii) 90% of rainwater running off to the sea. Therefore, he projected the issue as affected not just an individual, but the entire village (CSE, 2000). So much so that he promoted not only recharge but also water efficient technologies such as drip. People‟s maximum participation was another key element in his programmes.
Mansukhbhai Suvagiya of Jalkranti Trust first established his own credentials by working equally along with other labor in the construction of the first storage structure. He was ready to get into action too in order to encourage people towards self –reliance. Later he innovated to build low cost check dams using his professional (engineering) skills. Till the watershed programme was sanctioned, he and his Trust have worked only with locally raised funds.
All these Trusts have a strong component of local fund raising using the kinship link through the trustees. The links mostly were connected to successful business persons residing in India and abroad. Identity-Saurashtra farmer and entrepreneur One of the tasks in framing involves identity. In typical challengers versus protagonists situation that existed till around eighties, the activists defined who they are, usually as "'we,' typically in opposition to some 'they' who have different interests and values" (Pellow, 1999). The Saurashtra recharging movement falls under the new social movement where collective framing too which involves „stakeholders‟ as well as state actors is resorted to. The Saurashtra movement was triggered by peasants and led by either peasants or by people with peasant background. The cross cutting issue of water scarcity for agriculture has been the plank on which the actions were based and the movement built upon. Historically, Saurashtra economy has been agriculture-centric; the region has been the producer of export quality cotton55, a distinction which is maintained even today. 55
The climate and geography of Saurashtra is very much suitable for cotton. The black cotton soil combined with hilly topography, and surrounded by sea, with a temperature range between 14°C to 44°C
96
Literature Review
Gujaratis in general and Saurashtrians in particular have been highly enterprising. For example, the diamond industry in Gujarat accounts for 72% of the world‟s processed diamonds and 80% of India‟s diamond exports through 6547 diamond processing units56 employing approximately 700,000 persons in the State (Task Force, 2009). The total annual turnover is Rs.800 million. Most of the Trusts that emerged for well recharging movement have a majority of trustees hailing from important revenue earning business segments such as diamond industry, textiles, and gems and stones. As part of business, either the trustee or one or more family members of these trustees resides abroad, and in places like Mumbai and Surat (in Gujarat state) which are hubs of business. Himself a diamond businessman, Mathurbhai Savani, for instance, has mobilized many diamond industry owners to contribute funds directly to his Trust, SJT, out of which he bought 20 JCBs and extended the machinery free of cost to any farmer.
Interestingly, a majority of the trustees constitutes patels. However, the well recharging movement leaders have leveraged their support not as patels but as farmers by projecting the issue of water scarcity. Antala, for example, has leveraged the powerful and rich Shri Saurashtra Patel Seva Samaj Trust for funding his manuals as far back as in early nineties („Dharatrupti‟-Manuals). He has drafted good number of them into his Saurashtra Lok Manch Trust as trustees (SLMT brochures). during the cotton season have helped produce excellent quality cotton fibre. The Shankar-6 variety which is widely used by farmers has more maturity, good elongation and good dye affinity; the fibre surface has extra wax so much so that Shankar-6 from Saurashtra has assumed a leading position in the world market. Saurashtra has a total land area of 6.34 million hectares, of which 4.17 million are arable. In 2008/2009, the area under cotton is put at more than 1.6 million hectares and production is forecast to reach between 7.0 and 7.5 million bales (of 168 kilos). This amount would represent approximately 65% of production in Gujarat and 25% of total production in India. Cotton production in Saurashtra has increased by leaps and bounds during the last ten years owing to the rise in cultivated area and also increases in yield. Bt cotton seed varieties have contributed to the increase in production. Farmers in the region are hard working, aware of technology and apply scientific methods of cotton farming. In Saurashtra, average lint yield is 900 kilos per hectare but the maximum obtained some districts can be as high 1,500 kilos. Output has quadrupled over the past four years and the possibility exists of further increases. Dynamics and New Developments of the Ginning Industry in Saurashtra by Anand A, Popat, Secretary, Saurashtra Ginners Association, Managing Director, Jalaram Cotton and Proteins Pvt. Ltd. in Cotton Outlook, December 2008, Cotlook Limited, Merryside, U.K. http://www.cotlook.com/SpecialFeatures/India_08.pdf accessed 22 July 1009. 56 The diamonds, after cutting and polishing, are returned to the supplier and are ultimately exported by the businessmen engaged in the activity. As the finished product is exported, the survival of the industry depends on overseas markets, especially in view of the limited domestic demand (Task Force, 2009).
97
Literature Review Thus, we see kinship relation has not only helped combine the ends, means and field of action, bring in emotional ties, but has also gone beyond the economics to convert individual actions into a strong social movement capable to move on its own. Further, this factor was also used very effectively for attracting the generally indifferent political leadership to take a closer look at the much talked about social movement around water. Policy advocacy requires special skills and can happen only based on one‟s ability to rope in the politicians and bureaucracy. The leaders sold the idea that the movement is across Saurashtra by inviting them to jal yatras, conferences and other big event campaigns described previously. Having seen the response among and the impact on agriculture yields, the political leadership used the opportunity for consolidation of its own vote bank across Saurashtra. The 60:40 scheme for instance was the result of this advocacy which benefited farmers per se and not just patels, such as would happen if it were a business where poor, marginal and small farmers would not be privy.
Although Saurashtra is dominated by (leuva) patels, the houses are not segregated by castes. There are other castes such as Brahmins, kolis, rajputs, harijans, muslims and scheduled tribes. In some villages such as Vithalpar (one of the study areas, kolis are in a majority). The strength of kinship of Saurashtrians could be seen from their response to the so-called Godhra riots that took place in response to the burning of Sabarmati Express train on 26 February 2002 at Godhra railway station in Gujarat. The burning of the train killed 58 pilgrims, including 26 women and 12 children, mostly from coach S-6; another 43 persons were with different degrees of burns. The communal violence was mainly confined to Central and North Gujarat while Saurashtra and South Gujarat (tribal dominated) remained relatively peaceful (Tewatia et al. 2002). Framing for Mobilisation Framing57 is defined as mental orientations built into the minds of the followers (that is, the primary stakeholders). Till seventies, framing used to be dominated more as “we” 57
Triandafyllidou, Anna and Fotiou, Anastasios (1998) "Sustainability and Modernity in the European Union: A Frame Theory Approach to Policy-Making," Sociological Research Online, vol. 3, no. 1, http://www.socresonline.org.uk/3/1/2.html; accessed Abstract on 23 July 2009. Frame analysis has been often used by scholars studying New Social Movements to analyze their discourses and their ability to
98
Literature Review challenging “they”, they usually being the state and similar actors in „authority‟. However, a new form of collaborative framing is emerging in recent times adopted mostly by the new social movements in which the challengers actually engage in collaborative framing with their adversaries. Environmentalists actually draw up on a mixture of confrontation and negotiation in this innovative form of collective action also called as consensus-based-decision making (CBDM) (Pellow, 1999). In CBDM, both conflictual (traditional) and collaborative (cutting edge) approaches come together, identify the problem and find solutions to address it. However, it may not always be that this type of an „ideal‟ situation might exist to begin with. It may happen later too.
In the case of Saurashtra recharging movement, there have been significant attempts at collaborative framing involving politicians, religious, spiritual leaders, industry and bureaucracy from village, taluka and zilla panchayats while working with the people. The framing strategies utilized cognitive schemata and was a continuous exercise occurring on a day to day basis as well as in conferences, water campaigns and jal yatras (discussed later). Almost all the agencies coined slogans and messages to motivate and propagate action. The slogans, messages, posters, films and other tools and symbols were of direct and indirect type. The direct type asked people „to do‟ action while the indirect ones appealed to their thought process in order to conjure up scenarios.
Further, the dynamic framing process in the two decade period of the Saurashtra recharging movement is evident from the initial focus on direct dug well recharging in late eighties to holistic recharging on watershed basis from mid-nineties. The structures for recharging too underwent change-from simple on farm diversion to filters, check dams, farm ponds, farm bunds, gully plugs and holistic treatment on watershed basis although with a very heavy bias for water harvesting.
Pellow (1999) argues that frames consist not just of words and pronouncements, but also can include collective action events and the implementation of strategies and tactics. As mobilize people (Triandafyllidou et al. 1998). For a detailed discourse on advantages and limitations of application of 'frame analysis' in the context of both social movements and institutional actors, please refer to Triandafyllidou et al. (1998).
99
Literature Review the old adage goes "actions speak louder than words," and social movements often use forms of collective action as "signifying agents" (Snow & Benford, 1988).
Broad based involvement of stakeholders has also led to formulation of government schemes such as the SPPWCP and the SJSY (80:20 or 60:40) based on learnings‟ from the recharge movement (DTE, 2000 and Letter of Minister58). There has not been much of an anti-establishment approach except by Premjibhai Patel of VPST. His critical-speak was mostly tolerated by the state representatives or at worst ignored by virtue of his own proven track record as a pioneer, innovator and a missionary.
The following sub-sections describe how the movement was strengthened by action, narratives and meaning construction for communication contributing to the framing and re-framing from time to time. Narratives as tools of meaning reinforcement The social construct of meaning for the well recharging movement relied heavily upon the narratives of individuals who actually carried out pioneering experiments. These narratives tended to become biographies or autobiographies in a limited sense; and, a sense of achievement was visible whenever these “pioneers,” “leaders,” or “local representatives” narrated their experiences of the past and the present and confidence in achieving irrigation and drinking water security in future through the movement. For instance, Shyamjibhai Antala‟s tryst with water conservation was published in written form (ToI, 2000; Navbharat Dainik, 2003) and also his own narrative (Antala, 2003). He has also consistently written in the print media backed by data and information. These articles included his own, and collected experiences from visits to villages. Similarly, such narratives were also produced by SJT in the form of brochures including a hundred brief case studies (SJT, 2001) and websites already referred to previously. Occasional writings of Premjibhai Patel (VPST, 2005) and documentation of key experiences during
58
Lr. No.MoI/103/3711/2002 dated 20 August 2002 from Babhubhai Bokhiriya, Minister of Irrigation, acknowledging the strengthening of the idea of SJSY scheme to his visit to Jamka village, Junagadh, for studying check dams constructed by Jal Kranti Trust.
100
Literature Review construction of check dam (VPST, 2007) and a compilation of experiences of farmers from across VPST field villages (VPST, 2007a) are some.
While these were written narratives, several of these leaders were regular invitees to many conferences and workshops where they were asked to narrate their experiences. For instance, Hardevsinh Jadeja, Shyamjibhai Antala and Premjibhai Patel were regular invitees to the International Water Management Institute‟s IWMI-Tata Annual Partners‟ meeting every year from 2002 onwards. Similarly, they have attended many workshops, conferences and events organized by government, NGOs and donor agencies (VPST occasional release, 2005). The author has attended many events where these leaders were present and shared their experiences.
While narratives by leaders is one aspect, the social movement draws its sustainability and strength from how a common man perceives benefits; how common is the topic and what the churning of communication is doing to the same. In most of the cases, the villagers were able to connect the need for water conservation with the water scarcity history of the village arising due to a combination of factors such as the uncertain and inadequate rainfall, topography and lack of surface water storage structures. The stories were exchanged in the farm, on the bus, in informal groups, in the village meetings, and everywhere. One effect of the story telling was that groups of farmers from within the village and outside started visiting the sites of experimentation wanting to witness by themselves the way the well recharging was done. The interactions provided an opportunity for generating more ideas in terms of improvisation for both the visiting farmers and the experimenter. There was ambience of action, innovation and expectation to tackle the perennial problem of water scarcity.
The narratives by the leaders and promoters lent credence to the recharge activity and its subsequent scaling up. Shyamjibhai Antala, who was a paid employee of a Gujarati daily newspaper, has never received remuneration or compensation for his service to society from either individuals, agencies or governments (Antala, 2003). Antala has been able to provide more details in his narratives and writings and asked people to visit and check
101
Literature Review out on what was happening. Premjibhai Patel, a man of action, has provided cement support to many farmers for several years for well recharging as well as construction of check dams. Further, there were many local village level representatives who were pioneers and practitioners themselves across some districts, and who positively contributed to the media consumption.
Over a period of time, there was a chain reaction in terms of increased number of news stories being covered by the respective local media in different districts, especially the print media. With time, stories were not just of news value but on the process of well recharging and the innovations carried out, often with graphics and details (Navbharat Dainik, 2003; Madhurkar, 1997; DTE, 2000; Kishwar, 2003). Importantly, how vulnerability due to uncertain rainfall was checked by villages adopting groundwater recharging in toto was observed by people, which also got covered in the media through interviews (Madhurkar, 1997; CSE, 2000). There was clear distinction between crop returns obtained between farmers adopting recharge and those not adopting; the same distinction was visible at village level. For farmers, crop output is the most important, tangible outcome. Hence, when informed of increases in crop yields and returns on agriculture, groups of farmers visited such experimental villages, studied the methods and came back inspired. Back home, with or without funding support, tens, if not hundreds, of farmers were taking up well recharge and introduced further innovations described elsewhere.
Do these narratives constitute a deliberate and conscious effort at build up of images of prosperity in the minds of the farmers and their families? Was that a conscious „framing‟ strategy adopted by the leaders and promoters of the recharging movement?
There is no evidence to indicate that there has been a conscious, planned effort by the leaders and promoters of the initial recharge activity, nor was there a whole-Saurashtra, or even Rajkot district59 effort. There is even today no organization that has embarked upon covering entire Saurashtra in action as against a wishful domain reflected in the 59
An important city in Gujarat state with recurring water scarcity problem.
102
Literature Review organization‟s bye-laws. The efforts were promoted with innocuous intention of helping willing farmers to capture and divert rainwater into their wells. However, in some villages such as Bhayavadar in Upleta taluka of Rajkot district when significant number of farmers were coming forward for well recharging and later for check dam construction, hopes of addressing water scarcity at village and then Saurashtra level have been raised. In particular, when the watershed programme began in 1996, the approach was treating entire drainage line of the village. On an average, 10-45 check dams of different sizes were constructed depending upon the size and extent of the village (Field data, 2003-4). In addition, each watershed unit comprised 5000 hectares of 10 villages. Although the leaders were aware of their own limitation in terms of their outreach, this did not stop them from dreaming about the whole of Saurashtra. This is evidenced two ways: one in the articles by some leaders, and two, in the naming of their organization. (i) For instance, Antala estimates presence of 750,000 dug wells, about a million borewells and numerous hand pumps in Saurashtra (Antala, 2003). Through recharging he estimates 1.8-2.0 million acre-feet of water storage and economic returns through agriculture to the tune of Rs.2.5-3.0 billion per year. His ideas on mass well recharging started taking shape from around the year 2000 which can be seen from his advice to the Madhya Pradesh Government which under his guidance has recharged 140,035 wells, 50,968 borewells and 765,403 hand pumps (Antala, 2003). While there could be debates about the exact number of recharging structures whether in Saurashtra, Gujarat or Madhya Pradesh, what is important to note is that there has been a regional level thinking which also guided actions and ideas, such as working with the government as there was recognition that Saurashtra‟s water problem cannot be solved by any one person or agency (Saurashtra Bhoomi, 2002)60. The article also throws light on challenges in scaling up due to differential response from villages even within the same area. (ii) Most of the organizations have „Saurashtra‟ in their title such as the Saurashtra Lok Manch Trust of Shyamjibhai Antala, Jalkranti Trust of Mansukhbhai Suvagiya and Saurashtra Jaldhara Trust of Mathurbhai Savani. Suvagiya of SJT has ambitious plan of converting Saurashtra into a green and water crisis-free zone. SJT plans to treat the 78 rivers with 60
„Saurashtra Bhoomi‟, a local language newspaper published an article titled „Saurashtra‟s water conservation activity is not the proprietary domain of one or two persons‟ dated 8 October 2002.
103
Literature Review check dams that „empty‟ into the sea; in addition, advocacy for irrigation efficiency through low water intensive technology is aimed to be promoted (CSE, 2000). This is in addition to the use of their 20 JCBs for continuing with the recharge promotion activity. Thus, one can see that as against a planned strategy, Saurashtra as a domain for recharge activity has emerged with time that converted into a movement. The watershed programme implemented since 1996 has given a boost to the efforts of individuals and non government agencies that have done more systematic work village wise in batches of 10 villages per watershed unit. It may not be fair to assume that all the farmers are involved in the movement. Like in any other movement, the participation has critical mass and therefore the movement moves on.
The movement also employed communication methods such as brochures, guidance manuals, leaflets that served not only as communication tools but also helped strengthen community‟s future frames of prosperity at individual and village levels. Aided by drawings and pictures, the materials focused on the simplicity of implementation of various methods that could be adopted to harvest water as discussed below. Water has the highest degree of value as an elixir of crop for not only the farming community but also for those who indirectly depend on farming such as agricultural labor and dairy farmers. The pictures that depicted rejuvenated rivers, overflowing wells and lush green crops, supported by estimations of volumes of rainwater that could be captured through a variety of recharge activities61 both at individual and village levels, fired the imagination of the people (Dharatrupti, 1996; Shabdved, 2001; Antala, 2003). Among older generation, the pictures could easily bring back memories when, forty years ago, during the sixties and the seventies, the water situation was similar to that presented (Focus group discussion, 2003-4). Rendering of success stories by individuals as well as village representatives, informally, and often orally, as well as verbally during water campaigns and jal yatras, both within and outside of the village, district and the state levels, were
61
Antala, (2003) estimates that dug wells of Saurashtra are of 30-50 metres depth with an average diameter of 4-5 metres. Depending upon topography, seven methods of well recharging and four different methods of recharging hand pumps could be carried out. One dug well can recharge nearly 900-1110 m3 of rain water.
104
Literature Review aiding the framing practices and the communication strategy. The following are some slogans and messages given out by various agencies to promote rainwater conservation:
Saurashtra Lok Manch Trust (Dharatrupti, 1996):
Recharge farm rainwater into ground.
Recharge residence and street rain water.
Recharge water from ponds by strengthening bunds through voluntary labor.
Contribute to success of well recharging by recharging your well and hand pumps.
Capture rainwater in farm ponds to facilitate recharge.
Green the earth by planting trees.
Adopt low cost and simple artificial recharge techniques.
Make well recharging a success by your active participation and experimentation.
Vruksh Prem Seva Trust (Occasional releases, and pamphlets): Premjibhai Patel uses innovative methods of raising questions and coining slogans. The following are some:
Gratis or support? Which one do you prefer?
Emphasizing on self reliance and self esteem as against gratis and dependence;
Roof water harvesting or ground-compound (premises) harvesting?
Farm pond or field pond?
Labor payment for attendance or payment per work done?
The Vaccine of drought is Check Dam; that too when it is built in series (VPST Occasional series, 2005).
VPST has also been promoting the concept of an ideal village through occasional releases from time to time by giving a check list of characteristics which included the following (e.g. VPST occasional release dated 7.7.2007):
Every house has a toilet, soak pit, a bath room, a gobar gas (biogas) plant.
105
Literature Review
All streets are free of waste water.
Women have passed at least tenth standard.
No illiteracy.
Model clean village.
No police case during the past five years.
Tobacco and other injurious items have disappeared.
No expectations of government or donor agencies funds.
Sustainability after completion of watershed programme, whose funds are meant for people.
No inclination for foreign goods.
Jalkranti Trust (JT): Common overarching message of all the organizations to farmers is that water is extremely valuable. The “rainwater in your farm belongs to you” and “the rainwater in the village belongs to the village”. This approach was aimed at producing individual as well as village level effects (Dharatrupti, 1996; VPST Occasional release, 2007). Interestingly, along with such supply augmentation methods, water efficient methods such as drip irrigation and low cost sprinklers were introduced as part of the watershed programme that began during the beginning of the second decade of the movement in 1996. SJT, in particular, has popularized drip irrigation technology by installing drip in phases in Khopala and covered one-fourth of the total agricultural land (CSE, 2000). SJT has also pioneered in recharging wells through construction of farm ponds; these and other methods such as gully plugs, farm bunds and check dams were used to not only show but encouraging farmers to visualize benefits of such scenarios in their own farms (Chokkakula, 2001; VPST occasional release, 2001).
Issues of downstream and upstream were also not so much in prominence because the activities tended to be inclusive. Whether it is „cement teko‟ programme or dug well recharging or construction of check dams, the support was equally available. Absence of conflicts can itself be construed as the ability of the promoters to be able to reach out to every farmer.
106
Literature Review Thus, the movement made use of frames that provided clear images of achievable results, fulfillment of desires and promise of prosperity. These have been reinforced by experiential information and knowledge, credible social leaders and a supportive media. Process of meaning construction How did the leaders accord and construct meaning to their individual-centric activities so as to convert into a social movement? The leadership of the recharge movement has effectively made use of the three different processes of meaning construction, namely, public discourse, persuasive communication and consciousness-raising as theorized by Klandermans (1992). This process strengthens the narratives described above.
(a) Public discourse communication
The process of public discourse was used by organizations such as the Swadhyaya Parivar, the Swaminarayan Sampraday and Saurashtra Lok Manch Trust. Shri Pandurang Shastri Athavale used to address swadhyayees and the common folk which included large number of farmers, as far back as in 1975 to adopt water conservation. He gave the slogan, “If you quench Mother Earth‟s thirst, she will quench yours” thus weaving emotion and culture for water resource management. However, the strategy was not very effective until the drought spell of 1985-87 has occurred. His discourses as part of the Swadhyaya continued which were invariably attended by thousands as he had been a highly revered as a master guru (great spiritual teacher)62. Saurashtra Lok Manch Trust too failed initially to mobilize people in spite of the recurring water scarcity or drought. He subsequently sought to involve religious gurus such as Madhavpriyadasji of the Swaminarayans and Swami Kishorchandraji of the Pushtimarg Vaishavas whom people revere to spread the message of self-reliance in well recharging (Madhurkar, 1997). The religious leaders and their disciples pitched the need for well recharging saying, “if the villagers do not act now, Saurashtra would be a desert in 30 years”. Vruksh Prem Seva 62
Dr. Helmet Pfeiffer (Translator of 'Vision of of God', a book dedicated to Rev. Dadaji from German to Latin) on the crowd pulling power of Athavale said (www.dadaji.net/reflections.htm): I cannot but believe the fact that half a million people assemble to listen to one man who talks about God. Where else it could happen?
107
Literature Review Trust has had a different style of operation; the founder Premjibhai Patel has always been individual oriented supported by a few dedicated workers. Driven by commitment, restlessness and passion, he likes to do things in the quickest time possible. He used to motivate and respond to farmers on individual basis by personal interactions, provide them cement support in the first decade, till mid nineties, and demand action and results. He also exhorted groups of farmers by visiting villages far and near with missionary zeal; he gave examples of others who have already carried out well recharging and benefited from increased crop yields. In his cement support programme in the initial years, he was cheated by a few farmers with fake bills but they were soon exposed. He had advantage over others as his committed work in promoting afforestation, primarily through prosopis juliflora, was known to many (Chokkakula, 2001). He believed that villagers themselves are the best means of spreading the message, with authenticity; once they are convinced, the message would spread because they have identified their problem as well as the solution63.
During mid nineties and later, there were newer entrants into the movement, notable among them being Jalkranti Trust and Saurashtra Jaldhara Trust. Both these agencies have continued with the idea of involving religious and spiritual personalities such as Shri Morari Bapu, an eminent orator of Ramayana64 and the Swaminarayans in addition to many noted ministers and politicians. They included He also involved the then Chief Minister Keshubhai Patel and many industrialists to attend and address water campaigns and jal yatras. There were a series of conventions, jal yatras and water campaigns which were inaugurated by these religious, spiritual and political leaders where they draw content from the already „successful‟ well recharging activities in various villages65.
63
Personal communication in Field 2003-4. Hindu religious epic. 65 Multiple sources include: Phoolchhab, 21.11.1999. „Water revolution will render Saurashtra green: Sachchidanand‟; 21 September, 2002. “Mansukhbhai Suvagiya‟s water revolution produces miracles‟ (in Gujarati), Sandesh, 6.9.2001.„Water Crusader Mansukhbhai deserves Magsaysay Award: Sachchidanand‟ 64
108
Literature Review (b) Persuasive and consciousness-raising communication
SJT has come across as a strong agency that put in efforts to reach out each and every village using communication channels effectively. The following provide evidence of their persuasive and consciousness-raising communication efforts66:
One of the key members of the SJT, Rajeshbhai Mehta, who resides in Belgium led a team of 200 dignitaries from Surat in 1998 and in 2000 that included diamond industry stalwarts, textile industrialists and gems and stones businessmen, in addition to politicians to tour villages in order to motivate them through direct interaction of the team with the villagers. Mehta and team‟s tour of over 600 villages encouraged the village committees whose enthusiasm was boosted.
A 250-km pad yatra (walk) was organized in November 1999 in which 400 diamond businessmen from Bhavnagar, Surat, Ahmedabad and Mumbai participated. Another pad yatra of 20 days organized from Talgajarad to Porbander a distance of 325 km led by 1000 persons.
A huge convention was organized by SJT during 2003 in Surat which was attended by the then Chief Minister of Gujarat, Keshubhai Patel. Around 300,000 people from all walks of life attended. A vow was administered at the end of the convention to conserve rain water. This is seen as the first time that such a huge gathering assembled for the cause of rainwater conservation in the entire country.
In the year 2000, five grand conventions were organized on successive days in different places. These conventions held from November 1-5 were attended by many cabinet ministers such as the irrigation, water resources and the Narmada Development. In addition, the speaker of the Assembly and the chief minister Keshubhai Patel were also present. Social workers such as Anna Hazare, a crusader against corruption and Rajendrasingh of Tarun Bharat Sangh, Rajasthan, spiritual and religious leaders such as Shri Morari Bapu, Swami Sachchidanandji
66
Personal communication 2003-04, Field notes, SJT, (2001), Kishwar (2003), CSE, (2000); http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/articleshow/misd-649037365,prtpage-1.cms; http://www.saujaldharatrust.com/awarenessprog.asp; http://www.saujaldharatrust.com/sammelans.asp.
109
Literature Review of Dantal Ashram and many others were present at these conventions. At the end of each of these events, people took a „vow‟ to carry out groundwater recharging.
Five one-day shibirs (camps) held with gram panchayat members.
SJT has made special efforts to reach out to all villages of Saurashtra, Kutch and north Gujarat, the water scarcity regions in Gujarat. The Trust has written a letter addressed to sarpanch, talati, village leader and other respected elders of each village exhorting them on the need for water conservation and extending required support. They have distributed 100,000 posters, 500,000 pamphlets and 8,000 banners, in addition to 400,000 booklets, 100,000 audio cassettes and 300 video cassettes. These materials contained all information on water conservation and the techniques.
An audio-visual van provided with a large television set was continuously showing videos, documentaries and exhibits to share and motivate.
SLMT has played a critical role in terms of persuading through rationale and logic. Shyamjibhai Antala has published more than 200 articles in various Gujarati newspapers including in Phoolchaab published from Rajkot where he worked for two decades. He used to raise simple questions which a common man would ask in the context of water conservation and make it the theme of the article. He also covered many success stories by giving details of the farmers who adopted recharging and exhorted people to go and see for themselves. He also gave details of increase in crop yields and the income raise thereof. At a different level, he wrote about hydrologic cycle, the balance in nature, and the perils of disturbance of the balance. These articles are published as a collection in Gujarati language. In the initial years of well recharging during late eighties and nineties he used to interact with farmers in various villages by himself whenever time permitted. Simultaneously, he focused more on knowledge collection and generation, and dissemination. He therefore attended many meetings, workshops and conferences within Gujarat and in other states of India, shared Saurashtra experiences and brought back issues for further experimentation.
110
Literature Review SLMT has also organized numerous posters and booklets and distributed the same. The trust has organized 1500 gram sabhas (village meetings), 150 taluka level sammelans (conventions) and three maha sammelans (grand conventions) in Saurashtra to which religious, spiritual and political leaders were invited similar to what SJT did in the later years as described. SLMT has also organized jal yatras. One such event was supported by the Information Bureau of Government of Gujarat, covered 3000 kms over ten days. More than 100 group meetings were held with villagers and the youth (Antala, 2003).
VPST has not by and large organized any big rallies or conventions, and is generally against it. However, in order to persuade people, Premjibhai Patel and his main workers visit villages, interact with them and convince them to take up well recharging, also providing incentives such as cement in the late eighties. Later, this incentive was given for check dam construction. Patel used another approach to persuade people and raise their awareness. This was through estimates of crop yield increases due to additional water, stories of water level increases from those who adopted and through his occasional releases. On the practice side, he has been a leading innovator in terms of low cost designs of check dams, improved farm bunds, gully plugs, farm ponds, storm drain treatment etc. These structures have made distinct difference in terms of water levels in the surrounding wells, and the farmers reaping benefits of the same in terms of enhanced crop yields. Water levels continued to sustain for rabi and then to summer crops. He has constructed a check dam at the junction of three rivers, namely, Phophal, Rasnal and Moj thus leading to not only huge storage but also at low cost; the Phophal river now flows for most part of the year. All these have resulted in increasing number of farmers participating in the recharging activity.
ORPAT Trust and SSS have adopted a standard institutional approach although the founder-leaders Oddhavji Patel and Jayanthibhai Raval respectively have wielded personal influence on people due to their commitment to ideals of helping the poor and the women. The overall ambience of recharging has influenced the Morbi and Wankaner talukas too. These talukas face additional challenges in the form of a top clay layer and
111
Literature Review shallow overburden which reduces overall recharge67. Both these agencies did not also engage in any big size events of involving politicians or spiritual leaders; however, they carried out village level meetings to motivate and persuade people not only to take up water conservation but also overall social transformation for a happy life. A focused work through watershed programme was taken up and implemented efficiently helping raise the income and economy of the villages (SSS, 2003-4). Jayanthibhai Raval of SSS has been awarded „Jalsanchay Gaurav Puraskar-2003‟ for the good work. While Oddhavji Patel has first won over women members into taking up employment in his watch factory as a way of helping them contribute to family income, he has subsequently involved all the people from his field villages to take up water conservation activities as part of watershed programmes (Raghu, 2007). Oddhavji has contributed his personal funds for many social welfare activities and also threw his weight for raising funds for public purposes. For example, his appeal has helped raise Rs.780 million for expenses towards food, boarding and study material for 50,000 girls and boys living in hostels (Raghu, 2007).
Similarly, SSS has also helped improve water availability through provision of pipelines to farmers combined with persuasion. In sum, the process of meaning construction in case of both ORPAT Trust and SSS comprised the personal commitment of the leaders and their organizations combined with their past credible work. However, limitations of adopting a standard institutional approach also limited the spread and intensity of work. The additional challenge of adverse hydrogeology added to the problems of the organizational work.
The following Table 2.1 provides a brief summary of the key elements of each of the three organizations studied for the purpose of a comparative understanding.
67
Field data-well inventory, 2003-4.
112
Literature Review
113
Table 2.1: A Comparative Table of the Study Organisations, and some salient features/characteristics Orgn
Vriksh Prem Trust; regd society/trust
Sarvodaya Seva Sangh regd society/trust
Year of initiation68 Taluka Castes Study Villages covered Name of the founder/key person Occupation
2001-2
2001-2
Orpat Trust (Ajanta clocks, telephones, torch, electric press, vacuum cleaner etc. regd society/trust 2001-2
Jamkandorna Patel Amaredi
Wankaner Koli Jalsikka, Vithalpar
Morbi Patel, Vankar Kerala-Bella and Haripar
Premjibhai Patel
Jayantbhai Ravalsecretary
Odhavjibhai Patel – Owner, ex-chairman
Ex-explosive dealer, businessman
Vidyapeeth product; trained social worker, Gandhian Paid worker NGO
Teacher; entrepreneur; multimillionaire, simple
Traditional, information sharing, enlisting participation, fixing of responsibilities, proper documentation, O & M aspects The Secretary of this all-India organisatin enjoy‟s high reputation;
Presence of a Committed Chairman who gave up business to work full time with the Trust; leverages govt. programmes, donates as and when necessary. Team not so efficient or committed. The Chairman of the local NGO (and former chairman of a corporate) has good reputation and rapport; spends time with people;
Supported the cost reduction
Initiated 30% reduction in the cost of construction
Type of organisation
Full time honorary NGO Single-track approach, Emotional, instant decisions on water structures. Reasonable documentation
Change in SoR
68
The founder of the local NGO enjoys people‟s support, trust and goodwill; fondly called premji bapa Promoted strongly the cost reduction to the extent of 30% in the SoR
Full time honorary NGO
Although this is the legally registered date, the organizations have been working for the past few years to this date.
Literature Review Technical manpower
Transport Computers Salary to staff per month Building Funding
Mobility
Special traits Weakness
Follow up, monitoring
114
BRS/MRS qualified-3 nos. total 1+3 + village volunteers 1 jeep + 3 motorcycles 1 computer Reasonable 9,00012,000
6; accountant plus qualified staff; 1 diploma engineer (retd.) 1 jeep + motorcycles 1 computer Low; max 8,000
1 Mechanical engineer; 5 social workers; plus volunteers
Rented premises
Rented premises
Initially own funds, then raised funds locally and then drew Govt. watershed program funds Most traveled, exposed, also encourages staff Contributed personal money in the initial years Honest, dedicated; desire for low cost, innovative; transparent Narrow focus believes in „give water to farmer and he will manage the rest‟; after WH structure, nothing else;
Sourced Govt. watershed programme funds plus KVIC
Trust building (ex-show room of Ajanta clocks) Sourced Govt. watershed programme funds
Informal approach, no strict formal monitoring mechanism Photodocum Excellent entation Only watershed, that too on check dams
3 motorcycles 3 computers Moderate-around 5-6000
Within Rajkot district
Minimal both for self and staff
Nil, only project funds
Donates liberally for religious causes
Honest, dedicated; desire for low cost, innovative; transparent Too slow in taking decisions; Jayantbhai-centred decision-making; People employed are above 60 years.
Honest, dedicated; desire for low cost, innovative; transparent
Close monitoring, although no formal monitoring mechanism exists Excellent
Poor follow up ; unable to take forward chairman‟s promises on other non-water development works except water related activities; does not believe in spending on administration, vehicles etc. adversely affecting efficiency and follow up No fixed pattern; mostly depends on workers report. It is my backyard approach. Good
Literature Review Check dam designs
Not strictly as per engineering parameters; belief that people are equivalent to engineers;
Innovations in check dams/ water harvesting structures
Highly innovative; attempts to arrest every drop of water; immediate benefits seen by people and hence ideas get scaled up Structures in tact due to low slope/ gradient/ low velocity Hard rock area Basalt
Check dams
Groundwate r quality Crops
Communica tion
Linkages
Proactive
115 Compromise on cost by not having engineering designs (?) problems such as siltation; no upstream simple checks done; defects Traditional
Mostly Earthen bunds with masonry spillovers; bunds maintenance poor; slope poorly designed.
Structures in tact due to low slope/ gradient/ low velocity Hard rock areabasalt/ sandstone
Structures in tact due to low slope/ gradient/ low velocity
Ok
Ok
People grew by themselves Bt. cotton
Irrigation through pipelines
Open door policy; available even without notice; documentation available, photo collection and dissemination, excellent articulation Good with Government, NGO, development groups Proactive
Easily available; documentation good; all PRA maps and photos available;
Active
Adopts newer tested techniques.
Clayey soil up to 60 m (200ft.), 60 km from seashore Saline including top layers
Introduced Bt cotton, improved seeds, vermiculture, microirrigation Available in certain slots; reports/ records available;
Active
Literature Review To sum up, the Saurashtra recharging movement has emerged from direct dug well recharging conducted by a few farmers late eighties and reached a watershed approach with a heavy water harvesting bias. Till the watershed programme was launched in Saurashtra in 1996, the recharging activity-cum-movement was funded by private persons and trusts. The funding was leveraged using kinship from businessmen from within India and abroad. The innocuous recharging activity was promoted, among others, by leaders like Shyamjibhai Antala, Premjibhai Patel, Swadhyaya Parivar and the Swaminarayan Sampraday by invoking Saurashtra farmer identity.
The social movement has witnessed adoption of framing strategies by the leaders who employed narratives as a means of building future scenarios of prosperity through water conservation activities. The leaders themselves played an important role in terms of not only story telling by themselves, but also by those who benefited by the recharge techniques. To expand the movement, the spiritual and religious leaders were cleverly drafted in, who exhorted farmers by giving slogans such as “the water in your farm belongs to you, and the water in your village belongs to our village”; and “if you quench the thirst of Mother Earth, she will quench yours.” Innovative leaders such as Premjibhai Patel of VPST and Shyamjibhai Patel of SLMT have carried out experiments, and alongside produced manuals along with sketches, and how-to-do procedures. Thousands of pamphlets, booklets, posters, videos and other audio visual material were produced and disseminated in water campaigns, jal yatras and conferences. Politicians were included by design along with spiritual, religious and local leaders to convey the message of dire need to address water scarcity. The then Chief Minister and his cabinet colleagues were made part of the conferences to enable them witness the action and the euphoria; clearly, this strategy worked and the powers that be formulated some farmer-friendly schemes such as the SPPWCP, 80:20 and 60:40 schemes. Later entrants into the movement have devised unique methods of contributing to water conservation activity; for instance, SJT has purchased 20 JCBs (earth excavators) which were provided almost free of cost against request by any village for earth work so that maximum rain water is captured in storage structures created such as ponds, tanks and check dams. In almost all the cases, the organizations have involved the diamond, textiles and gemstone industry
116
Literature Review businessmen invoking not only the kinship factor but for developing the parched Saurashtra. Since most of those businessmen from different parts of Saurashtra retained their roots, they found a ready connection and vested interest.
Analysis shows that the Saurashtra recharging movement was not something that was planned by any one organization or a group of organizations; the movement took shape out of the pioneering efforts of a few farmers and was built up in local nodes, promoted ably by a number of local leaders and organizations. Interestingly, even today, there is no overarching organization that addresses entire Saurashtra although the domain of work is chosen as Saurashtra by organizations such as SLMT, SJT, JKT and others.
What qualifies it as a recharge movement is that it has a critical mass in terms of participation of villages and farmers; however, there are still many villages which are not part of the movement as the study reveals. The watershed programme that started after almost a decade of the recharge movement supported by private entrepreneurs has given a shot in the arm as it has led to more systematic, area based efforts leading to visible and tangible impacts. Although the watershed programme is launched all over the country, what makes it unique in Rajkot district where the study villages are located is the heavy bias towards water conservation related activities by the implementation support agencies (ISA) constituting 80-90% of the expenditure ( Progress reports of VPST, JKT, SSS).
The Saurashtra recharging movement in conclusion can be termed as a unique social movement which had been spontaneous, self supporting and self-propagating. There has been a diversity of leadership not only in terms of geographic spread but in the character and type of the leadership. The diversity in fact was energising by giving room to a variety of experimentation aided by the bottom line clarity for addressing water scarcity well entrenched in the minds of the leadership. It can also be viewed as a movement that has successfully influenced the policy instruments of the government. Although the government schemes have tried to build up on the social capital generated through hard work by civil society actors, lacunae in implementation have ensured only partial success of the schemes.
117
Understanding Groundwater Balance
CHAPTER 3 UNDERSTANDING GROUNDWATER BALANCE: PHYSICAL FACTORS, INSTITUTIONS AND CHALLENGES Agriculture has for long been the mainstay of livelihood in the Saurashtra region of Gujarat. Rainfall, the only source of water is subject to high variation in terms of both annual and inter-annual variability. As a result, the water balance fluctuates on a year to year basis. The degree of fluctuation is often so high that acute water scarcity conditions emerge almost periodically. However, it is observed that wet years occurring once in a 56 year cycle help improve the water balance. Rajkot district where the study villages are located has been subject to acute drinking water crisis twice in the past two decades when the state government had to transport drinking water in special trains. Among such recurring water scarcity years, Saurashtra has witnessed some innovative groundwater recharge experiments during mid 1980s by a few farmers which picked up over the years. In this chapter, factors that influence water balance, namely, the interactions between the rainfall, topography, hydrogeology and soil are examined. This chapter is divided into four sections. Section 1 describes the hydrological and hydrogeological settings of Gujarat state, and within it of the Saurashtra area, which determine and control the movement of water, both on the surface, and inside the ground. The section also examines the topographical conditions which play a determining role in terms of accumulation of surface as well as ground water. Section 2 traces briefly the history of well irrigation in Gujarat over the past many centuries; the attempt is to understand how the then existing policies influenced the water resource management, how community was impacted by those policies and what lessons we might have for the modern day recharge movements. Section 3 describes the problems connected with data collection and analysis for resource estimation arising due to, and factors concerned with,
118
Understanding Groundwater Balance historical multi institutional administration of the water resource. Section 4 describes the Saurashtra groundwater recharge movement in Gujarat over the past two decades, and the factors that shaped the movement. The section also reviews innovations made in the recharging techniques. SECTION 1 DESCRIPTION OF GUJARAT AND SAURASHTRA As shown in Figure 3.1, Gujarat is divided into four major physiographical zones, namely: [a] Alluvial Plains; [b] Eastern hilly tract; [c] Uplands of Kachchh-Saurashtra; and [d] Low-lying coastal tract. Appendix 1 describes at a glance the geological formations and the hydrogeological conditions in Gujarat. The Saurashtra region comprising six districts69 falling in the western part of Gujarat state has maintained a distinct socio-cultural identity. Rajkot, the district in which the study villages are located, is the second largest district in the Saurashtra region, with highest population density of 283 persons per square kilometre.
Source: Gujarat Ecology Commission, 2005. State Environmental Action Programme-SEAP. Figure 3.1: Map of Gujarat showing the physiographic units
69
Amreli, Junagadh, Rajkot, Porbandar, Bhavnagar and Surendranagar
119
Understanding Groundwater Balance The drainage pattern of all the above physiographical regions of Gujarat is influenced by local topography emerged due to major tectonic activity in the past. All the rivers, except for Tapi, Narmada and Mahi, originate from the eastern hill ranges within the state, meander across the alluvial plains towards west to finally reach the Arabian Sea. Saurashtra region in itself presents a typical topography described as an inverted saucer (Shah, 1998) giving rise to about a hundred rivers that describe a radial drainage pattern (see Figure 3.2).
Figure 3.2: Map of Gujarat showing the drainage pattern
The soil conditions across Gujarat vary widely (heavy clayey to coarse sandy) 70. The wide range of soils is because of the occurrence of multi-ferrous rock series-from Deccan Traps (Sahyadri hill range) in the south to Granite Gneiss and Quartzites in the North (Aravali hill range). Alluvial soils are primarily formed due to deposition of sediments brought down by the rivers and emptying into the Arabian Sea or in the Ranns in the west (Gujarat Ecological Commission, 1994).
70
Studies indicate that the soils of Gujarat belong to five (out of ten) Soil Orders from Vertisols and Inseptisols (with vertic intergrades) in the south to Entisols in Banaskantha and Inseptisols, Vertisols, Alfisols and Aridisols in Saurashtra and Kachchh, apart from the coastal saline belts near the sea coast and the Ranns of Kachchh in the north-west (GEC, 1994). The infiltration characteristics too vary according to the soil types and influence groundwater irrigation potential.
120
Understanding Groundwater Balance The Deccan traps occurring along east coast have yielded black soils whose thickness increases from east to west, merging into coastal belt along the sea. In the Saurashtra region too, the soils are derived in situ from the parent Deccan trap, mostly basalt. These soils are shallow to medium deep black soils, surrounded by alluvial deposits of sandy soils. The climate of Gujarat varies from humid, sub-humid, and semi arid to arid type; the rainfall is highest of about 2000 mm in the south, which gradually decreases to about 300 mm in Kachchh. The rainfall pattern of Gujarat State has a significant impact on its economy due to dependence on water for various purposes. North Gujarat, Kachchh and Saurashtra regions suffer from frequent drought conditions due to poor and erratic rainfall. The rainfall in the state is unimodal; Figure 3.3 shows the rainfall distribution (Isohyets). The dependence on groundwater is therefore very high. Apart from rainfall, the soil profile plays a very important and critical role in determining the natural recharge and thereby the groundwater potential. The soil characteristics influence the rate of recharge to such an extent that an impervious soil such as clay or black cotton soil can render infiltration to almost zero.
Figure 3.3: Isohyets of Gujarat
121
Understanding Groundwater Balance The state recorded summer temperature as high as 46 degrees Celsius in many parts while the minimum winter temperature was of 4 degrees Celsius. Most of Saurashtra region has arid to semi arid climatic conditions (Amreli, Jamnagar, Bhavnagar, Rajkot and Surendranagar), except the coastal Junagadh district (also called south Saurashtra) which has sub-humid climate. Temperature plays an important role in determining the rate of evaporation and evapotranspiration, and thereby the water balance.
Saurashtra exhibits a typical rainfall pattern. Analysis of rainfall data for 95 years (19021997) indicates that for 45 years, either the rainfall was below average normal or the rainfall occurred as high intensity, short duration, spells. The average rainy days are 27 and the rainfall 592 mm (Phadtare, 1988). This pattern combined with high slopes and hard rock topography generates large surface runoff due to inadequate time of retention for recharge to occur to the weathered zone and the fractures where occurring. The impact of this combination for water resource condition can be seen, for instance, in the fact that more than half of the last decade (1987-1997) was „dry‟ for Saurashtra region.
The erratic and uncertain rainfall, the large inter-annual rainfall variability, combined with hard rock hydrogeology rendered Saurashtra population highly vulnerable to water scarcity conditions and droughts (see Table 3.1). The ecological consequences of water scarcity in such a situation are two-fold. First, there is a direct and indirect adverse impact on the livelihoods, because of soil moisture depletion. The agricultural crops and the biomass on common lands tend to yield low resulting in significant forced migration of population and livestock. Second, due to increased demand for, and decreased natural recharge of, water, long-term water level declines have set in. Because of this, there is deterioration in the groundwater quality. In inland areas, the total dissolved solids become high while the coastal areas have salinity ingress. Due to use of poor quality water for irrigation, the drainage capacity of soils is reduced leading to soil deterioration. For groundwater recharge, this implies adverse conditions due to reduced soil permeability.
122
Understanding Groundwater Balance
123
North Saurashtra (comprising Amreli, Bhavnagar, Jamnagar, Rajkot and Surendranagar) has an average annual rainfall of 537 mm and comprises highly calcareous, salt affected soils in patches; in the slopy areas of hills, the soil erodability is quite high. South Saurashtra (comprising Junagadh) has a higher average annual rainfall of 844 mm with poorly drained, highly calcareous, salt affected soils. Occurrence of drought has been a common phenomenon in Saurashtra given its climatic uncertainties and erratic, low rainfall pattern. The major droughts that occurred were in 1948, 1949, 1951 and 1972 and 197471. There were at least 5-6 severe drought years during the decade of eighties as shown in the Table 2.1 below; during the decade of nineties, in addition to water scarcity years, there was a drought spell during 1999-2002 with the year 2000 being the most severe. The vulnerability of Rajkot to rainfall variation is so high that almost all villages across the 14 talukas are generally affected. Table 3.1: Incidence of Drought: Number of Villages Affected, year-wise Year Total no. of villages 1981-82 1982-83 1983-84 1984-85 1985-86 1986-87 1987-88 1988-89 1989-90
Jamnagar 694
676 522 684
Rajkot 868
868 868 867 867 867 868 653
Junagarh 1034
957 139 960 61
Bhavnagar 865 300 62 175 787 673 900 903 903 903
Amreli 595
371 237 196 607 56 608
Surendranagar 648
611 659 659
Source: District Census Handbook (1991). Census of India, Gujarat. Note: The number of villages increased during the decade and hence some figures are more than the total number of villages. 71
The drought of 1974 was so severe that even drinking water became scarce in the Rajkot district and in particular in Rajkot city. Water conflicts emerged resulting in outbreak of riots and imposition of curfew and firing. The civic corporation responded by laying a 70 km pipeline from Bhadar dam to Rajkot; this created a rift between villagers and city dwellers. The drought of 1987 saw the government transporting water by special trains from Gandhinagar for 60 days. Again, the civic corporation in response to severe drought of 2000, embarked on a 70 km pipeline project from Wankaner to Rajkot sourcing from newly drilled 120 shallow and deep bore wells in a record time of three months. This also has led to revolt from people of Wankaner led by former Union Minister of Environment and Forests, a scion of Wankaner kingdom. Mudrakartha (2000) has predicted a potential groundwater drought due to the indiscriminate drilling of bore wells in Wankaner area, which turned out to be true as can be seen from the revolt by people of Wankaner in year 2001.
Understanding Groundwater Balance GEOLOGY OF SAURASHTRA
Saurashtra occupies one-third of the geographical region of the Gujarat state. The region has typical topography with elevated central portions having an altitude ranging from 75 m to 300 m above mean sea level giving rise to diverse slopes between 5 and 20 m per kilometre. Almost a hundred small and big rivers originate from the central region-which is rugged with sharp hills and valleys-and flow away in radial directions. The Deccan traps comprise the most predominant formation; the steep slopes and limited storage potential of the hard rock formations result in aquatic inequilibrium conditions. The thickness of the Deccan traps72 is about 100 m in the north-eastern part, which gradually increases to around 2500 m towards the southwest part of central India and decreasing to 1500 m towards the west coast of India. The basalts are generally massive or amygdaloidal. Within the basaltic lava flows, numerous sedimentary beds (the Inter-trappeans) of carbonates and cherts occur towards eastern Gujarat. At a few places, the trap flows contain breccias, tuffs and ash beds. Where amygdaloidal flows are present, they contain geodes of agate chalcedony quartz, calcite, zeolite etc. which are exposed in stream sections across the traps. The middle part of the traps is usually devoid of these inter-trappean beds Cretaceous-Tertiary (K/T) boundary. The traps are generally found jointed; spheroidal weathering is common.
72
The Deccan Traps are believed to have formed as a result of sub-aerial volcanic activity associated with continental divergence that has occurred in this part of the earth towards the end of the Cretaceous (135 million years ago) period (Pandey, 2000). This geologically important event is considered as a catastrophic volcanic event that contributed to mass extinction of life forms. Interestingly, the Deccan Traps of India is one of the largest known continental flood basalt provinces on Earth. The Deccan basalts cover an area of more than 500,000 square km on continental India, and layer succession of more than 1500 m thick of sub aerially erupted basaltic flows in western and central India, with an estimated volume exceeding 512,000 cubic km.
124
Understanding Groundwater Balance
Figure 3.4 Saurashtra map showing major faults and rifts
The Saurashtra region is intruded by numerous dykes, majorly doleritic in composition, which often intersect with one another. They are usually greenish black to grey in colour and depict a micro crystalline to fine grained texture. In the central and south-eastern parts of Saurashtra, these dykes occur in large numbers often standing out as ridges. They are also found to cut across surface drainage at many places facilitating impounding of sizable quantities of water in the stream channel, especially on the upstream side, behaving like that of check dams (Phadtare, 1988).
A lot of research is being conducted on Saurashtra for the purpose of hydrocarbon exploration which has revealed more details about Saurashtra geology. These studies have mapped presence of sediments and their thicknesses in addition to identifying structures such as grabens73. Also, several deep seismic studies have revealed a lot of interesting geostructural features74 such as faults and grabens. For example, on the eastern side of Saurashtra, a sharp contact of alluvium with basalt is observed in the N–S direction, extending from the west of Nal Sarovar to Bhavnagar. This contact is inferred to be a fault. The E–W trending fault located just south of Bhavnagar marks the boundary
73 74
For details please see Pandey (2000) See Bhattacharya et al. (2004), Biswas and Deshpande (1983), Rathore (2001).
125
Understanding Groundwater Balance between the considerably thick alluvium in the north and Deccan traps to the south. The lineament map (Figure 3.5) of Saurashtra shows several structural trends, out of which E– W trending structural trend seems to be more prominent. A study75 on the devastating earthquake of 26 January 2001 with epicenter in Kachchh district of Gujarat based on remote sensing data revealed that post earthquake there have been more than 2500 shocks varying from low to high intensity. The study predicts that if this region continues to experience the earthquakes quite frequently, the peninsula of Kachchh-Bhuj and Kathiawar-Saurashtra will be cut off from the mainland of Gujarat because of new tectonic and mountain building activity and take the shape of two separate islands in the next few thousand years. The study also reports similar significant changes between little Rann to Nal lake and Nal lake to Gulf of Khambhat. The changes include not only caving of the earth, but also throwing up of lava, hot water, water channel and surges from deep inside the earth. Bhattacharya et al. (2004) observe that several places in Saurashtra, including Rajkot, have a history of earthquake activity. Along with the main shock, there are also many aftershocks, which are termed as earthquake swarms.
What is interesting for us in the context of groundwater is the generation of new faults, folds and joints that were observed in many places in Kachchh and in Saurashtra (such as in Bhavnagar and Morbi). How these earthquake activities are altering the surface and subsurface structure, how the soil composition is changing, and how the aquifers are being modified or created is of practical interest. Even identifying pockets of geostructural disturbances and linking them with scope for natural, induced or artificial recharge, helps work towards water security in the challenging Saurashtra conditions. There is a strong disconnect between the social capital generated around water in the Saurashtra recharge movement and the scientific knowledge. Lot of scope exists to combine such scientific knowledge for use in water management activities including recharge for strengthening local water management efforts by civil society such as the Saurashtra recharge movement. 75
Rathore (2001)
126
Understanding Groundwater Balance
Figure 3.5: Map of Saurashtra showing lineaments
Figure 3.6: Geological Map of Saurashtra.
127
Understanding Groundwater Balance GROUNDWATER BALANCE IN SAURASHTRA
Although Saurashtra‟s inverted-saucer shaped topography gives rise to about 100 rivers that flow in radial directions, there is little scope for any surface water schemes (Nagar, 2002). This is due to the rainfall getting dispersed in various directions. Further, out of the many rivers, only four are seasonal (Nagar, 2002). Given these physiographic and topographic conditions, the only alternative has been wells. Historically too, wells have been the most popular source of water in Saurashtra region.
Therefore, the groundwater component in the water balance has had been quite important. From Tables 2.2, it can be seen that groundwater meets as high as 87% of the irrigation needs of agriculture in north Saurashtra that includes the study villages; hardly 13% is sourced from surface water which also indicates the unfavourable topography, by and large. The net irrigated area to net sown area is less than one-fourth, which clearly indicates that water is scarce. The situation is almost the same for Rajkot district in Saurashtra where the study villages are located (Table 3.3). Table 3.2: Groundwater Balance and Utilization, Saurashtra Region North South Particulars Saurashtra* Saurashtra** Geographical Area (ha) 5,373 1,061 Land Use ( %): Net Sown Area 63.8 57.9 Forest 5.0 19.0 Additional Land available for 9.2 12.4 cultivation Percentage of Net Irrigated Area 23.7 25.2 to Net Sown Area Irrigation ( %): Surface water 13 1 Groundwater 87 99 Groundwater: Balance (MCM) 2,460 557 Utilisation (MCM) 46.2 47.6
(*) – Comprises Amreli, Bhavnagar, Jamnagar, Surendranagar and Rajkot districts (**) – Comprises Junagadh district Source: Gujarat Ecology Commission, 1994
128
Understanding Groundwater Balance
129
Table 3.3: Sources of irrigation in Rajkot district 2000 1800 1600 1400 1200 1000 800 600 400 200 0 Rajkot Net Gross Net Gross Net Gross Net Gross Net Gross Net Gross District
Tank Net Gross 0
0
Tank
Canals
Canals Net Gross 103
103
Tube wells
Tube wells Net Gross 0
0
other wells other Sources Total area irrigated
Other wells Net Gross 1331
1630
Other Sources Net Gross 0
0
Total area irrigated Net Gross 143 4 1733
Source: www.gec.gov.in accessed 15.9.2006
Although the data is for the period ended a few years ago, there are no significant occurrences to indicate that the trend has changed. A severe 4-year drought spell has occurred during 1999-2002 in Gujarat, including Saurashtra, out of which the year 2000 was the most severe. Due to uncertain meteorological and hydrogeological conditions, Saurashtra continues to suffer from acute seasonal depletion of groundwater across the region. Competition for groundwater is no longer restricted to shallow or moderately deep aquifers but has reached deeper aquifers; a few bore wells near Rajkot are as deep as 700 m in areas underlain by basalt; 400 m depth being common. It is not known if the deeper aquifers are drawing water from shallow aquifers; nor is there literature to indicate connectivity between shallow and deeper aquifers, where occurring. There are no studies conducted to inquire into the aquifer systems.
Understanding Groundwater Balance GROUNDWATER CONDITIONS IN SAURASHTRA
The rainfall in Gujarat is highly skewed and variable-from 300 mm in Kachchh in the western part to 700 mm in Saurashtra and 2000 mm in South Gujarat (Figure 3.3). Accordingly, the distribution of water resources too is highly skewed. Although Saurashtra occupies 36% of the geographical area in the state, the surface and groundwater availability comprises only 17% of the total of state‟s water resources. Whereas South Gujarat which occupies only 14% of the state‟s geographic area has 66.3% of the total water resources. Further, in terms of demand too, Saurashtra‟s water availability is hardly about one third of the total demand as illustrated by the following graph.
The following graph illustrates the situation.
Source: www. gec.gov.in;
Note : figures in Million cubic metres.
Figure 3.7: Water availability and demand in Gujarat Given the above rainfall pattern, in order to understand the variation in groundwater resources, it is imperative to examine the hydrogeology. As mentioned earlier, most of Saurashtra is occupied by the hard rock formation basalt. The occurrence and movement of groundwater in basalts is controlled mainly by the weathered zone, vesicles, fractures and joints, inter-trappeans, infra-trappeans and contact zones.
130
Understanding Groundwater Balance The weathering of basalt also gives rise to landforms, often tomb shaped. A weathered zone in basalt is usually formed when a volcanic layer is exposed to weathering agents. Basalts also have a tendency for spheroidal weathering. The thickness of the weathered zone is a function of the time period of exposure to weathering agents, before a subsequent volcanic flow erupts and envelops it. Often, the weathered zone has proved a potential yielding zone for wells, whether shallow seated or deep seated, continuous or discontinuous; factors determining the yield include thickness and lateral extent of the weathered zone, and its hydraulic connectivity. The storage capacity as well as specific yield of the weathered zone decrease with increasing clay content, and with the presence of red boles76 or green earth77. Secondary porosity is represented by fractured/jointed formation. Structurally weak zones such as the joints, shears and fractures not only facilitate groundwater recharge (categorised as direct recharge-to be discussed later) but also hasten the process of weathering. The columnar joints, which are vertical, give rise to hexagonal columns, formed during the process of quicker cooling of exposed lava. These joints also enhance the secondary porosity. Tectonic activity in Saurashtra has given rise to several faults, both small and of regional extent. Intrusives such as the dolerite dykes also cause fractures depending upon their dimensions and the intruded material. When subsequent flows occur, these fractures get concealed either partially or completely. Such fractures occurring below massive basalt, when hydraulically connected, and not fully filled up with lava or any other geological material yield significant discharges. Thus, it may be concluded that diverse physiographic and tectonic activities have given rise to heterogeneous, hydrogeological conditions in most parts of Saurashtra. The heterogeneity is prominent in basalt in the central region (as in Rajkot district), and in sedimentary formations in Surendranagar district. The heterogeneity is also seen in the 76
Different explanations exist for formation of red boles. According to one school of thought, red boles are relics of inter-trappean lateritisation. Another explanation is that red boles are formed due to „baking‟ of the pre-existing clay by the invading volcanic flow. In Deccan traps, red boles usually occur as thin beds and are useful as marker zones to delineate lava flows (Mudrakartha, 1987). 77 The basal portion of an invading lava flow is usually altered into a green earth as a result of weathering. This green earth occurs not only between flows, up to 3 m thick, but also as veins in cracks and fissures (Mudrakartha, 1987).
131
Understanding Groundwater Balance specific yield78 which is low, between 1-3%; sometimes, the yields also vary over small distances. While basalts sometimes may yield very high, a yield range of 10–30 m3/day through dug wells is common. The low yield is primarily due to low porosity of up to 3% in hard and massive basalt, and up to 16% in vesicular basalt (Mudrakartha, 1987). However, shallow zones, including weathered zones yield good, and can be dependable when connected with a source such as a tank or a river.
Availability of groundwater is a function of rainfall (which is erratic and low), topography, and soil characteristics. As discussed in the foregoing, not all these factors are highly favourable in the case of Saurashtra region. Hence, an innovative approach is essential to adapt to the existing conditions.
SECTION 2 HISTORY OF WELL IRRIGATION IN GUJARAT79 This section attempts to review the historical change that has taken place on the irrigation landscape of Gujarat. The review gives insights into the role of well irrigation and the policies that were in vogue to draw learnings for the current period. For this purpose, the chronology is divided into three periods: pre-colonial era, colonial era and the post independence era. Wells and tanks have been providing irrigation support for centuries. However, these structures have either been promoted or neglected over the past few centuries due to a variety of reasons that are not best documented. In the absence of systematic documentation, researchers have drawn their own inferences. In an interesting analysis, Hardiman (1998) examines the various theories proposed by researchers and advances his own contention by debunking some of those theories.
78
Specific Yield is defined as the volume per cent of groundwater yielded by a saturated formation under gravity conditions. 79 This section draws liberally from an excellent piece of work by David Hardiman (1998).
132
Understanding Groundwater Balance According to one theory, wells that constituted the chief form of irrigation source during the pre-colonial era suffered neglect during the British regime; nevertheless, groundwater irrigation occupied a significant position. While canals provided irrigation support to 41% of the agricultural land in British India, wells catered to 30% (Hardiman, 1998). The British government in India focused on constructing canal irrigation systems where water was available in plenty in rivers; however, no attention was bestowed to the upper catchment areas. Wherever canal water was assured, wells suffered neglect (Whitcombe, 1971); also well digging was expensive which was affordable only by rich communities. In British Gujarat (part of erstwhile Bombay state), during 1930s, the well and tank irrigation accounted for 78% of the irrigated area while canals accounted for a mere 10%. Interestingly, irrigated area itself accounted for just 2.6% of the total cropped area (Hardiman, 1998). The Government of India post independence focused on canal irrigation as part of its multipurpose projects. There were huge outlays for the purpose. Nevertheless, the wells (including borewells) in India grew exponentially from 87,000 in 1950 to 21 million in 2002. Since 1970s in particular, there has been re-emergence of well irrigation (including bore wells) which proliferated at an amazing rate across India. Groundwater today meets 55% of irrigation needs (Planning Commission, 2007). In Gujarat, in 1986-87, wells supported 74% of the total irrigated area as against 17% covered by canals (ibid). Selling of water was generally in vogue over decades. Farmers sold water in order to recover the investment costs and pay interest on loans. Research has clearly indicated existence of water markets since 1950s or early (Shah et al. 2008, Mudrakartha et al. 2005). The tremendous increase in the number of wells in the past three decades is due to introduction of heavy duty, high horse power submersible pump sets. Previously, the wells did not dry up because of the slower rate of extraction and the absence of energized equipment. There was enough time for water levels to recoup. The pump sets were expensive, and having invested, the farmer‟s endeavour was to get back his investment as
133
Understanding Groundwater Balance soon as possible and get out of the interest burden. For this, he used to go in for crops that gave high return, and sell as much water as he could extract. Proponents of this theory believe that this corroborates Garett Hardin‟s well known „tragedy of commons‟ thesisthat uncontrolled access to a common resource leads inexorably to its degradation. Another school of thought that includes Agrawal and Narain (1997) ascribe the decay of the well and tank irrigation to the collapse of traditional village institutions. They argue that the traditional water harvesting systems disappeared in large parts of India during the early colonial period due to high rates of land tax that left no surplus with the farmers for maintenance of the irrigation systems. A typical example put forth is the ryotwari areas of Madras Presidency, where, by the 1850s, one-third of the irrigated land lay unused as it was unable to produce crops of sufficient value to cover land tax payments. The British always demanded tax in cash as against the then available options of payment, that is, cash, kind or as part of the crop proceeds. The theory says that this approach, so much so, rendered the farmers economically incapable of maintaining the water harvesting systems. Shankari and Shah (1993) contend that during the pre-colonial period, the state provided freedom to farmers to manage their own affairs. Individuals were made responsible for payment of taxes, as against the village communities or local landlords (zamindars); the latter were not only collecting taxes but also determined the rate, deferments, concessions and exemptions based on local conditions. The taxes had to be paid irrespective of adverse climatic impacts on farmers. In practice, this implied that the state was not responsible for maintenance of the water harvesting systems; the people were also not interested in maintenance as they felt that they have paid the taxes and that it was the duty and responsibility of the state. While village communities or village institutions were more practical than a majority of zamindars, the net effect was that the water management systems suffered complete neglect. Singh (1991) considered the arrangements of water management as customary, which recognized community, rather than individual, rights over water. In the colonial period, the selling of land also meant selling of water in the land without consideration of the
134
Understanding Groundwater Balance impacts on the community. Thus, those who did not own land did not have any rights on water. This legal position during the colonial period led to loss of individual interest, and also alienation of the landless. With individualistic, personal profit gaining legal and practical pre-eminence, practices of common benefit to communities such as flooding the reservoirs (tanks and wells), building check dams on rivers, and construction of temporary earthen bunds, have all been lost. The major impact of all this is the overall reduction in the recharge. The symbiotic relationship between tanks and wells in Gujarat has been recognized for more than 1100 years. Large number of talabs (tanks) was constructed by the kings and rulers, and by the village communities, which would not only provide direct irrigation support but also allowed water to recharge into the ground and the surrounding wells. These tanks were constructed in a „system‟ so that the overflow of one tank fed the other tanks. There were long canals that transported water from rivers and tanks to carry water over long distances. In order to ensure irrigation support, farmers used to dig wells for which sahukar (moneylender) used to provide loans against interest. The sahukar was also responsible for collection of land tax from the individual farmers and remit to the British government in India. This arrangement suited both the colonial rulers as well as the sahukar. As for the farmer, he had to work harder to raise net profits to pay off the land tax, as well as repay loan instalment to the sahukar. There were slabs of rates fixed for land tax depending upon the crop raised and irrigation facility available. The type and number of lifting devices fitted to the wells (such as kos80, araghatta81) were also a key element in determining the levy of rate of land tax. Maintenance of wells and tanks was not considered state‟s responsibility as it was a traditional and customary obligation upon the irrigators to carry out repairs. 80
A large leather bag, which is tied to a rope on one end; the other end of the rope goes over a pulley and attached to bullocks. The bullocks move up and down on the surface lifting the water with the leather bag. In Ahmedabad district, in 1827, the wells were fitted with up to four kos, although eight were not uncommon. A well in Saurashtra was known to have been capable of holding 32 kos (Hardiman, 1998). 81 A manually operated water-lifting wheel of about five meters diameter suspended on four poles, with a ladder around the rim on which are tied earthen pots (ibid).
135
Understanding Groundwater Balance The system of financing by sahukar was already embedded in the pre-colonial days, which only came handy for the colonial rulers. The kings and then the state‟s interest was that it could collect higher taxes from irrigated land and hence the arrangements for providing loans to dig wells. One would see that well irrigation was promoted during the pre-colonial period, which only extended to colonial period, with the only difference being the insistence of payment of tax in cash by the colonial rulers. Saurashtra enjoyed flexibility of paying taxes in the form of cash or kind. The local officials exercised discretion on the rate, concession or exemption, including on the tax holiday for new well. Usurers, belonging to baniya or luhana communities, controlled the entire rural economy of Saurashtra with the backing of the state. Peasantry was the overarching occupation, and the usurers were authorized to purchase agricultural produce, and debit the cost share of the produce to the garasiyas minus the share of the government and their own commission; the garasiyas could encash the bill of exchange given to them with the banker. Although landlords, these garasiyas were generally in deep debt with not much of cash flow; so payment in kind was the mode operating at that time. The description of river inundation by farmers (Hove as described in Hardiman, 1998), throws a lot of insight into the historical connection with the present dug well recharging practice in Saurashtra. The farmers usually filled up the reservoirs (tanks) by opening up the entrances (similar to sluice gates) to the reservoirs to allow the water to flow. After the reservoirs are filled up, the entrances are closed down. In the following days, the farmers created narrow channels, to facilitate water flow from the reservoirs to the fields. Interestingly, during later months, the water from the fields located in higher elevations was drained into the reservoirs on the down side using narrow temporary channels. Once these wells and tanks are filled up in about three months from the advent of monsoon, the
136
Understanding Groundwater Balance temporary channels were levelled and leafy vegetable (spinach) and methi (fenugreek) raised82. Maintenance of the water harvesting structures and the practices of inundation were organized by the bhagidars (that is the shareholders) of lands; there was a variety of arrangements entered into by the shareholders with the tenants who generally had occupancy rights. The shareholders usually kept good fertile land under their direct cultivation while inferior land was given on lease, or on rent under different terms. This also meant that the shareholders could direct the tenants to maintain the water harvesting structures in addition to paying taxes. They could also have first call on the rainwater to fill up their reservoirs (tanks) and their wells. David Hardiman believes that this was what was got termed as village community maintenance. This system, which provided nothing more than subsistence to the tenants, perpetuated the system that had been highly beneficial to the landlords and sahukars. Another factor was the drastic fall in the prices of the widely grown cotton. Irrespective of the losses that occurred due to fall of prices through good part of the 1800s, the state did not provide any succour. All the above factors have resulted in a large number of families going out of agriculture and consequently loss of the agrarian practices. Only towards mid-nineteenth century that cotton as a non irrigated crop started coming back. Well irrigation and policy of water taxation The British after settling down in India, introduced laws to the effect that the government was the ultimate owner of the land and thereby of all the natural resources such as water. We have such laws prevailing even today. The land-tax is thus supposed to be equivalent of a rent to be paid by the user, which was augmented by further rents for water used, and similar things. The result was that the customary laws and right of use have all disappeared, including the systems that were introduced for any type of community
82 Tarun Bharat Sangh, an NGO facilitated regeneration of a river Arvari in Alwar district of Rajasthan, by building both masonry and earthen structures across the river. At many places along the river, farmers make temporary earthen barriers (bunds) that impound water on part of their farm land. Post rainy season, this water is used for winter crop, and a large amount of land cultivated, compensating for “loss” of land from cultivation during monsoon.
137
Understanding Groundwater Balance management. The quantum of taxes levied on the land depended upon whether it was rain-fed, canal-fed, or river-fed through inundation. Taxes had to be paid whether the land was cultivated or not with the state having no responsibility to see whether there was water in the river or in the canal. Interestingly, the wealthy and influential Charotar83 farmers of Gujarat put up a fight on the unfairness of taxing based on water availability when the farmer himself did all the investment. After a prolonged fight spanning more than two decades, in mid-eighties, the Bombay government ruled that the occupants of the land were entitled to enjoy the entire profits of improvements made at their own cost. This by implication meant that the landholder has rights over groundwater and not the state. The British also subsequently encouraged farmers to go in for wells for which they spread the tax burden depending upon the depth of the well, the investment made, the quality of water struck in the well and the quantum of yield. They have also prepared maps that indicated depths at which water would be struck and the quality of water to encourage farmers to go in for new wells. This map also later became the basis for a new land tax structure that took water potential into consideration, irrespective of whether water was extracted or not by the farmer. The famine at the end of eighteenth century, and the above policy changes, left no choice to the farmers other than to go in for new wells or develop old wells to tap groundwater. This was done with a view to obtain higher returns to meet the tax burden. Since the water levels had gone deeper due to droughts and famine, the government hired out wellboring equipment in Gujarat early nineteen hundreds. A large number of boring machines was in operation although the boring was expensive. Kerosene driven pump sets were introduced for drawing water from 20-30 m depth. Since all this called for heavy investments, farmers adopted a strategy of raising cash crops and sell as much water as possible. Water was transported through networks of pipelines to very far distances (one and a half kilometres), sometimes to the neighbouring villages. All this contributed to further decline of water levels. 83
The region comprising Anand and Kheda districts is known as Charutar, meaning „beautiful land‟.
138
Understanding Groundwater Balance David Hardiman believes that the village elites in fact controlled the village community which was often differentiated along caste and class lines. During the colonial period, the village corporate elites actually got strengthened and continued to hold sway and power, and controlled the village economy. This scenario was common in Gujarat and in Saurashtra. The economic individualism, although promoted by the British, could not break the caste and class control of the elites even today in many parts of the state. Selling or sharing of water to their own kith and kin or the clan members is still very common in rural areas, although there are considerable dents in this solidarity. David Hardiman also goes on to say that the argument advanced by Tushaar Shah that the groundwater market in Gujarat is highly competitive, efficient and individualized, bearing all the marks of what economists define as „economic rationality‟ does not hold as caste and class considerations are still very strong. SECTION 3 GOVERNMENT PROGRAMMES TO DEVELOP GROUNDWATER This section has two parts: the first part describes the problems and shortfalls connected with data collection and analysis for resource estimation arising due to, and factors concerned with, historical multi institutional administration of the water resource. Put differently, absence of a strong governance mechanism led to ever increasing overexploitation and quality problems. The second part describes the government programmes being implemented for water conservation. GROUNDWATER POLICY, INSTITUTIONS AND MANAGEMENT This sub-section examines the National Water Policy, the institutions involved with groundwater in particular, their mandate and issues. The section also examines the creation of a National Ground Water Authority to address overexploitation conditions occurring across states in India and its effectiveness.
Eighty-five per cent of the rural, and 50% of the urban and rural needs, are met by groundwater (Joy et al., 2008). Among the rural requirements, 60% goes to meet
139
Understanding Groundwater Balance irrigation needs, which forms a major chunk on groundwater demand. Due to reducing surface flows and increasing number of closing or closed basins84, the dependency on groundwater is only increasing with time. Add to that, the increasing dark zones are a clear indication that the limits to groundwater extraction are fast approaching. Alongside, a large number of conflicts are emerging. Water Conflicts in India: A Million Revolts in the Making (Joy et al. 2008), a publication by Routledge Taylor & Francis, clearly brings out a number of conflicts categorized under a variety of typologies, of various hierarchies.
Conflicts are widely acknowledged as clear portents of deficiencies in water governance. What exactly is water governance? The World Bank defines governance as the “manner in which power is exercised in the management of a country‟s economic and social resources for development” (World Bank, 1992). United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) defines governance as “the exercise of economic, political and administrative authority to manage a country‟s affairs at all levels. It comprises the mechanisms, processes and institutions through which citizens and groups articulate their interests, exercise their legal rights, meet their obligations and mediate their differences” (UNDP, 1997). Thus, governance recognises the plurality of the actors involved. There is greater emphasis on participation, decentralisation, accountability, responsiveness, and even broader concerns, such as those of social equity and justice (Ballabh, 2007).
During mid-seventies, India suffered severe water crisis, when even drinking water became scarce across India, leave alone irrigation, giving rise to debates on the need for groundwater augmentation, regulation and management. The debates over the subsequent decades have proposed a number of regulatory and incentive based approaches, but very few have been implemented (World Bank and Ministry of Water Resources-GoI, 1998; Shah et al. 2003; COMMAN, 2003; Rathore, M.S. 1996, 1997).
84
A river basin is considered closed when all its water is allocated to different uses. A closing river has water available for part of the year.
140
Understanding Groundwater Balance The National Water Policy of India, 2002 (GoI, 2002), a revised version of the 1987 policy, talks about river basin as a unit of management. Specific to groundwater, the policy recommends regulatory measures so as not to exceed recharge rates, social equity, integrated development of surface and groundwater resources, conjunctive use, and avoidance of excessive withdrawals from coastal areas to prevent salinity ingress. The recommendations in the National Water Policy, (2002) and the National Environment Policy (2004) are supported by neither institutional infrastructure nor mechanisms nor by enabling legislation nor by supporting economic incentive structure (Planning Commission, 2007). In the context of groundwater, Central Ground Water Board is the apex organization vested with the responsibility of assessment, development and management in India. It is essential to understand the genesis of the CGWB in order to understand the importance accorded to groundwater historically.
Gujarat was one of the many states, which participated in the green revolution. Though the agriculture production has gone up subsequently, and the country moved from food grain deficit to food grain surplus situation, the many adverse fall outs included depleted water levels, overexploited areas, contaminated soils, polluted water bodies, and most importantly, reduced recharge rates affected the water balance cycle including in Gujarat state.
SETTING UP OF THE GROUND WATER AUTHORITY AND INSTITUTIONAL LIMITATIONS
In spite of all these adverse impacts on the precious groundwater resources, it took the Supreme Court, while responding to public interest litigation in 1996 85, to give specific directions to the government of India to halt the groundwater deterioration in many parts of the country by forming a special national level authority. The Central Ground Water Authority was thus set up in 1997 under the Environment Protection Act (1986) under the The Supreme Court of India took notice of a news item titled “Falling Ground Water threatens (Delhi) City ” published on March 18, 1996, in a leading English daily and inquired into the matter as a public interest litigation. The Court expressed its concern on the urgent need for regulating the indiscriminate boring (drilling) and withdrawal of underground water in the country. 85
141
Understanding Groundwater Balance directions of the Hon‟ble Supreme Court of India within in the Ministry of Environment and Forests in order to protect and preserve the groundwater resources in the country. (http://cgwb.gov.in/GroundWater/CGWA). The CGWA is housed in the CGWB, does not have own paraphernalia86 or infrastructure, and all regulatory activities87 of the Authority are to be discharged by the CGWB personnel. This is one specific area where except for normal, functional linkages, each institution is busy with its own agenda. For implementation of regulations88, the CGWA has to depend upon the state machinery. In addition to own agenda, the central and state government institutions often have difference of opinion, and consequently, lack of cooperation from the state governments due to water being in the concurrent list. Delays in addressing complaints, for whatever political or other reasons, provide scope for erring agencies to become further indifferent.
Further, the state groundwater departments on their part are routinely busy with collecting data from their network of stations and analysing to help assess the status of the aquifers for categorisation. What has been missing is not only a systematic survey of the aquifers, but also making available data to the users in an easy-to-understand format
86
The curious position is that CGWA is CGWB under another name; as the former has the same composition as the latter (with some additions). Due to dual reporting system to both Ministry of Water Resources and to the Ministry of Environment and Forests, CGWA has not yet become effective or even fully operational as a regulatory body (Iyer, 2003). 87 The areas of activities of the Central Ground Water Authority are (Planning Commission, 2007): i) Notification of areas for regulation of ground water development in severely overexploited areas in the country. ii) Regulation of ground water abstraction by industries in over exploited/critical areas in the country. iii) Registration of drilling agencies for assessment of pace of development of ground water and regulation of well drilling activities. iv) Representation in the National Coastal Zone Management Authority and other Expert Committees of the Ministry of Environment & Forests. v) Undertaking countrywide mass awareness programmes and training in rainwater harvesting for ground recharge. 88 “Decline in ground water levels has been observed in various parts of the country in consultation the State Governments. As per the latest assessments of ground water resources carried out by Central Ground Water Board (CGWB) and States in 2004, out of 5723 assessment units (Blocks/Mandals/Talukas), 839 units are 'over-exploited' (where stage of ground water exploitation is more than 100% with significant decline in long term trend of ground water level in either pre-monsoon or post-monsoon or both), 226 units are 'critical' (where ground water exploitation is between 90% and 100% with significant decline in long term trend of water level in both pre-monsoon and post-monsoon periods.” Reply by Minister of state for water resources to a Parliament (Rajya Sabha) starred question No.422 on 14.08.2007. The CGWA so far has notified 43 over-exploited blocks for the purpose of regulation of ground water development and 65 over-exploited blocks for the purpose of registration of ground water abstraction structures. Further, CGWA is regulating the withdrawal of groundwater in these 1615 identified overexploited, critical and semi-critical blocks. Industries in these blocks are given exemption only on a case to case basis. (http://cgwb.gov.in/GroundWater/CGWA).
142
Understanding Groundwater Balance for the common person. The reappraisal hydrogeological surveys, for example, is a step in the right direction, but has come very late; in any case, how these surveys are dovetailing into the recharge efforts by individuals and civil society organisations is unclear. A major weakness has been the inter-departmental coordination and participation, and groundwater departments at the state or national level have often had minimal or negligible role even in critical projects designed and implemented. For example, their role in watershed programmes is never seen whether at planning level or at implementation level. Similarly, in Gujarat, the role of the groundwater department is not clear in the SPPWCP project or the SJSY project. Given this scenario, implementation of regulatory directions of the Authority becomes last priority for the state groundwater institutions. During the Ninth Five Year Plan, a fully sponsored Central Sector Scheme on “Studies on Recharge of Ground Water” was undertaken by the CGWB, in which 165 artificial recharge pilot projects were implemented in 27 States/UTs in coordination with organizations of State governments & NGO / VOs, etc. Although the impact studies have shown good results, and the CGWB has come out with a manual for implementation of such schemes (CGWB, 2000), the demonstration was not cost effective89. The role of the civil society organisations, which is very critical for scaling up, was very selective and limited. Further, why these artificial recharge schemes did not link up with any of the recharge movements in India is not clear. The guidelines are purely technical and do not deal with the process of social mobilisation, nor convergence aspects of technical and social factors, essential for socio technical approach. Many believe that large scope existed for effectively converging these technically rich experiences with the highly cost effective, mass based water movements in India, or with some of the non-governmental organisations that pioneered innovative experimentation in water harvesting. This convergence would have helped bring government work into the mainstream and build bridges with the civil society; instead, it remained in its own tract. Almost totally absent is the effort towards demand side management. 89
The costing of drilling component for example is quite high as departmental rigs function on a routine basis resulting in huge overheads. The time duration of project implementation is also quite longer (personal communication from a senior scientist-now retired).
143
Understanding Groundwater Balance
In sum, if the mandate does not include these key elements of local groundwater management, involving the local communities, collectives and non-governmental organisations, it is high time there is a relook at the same. However, the situation is no different now although the decentralised local self-government is now in charge of water resources development at village, taluka and district levels, since they generally lack the necessary technical understanding and skills to manage the same.
International conventions such as the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) in Rio de Janeiro introduced a program of action called the Agenda 21, which strongly advocated an integrated approach to development, management and use of water resources, as against the centralised, sectoral approach. India is also a signatory to the Agenda 21, which proposed that water management should cater for multiple users and objectives. These include drinking water supply, sanitation, agriculture, fisheries, industry, urban development, hydropower generation, water transport and recreation. The program also called for institutional transformation within the government, provision of stakeholder dialogue, inclusion of civil society and local community organisations in decision-making, and conflict resolution.
The need for sustainable management of water resource is also a key UN Millennium Development Goal. MDG number 7, which is to „ensure environmental sustainability by 2015‟, recognises the inter-dependence of natural systems and basic services. The environmental flows too are implicit in the goal, with the need for an integrated, multidisciplinary, and multi-sectoral approach to policymaking and implementation. However, the predominantly sectoral approach to water resource management continues; and, within the sector, there is a narrow focus to approaching the constituent elements. For example, people‟s participation was more of an imposed, invited activity than owned by the people. Even in the watershed programme, the flagship programme of the Ministry of Rural Development, Government of India, participation, equity and transparency are found to be the weakest links (GoI, 2006). Though there is some change, the change is too slow to warrant any visible impact. In sum, the governance requires a lot more
144
Understanding Groundwater Balance
145
strengthening especially on the inter-institutional coordination, holistic policy making and people‟s participation.
Here, it is important to recall the efforts of the Ministry of Water Resources, Government of India, to introduce a Model Bill to Regulate and Control the Development of Groundwater, first in 1970 and later in 1992 with revisions. The Groundwater Model Bill (in short) has raised more problems that it sought to address. Some of these issues relate to the jurisdiction of groundwater between the state and the central government, due to water being a state subject, the issue of groundwater rights of the landowner although limited in theory by the Easement Act Irrigation laws which proclaim the absolute rights of government in all natural water (Singh, 1992), lack of effective mechanisms for implementation of the provisions in the model bill for regulation, control
and
development functions, stringent punishment of fines and prison terms, and above all, lack of people‟s participation or consultation process in the formulation of the bill (Moench, 1993; Mudrakartha, 1993). Further, at a practical level, people have been for decades enjoyed groundwater connected with their land which had its origin in the “dominant heritage” principle implicit in the Transfer of Property Act IV of 1882 and the Land Acquisition Act of 1894. Under the law, the ownership of groundwater accrues to the owner of the land above, and the tenancy laws govern its use and disposition. By virtue of these laws, groundwater is attached like a chattle to land property and cannot be transferred separately from the land to which it is attached (Singh, 1992; Mudrakartha, 1999); there is also no limitation on how much groundwater a particular landowner may draw (C. Singh, 1991). People in general tended to feel that the bill was an attempt to take away their control over groundwater, and that became a contentious issue due to water being the key resource for their agrarian livelihoods90.
Alongside, due to hardly any takers of the model bill, the groundwater situation in India was deteriorating in terms of the depleting water levels, pollution and contamination. At 90
For more discussion and debate, see Moench (1993) (ed) “Groundwater Law: The Growing Debate,” Vikram Sarabhai Centre for Development Interaction (VIKSAT) and Natural Heritage Institute; Mudrakartha (1999), “Status and Policy Framework of Groundwater in India,” VIKSAT Nehru Foundation for Development, Ahmedabad.
Understanding Groundwater Balance this point of time, the Supreme Court of India reacted to an article in the media and instructed the Ministry of Environment and Forests, Government of India, to create a Ground Water Authority (CGWA) within the Central Ground Water Board91 (CGWB) and exercise powers under Section 5 of the Environment (Protection) Act, 1986 for checking, controlling and regulating the fast depleting roundwater resources in various parts of the country92. However, historically tuned to playing a resource monitoring role, the CGWB by and large could not rise to take on the larger resource management and regulatory roles. This was mainly because the new expanded mandate required a thorough institutional and work cultural overhaul (Sunderrajan & Shah, 2006). In addition, the Board also did not have infrastructure, human and financial resources to take up the gigantic task. Further, they were not welcomed by the states, in view of the contention of Water being a state subject. Also, the Supreme Court‟s direction envisaged formation of Ground Water Authorities to function at the state level. Here, the issue of jurisdiction cropped up which has not been sorted out yet. Above all this, the dual reporting system of CGWA has also created confusion. The CGWA was set up under the Ministry of Environment and Forests under Supreme Court guidelines viewing water depletion and pollution as an environmental condition. CGWA is CGWB under another name, as the former has the same composition as the latter (with some additions). The CGWB is within the administrative purview of the Ministry of Water Resources, the CGWA is within the functional purview of the Ministry of Environment and Forests. The CGWA is functionally responsible to the Ministry of Environment and Forests while the The Central Ground Water Board has the mandate to “develop and disseminate technologies, and monitor and implement national policies for the scientific and sustainable development and management of India‟s ground water resources including their exploration, assessment, conservation, augmentation and protection from pollution and distribution, based on principles of economic and ecological efficiency and equity”. The Board also undertakes exploratory drilling of tube-wells in the country. Successful wells are handed over to the States at a nominal cost for their utilisation for irrigation, drinking and other purposes. As on November 2000, the Central Ground Water Board has drilled 8,484 exploratory wells, out of which 2,715 wells have already been handed over to the States/UT Administrations. Another 2,439 wells have been offered to the States. Further, 1,474 wells are in the process of being offered to the States by CGWB. The CGWB is focussing specially on the drought affected States like Rajasthan, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Chattisgarh and Orissa. The CGWB has handed over 620 wells to these States whereas 890 wells have been offered and 495 wells are in the process of being offered. The Board has also prepared a contingency plan for drought proofing in these States at an estimated cost of Rs. 43.50 crores under 1,440 exploratory wells would be drilled (www.cgwb.gov.in) 92 The CGWA has registered over one lakh such structures all over the country. In the development blocks categorised as "dark" and "over-exploited" the re-financing of wells and tubewells by NABARD is discouraged so as to prevent a further decline in water table (www.cgwb.gov.in). 91
146
Understanding Groundwater Balance CGWB is administratively reporting to the Ministry of Water Resources. This is a conflict area (Mudrakartha, 1999; Iyer, 2003). In other words, virtually the same body functions in two different personae and capacities, under two different legal dispensations and within the areas of responsibility for two different Ministries. In theory, it is an independent, autonomous organisation, but in practice, it is acutely dependent on a constructive, supportive attitude of the bureaucracies of the two Ministries. More than five years into its existence, the CGWA is yet to become very effective or even fully operational as a regulatory body (Iyer, 2003).
Thus, we see from the above that in spite of its indispensability, and primary importance to the farmer, groundwater continued to be neglected with issues related with multiplicity of reporting and absence of standardised guidelines for potential estimation. As concerns about groundwater abuse and depletion continued to grow, it was now the turn of the Indian Parliament during mid eighties to mandate the Planning Commission of India to appoint a high-powered Expert Group to recommend a suitable plan of action for strengthening groundwater governance in India. The process adopted by the Expert Group and the recharge estimation methods recommended are described in chapter 5. The following section describes CGWB‟s efforts towards better monitoring of data, and identification of groundwater status of talukas/blocks. REAPPRAISAL HYDROGEOLOGICAL STUDIES FOR IMPROVING DATA THROUGH MONITORING
The Reappraisal Hydrogeological Studies is a clear step forward towards periodic monitoring and improvement in quality of data. The groundwater resource has depleted to alarming levels, and contaminated, with adverse effects on the productivity and efficiency of dependent agriculture, animal husbandry, industry and other sectors. The Central Ground Water Board has initiated reappraisal hydrogeological surveys in areas registering abnormal fall or rise in water levels and areas having quality problems (Kittu, 1995) followed by use of technological advancements such as the GIS, Remote Sensing and other geophysical instrumentation. To ensure quality data by the reappraisal studies, detailed operational guidelines were formulated in 2003. Among other things, the
147
Understanding Groundwater Balance exhaustive guidelines describe the person-power required, the number of days to be spent in field, description and formats of data to be collected, preparation and submission of reports along with a time schedule. Such reappraisal surveys, also re-named as District Ground Water Management Studies, are to be carried out in survey teams for areas ranging from 1500-3000 square kilometres every 5-10 years for the purpose of revision of data and the groundwater situation. The periodicity of re-visits is determined based upon the severity of groundwater and related issues. While areas with serious groundwater problems are recommended to be surveyed every five years, the Regional Offices of the CGWB could determine the periodicity based on local conditions. The survey findings will be presented in the form of reports and maps. Key wells serve as important data points for water level monitoring and related information. The number and their matrix will be determined by the Regional office based on the topographic conditions, accessibility and the severity of the problem. Guidelines suggest 3 key wells per 100 square kilometres in drought/ overexploited/coastal and other problem areas, 1 key well per 100 square kilometres in hilly areas and as per convenience in desert/marshy/glacial/mountainous regions. In other areas, 2 wells is the norm suggested.
The CGWB, therefore, has been strategically conducting the reappraisal hydrogeological surveys at the district level so as to identify the overexploited zones for necessary categorisation and protection. However, issues exist as regards limitations of CGWB in terms of personnel and resources available, and coordination with State government departments, apart from its inability to involve the civil society, which is the majority user of the groundwater resource.
GOVERNMENT SCHEMES ON WATER CONSERVATION IN SAURASHTRA
This subsection examines the government schemes that were launched in Saurashtra as well as routed by the government of Gujarat. The government has constructed a large number of medium and minor reservoirs to harness surface runoff in the central uplands of Saurashtra, where most of the rivers originate, for the purposes of irrigation, drinking and domestic uses, and industry. The total surface water availability from these reservoirs
148
Understanding Groundwater Balance is estimated to be 5,458 MCM. About 88 dams, 1938 check dams, 1170 percolation tanks and 5000 farm ponds support only about 5 % of irrigated area of total cultivable land. The shortfall is complemented, although not completely, from groundwater (see Table 3.2).
According to the Minor Irrigation Census 1986, more than 60% of wells and tube wells in Saurashtra were not in use. These include failed wells as well as those that go out of use due to physical reasons (collapse, obsolescence) and secular water level depletion. The Saurashtra recharging movement, which began during mid-eighties, has perhaps seen the dry wells as an opportunity, which will be discussed in the later chapters. The community felt the need to capture water in their wells as they realised that the water in their wells alone can make a big difference to their primary livelihood income, that is, agriculture and animal husbandry. This belief of the community is also borne out by data which shows that any good year of monsoon produced dramatic increase in the irrigated area, which also meant enhanced income (Nagar, 2002).
Retrospectively thinking, although the groundwater recharging efforts by farmers have started during mid- eighties and continued for two decades, it is only during the late nineties that the political government started taking note of the movement. Two programmes were launched by the state government., namely, the Sardar Patel Participatory Water Conservation Project during 1998-2000 and the SJSY (60:40) scheme from the year 2000. The Government of India has launched the watershed programme all over India from 1995. This is implemented through the district administration. The study villages also have the watershed programmes implemented by movement agencies. SARDAR PATEL PARTICIPATORY WATER CONSERVATION PROJECT
The government of Gujarat was implementing water conservation works like the construction of check dams under for many years which works were carried out through tendering or departmentally. Till 1999, only 2500 check dams could be constructed in the entire state against an outlay of Rs.55 crores, out of which 1341 were constructed during
149
Understanding Groundwater Balance 1991-99 under the government-sponsored “Own your checkdam” programme93. When the then Chief Minister attended mammoth public function, he was impressed by the people‟s participation to the check dam construction and other recharge activities. Three reasons appear to have compelled the government to launch the Sardar Patel Participatory Water Conservation Project on the 17th of January 2000. The previous 90:10 scheme was modified as 60:40, with 40% contribution by the farmer(s). [a] During 1998-2000, there was the 90:10 scheme launched for construction of check dams with 90 per cent of the cost as subsidy and ten % as local contribution from the „beneficiaries‟. In spite of the high subsidy, there were not many takers; only less than 200 check dams were constructed in two years of the scheme in Saurashtra. In contrast, people were contributing several times of 10 per cent in the privately supported well recharging activities, for many years then. [b] The grand conventions organized by NGOs (like the one on 19th December 1998 by the Saurashtra Jaldhara Trust for which the chief minister of the state was invited as chief guest was followed by five grand one-day conventions for five consecutive days from 1st November 2000 at five different places (Bagdana, Bagasara, Kalawad, Sayala and Vikaliya (Saurashtra Jal Dhara Trust Brochure: Marching towards Green Revolution through Collective Series of Check Dams by United Villagers). The Chief Minister, many ministers, local leaders, and religious leaders of Swaminarayan Trust were dignitaries in these conventions. The chief minister was so impressed that he announced the 60:40 scheme94. [c] There were clear political advantages that could be derived from collaborating with the promoters of the movement which has stood the test of time for more than a decade by that time (in 1999-2000). [d] During 1999 (the worst drought in ten years period), the 113 dams in Saurashtra region could store only 140 MCM out of a storage capacity of 2200 MCM (Nagar, 2002). This storage, which is hardly 6 per cent of the total storage capacity available, could not even meet drinking water requirements. In contrast, good number of the villages which have participated in the well recharging movement not only did not face drinking water
93 94
http://www.rajkotdp.gujarat.gov.in/english-htm. Mark Tully (2000). When in drought, help yourself. Times of India, 13.6.2000. The former BBC Correspondent toured the drought-stricken Gujarat and found that people are helping themselves in the form of recharge activity.
150
Understanding Groundwater Balance problem, but had reasonable amount of returns from their crops and animal husbandry, even during the low rainfall years.
The SPPWC Project was perhaps a step in the right direction as can be seen from the key guidelines given below which were simple and clear. [a]Any group/NGO could apply to the concerned deputy executive engineer of their area, who would give his approval. [b] Flexibility existed for own designs by the NGO/group; but technical approval needed by the concerned government engineer. [c] On completion of the construction activity, the deputy executive engineer would visit the site, carry out measurements, verify bills and forward the same to the executive engineer for final approval. The entire procedure was to be completed within seven days of submission of the bills by the beneficiary group. Strict instructions existed to avoid any delays at any levels of approvals.
However, like most policy instruments, the implementation of SPPWCP faced major lacunae as described herein and therefore could not achieve its desired objectives. While it is noteworthy that the hierarchy of implementation has come closer to the arena of action, that is, to the level of executive engineers and deputy executive engineers functioning under the district panchayats and the local democratic bodies, the politics, however, became murkier.
The following are some of the reasons for the failure of the SPPWCP scheme, in particular, from the point of view of people‟s participation and owning of the check dams: [a] Delayed payments: The payments were to be made in three stages, that is, at the completion of foundation, structure and finish. However, at each of the stages, there was inevitable delay due to the limited number of engineers available on the staff role, and the large number of check dams under construction simultaneously. Further, there were also significant delays in monitoring visits by engineers, making verifications, or releasing bills. [b] At each stage of construction, the group/NGO had to invest money in advance and wait for releases which were inordinately delayed due to various reasons, including rent-seeking. Only those persons/groups that could complete and wait for the release of money were getting into this. Obviously, while very few farmers or NGOs could afford
151
Understanding Groundwater Balance these delays, or had financial capacity to invest and wait, the local contractors secured the work orders in the names of local groups/farmers and made profit. This was just like another business activity for them. Gradually, the check dams were construed to be government-owned, and hence people did not feel any ownership. The contractor was also saving a lot of money by various means including compromise on quality; he was also adjusting the people‟s contribution component without people actually paying anything. Thus, the whole spirit of participatory programme was defeated. [b] Ten per cent of the approved cost of check dam was to be released after the overflow of rainwater during the succeeding monsoon, perhaps to ensure quality of construction of the check dam. [c] Many complaints were made regarding favouritism in allocation of check dams; totally unconnected, inexperienced agencies such as a marriage bureau and a travel agency were also sanctioned projects. [d] Although monitoring mechanism was in place, it was bureaucracy-driven and target-driven with no very impactful functioning. [e] The scheme was also open to farmers, either as individuals or as a group. Many individual farmers have taken advantage of the 40% subsidy to construct check dams close to their farmlands, which have benefitted them immensely (Mudrakartha, 2005).
Where the non-governmental promoters have leveraged these projects, the work went on well with people‟s participation, ownership and work quality ensured. However, the goings on from the areas in the neighbourhood where contractors were implementing, and no people‟s contribution was collected (it was „subsidised‟ by the contractor), led to certain amount of „weakening‟ of the contributory fabric of the people. To counter the undue from such areas, leaders of NGO groups had to put their foot down to maintain their quality and level of work. In the ultimate analysis, two key points may be said to have emerged: [a] Large number of structures have come to be installed, with mixed „success‟. In any case, the amount of recharge has increased considerably making a difference to the farmers in terms of irrigation water availability through wells. [b] Where contractors were involved and people were indifferent, such structures provided employment. A shade better was the situation when local contractors from villages were involved; the quality of structures was reasonably good, as the contractor-farmer had
152
Understanding Groundwater Balance sense of belongingness to the area. [c] There was a significant dilution of people‟s emotional and physical contributions, overall in the whole process.
As can be seen from the guidelines, a lot depended upon the attitude and commitment level of the concerned engineers, which was highly varying, and who were the key to effective implementation of the project.
One important aspect was that when the programme that aimed at capitalising on the people‟s participation was launched, there was no „preparation‟ of the engineers in terms of how to deal with the people and the process. In other words, due to absence of any “project appreciation programmes”, this was yet another departmental project for a majority of them.
The impact was that the recharging movement suffered a serious setback during 19992000. The reasons could be summarized as: [a] The SPPWC project was launched all over Saurashtra, North Gujarat and Kachchh. [b] Except those areas where strong institutions were present, which were not many, the farmers waited for the government project, and someone else to come and construct check dams. The movement was saved from total collapse due to committed efforts of some leaders efforts who managed to wean away people from the “expectation trap” (Shah, 1998).
SECTION 4 THE RECHARGE MOVEMENTS OF GUJARAT-AN OVERVIEW Wells, agriculture and livelihood have been historically, interwoven, intricately, in Gujarat. What we have witnessed in the past two decades as Saurashtra Recharging movement is essentially a revival of wells that went dry due to depleting water levels. What started as a recharge activity has turned into a movement around water because of committed efforts of local leadership in many villages across Saurashtra. However, it should be stated upfront that all the villages in all districts of Saurashtra did not respond with equal enthusiasm. Some critical mass existed that helped in promotion and
153
Understanding Groundwater Balance sustenance of the recharge movement. The following gives a brief account of the key leaders and institutions and the processes that were adopted. Gujarat in India has been among the forerunners in social movements driven by social leaders such as Shri Dongre Maharaj and Shri Morari Bapu, and religious trusts such as the Swadhyay Parivar, the Swaminaryan Sect, Saurashtra Lok Manch and Vruksh Prem Seva Trust. Different strategies were adopted to ensure that large masses participated in the social movements and took responsibility for sustaining the initiatives. Dongre Maharaj was among the forerunners who combined social matters such as the need for water harvesting with religious discourses. An eloquent story teller, Dongre Maharaj astutely interspersed social messages while discoursing on the great epic Ramayana. His simplicity, forthright honesty, and selfless approach had a universal appeal and drew large gatherings to his congregations. Dongre Maharaj deftly converted this massive goodwill into developing awareness and sensitivity needed for proper resource use and resource management, in addition to improving social living. People from all walks of life, castes and classes were attracted to him and became his followers. Similar is the effect of the living saint Morari Bapu who adopts his Ramayana discourses as his medium for communicating messages on resource management, and for leading a frugal, pious life. He adopts a communication style that is simple and easy-to-understand, laced with examples and anecdotes from the day-to-day experiences. Further, alongside, two major institutions, namely, Swaminarayan Sampradaya and the Swadhyaya Pariwar have catalysed the local initiatives on recharging wells into a major “movement” in the Saurashtra region. Swaminarayan Sampradaya is a religious sect, founded two centuries years ago, by the first Pramukh Swami. Beginning with the rich and the influential Patidar patels95, the sect gradually expanded its disciple base to cover people from all sections. It has gradually grown into an extremely rich and powerful organisation with huge landed assets and 95
Patel is an Indian title that represents some of the castes that are predominant in the Indian state of Gujarat that are either agriculturalists (farmers) or land owners. Two main groups of Patels in Gujarat make up the Patidar community including: 1. Leuva Patidar, or Kunbis/Kurmis who are purported descendents of Lava (son of the Hindu god Rama). 2. Kadava Patidar [Purported descendents of Kuśa (another son of Lord Rama)].
154
Understanding Groundwater Balance temples both within India and abroad. The saint from Ayodhya96, referred to as the first Pramukh Swami, has founded the sect based on the Vaishnav tradition which represents the purest form of the Hindu religion. He preached attainment of salvation through total devotion, bhakti, to the Supreme God through the non-negotiable tenets of dharma, jnana and vairagya (righteousness, knowledge and detachment). He installed strict rules and regulations to be followed by his disciples. Over the years, the organisational systems and procedures have become quite containing and prescriptive, leaving not much of a scope for either dilution or decentralisation of powers. The Pramukh Swami is the most powerful person in whom the ultimate authority is vested in. There are strict codes for the swamis, the priests, as also for the followers. The sect has established on a continuous basis centres commonly referred to as the Gurukuls (meaning schools) in almost all important cities and towns. The sect has also established such centres in many countries across globe. The strategy is to open centres in places where a critical mass of followers is available; with the centre as the centre, the number of followers‟ increases over a period. All these nuclei centres are managed and administered by the Pramukh Swami from the headquarters in Gujarat, India. The entire sect operates on a well-knit closed network that ensures quick communication flow for carrying out and facilitating the sect‟s various activities. The strength of the organisation can be gauged by an event that took place in mid-1970s. Morbi, a coastal town in Saurashtra was devastated by flash floods in the Machchu dam. The scale of destruction was so much that the state Chief Minister requested for volunteer help. One appeal by the Pramukh Swami on the radio brought forth one hundred thousand self disciplined volunteers overnight who cleaned up and rehabilitated the affected town. The other organisation that had been very influential in a strikingly different way from that of the Swaminaryan Sampradaya is the Swadhyaya Parivar. The Swadhyaya Parivar is a spiritual movement initiated by Shri Pandurang Shastri Athavale, who was based in Bombay during the 1960s delivering discourses. His initial followers comprised the elitedoctors, teachers, executives, lawyers, and professionals. The number of his followers continuously grew indicating that the strategy he adopted was effective. He was a staunch
96
Ayodhya is an ancient temple town in Uttar Pradesh, a state in north India.
155
Understanding Groundwater Balance believer of the Hindu way of life as described by the Bhagavad Gita. His initial focus was on helping people to find peace with themselves and their surroundings. Given the stressful life in the metropolis, more and more people became his followers as years passed by. Gradually, he expanded his universe to include not just the followers but the whole society itself. He gave a new meaning to the offerings Hindus make to God: to offer a portion of whatever one earns on a continuous basis to the “have-nots”. The important rider was that such offering should not smack of arrogance of the „haves‟ offering to the „have-nots‟. Thus, there were a lot of funds, material and money coming the way of the „Dada‟97 as he was fondly called. He then went on to link environment with the natural resources to help the farming community that constituted a majority of our country. As far back as in 1978, while inaugurating a common property forest (Vruksh Mandir-Temple of Trees), Shri Athavale proclaimed a slogan to his followers, which essentially meant to convey the need for protecting the Nature and the Environment, in particular water. The slogan said, “if you quench the thirst of Mother Earth, she will quench yours”. As the focus of Dada changed from individual to social agendas, he created a volunteer force out of his followers whom he called Swadhyayees. The term „Swadhaya‟ in Sanskrit means a study of self, that is, self introspection. This exercise created a sense of service to humanity in the volunteers. The swadhyayees from rural areas, who follow the path of Swadhyaya, majorly comprised farmers with poor educational background. The Parivar began trying out methods of harvesting rainwater and using it to recharge existing dug wells in the villages of Saurashtra. The popular method comprised diverting the rainfall run off over the farmlands into wells via a small pit that served to trap sediments. The pit is connected to the well through a small buried pipe that transports water into the well. The pipe is located in the pit short of ground level so that the silt and other material does not escape but get trapped in the pit; only clear water flows into the well through the pipe. What made these movements sustain? Shah (1998) refers to them as self orchestrating, self co-ordinating and self-propagating. Any Swadhyayee Parivar meeting attended by 97
Means elder brother.
156
Understanding Groundwater Balance the leader Shri Pandurang Athavale attracts thousands of persons, both men and women, as also youth. Most of them are from rural background, and farmers. The spiritual leader has also carried out many innovative experiments such as the concept of Matsyagandha, in which fishing boats bought out of voluntary local donations are treated as belonging to the village, and are available for use by those fishermen who are too poor to own boats. This experiment carried out along the coastal Saurashtra had a special significance because like sacred groves, these boats are devoted to God. Those who volunteered to use the boat were bound to offer the fish „catch‟ to God. Similarly, Swadhyayees also create common forests called Vruksh Mandirs (Temples of Trees), common property nurseries and orchards called Madhav Vrund, and common property farms called Yogeswar Krishi. These actions of daily life have religious significance and that touch people; therefore, the acceptance has scaled up. The actions, specifically on recharging groundwater have been taken up through voluntary labour, donated material and funds. Motivated by their leader, the modus operandi of these Swadhyayees is that post winter season, after the rabi crop, they fan out in groups of two or three to different villages. A group goes to the village, interacts with the farmers there, and motivates them, for example, to take up tank digging, or check dam desilting. From the next day onwards, the Swadhyayees themselves work along with the other villagers in the digging although they may not have any direct stake. The swadhyayees also carry their own basic requirements and do not depend upon the „beneficiary‟ farmers for food or for anything. This selfless approach served to motivate others to join; gradually the numbers swell and the task becomes truly enjoyable. In the case of recharge too, the Swadhyayees guide and join the farmers in doing the recharge activity while material such as the pipe has to be bought by the well owners themselves. As the reputation of the leader Shri Athavale travels in advance, there is not much of a difficulty for the Swadhyayee groups in connecting with the farmers. Thus, it is clearly seen that there is no place for money or material investment, and the Swadhyayees have been demonstrating selfless service which itself acts as a motivating force.
157
Understanding Groundwater Balance In the late eighties, there were many isolated attempts to recharge groundwater, by many. However, the Swadhyaya movement was cutting across villages where the entire communities used to take part. The big push was actually catalysed by the consecutive drought years of 1985-87 when a popular need for water harvesting was realised due to acute scarcity of water for irrigation as well as drinking for both people and the humans. This can be seen as the conservation phase where innovative experiments are being undertaken and collectivism attempted. Interestingly, the results of these experiments prompted villages in other regions in Gujarat to take up recharging on a large scale, with many NGOs and the media often acting as catalysts for bringing water related issues to public attention. The NGO movement, especially in areas such as Saurashtra and Kachchh began to support local „innovations‟ in recharging groundwater through wells, tanks, sumps, soak-pits and rooftop rainwater collections. Most of these efforts were centered on diverting collected rainwater to existing open dug wells for effecting artificial recharge. Although the Swadhyaya Parivar does not formally take up artificial recharge, Swadhyayees devised a loose-knit organization to propagate the concept and methodology behind well recharging. Vruksh Prem Seva Trust (VPST) is another non-governmental organization that has contributed significantly to the movement. Since VPST is one of the study area organizations, more details of its contribution are given in section 4, Chapter 4. Jal Kranti Trust has been one of the first in the recent decades to construct check dams and ponds in Rajkot district for rainwater harvesting. The Trust began its work in 1996 when its leader Mansukhbhai Suvagiya led the recharging work himself simultaneously working as a voluntary labour on the field. The impact of his direct involved demonstration is such that people still recall his hard work during extreme summer heat for 40 days at a stretch. His objective was to convince people that they should act themselves to solve their own water problems and not wait for the government or any external support. He also believed that this approach helps develop the spirit of ownership, and thereby takes care of maintenance of the structures. The views of
158
Understanding Groundwater Balance Mansukhbahi, his personal commitment and hard work convinced people and they started following his instructions. With the credibility established, the Trust embarked upon a check dam project in many villages with funds collected from the villagers themselves. The Trust discouraged seeking or expecting funds either from the Government or from any external donor. Rafala was the first village where he built 13 check dams with just a 100,000 rupees heavily supplemented by voluntary labour and use of local material. Himself a water engineer, Mansukhbhai developed inexpensive designs for constructing small check dams by local masons/farmers in just Rs. 4000-6000. Jamka, Vichhavad, Chanaka, Mota Kotada and Rafala in Junagadh district were the first five villages of Gujarat that constructed the low cost, locally designed check dams through collective inputs and locally raised funds.During 1996-97, Jal Kranti Trust has also motivated villagers of Mota Munjiyasar, Bagasara Taluka of Amreli district, to implement a new method of storing diverted rainwater in abandoned stone mines. The tremendous people‟s response, and the social capital created by Jal Kranti Trust could be gauged by the fact that fifty one check dams and two ponds were constructed and ten thousand trees grown, all at a cost of Rs.13 lakhs, in less than three months. The collective work by the villagers was more than 20,000 person-days; this means that 225 persons were working for 90 days continuously! The impacts were quite encouraging: annual increment in agricultural production was more than Rs.2 crores with annual agricultural labour creation of 30,000 person days; migration was completely checked due to in-village availability of employment. With the groundwater reserves increasing, the drinking and irrigation water crisis in the village was completely solved. In yet another effort, the Trust has promoted an Ideal Well Recharging Scheme as part of which 40 wells were recharged in the village Khijadiya (Khari), Amreli, with locally raised funds and shramdan (voluntary labour). No government support was sought. The Trust has also designed and implemented an innovative filter, which trapped silt before the rainwater was diverted into the well.
159
Understanding Groundwater Balance The recharging scheme caught the imagination of the people from the neighbouring districts. The Trust has expanded its work to Amreli, Junagadh and Jamnagar. In fact, the influential and rich Patels have come forward to participate in the movement with donations. Although no documentation was done until circa 2000, the Trust claims that one check dam helps to raise the returns from agricultural productivity by Rs. 2-3 lakhs annually. There are differential benefits to the farmers; however, every farmer was benefited with either full irrigation or partial irrigation support. Interestingly, witnessing the impact of the Jamka scheme (one of the first five villages in Gujarat to experiment with low cost check dams promoted by Mansukhbhai of Jal Kranti) which was done only by people‟s efforts and locally raised funds, the state designed the Sardar Patel Jal Sachay Yojana, first of its kind in the country in the year 2000. Popularly known as the 60:40 scheme, any farmer, village institution, cooperative or a group could access the check dam scheme for which 60 per cent of the estimated cost and design were to be provided by the government and 40 per cent was to be contributed by people. This was later modified as 80: 20 for certain regions with tribal predominance, 20 % being the local contribution. The movement had picked up and in a matter of four years; by 2003, under the SJSY scheme, 18,000 check dams were constructed, and 5000 check dams desilted across Gujarat state. According to Mansukhbhai, who has constructed more than 200 check dams in Gujarat, the 60:40 scheme has worked in killing the voluntary spirit of the people who were actively engaged till then in developing and managing their own water resources and related structures. He feels that people have stopped acting pro-actively as they were expecting sanction of the scheme and thereby the funds; the sense of ownership is lost as the check dam is considered to belong to government and therefore no one bothered about maintenance. He further states that the scheme has many loopholes as it is designed to favour contractors who could invest the initial amount and wait until the instalments are released over many months after the completion of work.
160
Understanding Groundwater Balance INNOVATIONS IN RECHARGING
There have been many innovations carried out as part of the recharging activity over the past two decades. These were led by individuals, NGOs, religious trusts and social service organizations, including of Gandhian philosophy. The simple and frugal life style of these leaders often begot self-motivated followers who participate in the movement without expectations of returns. These volunteers experimented with a number of ideas that may not have been necessarily be scientific, but arose out of their own observation and self-learning combined with rainwater behavior in local areas. Presence of motivated institutions with a large following, led by leaders of stature, helped in achieving the scale for obtaining regional impacts. Some of these experiments are discussed here in order to examine the sophistication with which the leaders have introduced changes all by themselves, without help from any technical agency. There have been no systematic studies conducted either on these efforts (Shah, 2002) or on the actual scale of the well recharge work in Gujarat (Shah, 2000). Notably, no international donor has come forward to infuse huge amounts for large scale experimentation, studies or documentation, unlike in some other states. The state government, however, has responded by launching a couple of schemes such as the SSPWCP and the 80:20 or 60:40 check dam scheme as described in the foregoing. Some innovations
The Swadhyayee movement, in fact, promoted a set of innovations, the primary ones being the well recharge activity. This activity comprised constructing field channels to collect and transport the rainwater to a sump/pit typically of 4 ft x 3 ft x 3 ft from where the water was flowing into the well automatically through a small connecting pipe located at the top of pit. The sump/pit acts as a sediment trap too.
161
Understanding Groundwater Balance
Figure 3.8: A recharge well
The second innovation was the improvisation of khet talavadi (farm pond). This is typically a tank of dimensions 20 ft x 30 ft x 3 ft. The run-off from the catchment is trained into the farm pond by means of a number of channels. The water from the tank flows into the well through a PVC (polyvinylchloride) pipe of 9‟‟ or 12‟‟ diameter, or through a channel in the earth.
In fact, the recharge movement has resulted in harvesting of significant quantities of water, although not systematically quantified or documented. This can be seen from the fact that about 20% of the pumping from wells was used for meeting various requirements such as bathing, washing utensils and clothes, drinking water for both humans and animals. There was also excess of irrigation water that accumulated in low-lying areas. This has actually resulted in some more innovations in the form of soak pits. Soak pits of 8-10 ft diameter were constructed for soaking the excess water and for recharging river/stream water to the ground. Further modification was made to enhance performance efficiency of the soak pit by providing vertical extension bores of 4-6” diameter, at the bottom of the pit. A porous pipe of about 6 ft length connected to the bore vertically acts as a vertical extension to the bore, into the pit. Of the six feet, five feet projects from above the bottom of the pit. A mesh is wound around the pipe to avoid clogging of the pores. The pit is then filled with filter material of varying grades of pebbles and gravel.
162
Understanding Groundwater Balance
By virtue of its topography, Saurashtra has hundreds of rivulets and streams that run-off due to divergent gradient. The modified soak pits were constructed in hundreds at every half a kilometre interval in the river bed or along the river as per convenience.
Prominent social workers like Chunibhai Vaidya98 have also constructed hidden (subsurface) check dams. These check dams created additional storage because of which there was increased flow to the wells all around.
Yet another important innovation had been the use of tanks to hasten groundwater recharge. The tanks are developed to „restore‟ the bed soil permeability; a borehole is drilled from the bottom of the bed deep enough to penetrate the potential (implying dry) aquifer. The tank also has necessary arrangements such as filter and air vent. Often, more than one bore is also provided to augment recharge.
The experiments were also extended to tap roof top water to connect with tankas (small tanks) inside the house, with arrangements provided to bypass the first rains; material such as lime and char coal were used to preserve the quality of water on long term storage.
The Swadhyaya Parivar effectively captured the modifications and propagated them. Large number of volunteers enriched their experience by doing these themselves. The method of motivation of the Parivar was strategic: at first level, the Dada himself addresses his crowds in which his main message would be to take up water conservation. Any message coming from Dada himself was very valuable for people; the large numbers of volunteers pitch in to guide and help implement the techniques by working along with those interested. Those who implemented would become guides and volunteers and the chain of help goes on.
98
Follower of Gandhian ideology and principles.
163
Understanding Groundwater Balance Jaman Padhati (subsurface irrigation technique) promoted by Shyamjibhai Antala99, Saurashtra Lok Manch Trust During the initial years of the well recharging movement, there was a lot of demand for plastic pipes used in the sedimentation pit for connecting with the well to deliver water. The cost of these pipes was quite high. Alongside, Shyamjibhai Antala, President of the Saurashtra Lok Manch Trust, Dhoraji, Rajkot, has introduced a new technique whose main idea was to reach water to the root zone of the crops and trees. The technique was simple, and involved laying down small diameter perforated pipes in the subsurface. When applied water flows through this pipe, water oozes from all the pores on all sides of the pipe and saturates the surrounding earth with moisture. Once the soil is saturated, it acts counter to the soil moisture spread and compels further movement of water in the pipe to other areas. This way the entire soil zone gets saturated with moisture; interestingly, there are no evaporation losses which has always been a big concern in water resource management. The technique required negligible maintenance, easy to install and simple to use; minimal water losses and no problem of blockages. Since the cost of purchase and transportation of pipes from Mumbai100 was high, Shyamjibhai Antala encouraged his son to start a factory and manufacture PVC pipes in Dhoraji (Rajkot district) itself. This helped bring down the cost of pipes within the affordable range of the farmers (Rs. 10-12/foot or Rs.30-36 per metre101). Before launching the factory, the father and son duo have experimented the usage of this pipe on different crops such as Groundnut and Cotton on a pilot basis in an area of one acre. They have also successfully demonstrated the performance and results to the visitors to see and get convinced.
99
Shyamjibhai and his son are not engineers, nor have any formal qualification in water resources. They say that the idea emerged from their interactions with the farmers and while mulling over the various issues challenging water management. 100 Mumbai is the trade capital of India at about 650 kms from Rajkot. 101 The cost came down by two hundred percent.
164
Understanding Groundwater Balance Compilation of innovations Saurashtra Lok Manch under Shyamjibhai Antala has compiled all such experiments and the impacts and disseminated them among the people. The Manch has also prepared leaflets with innovative illustrations easily comprehensible even by an illiterate farmer. Antala has also regularly contributed to the popular vernacular daily102 where he has described all the experiments, with his own assessments on quantities and potential change scenarios in terms of crop economics and income. This way of presentation captured the imagination of the people who willingly do it themselves to see the results. WELL RECHARGING MOVEMENT AND GOVERNMENT SCHEMES The dug well recharging movement did very well since its introduction for the first time in mid-nineties. The first blow came when the government launched the Sardar Patel Jal Sanchay Yojana during late nineties, ironically motivated by the tremendous people‟s contribution and participation in the well recharging movement. The SJSY project had only one objective of construction of check dams, and had subsidy in the range of 4060% per check dam. However, many farmers did not utilize the promise of subsidy directly; local contractors however did so by implementation. Without doing much, the farmers got the benefit of the check dam, and hence there was no sense of ownership. The watershed programme that followed from mid nineties also provided subsidy and employment opportunity. These schemes posed a great challenge to committed agencies such as the Swaminarayan Sampradaya and the Swadhyaya Parivar, among others, who had to struggle to maintain the spirit of motivation built over the years. This was definitely a setback to the voluntary, self-dependence spirit of the movement. However, some agencies such as Vruksh Prem Seva Trust, ORPAT Trust, Sarvodaya Seva Sangh and others have sourced the watershed programme and attempted to retain the participatory element as this research study shows. Shyamjibhai Antala of Saurashtra Lok Manch puts forth his own analysis for the dug well recharging losing favour among the people. He believes that after the year 1999, the number of people who had nothing to do with development, and yet sourcing watershed 102
“Phoolchhaab” published from Rajkot is a popular newspaper catering to Saurashtra.
165
Understanding Groundwater Balance projects has increased. Because of the huge money involved, local politicians have begun to play direct and indirect roles; that is, seeking watershed programmes for their own „organizations‟, and or influencing release of programmes to favoured „development‟ agencies. Further, many NGOs „materialized‟ in the region to avail the opportunity of watershed project funds. All this led to reputed NGOs either not getting an opportunity or not able to implement due to unfair demands on them from the authorities including rent seeking. Shashi Bhushan103, Geologist, Gujarat Water Resources Development Corporation, provided a technical view for the failure of the dug well recharging movement. He said that Saurashtra being a hard rock terrain, direct recharging is not desirable because the run off water would carry bacteria into the well; further, direct recharging leads to choking up of the porosity of the water bearing formation due to the silt and sediments carried by the run-off water passing through fields. There is also a possibility of fertiliser and pesticide residues being carried away to the wells. Thus, the texture around the well also tends to undergo an unfavourable change ultimately rendering the well more of a storage tank than as storage well. This means that the groundwater movement would be affected over a period. Shashi Bhushan in fact strongly recommended a number of small check dams to be built in the vicinity of wells so that there is a continuous recharge to the wells. Depending upon the number of check dams, the well would sustain kharif and rabi crops, by at least meeting the critical irrigation needs. Shyamjibhai, who is also a regular newspaper columnist, reported that hardly 30% of the funds under the Sardar Jal Sanchay Yojana (60:40 scheme) of the government were spent. Again, the 40% local contribution was not possible for the poor, marginal and small farmers. Therefore, the scheme was utilised more by either the rich farmers or the local contractors. The scheme was actually meant to be accessed by any farmer. The role of politics was also quite strong. It is popularly believed that those villages which „preferred‟ their votes to the ruling party were „granted‟ more check dams under
103
personal communication
166
Understanding Groundwater Balance the 60:40 Scheme. As many as 100 check dams were constructed in each of such villages. Kopada village in Dhoraji taluka is one such village. To sum up, the main objective of this chapter has been to understand factors that contribute to the soil moisture water balance. Towards this, the study described groundwater conditions occurring in Gujarat and in Saurashtra. It is shown that the surface water and groundwater are controlled by topography and hydrogeology. The predominant rock type in Saurashtra is basalt, which is generally massive and has low to moderate porosity. In view of the inverted saucer shaped topography, Saurashtra generates a lot of run-off from its mid land that flows down as many small rivers and rivulets in radial directions. Due to the massiveness of the rock formation, and the steep slope, not much time of retention is possible for the run-off, and hence low recharge potential. Nevertheless, groundwater forms the major source of water with moderate to good yield in particular in areas where there are no surface water schemes. Such moderate to good yields occur only when the yielding zones comprising the weathered zone, faults and joints, inter-trappeans and infra-trappeans have hydraulic connectivity. The chapter thus described the various conditions under which groundwater recharge and yield is possible. The chapter also refers to studies that describe proneness of the region to tectonic disturbances which create favorable conditions for either water accumulation or enhancement, and yield. Although my study does not go into geo-structural aspects, it highlights the need for connecting scientific research with civil society efforts on water conservation and also to government policies and schemes. Drawing benefits of such studies for Saurashtra movement, for example, would have gone a long way in contribution to water management and water governance domain. Further, the water scarcity conditions and the history of water management over the centuries are examined. The resource conditions varied during pre-colonial, colonial and post-independence periods based on the policies. Taxes were levied based upon the availability of irrigation and the type of water extraction mechanism. In order to encourage farmers to dig wells, the colonial rulers encouraged the local sahukar to give loans. Additionally, it suited them to make the sahukar, who is locally influential, responsible for collection of taxes.
167
Understanding Groundwater Balance The British enacted the Indian Easement Act 1882, according to which the water below the ground belongs to the landowner. Thus, water rights were „transferable‟ although implicitly, along with sale of land. The result was that in practice, the rulers did not have any responsibility for maintenance of water bodies such as the rivers, tanks or ponds, nor construction of check dams. Since wells were individually owned, the common water structures suffered from lack of maintenance and degraded over years. Gradually, the water levels started depleting due to introduction of kerosene-driven pumps a century ago. Post independence, there has been secular depletion of water levels, more so in the past three decades due to introduction of heavy duty, high horse power pumpsets. The responses by the civil society, in particular, in the arid and semi arid areas such as Rajasthan and Gujarat was more in the nature of “action”, that is, capturing as much water as possible in any way. The groundwater recharge activity in Rajkot district of Saurashtra in Gujarat, which began with direct dug well recharge in mid-eighties, has converted in to groundwater recharge movement during mid-nineties through water harvesting structures with the predominance of check dams. Further, many individuals, groups, institutions and philanthropists provided leadership, made several innovations, all aiming at capture of maximum water in the farmland through farm ponds (khet talavadis), farm bunds, improvised spill ways on farm boundaries and so on. The activities and the movement were supported by private, philanthropic donations which were minimal, demanding maximum contribution in the form of labor generally. This generated social capital as well as self dependence. Looking at the success of these recharge activities in the form of enhanced agricultural and dairy incomes, during late nineties, the state government launched a couple of schemes, not without political motives, that actually resulted in a temporary setback to the movement due to the threat of erosion of people‟s self dependence. Some non-governmental agencies however tapped government programmes such as the SPPWCP and SJSY and the national watershed programme, ensured continuation of people‟s contribution and have demonstrated good implementation practices. In the process, they halted the erosion of people‟s self dependency and shifting to total dependency on government funding. Nevertheless, certain damage has been done
168
Understanding Groundwater Balance because the movement has weakened in many places where there was absence of a strong non-governmental agency. Another important aspect the chapter discussed related to the benefits farmers obtained from the recharging activity. Farmers did not have a clear idea as regards how much water was being recharged, how much potential existed of the aquifers say on a year to year basis, or what quantity of groundwater was extracted on annual basis vis-à-vis the potential of the area. In spite of these recharge efforts sustaining over decades, no agency, government or otherwise, has carried out scientific or systematic studies on the above. Some researchers, however, have made back of envelope estimations as to the quantity of recharge. Notably, the Guidelines for groundwater resource estimation itself were standardised and issued by the CGWB for the first time in 1997, and revised in 2002. Simmers (1997) recommends use of a number of methods so as to be able to estimate recharge values, including from careful and imaginative field observations. Chapter 4 describes the well-known methods of estimation of natural recharge, their strengths and limitations. Chapter 5 estimates the recharge values of study villages computed based on field data.
169
Understanding Groundwater Balance
170
Appendix 3.1: Groundwater conditions in Gujarat at a glance Age
Location
Rock Types
Archaean & Proterozoic
Northeast and eastern parts of the state in the districts of Banaskantha, Baroda, Kheda, Panchmahals, Sabarkantha and Mehsana. Vadodara and Kachchh districts
Gneisses, phyllites, and quartzites and metamorphosed intrusive
Surendranagar and Dhangadhra districts
Sandstone and Shales
SabarkanthaHimmatnagar
Sandstone
Deccan Trap
Basalt
Mesozoic (Jurassic and Cretaceous)
Sandstone and shales
Yield conditions & Water Quality Primary porosity poor; secondary porosity in the form of joints and fractures, and weathered zone are yielding zones Sedimentary formations; Bhuj seriesfriable, medium to coarse grained sandstone and Variegated shales Sedimentary formations; fine to coarse grained sandstone inter bedded with shales.
Sedimentary formations exposed in the form of a strip; 45 to 60m3/hr discharge at 20 to 25mt drawdown. Basalts-massive to vesicular; Horizontal beds; intra-trappeans and inter-
Yields Cubic meters/hour Poor to moderate yields. Exceptional yields exceptional
Tube wells of more than 300 metres drilled; Yields of 71m3/hr at drawdown of 15 to 20 m.
Tube wells of more than 200 metres; yields range from 45 to 60m3/hr at 20 to 25 m of drawdown. Water quality generally good, but saline below sills where occurring and towards contacts with younger alluvium. yield 40 to 50m3/hr discharge at a drawdown of 20 to 25 ms. Water quality good;
Yield insignificant quantities up to 30 m3/day; occasionally
Understanding Groundwater Balance
171 trappeans;
Tertiary sedimentary formations (Miocene)
Exposed between the Narmada and Tapi rivers in parts of Bharuch and Surat districts. Also occur along the coastal areas of Saurastra and Kutch. Gaj seriesmarine depositsoccur all along Saurashtra coast- few meters to >300 meters thick Dwaraka beds are of 50 m thickness near Vasai and Mithapur in Jamnagar district Manchar series in Kachchh district
South Gujarat, alluvial deposits mostly overly the trap rock and the tertiary sediments with thickness between a few meters near the rock outcrops to over 100ms westwards;
higher yields of 4-10 litres per second; water quality good.
sedimentary formations
Limestone, clay and gypsiferrous frit with thin sand layers
Sedimentary formations
Gypseous and calcareous clay and sandy limestone.
Sedimentary formations
Sandstone
Sedimentary formations
sandstones, shales and limestone with gravel beds over 100ms. In thickness at certain locations.
Sedimentary formations
Do not form good aquifers; shallow aquifers yield good quality; deeper aquifers saline quality; Dug wells yield low; tube wells yield 30 to 40 m3/day at some locations. groundwater has high chloride content; Tube wells drilled to 120160 ms depth yield between 70-90 m3/day; chloride contents:100600 ppm. yield moderate to good. Water quality mostly brackish
Understanding Groundwater Balance
Quaternary Formations occupy an area of about 86,680 sq. km. Their thickness in the Cambay basin is said to be over 300 ms in general; in north Gujarat, thickness of alluvial deposits roughly ranges between 3300ms. of varying composition
Alluvial Formations: Recent
Milliolite limestone with limited thickness occurs along coastal areas of Saurashtra; alluvial and aeolian deposits occur as one continuous alluvial plain from north to south; they also occur as valley filled deposits in hard areas.
In Ahmedabad, Baroda, Bharuch, Bulsar, Gandhinagar, Kheda, Sabarkantha, Surat etc., multilayered aquifer system is present in alluvial plains of
Milliolite limestone, alluvium and Aeolian deposits
172
In Cambay basin, the quaternary formations are predominantly composed of clay, silt and sand with kankar. Towards the out crops areas in east and northeast, the proportion of sand, gravel, pebbles and boulders etc. increases. The predominant zone considered to be 10 to 20 kms. in width along the hills towards the alluvial plains. In the rocky areas, a number of buried river channels and valley fills also occur which become important from groundwater point of view in the otherwise less promising hard rock terrain.
milliolite limestone with karstic topography form good aquifers; carvernous types make productive aquifer. Quality of groundwater in limestones is usually good. Dug wells yield up to 200 m3/day; However along costal Saurashtra, groundwater in milliolite limestone has gradually deteriorated due to sea water intrusion.
Recharge areas of confined aquifers occur along contact areas with hilly region of the east. Most aquifers behave as separate aquifers under semi confined to confined
Groundwater in the alluvial areas occurs both under unconfined, semiconfined, confined and free flowing artesian conditions. Due to over exploitation of
Understanding Groundwater Balance Gujarat within a depth of about 300ms.
Source: Compiled by author
173 conditions in the central parts and western parts i.e. the discharge areas
groundwater, Ahmedabad and Mehsana, during the last few years, both unconfined and confined aquifers have shown decline in water levels at alarming rates of 3 to 5 meters per year. Yield from tube wells has fallen considerably from 2274 to 1136 litres per minute. Artesian conditions have moved further westwards towards Kachchh where groundwater quality is saline.
Groundwater Recharge Estimation: Conceptual Foundation
CHAPTER 4
GROUNDWATER RECHARGE ESTIMATION: CONCEPTUAL FOUNDATION Groundwater recharge is a natural phenomenon linked to the occurrence of precipitation. However, man-made structures such as dams, reservoirs, irrigation canals, tanks and ponds, and return flow from irrigation, also contribute to recharge. The groundwater recharge, therefore, represents the net addition of all such water to the water table.
In the estimation of groundwater recharge, in particular, in arid and semi arid regions, it is essential to (i) recognize and understand the complexity of the geological formations and the flow processes that occur therein; (ii) the high degree of variability, poor distribution and uncertainty of precipitation and its role in generating recharge; (iii) improvement in the data collection; and (iv) improvement in the recharge estimation methods.
This chapter deals with establishing conceptual foundations of groundwater recharge and estimation methods. This is done through literature review. The Literature Review is organised in three sections: one, groundwater recharge: conceptual foundations; two, global efforts for groundwater knowledge and practice; and, three, groundwater recharge methods-an overview.
174
Groundwater Recharge Estimation: Conceptual Foundation SECTION 1 GROUNDWATER RECHARGE: CONCEPTUAL FOUNDATIONS
Two principal types of recharge are identified (FAO, 1981; Llyod, 1986; Lerner et al. 1990; De Vries et al. 2002): [i] Direct recharge is defined as water added to the groundwater reservoir in excess of deficits (from surface evaporation and plant transpiration, together termed as evapotranspiration) through the unsaturated (or vadose) zone. Two types of evapotranspiration are distinguished: potential evapotranspiration (PET) is a measure of the ability of the atmosphere to remove water from the surface through the processes of evaporation and transpiration assuming that there is no limitation or control on water supply. Actual evapotranspiration or AET is the quantity of water that is actually removed from a surface due to the processes of evaporation and transpiration (Pidwirny, 2006). In distinguishing direct recharge, the emphasis is on infiltration of precipitation where it falls, without surface storage; hence assumption of vertical movement due to gravity becomes predominant. Noteworthy is the fact the potential of precipitation. In New Mexico (USA), a precipitation recharge of only 2 mm/year over the entire area of the state can provide all water needs for domestic and industrial users (Hendrickx et al. 1997). This fact emphasises not only the potential of precipitation, in particular, in arid and semi arid regions, to support all human activity, but also the need for improving accuracy of estimation of recharge. [ii] Indirect recharge occurs when the precipitation (run off) water is added to the water table through surface water bodies. The precipitation that gets stored in surface water bodies such as rivers, streams, tanks and ponds, or in joints or beds of surface water courses percolates to the water table; the water that accumulates in depressions, small irregularly shaped channels, or drains, and similar structures that are not connected to the drainage line, also contribute to the recharge. Put differently, two sub categories of indirect recharge are identified: one that is associated directly with surface water courses, and two, localised recharge resulting from accumulation in surface water bodies that are not located in the course of well-defined channels or drainage lines.
175
Groundwater Recharge Estimation: Conceptual Foundation In the case of the first sub category, the source comprises water bodies such as the rivers and streams that flow intermittently. This flow is contributed in two major ways: (i) directly by the rainfall, which is uncertain and erratic, and (ii) by the groundwater discharge especially at medium or lower reaches of a watershed, provided there are enough recharge areas104 at the upper reaches, usually the mountains or hills, combined with lower extraction along the groundwater flow path. Sustained groundwater discharge into water courses is uncommon in arid and semi arid regions because rainfall is scarce and its high intensity easily leads to the generation of surface run off flow and throughflow105. The remaining rainfall replenishes the dry soil meaning that hardly any water is left to recharge the groundwater system (Tallaksen & Lanen 2004).
In the case of the second sub category, in areas with rainfall lower than 200 mm (defined as arid areas), higher evaporation losses due to climate factors such as higher temperatures do not leave much water for the recharge process. However, in areas receiving more than 200 mm and the semi arid regions, both direct and indirect recharge become important although the recharge is generally low and highly variable (Simmers, 1997). The localised recharge structures though not connected with the (natural) drains often contribute in a big way to the total recharge. Localised recharge implies horizontal movement of surface and/or near-surface water and occurs in weathered hardrock or limestone terrain, topographical depressions, minor wadis106 or arroyos, and in mountain systems (Simmers, 1997). Some classic examples include localized recharge through numerous depressions measuring tens to thousands of metres across as wetlands or lakes, and referred to as „potholes‟, „sloughs107‟, or „playas108‟. Meyboom (1966), as quoted in 104
Recharge areas are defined as regions where water surplus (excess of precipitation over actual evapotranspiration) flows downwards to feed the saturated groundwater system (Tallaksen & Lanen, 2004). 105 Throughflow occurs from thin saturated horizontal layers with low permeability, where percolation exceeds the vertical hydraulic conductivity (Tallaksen & Lanen, 2004). 106 steep-walled, eroded valley; gully or streambed, same as 'arroyo'. 107 A type of swamp or shallow lake system. 108 A playa (or pan) is a dry or ephemeral lakebed, generally extending to the shore, or a remnant of, an endorheic lake. Such flats consist of fine-grained sediments infused with alkali salts. Playas are also known as alkali flats, sabkhas, dry lakes or mud flats. If the surface is primarily salt then they are called salt pans, salt lakes or salt flats. Playas are typically formed in semi-arid to arid regions of the world. The largest concentration of playa lakes in the world (nearly 22,000) is on the southern High Plains of Texas and eastern New Mexico. While most playa lakes are very small, other examples of playa lakes include Lake Alablab in Suguta, Kenya, and Wild Horse Lake, Oklahoma. Salar de Uyuni in Bolivia, near Potosí, is the
176
Groundwater Recharge Estimation: Conceptual Foundation Simmers (1997), one of the first to study localised recharge, has reported that a pothole with a bottom diameter of 40 m and a rim height of 3-8 m measuring up to only 15% of the 0.8 ha watershed contributing area in south-central Saskatchewan (Canada) contributed 70% of the total recharge. Wood & Sanford (1995) estimated that half (4-5 mm/year) of the annual recharge (9-10 mm/year) to the Ogallala Aquifer on the southern High Plains in the USA occurs through playa floors that cover only 6% of the area. Localised recharge for Maheswaram watershed in India was estimated as 20% of the total recharge (of 156.5 mm) for the year 2003 (Dewandel et al. 2007).
Localised recharge from the morphological depressions or ill-defined dry valleys in the Botswana Precambrian area ranges from 10 mm/year through alluvial loamy sediments to 30 mm/year through coarse-grained sediments and fractured outcrops for a mean annual rainfall of 500-550 mm/year. In more arid areas, where the average rainfall is less than 200 mm/year, the recharge is only of the order of a few mm/year with a coarse-grained soil or fractured-rock outcrops (Issar and Passcher, 1990 quoted in De Vries, 2002). Exposed karst areas in Saudi Arabia absorb 47% of the average annual rainfall (93 mm/year) into sinkholes and corrosionally extended joints, while in Portuguese Algarve, the high-intensity winter precipitation facilitates 150-300 mm annual recharge (as quoted in De Vries et al. 2002).
Often, the localised recharge is the largest in arid and semi arid areas (Lerner et al. 1990:145). However, estimation of such local recharge on an areal basis presents difficulties [a] due to the small area of local recharge as evidenced by research studies using chloride, and [b] the large number of small structures giving rise to dispersed nodes of local recharge. The study villages have constructed many structures that give rise to local recharge such as the farm bunds, farm ponds, tanks, drainage barriers, and check dams.
largest salt flat in the world at 4,085 square miles (10,582 square km) (www.wikipedia.org accessed 6 March 2009).
177
Groundwater Recharge Estimation: Conceptual Foundation FLOW PROCESSES THROUGH UNSATURATED ZONE
When rainfall occurs, water infiltrates into the ground, and under adequate supply conditions, ultimately adds to the water table. During infiltration, the flow through the unsaturated zone or vadose zone is predominantly vertical due to gravity; when a zone of saturation is reached, the water flow and its direction are controlled by the hydraulic gradient (Saksena, 1989).
Initially, under unsaturated conditions, the water molecules tend to hold tightly to the soil particles by (adsorption); this water is called hygroscopic water. As the water molecules are added, it forms a film around the soil particles due to forces of surface tension. This water is called capillary water. The film gets thicker with further addition of water till the point when the force of gravity becomes more than the adhesive force 109. At this stage, the water flows downwards due to gravity. When the soil moisture reduces in the soil, greater force is required to release the interstitial water. This is called soil moisture tension110.
109
Adhesion is the force of attraction between solid surfaces for water molecules (Michael, 1987). Soil moisture tension is a measure of the tenacity with which water is retained in the soil and shows the force per unit area (measured in atmospheres) that must be exerted to remove water from soil. 1 atmosphere = 1036 cm of water or 76.39 cm of mercury (Michael, 1987). 110
178
Groundwater Recharge Estimation: Conceptual Foundation
Gunn (1983) has conceptualised the flow as shown in the Figure 4.1 (Simmers, 1997).
1
Soil
2 WZ 3 WZ
6
5
6
4
Conduit flow dominated aquifer
1. Overland flow; 2. Through flow; 3. Subcutaneous flow; 4. Film flow; 5. Fracture flow; 6. Vadose seepage. WZ: Weathered zone : lithological discontinuities Figure 4.1: Types of water flow (after Gunn, 1983). As can be seen from the Figure 4.1, there is flow over the surface (1) and a flow in the top layer of the soil zone (2). A subcutaneous flow (3) takes place in the weathered zone. All these three flows lead to formation of a film flow or shaft flow (4) where the water moves as thin films along walls of vertical shafts. Where joints and fractures are encountered by the subcutaneous flow, then macropore flow takes place. Pores larger than larger than 3 mm in diameter are categorised as macropores. In macropores, the effects of capillarity are no longer felt and the flow process is dominated by viscous forces and gravity (Simmers, 1997). Openings of spheroidal weathering, horizontal and vertical joints, columnar joints (such as in basalts), fractures, root channels and cracks come under the category of macropores. When such macropores or similar structures or heterogeneities are present, the water tends to take these paths due to lower hygroscopic or adhesive force compared to gravity. Macropore flow or vadose flow (5) is defined as vertically moving water; significant water flows through the macropores in view of the high porosity. Gravity being prominent, the flow occurs rapidly. These structures result in
179
Groundwater Recharge Estimation: Conceptual Foundation quick build up of water levels due to floods or rains, within hours or days (Beven & Germann, 1982; Hendry, 1983; Simmers, 1990), as a function of the distance between the source such as a river, stream, tank or a pond, and the point of observation such as a well.
Also, some water movement takes place through vadose seepage as a vertical flow through small, tight joints and fractures, or as intergranular flow. The contribution of a type of flow to recharge to water table depends upon the local hydrogeological conditions. When surface water bodies are present, film flow or shaft flow becomes more significant than fracture flow. Further, fractures and joints respond quicker than fractures filled with soil (Gunn, 1983).
The significance of preferential flow is seen in the fact that in some cases, the contribution of preferential flow is as high as 90% of the estimated total recharge (De Vries, 2002). In the arid and semi arid zones, the flow through unsaturated formations occurs as (i) a wetted front, and (ii) along preferential pathways. The wetted front is nothing but the foremost layer which is moist. When water infiltrates the soil zone, wetted front moves vertically downwards due to gravity. Two conditions could be visualised here: if there is no addition of water at the surface, then the soil moisture from the soil layer in contact with the atmosphere starts drying up due to evapotranspiration (drying up of bare land and transpiration by plants). There would be no pushing down of soil moisture layer. However, there could be some upward (capillary rise) and downward fluxes. If the soil surface is connected with any water source, then the water body exerts downward (hydraulic) pressure so that soil moisture moves as a wetted front, or as a piston flow as proposed by Zimmerman et al (1967) and Munich (1968a, b) as quoted in Lerner (1990). The piston flow assumes that soil moisture moves downwards in discrete layers, and any addition of a fresh layer pushes down an equal amount of water immediately below. This process of pushing the soil moisture down continues till the last such layer in the unsaturated zone is added to the saturated regime or the water table. The movement of water through the soil is generally slow and depends upon a number of factors, one of the major ones being the size of the soil particle.
180
Groundwater Recharge Estimation: Conceptual Foundation Even in relatively homogeneous formations, preferential pathways could have an irregular distribution; often, these are connected by horizontal flow over lithological discontinuities (see Figure 4.1) that are typical for deposits in intermittent stream beds such as layered sands, silts and clays (Simmers, 1997).
Another preferential pathway flow, termed fingered flow, is said to occur when an unstable wetting front advances as fingers in the unsaturated zone. In sands, for example, the wetting front is more or less horizontal and hence does not constitute a fingered flow. In sharp contrast to saturated fracture flow where water tends to move rapidly along fractures, under unsaturated conditions, air filled fractures prohibit water flow and force it to move through interconnected pores in the matrix (Simmers, 1997). Although the phenomenon of fingered flow is yet to be understood completely, research by a number of scientists over the past two decades has indicated conditions under which fingered flow is generated (Simmers, 1997). They are: infiltration of ponded water as a wetting front following air in the interstitial pore space; redistribution of water in the soil profile; water-repellent soil; increase in water content with depth; continuous non-ponding infiltration, and when coarse textured soil layers are overlain by less permeable layers. Fingered flow in the top soil is often linked to hydrophobic top layers.
Further, it is also important to understand the transport of vapour occurring within the soil zone due to temperature gradient, for example, between seasons. The temperature fluctuation causes an imbalance between the percolation below the (shallow) root zone and actual recharge, and or between actual recharge and total discharge flux (De Vries, 2002). There is both an upward movement of vapour during winter and a downward transport during summer. However, the low fluxes and long relaxation time are often not in a steady state, and therefore, contain residual components of hydraulic head and hydraulic gradient from palaeoclimatic conditions that give rise to phenomenon like oases in large depressions (De Vries, 2002). In other words, there is an imbalance between recharge and discharge.
181
Groundwater Recharge Estimation: Conceptual Foundation GROUNDWATER MOVEMENT AND SOIL CHARACTERISTICS
Generally, in situ weathering of pre-existing rocks results in soil particles; sometimes, they are also deposited in bulk due to transportation by weathering agents such as wind or water. Table 4.1 gives the classification by United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) which is universally adopted111:
Table 4.1: Particle diameter Fraction Gravel Coarse sand Fine sand Silt Clay
Particle diameter (mm) >2 1-2 0.1-0.25 0.002-0.05 100% (CGWB & GoG, 2005). Table 5.1 gives the stage of groundwater development for the study talukas of Rajkot district. Table 5.1: Groundwater development in study talukas District Taluka Rajkot Rajkot Rajkot Rajkot Source: GoG, 2004139.
Gondal Jamkandorna Wankaner Morbi
Groundwater development (as of 31st March 2004) (%) 97.35 74.48 56.37 77.09
The following Table 5.2 gives the detailed steps in this process of computation of recharge for one village Ambaredi. A similar procedure is adopted for all the 6 study villages. The values of recharge obtained by all the three methods are presented in Table 5.12.
135
Measured as the ratio of gross groundwater draft for all uses to the net available groundwater availability expressed in percentage (CGWB, 1997). 136 These are expected to take care of factors other than the water level and specific yield in the WL & SY equation. 137 http://www.gec.gov.in/envis/SoER_Table_htm/DisPro.htm. 138 www.cgwb.gov.in accessed Feb 10, 2009. 139 The reference year 2004 is used as the study year for primary data collection was 2003-4.
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages
228
Table 5.2: Computation of Groundwater Balance and Stage of GW development for Ambaredi village (Mudrakartha, 2008)
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
Gross GW Recharge For Environmental Flows @5% Available GW recharge/year (1-2) GW Draft for irrigation from primary data Domestic and Industrial draft (15% of 1) Gross GW Draft for all uses (4+5) Regeneration Recharge @30% of (4) Net GW balance (3-6+7) Level (stage) of GW Development (%)
WL & SY 2.2241 0.1112 2.1129 0.4661 0.3346 0.7997 0.1398 1.4530 37.9
Regression Method 1.8331 0.0917 1.7414 0.4661 0.2750 0.7411 0.1398 1.1402 42.6
[Note : All figures in Million Cubic meters except for sl.no.9; : Minor mismatch in totals due to rounding off may exist] The average annual water-level fluctuation (denoted by the difference between the maximum and the minimum water levels in the wells) for Ambaredi is estimated as 8.1 m for the reference year from June 2003 to May 2004. These maximum and minimum water levels in arid and semi arid regions, where unimodal rainfall pattern exists, are obtained generally during peak monsoon and subsequent pre monsoon periods. The water levels actually represent net values as there is extraction as well as indirect or localised recharge possible even after the monsoon duration. Thus, the groundwater recharge computed would almost always be underestimated. Before proceeding for computation, it is useful to understand the terms used. (i) Gross groundwater recharge In general, it is assumed (although not quantitatively measured), that 70% of the natural recharge to groundwater can be extracted (Athavale, 2003). The CGWB guidelines for categorization of groundwater assessment units for water balance also consider up to 70% groundwater development as safe (GoG, 1998; CGWB, 2004:18; Planning Commission, 2007).
Table 5.2 gives the detailed steps for computing the groundwater balance. The specific yield of basalt, the predominant rock type in the study areas, ranges from 1 to 3 (Sinha & Sharma, 1988). Using equation the WL & SY equation (1) [NR = Area (sq. km) x
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages average of difference of maximum and minimum water levels from wells (m) x specific yield (%) of the geological formation], the volume of rainwater that has recharged into the ground (NR) is computed as 2.224 MCM and 6.67 MCM for specific yields 1 and 3 respectively for basalt which is a very wide range. Which value of the specific yield would represent the study village is discussed in section 3? For our present purpose, we assume that the specific yield 1 may be appropriate, also being on the lowest side, in order to reduce uncertainty due to reasons explained in section 2 of this Chapter. Using the second method of Regression equation, [natural recharge NR (or RE) = 0.174 (Rainfall in mm)-62], the volume of water that has recharged into the ground is computed as 1.83 MCM. In terms of recharge, the two methods yielded values given in columns B, C and F of Table 5.12. (ii) Allocation for environmental flows GoG guidelines of 1997 & 2002 (GoG, 1998; CGWB, 2004) provide for 5% of gross groundwater recharge for surface flows in river bodies for inter-basin transfers. Concerns during the eighties and the nineties were that many important basins in India were either closing140 or closed141. Some studies have also expressed concern about many sub basins also being in the process of closing or closed due to the large number of water harvesting activities promoted by various agencies. These activities intercept not only the surface flow to downstream areas but also impact groundwater recharge adversely. The GWRE guidelines (2002) provide for a 5% allocation of gross groundwater recharge as environmental flows to check, and pre-empt, partial or complete closure of basins. As can be seen from Table 5.2, the computations here consider this allocation. (iii) Groundwater draft Groundwater draft represents the total volume of water pumped out from all the well structures in a particular year. The draft can be computed based on the well inventory data comprising, inter alia, the number, and type, of pumpsets and their horsepower, their running hours and discharges, for all wells in a given village. Table 5.2 shows the total 140
Closing basins are those that have inter basin flow during wet season, but no usable flow during dry season. Even the Indus, the Ganges and the Yellow River are closing by this definition (Seckler et al. 2003). 141 Closed basins are those that do not have any usable flows during any part of the year, not even during wet season (Seckler et al. 2003).
229
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages annual groundwater draft for Ambaredi village computed as 0.4661 MCM for the year 2003-04. (iv) Allocation for Drinking Water and Industrial needs GoG guidelines of 1997 & 2002 (GoG, 1998; CGWB, 2004) also provide for 15% of the annual gross groundwater recharge towards drinking water and industrial needs. Under these guidelines, the competent authority142 could regulate extraction of groundwater in times of water scarcity, thus meeting essential drinking water needs. Where industries do not exist, which is usually the case in rural areas, the water is supposed to be available for environmental purposes. In practice, it may also be overextracted. (v) Regeneration Recharge or Return Flow The irrigation provided to crops is not fully utilised by the crop. There is return flow143 into the water bearing formations or aquifers. It is estimated that one-third of the total water used for irrigation percolates and adds to the groundwater reserve (Athavale, 2003). For the purpose of computations for the study villages, thirty percent of return flow is considered also because of the shallow groundwater level (near surface during monsoon) with a high at 20 m for Ambaredi and 13 m for Jalsikka cluster of villages. The irrigation practice is through field channels covering the whole farm; the channels are of course not too wide to be classified as suitable for flood irrigation.
[2] The Regression Method The regression equation for basalt is Recharge RE=0.174 (Rainfall in mm)-62 (Athavale, 2003). Parameters other than rainfall are subsumed to be taken account of. On the face of it, mathematically, rainfall is the only input given. For the study villages, average rainfall of 740 mm for Rajkot district is considered for the year 2003 as obtained from official sources for computations. This gives a uniform value of recharge of 66.76 mm for all the study villages.
142
The competent legal authority is the Central Ground Water Authority, which functions through its Regional Offices; often, the district administration is notified as local authority. 143 Seepage and percolation losses are about 60 percent of the applied water in a canal command area (Reddi and Reddy 2006).
230
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages [3] CRU-NUT_MONTH Method Chapter 4 has described the Climatic Research Unit (CRU), University of East Anglia proposed method of estimating recharge using climatic variables such as precipitation, temperature, diurnal temperature, vapour pressure, cloud cover, sunshine duration and wet days. The procedure and steps for estimation of recharge have also been described in detail therein. The CRU and NUT_MONTH method is very useful as „in the absence of actual hydrological data such as observations of river flow data at a number of points along a river and its tributaries; long period basic meteorological data like rainfall, temperature, humidity, etc., can be used for estimating water potential of a region or a basin and its variation in space and time by using suitable technique‟ (Kulkarni, 2003 as quoted in Ramesh & M. G. Yadava, 2005). The method is also useful to assess groundwater recharge when water level data is not available.
The following steps are adopted for running the CRU Model:
The location coordinates of the areas for which climate variables are sought to be extracted are identified; the coordinates can be obtained from a toposheet, published by the Survey of India.
The coordinate referencing in CRU program is made in the form of degrees. Therefore, the coordinates are converted into degrees for easier working as shown in the 5. 3 (last two columns, (5) and (6)) for the study villages. As can be seen from the same Table 5.3, the study villages are falling in two distinct nodes in the CRU global database. Ambaredi village falls in first node (hereafter referred to as Ambaredi cluster), and Jalsikka, Vithalpar, Haripar, Kerala and Bella (hereafter referred to as Jalsikka cluster), fall in second node (column 2).
231
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages
232
Table 5.3: Study Villages and Coordinates S. no.
Village
(1) a.
(2) Ambaredi 22_21-71_70 Jalsikka 23_22-71_70 Vithalpar 23_22-71_70 Haripar-KeralaBella 23_22-71_70
b. c. d.
Latitude Longitude Cell (in deg., (in deg., coordinates min., sec) min., sec) (in degrees) (3) (4) (5) 70031‟30” E 21058‟00”N 70.50-71.00E, 21.50-22.00N 71000‟00” E 22030‟00”N 71.00E, 22.50-23.00N 70059‟00” E 22071‟00”N 70.50-71.00E, 22.50-23.00N 70045‟00” E 22032‟00”N 70.50-71.00E, 22.50-23.00N
Reference node on CRU global database (6) 70.750E, 21.750N 70.750E, 22.750N 70.750E, 22.750N 70.750E, 22.750N
In the CRU input file, the location coordinates along with village name are provided as shown in the (CRU_input file), and the years for which the climate data is desired.
Running the program CRU_TS21_READ_METEO by double clicking would use the CRU_input file and generate an output file that contains data organised in four files corresponding to four sub-cells. Consider an area represented by latitude and longitude of one degree by one degree; the CRU program divides each such area into a cell of 0.5 deg. by 0.5 deg. Thus, we have four sub-cells in one degree by one degree. The data is organised around the mid-point of each sub-cell; the outputs from CRU are also generated around the mid-values of these four sub cells.
Thereafter, the sub-cell that represents the study area needs to be identified since the resolution of the CRU program is 0.5 deg by 0.5 deg. The last column of the Table 5.3 represents the sub-cells for the study villages in Rajkot district. As already mentioned elsewhere, the output file of CRU contains month-wise precipitation and number of stations corresponding to the years specified, for the four sub-cells. The data of the subcell that comprises the location of the study area becomes an input file for the NUT_MONTH program that computes precipitation recharge.
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages LONG TERM RAINFALL-RECHARGE ANALYSIS OF STUDY VILLAGES BASED ON CRU DATA
In a Research Report (No: 2/2006) published by the National Climate Centre, P. Guhathakurta and M. Rajeevan (2006) analysed the Trends in the rainfall pattern over India. They cite several studies that revealed no particular trend, rather it was random behaviour of the Indian monsoonal rainfall. But on spatial scale, trends were noticed. On an all India level, the months of June, July, August and September contributed 13.8, 24.2, 21.2, and 14.2% to the total rainfall respectively. The post and pre monsoon rainfall contributed 11% each. Although broadly the monsoon rainfall is categorised as a systematic event occurring every year, it shows considerable variation during individual years. The important aspects of the variations are (Guhathakurta, P & M. Rajeevan, 2006):
The timing of the onset or the commencement of the rainy season;
The pattern of distribution of rainfall including the timing;
The timing of withdrawal of the monsoon from the different parts of the country, and
The total amount of rainfall of the season.
For a farmer, both the total rainfall and its distribution during the rainy season are important. The common challenges faced by farmers include delayed or early commencement of the monsoon rains, long breaks comprising no rains, and early withdrawal. High intensity spells or excessive spells also result in flooding and water logging, and consequently, loss of crops, partially or fully. As discussed earlier, the pattern of rainfall also determines the rate of recharge. Based on the analysis of long term rainfall data for Gujarat for the years 1901 to 2002, Patel, K. I et al. (2004) indicated that the consecutive years of receiving negligible to below normal rainfall never exceeded more than three years; whereas the consecutive
233
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages years of having received near normal to above normal ranged from one to five years in Saurashtra and Kutchh region144.
Further, Indian monsoonal rainfall has a high coefficient of variation, CV, (standard deviation expressed as percentage of the mean) exceeds 30% over large areas of the country and is over 40-50% in parts of Saurashtra, Kutch, and Rajasthan. In some places, the variability is as high as 100% implying that these places are particularly liable to very heavy rainfall in some years and very scanty rainfall in others (Jagannathan & Bhalme, 1973). For example, the lowest and highest rainfall recorded during the period 1901-2002 respectively were 144 mm and 1361 mm for Ambaredi, and 120 mm and 1328 mm for Jalsikka clusters. In addition, there is high yearly fluctuation as can be seen from Figures 5.2 and 5.8. Therefore, these variations should be kept in mind while drawing conclusions, acknowledging the inaccuracy and uncertainty elements that will be introduced, in particular, during computation of recharge values.
This section examines the long term trend analysis of rainfall and recharge, and then the rainfall-recharge relationship for both clusters of Ambaredi and Jalsikka villages. Further, the factors Actual Evapo-transpiration (AET) and Potential Evapo-transpiration (PET) would also be considered and their influence on the natural recharge process will also be examined.
As can be seen from Table 5.3, the study villages are falling in two distinct nodes in the CRU global database. Ambaredi village falls in first node, and Jalsikka, Vithalpar, Haripar, Kerala and Bella fall in second node. The rainfall data for Ambaredi and Jalsikka clusters for 102 years-from 1901 to 2002 is extracted from the public access domain www.uea.ac.uk using the CRU_TS-READ_METEO program as explained earlier. The rainfall and recharge analysis are carried out for both the clusters as described in the following section. 144
For other regions in Gujarat: one to seven years in North and Middle Gujarat region, and one of seventeen years in South Gujarat region. The Kutchh, Surendranagar, Banaskantha, Patan, Mehsana, Jamnagar, Kheda, Anand, Rajkot and Bhavnagar districts experienced drought conditions two to three times during the period 1991 to 2002.
234
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages
The data for Ambaredi shows that the lowest rainfall was 144 mm corresponding to the year 1987 and a high 1361 mm in the year 1959. The average long term rainfall based on the 1901-2002 rainfall data for Ambaredi works out to 625.9 mm. Table 5.4 shows that once in 12.8 years, we have a situation of rainfall less than 300 mm. On an average, Ambaredi receives rainfall between 301-600 mm once in 2.7 years, and between 6011000 mm, once in two years. Put differently, once in 2.3 years, there is a probability of rainfall between 301 and 1000 mm (see also Figure 5.3).
Table 5.4: Rainfall data for 1901-2002 for Ambaredi cluster Frequency No. of Years (once in .. Rainfall mm years in % years) 0 – 300 8 7.8 12.8 301 – 600 38 37.3 2.7 601 – 1000 52 51.0 2.0 1000 – 1361 4 3.9 25.5 Total 102 100 301-1000 45 88.3 2.3 Figure 5.1 is scatter diagram between rainfall and recharge for Ambaredi for the long term data of 102 years. The rainfall on the x-axis is sorted in ascending order and recharge values plotted indicates that there is a broad correlation in the trend between rainfall and recharge. A detailed analysis shows that recharge is generated only under certain conditions of rainfall; soil constants and climate parameters also play a role. This section examines these aspects for the study villages.
235
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages Rainfall-Recharge for Ambaredi 700 600 500 400 300 200 100 0 0
200
400
600
800
1000
1200
1400
Figure 5.1: Scatter diagram between rainfall and recharge for Ambaredi Figure 5.1 shows that for rainfall of up to around 350-400 mm, the recharge generated is almost negligible-in other words, close to zero. The number of such zero-recharge years is 25 out of 102 implying a frequency of once in 4.1 years as seen from Table 5.5. Further, the figure also shows that between 400 – 640 mm, there are many years with recharge around 60mm, although interspersed with zero recharge. Beyond a rainfall of 500 mm, the recharge tends to become more certain. For a rainfall range of 550-750 mm, which is quite populous, the recharge is around 100 mm-something very significant for agriculture in Ambaredi, given its semi arid climatic conditions. Beyond 640 mm, the correlation between rainfall and recharge becomes much more positive, with no „zero‟ recharge years; the recharge on the contrary tends to become significant.
236
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages
237
Rainfall-Recharge for Ambaredi 1600 1400
Rainfall, mm
1200
Recharge, mm
1000 800 600 400 200 1901 1907 1913 1919 1925 1931 1937 1943 1949 1955 1961 1967 1973 1979 1985 1991 1997
0
Figure 5.2: Rainfall-Recharge relation for Ambaredi
Rainfall versus prob of RF occurrence, frequency- Ambaredi 60.0 % years
51.0
50.0 40.0
frequency: once in …years
37.3
30.0 25.5 20.0 10.0
12.8 7.8
0.0 0 - 300
2.7
2.0
301 - 600
601 - 1000
3.9 1000 - 1361
Rainfall in mm
Figure 5.3: Rainfall versus probability of RF occurrence and frequency years.
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages Table 5.5: Recharge and frequency of recharge occurrence for Ambaredi Recharge mm 0 1 -60 61 – 100 101-150 151 – 200 200 – 250 251 – 300 301 – 350 351-400 401-600 601-609 61-300 >100mm
No. years 25 19 11 10 14 6 8 3 4 1 1 102 49 47
of % 24.5 18.6 10.8 9.8 13.7 5.9 7.8 2.9 3.9 1.0 1.0 100.0 48.0 46.1
Frequency (1 in .. years) 4.1 5.4 9.3 10.2 7.3 17.0 12.8 34.0 25.5 102.0 102.0 1.0 2.1 2.2
Let us analyse from the point of view of the recharge pattern in Ambaredi. As can be seen from Table 5.5, „zero‟ or negligible recharge occurs in 25 years out of 102 years: this means that once in 4.1 years, there will be at least one zero or negligible recharge year (corroborates with the point that the frequency of rainfall is also zero in one out of four years). The zero or negligible recharge year also corroborates with water scarcity or drought year. The highest recharge of 609 mm has occurred in the year 1959 for the highest rainfall of 1361. About 60 mm recharge is possible once in 5.4 years. If we consider recharge between 61 and 300 mm, which is a significant quantum of recharge to occur in semi arid areas, the probability works out to once in two years. Higher recharge is always welcomed.
What is the frequency of occurrence of more than 100 mm
recharge? Table 5.5 further shows that 47 out of 102 years have generated recharge greater than 100 mm, which translates roughly as once in 2.2 years. Very high recharge of 300 mm and above occurs once in 8 years; although spaced, such „wet‟ years tend to build up groundwater storage, as can be seen from the rainfall-recharge relationship (Figure 5.1), in some way compensating for secular declines in the local water levels.
238
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages
239
Thus, it may be generally concluded that, for Ambaredi, a rainfall of 500 mm and beyond will generate a recharge of at least 60 mm, and a rainfall beyond 640 mm will generate 100 mm. Since such measures of recharge also imply abundant soil moisture, agriculture is expected to benefit significantly, subject to water-intensive crops not raised majorly. During the other years, for rainfall between 340-500 mm, some recharge does take place. Similarly, although Figure 5.1 indicates that the possibility of recharge to groundwater in Ambaredi is almost nil below say, 340-350 mm, in reality one could expect some amount of recharge seen in the form of quick build up of water levels in response to even say a couple of high intense spells when occurring, in particular in hard rock areas such as Ambaredi, where water tables are shallow. This aspect indicates that the values obtained as recharge also have an inherent element of uncertainty, sometimes interpretation errors adding to this uncertainty; this element however seems to be very small and negligible. Similar discussion is valid for Jalsikka cluster as described in the following section. Recharge versus RF probability-Ambaredi 120.0 102.0102.0
100.0 80.0
Recharge in mm
60.0 40.0 20.0 0.0
34.0
25.5 18.6 17.0 12.8 13.7 10.8 10.2 7.3 5.9 7.8 9.3 9.8 4.1 5.4 2.9 3.9 1.0 1.0 24.5
Recharge in mm
Figure 5.4: Recharge versus Rainfall probability-Ambaredi
RF Frequency, once in …years
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages
240
Ambaredi
2000
1727
1717 1500 1000
919
500
370
0
1901 1907 1913 1919 1925 1931 1937 1943 1949 1955 1961 1967 1973 1979 1985 1991 1997
-500
0
Potential ET in mm Recharge in mm
Actual ET in mm Rainfall in mm
Note: Curves PET and AET overlap, shown as the top curve. Figure 5.5: Relationship between rainfall, recharge and PET and AET for Ambaredi The Actual Evapotranspiration (AET) and the Potential Evapotranspiration (PET) are important climatic factors in groundwater recharge. Figure 5.5 indicates that the PET and AET overlap completely because the values are exactly the same every year; the ratio of AET/PET therefore is equal to one. This implies that the field capacity is achieved and recharge taking place on a year to year basis. However, Table 5.5 also shows that there is nil recharge once in four years. Which implies that there should be at least one water deficit year out of 4.1 years. However, when we analyse the rainfall data from Table 5.4, it is clear that less than 300 mm rainfall occurs once in 12.8 years. Table 5.5 also shows that there is recharge between 61-300 mm happening once every 2.1 years, more specifically, more than 100 mm once every 2.2 years. So, we have a situation where there is some soil moisture retention taking place even during low rainfall years (say 300 or 400 mm), and no recharge being generated. However, as discussed in the foregoing, the rainfall 550-750 mm range is quite populous (Figure 5.1), and contributing to generation of recharge. All these factors point to the soil moisture availability of some degree at the end of the year which is most probably carried forward to the next hydrological year. Whether this soil moisture contributes to the recharge directly is not known, but it does hasten the recharge by way of achieving quicker saturation of soil (that is, field capacity that includes root zone) during the succeeding rainfall events. The available soil moisture
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages may not be of any help to the farmer in making sowing decisions as he would not have methods of knowing or estimating soil moisture content in the root zone. However, when the sowing decision is taken at the advent of timely first rains, this soil moisture would help by prolonging the wilting point of the crop.
Alternatively, it may be also be concluded that though the soil moisture condition in general is good in Ambaredi, and recharge does happen during 3 out of 4 years to support crops, there is some inadequacy in the soil moisture balance method itself to reflect accurately the ET variations on a year to year basis. The AET and PET values are estimated by the Thornthwaite-Mather method in the NUT_MONTH programme as the values were broadly matching with the values already referred to in literature. Also because the normal method of estimating the ET basing on assumptions of crop type, area, soil conditions etc. which are generally inadequate introduce inaccuracy in the recharge estimation.
In short, if we consider a four year cycle, two years could be with a rainfall of 6001000mm, one between 300-600 mm and one less than 300 mm. In terms of recharge, one could be a year with zero recharge, two with recharge between 60 and 300 mm, and one could be with minimal or recharge less than 60 mm. This is a broad trend in terms of rainfall and recharge pattern based on long term analysis.
It is interesting to note that the farmers of Ambaredi during focus group discussions have found that their recharge activities have helped them take at least two crops every yearone among them being the 6-month cotton crop. Rainfall and Recharge Analysis for Jalsikka Cluster The rainfall data for Jalsikka cluster of villages (Jalsikka, Vithalpar, Haripar, Kerala and Bella) is sourced from the public access domain www.uea.ac.uk. The long term average computed from the long term data works out to 584.05 mm. The data reveals that Jalsikka cluster registered a low rainfall of 120 mm for the year 1987 to a high of 1328 in 1956. Analysis of rainfall shown in Table 5.6 indicates that once in 6.8 years, Jalsikka cluster
241
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages
242
receives rainfall less than 300 mm. The rainfall incident is between 301-600 mm once in 2.6 years on an average, and between 601-1000 mm once in 2.5 years. Put differently, once in 2.5 years approximately, there is a probability of rainfall between 301 and 1000 mm. Table 5.6: Analysis for Rainfall trend 1901-2002 for Jalsikka Cluster
Rainfall mm 0 – 300 301 – 600 601 – 1000 1001 – 1328
No. of years 15 39 41 7
45.0
Frequency (1 in .. years) 6.8 2.6 2.5 14.6
Years in % 14.7 38.2 40.2 6.9
Rainfall vs prob of RF and frequency-Jalsikka
40.0
38.2
40.2
% probability
35.0 30.0
frequency: once in …..years
25.0 20.0 15.0
14.7
14.6
10.0 5.0
6.9
6.8 2.6
0.0 0 - 300
301 - 600
2.5 601 - 1000
1001 - 1328
Rainfall in mm for Jalsikka
Figure 5.6: Rainfall vs. rainfall frequency and probability of occurrence for Jalsikka When we consider rainfall and recharge pattern of Jalsikka cluster as shown in Figure 5.7, it is difficult to draw a strictly linear correlation between rainfall and recharge on a year to year basis, just like in the case of Ambaredi. However, there appears to be a broad correlation as can be seen from Figure 5.8 for the given soil and climatic conditions of Jalsikka.
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages
243
700
Recharge in mm
600 500 400 300 200 100 0 0
200
400
600
800
1000
1200
1400
Rainfall in mm for Jalsikka
Fig 5.7: Rainfall-Recharge relation for Jalsikka 1400 Rainfall in mm
Recharge in mm
1200
Recharge mm
1000 800 600 400 200 0 1901 1911 1921 1931 1941 1951 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001 Rainfall in mm for Jalsikka
Figure 5.8: Rainfall-Recharge correlation for Jalsikka Further analysis of the rainfall in relation with recharge from Figure 5.7 (Rainfallrecharge correlation) would reveal that a rainfall up to 560 mm approximately, has produced negligible recharge. The non-zero recharge years for Jalsikka cluster below 560 mm of rainfall are very few, unlike in the case of Ambaredi cluster. Put differently, the number of zero or negligible recharge years for Jalsikka cluster is 40 out of 102, which works out to once in 2.6 years (Table 5.7) as compared to Ambaredi which is once in 4.1 years. Figure 5.8 shows that rainfall above 560 mm and below 620 mm has produced an
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages annual recharge of around 60 mm. Between 620 mm and 750 mm, the recharge is generally around 80-100 mm. For a rainfall of above 750 mm, the recharge generated is above 100 mm.
If we look at recharge quantity and frequency, less than 60 mm recharge is possible once in 7.8 years, excluding the zero recharge years, as can be seen from Table 5.7. If we consider recharge between 60 and 300 mm, which is a very significant quantum of recharge to occur in semi arid areas, the probability works out to once in 2.6 years. Further, as can be seen from Appendix 3, the highest recharge of 593 mm occurred during the year 1956 which is also the year of highest rainfall of 1328 mm.
What is the frequency of occurrence of more than 100 mm recharge? Analysis indicates that 37 out of 102 years have generated recharge greater than 100 mm, which transforms into a frequency of roughly once in 2.8 years; between 61-100 mm recharge occurs once in 8.5 years. The graph (Figure 5.8) indicates that approximately 80-120 mm of recharge is produced for rainfall range of 580-750 mm. Higher recharge of 300 mm and above occur infrequently; however these „wet‟ years tend to build up groundwater storage, compensating for long term declines in water levels. Table 5.7: Recharge in Jalsikka
Recharge mm 0 1 – 60 61-100 101-150 151-200 200-250 251-300 301-350 351-400 401-593 >100 mm
No. of years % 40 39.2 13 12.7 12 11.8 16 15.7 4 3.9 1 1.0 6 5.9 5 4.9 2 2.0 3 2.9 102 100.0 37 36.8
Frequency (once in .. years) 2.6 7.8 8.5 6.4 25.5 102.0 17.0 20.4 51.0 34.0 1.0 2.8
244
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages Groundwater Recharge and Crops Groundwater recharge is a function of the soil properties, temperature and evapotranspiration (that includes vegetative cover/landuse-in the case of Jalsikka, the presence of crop, mostly) some of which keep altering on a year to year basis.
For agriculture crops to be raised, a combination of rainfall and recharge (in the form of water in the wells) are important. The rainfall helps in land preparation and timely sowing while the recharged water from wells supports supplementary irrigation during rabi and during long intervals of rainfall, or low rainfall during kharif. The common crops raised in the study villages are cotton, groundnut, and winter wheat. Cotton is taken as a 6-month crop-sown in kharif and goes upto rabi. It is interesting to note that the recharge (when occurring as discussed in the previous section) for a rainfall window is always a percentage lower for Jalsikka compared to Ambaredi.
In Jalsikka, Vithalpar, Haripar, Kerala and Bella cluster of villages, the wells are of around 13 m depth; lithomarge of 1-2 m thickness occurs anywhere between 10-13 metres. The top soil is clay. Conditions here seem to facilitate recharge only during longduration, high intensity spells, and aided by soil and moisture conservation structures, both in-land and across the streams (constructed as part of the watershed programme) during which the soil reaches its field capacity and soil moisture adds to the shallow water table. In case of smaller duration, high intensity spells, there is soil moisture that is added. In other rainfall conditions such as when it is of very high intensity, more runoff is indicated perhaps indicated by the large number of zero recharge years. The addition of soil moisture during smaller duration, high intensity spells increases the available soil moisture, discussed and corroborated in later sections. The „wet years‟, though interspersed at longer intervals of time and whenever occurring, contribute to groundwater recharge by raising water levels. This can be seen in the fact that recharge greater than 100 mm is possible once in 2.8 years for Jalsikka cluster, which is 2.2 years for Ambaredi.
245
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages
246
The soil moisture balance is a critical factor in recharge generation. The occurrence of recharge is also dependent upon the carried forward soil moisture balance. Farmers in Haripar, Kerala and Bella take one crop mostly, the 6-month cotton crop and groundnut. Half of the farmer community goes in for low water requiring crop as second crop. Further local situations also could be influencing the soil moisture balance, and the water levels in the wells, through stream-aquifer connectivity such as in the case of Jalsikka and Vithalpar, mainly due to availability of water in the river for longer time duration.
What about the evapotranspiration in Jalsikka? Figure 5.9 shows the potential and actual evapotranspiration graphs drawn from the values obtained from the NUT_MONTH programme for Jalsikka. 2500
Jalsikka
2000 Precipitation in mm
1500 mm
Potential ET in mm Actual ET in mm
1000
Recharge in mm
500
1901 1907 1913 1919 1925 1931 1937 1943 1949 1955 1961 1967 1973 1979 1985 1991 1997
0 Year
Note: Potential and Actual ET values are same and hence only one curve is seen. Figure 5.9: Potential and Actual Evapotranspiration trend for Jalsikka It can be seen from Figure 5.9 that the AET and PET values for Jalsikka are exactly same-identical every year although year to year variation exists. Because of this, the two curves coincide perfectly. The year to year variation, however, is not very large. Same values of PET and AET, or the ratio of AET/PET equal to one, indicate that the soil moisture supply is sufficient (Tallaksen et al. 2004). This is also corroborated during focus group discussions with Jalsikka farmers when they said that they are able to take only one or two crops. It is common for Jalsikka group of farmers to go in for cotton
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages which is a six months crop; in effect this is like taking two crops. Though there is some water left in the wells, farmers feel that it is insufficient for irrigating a whole water intensive third crop. A small percentage of farmers raise crops such as vegetables and small millets etc. Sensitivity Analysis for soil parameters In situ weathering of pre-existing rocks produces sand, silt and clay in combination that is dependent upon the composition of the parent rock type. The shape, size and roundness of the resultant particles depends upon the degree of weathering and extent of transportation they have been subjected to. Depending upon the combination of the sand, silt and clay, the soil types are categorised as fine sand, sandy loam, silt loam, clay loam and clay. The soil textural classification chart has been developed by USDA which shows clay on one extreme, with 40% of clay particles and 45% sand, and the rest silt; in the intermediate level, loam contains equal composition of sand, silt and clay. There are many types of the clay mineral; depending upon the type of clay mineral, the soil displays characteristics of swelling or shrinking with changes in water content. The other combination would have sand and silt in higher percentages. Loam soils are considered to be most favourable for plant growth as they can hold more water than sand and better aerated than clay; they can be worked easier for land preparation for agriculture. The composition of the soil, in other words, the texture, determines the composition of the other two phases, namely, the soil water and soil air phases as described earlier (Michael, 1983). These aspects have been discussed in section 1 of Chapter 4 on Groundwater Recharge Literature Review. The USDA classification chart (given in standard text books) provides a method of identifying the type of soil depending upon the composition. The water holding capacity of the soils is as follows (Michael, 1983):
247
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages
248
Table 5.8: Water holding capacity and soil type Soil type % moisture, based on dry weight of soil
Depth of available water per unit of soil Field Capacity Permanent cm/ m depth of (FC) Wilting point soil (WP) 3-5 1-3 2-4 5-15 3-18 4-11 12-18 6-10 6-13 15-30 7-16 10-18 25-40 12-20 16-30
Fine sand Sandy loam Silt loam Clay loam Clay
The objective of this section is to understand the influence of the soil parameters and the rooting depth on the available soil moisture and recharge. Tables 5.8 and 5.9 basically give output data from the program NUT_MONTH for various inputs of rooting depth and the soil type described by its clay, sand and silt composition. The input parameters also include number of soil layers and the FC, CP and WP in percentage appropriate for the crops raised in Ambaredi and Jalsikka clusters. The output data includes the FC, CP, WP in mm, the climate data, and the recharge. The available soil moisture can be calculated as the difference between FC and the WP, as shown in the Tables 5.8 and 5.9. Relation between Rooting depth, FC and Recharge In order to study the relationship between rooting depth, FC and recharge, let us consider Table 5.9, and Figure 5.10 generated from it for the Jalsikka cluster. Various rooting depth values (10, 50, 90, 120 cm) were used in the NUT_MONTH programme to compute FC, recharge etc. Table 5.9: Rooting Depth, soil constants, recharge and available soil moisture relationship for Jalsikka for the year 2003 for actual rainfall (740 mm)
a. b. c. D e.
Roo ting dept h Cm 10 50 90 100 120
Cla y % 28 28 28 28 28
San d % 42 42 42 42 42
Sil t % 30 30 30 30 30
F C % 31 31 31 31 31
C P % 6 6 6 6 6
WP mm 18.1 18.1 18.1 18.1 18.1
FC mm 31 155 279 310 372
CP mm 6 30 54 60 72
WP mm 18 91 163 181 217
Rai nfal l mm 739 739 739 739 739
PET mm 1797 1797 1797 1797 1797
AET mm 1797 1797 1797 1797 1797
Rech arge mm 260 157 57 44 18
Avl soil moist ure mm 13 64 116 129 155
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages
249
Rooting depth vs FC andrecharge-Jalsikka
400
Actual RF 2003
350
372 310 279 Recharge in mm
300 260
250 200
155
150
FC in mm 157
100 50
57
31
44
18
0 0
20
40
60
80
100
120
Rooting depth in cm
Figure 5.10: Rooting depth, FC and Recharge for Jalsikka cluster Figure 5.10 shows that as the rooting depth increases, recharge decreases. This implies that the thicker the root zone the higher is the demand for soil moisture. Which implies that after saturation of the rooting depth, the soil zone would tend to achieve field capacity under conditions of adequate water supply and result in soil moisture balance and recharge. Recharge would also depend upon the depth to the water table. Here in the case of Jalsikka, the recharge is occurring, which indicates that field capacity is achieved and the water is reaching the groundwater table. Well inventory indicates that the depth to the water level during monsoon in wells is near surface or shallow depending upon the physical elevation of the well. Further, the rooting depth and recharge are inversely related, which also implies that the recharge will depend upon the type of crops grown, because different crops have different rooting depths depending not only on the crop but also on crop variety (Michael, 1983). Put differently, this implies that the field capacity should increase with rooting depth which is corroborated by the rooting depth versus FC curve in the Figure 5.10. Again, increased rooting depth also implies increased available soil moisture readily accessible for the plant, which is computed as the difference between the field capacity (FC) and the permanent wilting point (WP). This is corroborated by the Figure 5.11 for Jalsikka for the year 2003.
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages 300
Rooting depth vs Recharge and Soil 260 moisture-Jalsikka: Actual RF 2003 250 Recharge, mm
200 157
150
155 116
100 64
50
57
0
20
44 18
13
0
129
40 60 80 Rooting depth, cm
100
120
Figure 5.11: Rooting depth versus available moisturefor Jalsikka cluster. The available soil moisture is also calculated for all the situations. Fine-textured soils have a wide-range of water between FC and permanent WP than coarse-textured soils unlike sandy soils which have mostly non-capillary water that tends to release most of it within a narrow range of potential due to predominance of large pores (Michael, 1983). As can be seen from Table 5.8, the range of water available as soil moisture is 160-300 mm for clay and 100-180 mm (16-30 cm) per metre depth for clay loam. This availability reduces as the silt and sand composition increase. Fine sand at the end of USDA chart opposite clay has just 20-40 mm of available soil moisture. Put differently, the Poiseuille‟s law comes to play where the rate of flow of water (through a pipe) is proportional to the fourth power of the pore size. Assuming saturated conditions, since the pore size increases as the transition happens from sand to loam to clay, the rate of flow in soils of various textures is also more or less in that order (Michael, 1983). In short, soils with fine texture serve not only as good storage zones but also yield larger quantities of water.
What is the relationship of WP, recharge and available soil moisture? While these are touched upon in the above discussion for Jalsikka, we will discuss based on the output data obtained from the NUT_MONTH programme for various inputs of wilting point for the study villages. Although the pattern of response is similar for all the study villages, for the purpose of discussion, let us consider the Table 5.9 again for Jalsikka. The Table and the Figure 5.12 shows that as the rooting depth increases, the wilting point increases and consequently, the available soil moisture increases as also the recharge.
250
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages
251
Rooting depth vs Wilting Point, Recharge and Soil moisture-Jalsikka: Actual RF 2003
300
Recharge, mm
260
250
Soil moisture, mm
200
Wilting point, mm
157
150
155 116
100 64
50
57
129
44 18
13
0 0
20
40
60
80
100
120
Rooting depth, cm
Figure 5.12: Relation between Rooting Depth, Recharge, soil moisture and WP for Jalsikka for Actual rainfall 2003 Another example is that of Jalsikka for the year 2002; all other factors remaining the same, the wilting point here is changed as can be seen in the Table 5.10. As the wilting point is reduced, the available soil moisture has increased. The recharge in all cases is zero and hence the impact could not be qualified as increasing or decreasing. But as seen in the previous graph, as the soil moisture increases, recharge decreases. Table 5.10: Wilting point versus available soil moisture
a. b. c.
Cla y % 28 28 28
Sand % 42 42 42
Sil t % 30 30 30
FC % 31 31 31
CP % 6 6 6
WP % 18.1 12.4 10.8
FC mm 279 279 279
CP mm 54 54 54
WP mm 163 112 97
Prec mm 249 249 249
PET mm 1829 1829 1829
AET mm 1829 1829 1829
Rech arge mm 0 0 0
Avl soil moisture Mm 116 167 182
Since the FC, CP and WP influence the available soil moisture and recharge, it will be interesting to see how the soil constants would influence when their values for one layer are the same as when distributed as two layers. In the Table 5.10, row c shows that irrespective of whether the soil is composed of one layer or two layers, the FC, CP and WP are the same in two cases. If there are two layers, then the soil constants are present as average of the two layers as can be seen in row c of Table 5.10.
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages
252
However, reducing the rooting depth or thickness by half has resulted in increase of recharge by three times and decrease in available soil moisture by half (see Table 5.11). This is because the amount of soil moisture stored in the rooting zone also is reduced by half, as can be seen in the FC, which is also reflected as the increase in the available soil moisture. This response is for the given conditions of water table (which is shallow) and all other climate variables remaining the same. This indicates that rooting depth makes a significant difference in the process of groundwater recharge. Table 5.11: Impact of Rooting Depth layer on recharge and available soil moisture in Jalsikka
b.
50
1
FC mm
CP mm
WP mm
mm
PET mm
AET mm
Avl soil moisture
1
WP %
Recharge
100
%
C P %
mm
mm
30
31.1
10
20.1
311
100
201
739
1797
1797
66
110
30
31.1
10
20.1
156
50
101
739
1797
1797
176
55
Rainfall*
a.
% % 2 8 42 2 8 42
FC %
Silt
No.
Sand
RD mm
Clay
Layers
S. no.
The amount of increase in the recharge is also a function of the depth to water table. The “losses” where the water tables are shallow include ET losses due to evaporation and transpiration requirements by plants and crops. Deeper water tables would show lower quantum of recharge due to the need for meeting with the moisture requirements of the intermediate layers.
Table 5.10, for example, also shows that soil moisture could be available even when the recharge is zero. This however depends upon so many factors which have been discussed in section 1, Chapter 4 as part of literature review; what is important now is to recognise that provided the annual rainfall is above a certain limit, there is a likelihood of recharge. While rainfall lower than 300 mm is most likely to produce no recharge, anything above that level, depending upon the vegetation and climatic factors, may first result in enhancing soil moisture, and more or less after soil moisture saturation, adds to the groundwater table. The threshold limit from rainfall analysis already described earlier is around 640 mm for Ambaredi and around 600 mm for Jalsikka. Rainfall analysis, as described earlier has also indicated that for Ambaredi, an annual rainfall of 400-640 mm
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages
253
is likely to produce an annual recharge of around 60 mm, which for Jalsikka is between 560-620 mm of rainfall. Hence, rainfall above 300 mm and below 400 mm for Ambaredi, and above 300 mm and below 560 mm for Jalsikka is likely to add to soil moisture.
How do the AET and PET impact on the soil moisture? Analysis of the AET and PET data for the years 1901-2002 for both Ambaredi and Jalsikka has shown that AET and PET are both equal for all the years on a year to year basis. The output files of both Ambaredi and Jalsikka from NUT_MONTH also indicate that AET is equal PET when sufficient soil moisture supply is available.
Tallaksen and Henny (2004) show that the wet years help carry forward not only soil moisture but also lead to higher groundwater levels. Further, they found that the difference in the AET during consecutive years in 95% of the case is not more than 35-40 mm/yr. The same has been found for both the clusters of study villages. For example, Figure 5.13 for Jalsikka shows that the variance in AET in consecutive years has been mostly between +50 and -50 mm/yr for all the 102 years from 1901-2002 except for a value of 132 mm (difference for the years 1986 and 1987); this is because the highest AET was 1962 mm for the year 1987 as per the CRU data.
150
Year to year change in AET-Jalsikka
100
0 1901 1907 1913 1919 1925 1931 1937 1943 1949 1955 1961 1967 1973 1979 1985 1991 1997
AET, mm
50
-50 -100 Year -150
Figure 5.13: Year to year change in AET for Jalsikka
Year to year change in AET
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages
254
Year to year recharge, Ambaredi 150 year to year recharge, mm
100
50
1901 1907 1913 1919 1925 1931 1937 1943 1949 1955 1961 1967 1973 1979 1985 1991 1997
0
-50
-100
Year
Figure 5.14: Year to year change in AET for Ambaredi In fact, the highest and lowest AET that occurred during the years 1901-2002 as per CRU data were 1725 mm and 1885 mm, with an exception of 1962 mm in the year 1987 which was a very severe drought year in Rajkot district and in the Saurashtra region. When seen in the light of soil moisture capacity and recharge, it may be concluded that in arid and semi arid regions, the AET is not of much significance. Figure 5.14 shows a very similar trend and the above interpretation applies for Ambaredi.
SECTION 2 UNCERTAINTY IN RECHARGE ESTIMATION METHODS (a) Uncertainty in Water Level & Specific Yield Method In the WL & SY method, water level and specific yield are important input parameters. The water level is normally assumed to represent the top level of a fully saturated formation, and the zone above as unsaturated. However, the wet zone occurring due to capillarity above the saturated zone introduces an element of inaccuracy about the measurement of water level or water table. A similar phenomenon occurs in the form of
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages varying water levels because of formation properties, in particular, contrasting formation properties at the lithological discontinuities. The irregular pathways rendered by varying or contrasting lithologies, and the presence of fractures, faults and joint like structures, results in occurrence of lateral flows. This adds complication to the determination of water levels too. Further, the water table reaches its peak when the outflows and lateral movements of groundwater exceed the rate at which water is reaching the water table (Lerner et al. 1990). An intermediate lower conductivity layer (below the surface and above a water table) may often result in surface flows giving rise to „perched‟ water table. This happens also in deep seated unsaturated zones overlying a low conductivity layer. Finally, variations in groundwater recharge with time and in space (both laterally and vertically) are well known in arid and semi arid regions due to direct consequence of facts such as differing precipitation, soil characteristics, vegetation, land use and topography (Lerner et al. 1990).
The water demand of crops as per groundwater draft used in the WL & SY method is estimated based on crop irrigation standards, and assessment of area under various crops. The assessment of area under crop itself has not only errors of measurement but also errors due to scaling up of smaller measurements.
To a certain extent, allocation of discounts for environmental flows, and industrial and domestic draft in the WL & SY procedure compensates for the other factors ignored in the computation such as the climate factors. But this may not be the proper approach.
Furthermore, from the point of view of water level fluctuations, two characteristics of hardrocks assume importance: (i) the groundwater storage in the weathered zone below the surface, and (ii) decline of specific yield with depth (Moench, 1995). Generally, the water level fluctuations in hard rock areas are quite high; often the wells are totally dewatered. As the water level declines, the specific yield also reduces with depth145.
145
This is because the volumetric water content and flow mechanisms in the unsaturated zone vary in a complex manner, the main problem being that the parameters moisture content, matrix potential and hydraulic conductivity are sensitively interrelated. A change in the volumetric water content of 5% often
255
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages When the well bottom is reached, which is often the fresh rock, there are few fractures and hardly any effective storage space at this point. The specific yield is very low or negligible at this depth. Any recharge in such conditions, would result in quick build up of water levels in wells146. “Stabilisation” of such peak water levels in wells would take time, depending upon the porosity and permeability of the weathered zone. There would be a series of inverted conical structures around wells representing peak or built up water levels. If the water level fluctuation is taken to represent the aquifer conditions, then the recharge would tend to be overestimated, especially when short duration water level data are considered.
Another category of uncertainty exists on whether or not the water levels are influenced by externalities such as changes in atmospheric pressure, trapped air or other phenomena (Scanlon, 2002).
The WL & SY method does not presuppose flow mechanisms. It is also not dependent upon the flow in the vadose zone (Chand et al. 2005) which is both complex and important. The WL & SY method does not take into consideration subsurface inflows and outflows, but assumes that every inflow and outflow is uniformly distributed over the area. For example, the lateral flow in the aquifer and the vertical leakage from the water table aquifer through clay layers into the underlying aquifers. While the assumption of uniform distribution of flows may hold for rainfall, it does not hold for abstraction. During abstraction, there is a redistribution of hydraulic heads so that part of the observed increase in water level may be due to normal well recovery. These aspects contribute to the errors in estimation of recharge in practice. The presence of low conductivity layer
corresponds to a change in the hydraulic conductivity by two or more orders of magnitude (Rushton, 1988 quoted in Lerner at al., 1990). 146 Dinesh et al (http://www.iwmi.cgiar.org/Publications/Other/PDF/NRLPProceeding-Paper013.pdf) describe results from a research study on the Ghelo River basin in Saurashtra made in the context of intensive water-harvesting since 1995. The study looked at the rainfall-water level relationship through time series data, comprising before and after monsoon water level data on wells. The water levels in wells close to and far away from water harvesting structures demonstrated both quick build after first wet spell and second wet spell. The conclusion is that the wells with poor specific yield showed steep rise in water levels irrespective of the distance from the water harvesting structures, and importantly, even when the rainfall was quite small, of the order of 200 mm.
256
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages below a river for example would result in a „perched‟ water level that would continue to „leak‟ even after the river stops flowing into the deeper layers as a base flow.
Regarding the specific yield, two aspects need to be kept in view: one, since the specific yield varies with depth, consideration of any one specific yield value for use in the WL & SY equation would be erroneous. It should also be noted that part of the water table fluctuation occurs in the partially saturated zone and hence the specific yield would be different from within a saturated zone; two, the specific yield for most of the formations is determined to lie in a range, yielding a wide range of recharge values thus creating an uncertainty over which value to choose from for recharge estimations147.
The recharge values obtained from use of stabilised water levels and standard specific yields in this method are helpful for simple, straightforward aquifers and treated as first approximations; it is always useful to cross check with other methods (Lerner et al., 1990). (b) Uncertainty in Regression Method The major criticism of the regression method is that the recharge is not simply dependent on rainfall alone; there are many factors that affect recharge such as hydrogeology, antecedent soil moisture, characteristics of the vadose zone, vegetation, rainfall distribution within and between years, local topography and watershed characteristics (Simmers, 1997). Even between villages, often there is a variation in rainfall pattern and intensity. For example, the rainfall of Ambaredi and Jalsikka village clusters (from global database) for the year 2003 was 625.90 and 584.05 mm respectively although they are separated by a radial distance of about 100 kms. Such differences, when aided by variation in monthwise distribution pattern, would introduce significant accuracy.
147
Variations in the specific yield are also explained due to the non-homogeneous and anisotropic character of aquifer formations. Specific yield, which is defined as the quantity of water yielded per unit area of storage for a unit draw down thus tends to vary significantly. For instance, the specific yield for basalt, given as 1-3%, and 0.02-0.40% for an alluvial formation, provide widely ranging natural recharge estimates using the WL & SY formula. Only long duration pumping tests would provide dependable values of specific yields (Lerner et al. 1990).
257
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages Nevertheless, such estimates are helpful in obtaining an approximate idea about the recharge; this is also because, the same rainfall in different years would produce different quantum of recharge due to variation in monthwise rainfall distribution. This automatically implies that as a percentage of rainfall, recharge does vary from year to year; therefore recharge cannot be estimated as a percentage of rainfall. Analysis based on large data helps to reduce this uncertainty, providing scope for deducing rainfallrecharge relationship, and in turn broad values of recharge. In addition, it also helps identify the threshold value of rainfall after which the runoff would be generated. This is a useful indicator. (c) Uncertainty in Soil Moisture Balance Method A lot of uncertainty remains in the estimation of evapotranspiration, one of the key components needed in the soil moisture balance method, due to the need for a large data to represent actual ground scenarios. Further, the rooting depth for different types of vegetation, including crops, varies significantly in a given area. Landuse changes in fact introduce a lot of complexity as they are difficult to measure accurately. Recharge is influenced both by the amount of soil moisture moving beyond the rooting depth and the soil thickness, and reaching the water table. The recharge is also controlled by the evapotranspiration (both by direct evaporation and through transpiration) occurring at the surface.
In arid and semi arid regions, recharge values are generally small numbers and are residual-that is a small difference between large numbers. Recharge has a direct relation with evapotranspiration and rainfall. Evapotranspiration cannot be measured easily, but comprises the largest outflow. For example, the error percentage in estimation of river flows is often +/- 25%; which means that if a recharge comprises 25% of the flow, then the error is 100%. Similarly, a change in the volumetric water content of 5% often corresponds to a change in the hydraulic conductivity by two or more orders of magnitude (Rushton, 1988 quoted in Lerner at al. 1990). Therefore, even small inaccuracies in the two parameters, evapotranspiration and rainfall, lead to large variation in the recharge estimates. Further, the annual evapotranspiration in Indian arid and semi
258
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages arid areas is much higher than the rainfall (including in the study villages). When we consider on a monthly basis, except for the 3 or 4 monsoon months, the ET is generally higher throughout the year.
Climate variables such as temperature, sunshine hours, vapour pressure play a critical role in the recharge process. These critical elements are not taken into consideration in the WL & SY and Regression methods, but are considered in the soil moisture methods such as the CRU-NUT_MONTH method. However, the estimation of these parameters as well as their accuracy of estimation, such as described in the above points, introduces element of inaccuracy. However, in comparison to the WL & SY and Regression Methods, the recharge values obtained by soil moisture balance method should be more accurate.
Recharge values should be estimated by more than one method and should be within 20% of variation (GoG, 1997; CGWB, 2004). Comparison by more methods is recommended should be viewed at best as first cut approximations.
SECTION 3 COMPARISON OF RECHARGE VALUES
This section deals with comparison of the recharge values obtained by the three methods. The uncertainty aspects are kept in mind while carrying out analysis.
Table 5.12 gives recharge values computed by different methods. Method 1 under column B gives recharge estimates obtained by WL & SY method described as procedure described in Table 5.2. Column E under Method 2 gives recharge values obtained by Regression method. Column C gives the long term taluka average rainfall obtained for the years 1901-2002; column D gives the recharge calculated using regression method for long term average rainfall. Column E again gives the recharge obtained by the same regression method but proportionately rectified for the 2003 year rainfall of 740 mm. Method 3 is the CRU-NUT_MONTH method; the recharge values obtained are given in
259
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages column F.
260
The actual RF of 2003 sourced from official sources, monthwise, is
substituted in the output of a CRU file which is used as an input to the NUT_MONTH method to estimate recharge for the year 2003 [discussed in more detail in the next section]. The recharge values of the two clusters are different although the rainfall is same; the difference is perhaps due to the soil characteristics and climate parameters. Method 4 estimates the recharge values as given in column G using the Regression equation for the district average rainfall. Columns F and G also bring in the variation possible in the recharge value estimation. Table 5.12: Comparison of Recharge values for the year 2003 Village
A Ambaredi Jalsikka Vithalpar Haripar Kerala Bela
Method 1 WL & SY method (mm)
B 81 70 63 55 30 53
Method 2 – Regression Method Taluka Recharge Recharge for long term for taluka rainfall average average proportionate Rainfall rainfall in to actual (mm) col. C total RF of (mm) year 2003 C D E 625.90 46.9 55.45 584.05 39 49.41 584.05 39 49.41 584.05 39 49.41 584.05 39 49.41 584.05 39 49.41
Method 3 Recharge from CRU data (substituted)
F 73 57 57 57 57 57
Method 4 Regression equation for Rajkot total RF of 740 mm for 2003 G 66.8 66.8 66.8 66.8 66.8 66.8
Source: Computed from field data The values of recharge obtained by various methods and shown in Table 5.12 can be considered to be agreeing reasonably well given the complexity of the recharge process and the physical systems.
Let us examine how recharge values obtained above compare with the findings from the long term rainfall-recharge relationship discussed in section two.
The long term analysis has revealed that for a rainfall of 550-750 mm, the most probable recharge estimated for Ambaredi was around 100 mm, while for Jalsikka, it was 80-120 mm for the corresponding rainfall in column B of Table 5.12. Clearly, these values are higher than the recharge values estimated by the above methods for the corresponding
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages rainfall: for Ambaredi, it ranges from 55.45 to 81mm, and for Jalsikka cluster, it is 30 to 70 mm. The difference is contributed by the uncertainty factors described in section 2 under Uncertainty in Recharge Methods. The difference is by and large less than 20% between any two methods which is acceptable as per the norms of the Government of India. In particular, the WL & SY method differs from the CRU by less than 20% for all villages except for Kerala. The hydrogeological conditions in Kerala are quite different, including the clay soil conditions that affected recharge adversely.
To sum up, it is seen that the general rainfall pattern for both the clusters of villages is similar. The rainfall and recharge seem to be closely correlated, although there is variation in terms of quantity in both the clusters. The long term average rainfall for Ambaredi and Jalsikka clusters is 625.9 and 584.05 mm respectively.
There is however, difference in the recharge amounts not only due to rainfall pattern, distribution and quantity, but also due to soil constants. The number of zero or negligible recharge years and rates of recharge on an annual basis also support this. The rainfallrecharge analysis also showed that recharge of 100 mm is most likely for a rainfall range 550-750 for Ambaredi, while recharge of 80-120 mm is likely for rainfall range of 580750 mm for Jalsikka cluster. Similarly, a rainfall of 500 mm and beyond for Ambaredi will generate a recharge of at least 60 mm; while a rainfall of 560-620 mm for Jalsikka cluster will produce a similar recharge of 60 mm. The quantum of recharge for Ambaredi is found to be more than that of Jalsikka for the same rainfall windows due to comparatively more favourable soil conditions and rainfall frequency cycle. The frequency cycle of rainfall for Ambaredi is also shorter compared to Jalsikka cluster as discussed elsewhere. Further, the recharge is found to be more consistent for Ambaredi than Jalsikka in view of favourable soil constants already discussed.
Analysis also shows that the AET and PET ratio is 1, and is the same for both clusters. Therefore, factors that should be affecting recharge would be the soil characteristics, discussed in a previous section. When we consider the soil composition, the more silty composition of Ambaredi soils facilitated enhanced recharge compared to the clayey soils
261
Groundwater Recharge Estimates for Study Villages of the Jalsikka cluster. In addition, the presence of a 2 m-thick lithomarge layer as shown by well inventory in Jalsikka, Haripar, Kerala and Bella between 10-13 metres depth below ground level has created well digging problems as well as hindered recharge. This is evidenced by the total depth of wells in Ambaredi which is around 20 m as compared to that of Jalsikka cluster of 10-13 m below ground level. However, within the Jalsikka cluster, Jalsikka and Vithalpar villages are again comparatively better in terms of soil characteristics or soil constants; however, due to all these villages falling in the same CRU node, separate analysis was not possible. Other socio economic data (discussed in chapter 6) indicates that Jalsikka and Vithalpar have shown more productive agriculture and animal husbandry activities among the Jalsikka cluster mainly because of two reasons: (i) the wells of depths are around 20 m in Jalsikka and Vithalpar, while in the other villages, namely, Haripar, Kerala and Bella, the depth of wells is 10-13 m; (ii) there is direct pumping of water from the rivers in the case of Jalsikka and Vithalpar which to a certain extent countered the disadvantage of shortage of water due to lower recharge. While Jalsikka and Vithalpar are able to take two crops, Haripar, Kerala and Bella are able to take only one crop (including that of the six-month cotton crop).
262
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement
CHAPTER 6
ADAPTATION, GROUNDWATER RECHARGE AND LIVELIHOOD ENHANCEMENT
A farmer‟s effort at groundwater recharge is usually aimed at enhancing his crop yields and thereby his agriculture returns. As part of the groundwater recharge movement in Saurashtra, the primary objective of agrarian families was to enhance their agriculture income. The previous chapter has dealt with groundwater recharge assessment methods, and quantification of recharge for the study villages. In this chapter, we take off from an analysis of the agriculture-based income, and move on to analyse factors that contributed to income enhancement. Factors analysed include crops and cropping decisions, shifts in land category from unirrigated land to irrigated land, changes in Water Extraction Mechanisms, role of the Jyoti Gram Yojana that provided assured electric energy supply etc. This chapter establishes that there has been enhanced groundwater availability due to various recharge activities by majority of farmers in each study village. Further, the analysis herein shows that similar recharge actions, although in similar rainfall conditions, do not produce the same agricultural benefits, because recharge is a complex function of many factors, hydrogeological and climatological, and the agrarian decisions by the farmers.
The chapter takes off from an analysis of the total income of the study villages for the study year 2003-4 and the previous year 2002-3 to understand the change. Following this preliminary income analysis, the chapter is organized in two sections. Section 1 attempts to capture the entire adaptive approach by analyzing two major aspects. One, land related aspects such as crops and cropping decisions, and patterns of change under cropland in
263
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement terms of shifts from unirrigated area to irrigated area. Two, water related aspects such as irrigation technology in terms of (re-) investment pattern in water extraction mechanisms (WEM) and pipelines, type and composition of pump sets, and conjunctive use of surface water and groundwater. Further, the influence of an externality such as the Gram Jyoti Yojana (GJY) under which every village is electrified with round the clock domestic power and assured three-phase power for at least eight hours a day was examined. This externality has played a role in shaping the water extraction for agriculture through influencing the composition of the WEM. Furthermore, the section examines how water, if available due to the recharge activity under watershed programme, gets reflected in the number of pumping hours, change in the number of pump sets, their composition in terms of type and horsepower, and finally in the agricultural and livestock income. Section 2 examines if a relationship exists between the recharge and the stage of groundwater development using computed data of the study villages. It compares and contrasts the computed stage of groundwater development of the study villages with those taluka values used for policy decisions that greatly affect farmers. Income and income sources of study villages
Out of the three common sources of income that comprise total income of a farmer household in the study villages, let us consider agriculture as the primary or major income source, livestock as the secondary, and non-agriculture „other sources‟ as tertiary. Other sources here include income from agriculture and non-agriculture labor, kirana business, bicycle repair, carpentry, pottery, etc., as applicable in the given village context. People from Haripar, Kerala and Bella are engaged mostly in kharif and partly rabi agriculture. Summer agriculture occupation is almost nil. This forces them to seek additional work. An important tertiary source of income comprises wages from diamond cutting and polishing units established in and around Morbi.
Tables 6.1 and 6.2 (and Figure 6.1) give details of income from agriculture and livestock that has direct bearing on water activity by farmers; thus total annual income per household (/HH) for the study villages gives the agrarian income. The other sources of income also get influenced as the members from farmer households may or may not opt
264
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement
265
for other sources of income such as migrating for labour, or going for diamond cutting and working in textile industry outside of village. These aspects need to be kept in mind while analyzing the income change. Table 6.1: Income and income sources per capita for study villages for year 2002-03
Village A
From Agriculture
From Livestock
Total annual income/HH [Agriculture + livestock]
Other income
Grand Total
B
C
D
E
F
Rs.
Rs.
Rs.
Rs.
Rs.
Ambaredi
121586
32078
153664
18368
172032
Vithalpar
59541
11345
70886
6576
77462
Jalsikka
37637
91736
129373
6780
136153
Haripar
115303
32676
147979
30165
178144
Kerala
75833
32651
108484
21516
130000
Bella
130550
36845
167395
57424
224819
Table 6.2: Income and income sources per capita for study villages for year 2003-04
Village A
From Agriculture
From Livestock
Total annual income/HH [Agriculture + livestock]
Other income
Grand Total
B
C
D
E
F
Rs.
Rs.
Rs.
Rs.
Rs.
Ambaredi
148276
46116
194392
5828
200219
Vithalpar
70882
16489
87371
7176
94548
Jalsikka
85538
165467
251005
16923
267929
Haripar
151714
47619
199333
25000
224333
Kerala
108333
43800
152133
21667
173800
Bella
169545
48844
218389
55273
273662
Note : The income figures above are arrived at based on the crop production figures and the rate per unit of crop yield stated by the farmers in local units. Similarly, the milk income has been computed based on milk production and the rate of milk per unit. The inicome figures obtained thus have not been rounded off but used as such. Minor differences in some cases at the „units‟ level of the income figures is due to automated computation.
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement 250000
266
Income per household for 2003-4
Rs. per Household
200000 150000 100000
Agriculture income Livestock income Income from agri+livestock
50000
Other income
0
Source: Primary data, 2003-4 Figure 6.1: Income per household An analysis of the two tables indicates that Ambaredi, Vithalpar, Haripar, Kerala and Bella have their major source of income (per annum/per household) from agriculture while Jalsikka has from livestock because the village majorly comprises bharvads who are livestock rearers (see Figure 6.1). Haripar, Kerala and Bella have also been engaged in working with diamond and textile units in Morbi, and hence the „other income‟ is significant in their case.
Examining Table 6.2, it is also seen that all the villages have made gains in total income between year 2003-4 and the previous year; the highest gain, that is of almost 97% increase) in cropping intensity (Table 6.3) was made by Jalsikka (described below); the lowest change in income was made by Ambaredi, of 16.4%. Bella, Haripar and Kerala made income increases of about 22%, 26% and 34% respectively while Vithalpar made only 19% gain. This shows that the income increase is majorly agricultural income, including from livestock. The agrarian income change has been approximately 27%, 23%, 94%, 35%, 40% and 30%, for Ambaredi, Vithalpar, Jalsikka, Haripar, Kerala and Bella; the trend corresponds approximately to the cropping intensity (Table 6.3). However, the variation in terms of quantum of change is due to the differential ability of
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement the farmers in terms of investing capacity, inter alia. For example, Jalsikka has recorded highest cropping intensity of 97%; while the amount of irrigated area has increased, there is also a net shift of 16% of land from temporary fallows to unirrigated category (Table 6.4) only in case of Jalsikka.
For the year 2003-4, Vithalpar has the least income at Rs.70,882 and lowest income from livestock activity among all the villages. Vithalpar village lies on one side of the river Mahanadi, and the farmers have to pump water all the way to their farms (see Figure 10). Being from a dominant patel caste, the majority of the farmers also do not go for labour work, or any other work. Women are restricted from outside work generally. This situation restricts farmers‟ capacity to irrigate. Bella has highest agricultural income at Rs.169,545 (up from 130,550) followed by Haripar and Ambaredi (roughly for both years). Jalsikka has high income from livestock comparable with that from agriculture for other villages at Rs.165,467; its agriculture income is Rs.85,338. In all the four patel dominated villages (see Table 6.8 for caste composition and major income source), namely, Ambaredi, Haripar, Kerala and Bella, the secondary livestock income, which is mainly from milk, is between Rs.44,000 and Rs.49,000 (up from 32,000 to 36,800 from previous year), while the major income source is from agriculture. Livestock income increases as a function of agriculture as local green fodder is available from crop residues. The milk income supplements in a good measure the total income.
The above analysis clearly shows that there has been a significant positive change in income between the two years, the study year and the previous year. It may be noted that as a strict time distinction between pre and post recharge activities is not practical, it is assumed that the year 2002-3 represents cumulative impact of all changes up to that year for our purpose. However, the study year 2003-4 constitutes a reasonably distinct year as a large number of activities was taken up, including the boost in the pumping machinery due to Jyoti Gram Yojana as described in Section 1 under „The Changing WEM Composition‟. With increased availability of water in the study villages, there was more focus by people on increasing their agricultural activities (including livestock management), resulting in enhanced income of 2003-4 as shown in Table 6.2.
267
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement Table 6.2 shows that there is significant variation in income magnitude and income pattern. What factors contribute to this variation in agriculture and livestock income across study villages?
The watershed activity has been common across all the villages. The size and the pattern of spending across various components of watershed activities have been uniform. Given this context, it is important to inquire into factors that contributed to the differences in agriculture and livestock income between the villages. In the case of the study villages, the determining factor has been the variation in the adaptive strategies by the people connected with their primary agriculture and livestock occupations. The adaptive strategies concerned mostly with decisions related to crops, crop types, wells, WEM, pipelines and pumping pattern. It is also important to note that hydrogeology was another determining factor. Decisions regarding well deepening or new wells, horizontal bores at well bottom to enhance effective well yield, types of pump sets to add or replace are other technological decisions farmers took based on their own understanding of the hydrogeology and water availability. The encouragement to continue with the water harvesting activity was provided by the concurrent social processes that were creating a water renaissance type of ambience; leaders such as Shyamjibhai Antala, Swadhyaya Parivar and the Swaminarayan Trust spearheaded these processes. Against this background, the local leadership has actually utilized the deep social and technical foundations of the water-centric movement to further water harvesting activities under the government-sponsored watershed programme. This has further led to the strengthening of the movement in some measure. The more than 90% of the total watershed budget spent on the water harvesting structures in the study villages by the NGOs as described in this chapter is a clear indication of the government‟s tacit approval of the extant social and technical innovations.
Now, we will examine the adaptive approaches by the farmers vis-à-vis the irrigation and irrigation technology in the following two sections.
268
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement SECTION 1
WATER AUGMENTATION DRIVES AGRARIAN OUTPUTSEVIDENCES FROM FIELD
The section examines the various factors that have provide evidence of enhanced groundwater availability related to landuse, crops and cropping decisions including cropping intensity, irrigation technology etc. Cropping intensity When extra water is available, the first thing a farmer does is to increase the sown area; he will do this, if possible, during all the three seasons148-kharif (monsoon), rabi (winter) and summer. Farmers in the study villages have adopted a similar strategy, which indicates that water was available in reasonably good quantity and for extended periods. The chapter will show that the major source of water was from groundwater.
Table 6.3 shows the changes in the cropping intensity compared with the year 2002-3; similarly, Table 6.2 shows the change in income for the corresponding villages. Since cropping intensity is directly dependent upon the water availability, positive changes indicate availability of enhanced quantum of water. Table 6.3: Change in cropping intensity village wise in study villages Village 2002-03 2003-04 Change (%) (%) (%) Ambaredi 125.8 171.9 +36.7 Vithalpar 119.3 146.7 +23.0 Jalsikka 155.7 225.4 +44.8 Haripar 112.7 144.5 +28.3 Kerala 116.3 143.5 +23.4 Bella 122.2 139.2 +13.9 All villages 122.1 156.4 +34.3 Source: Computed based on primary data, 2002-3 and 2003-4. 148
In India, the NW monsoon arrives in June, the time of arrival varies from place to place. The three major seasons recognized are monsoon, winter and summer. The retreating monsoon to which only certain parts of India are privy occurs during November to January.
269
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement As can be seen from Table 6.3, the average cropping intensity for all the six villages has increased by 34.3%, from 122.1% during 2002-03 to 156.4% during 2003-04; each village also has shown a positive change. The cropping intensity in case of Ambaredi and Jalsikka has increased from 125.8% to 171.9% and 155.7% to 225.4% respectively representing 36.7% and 44.8% enhancement respectively; for Vithalpar, Haripar and Kerala the change is respectively from 119.3% to 146.7%, from 112.7% to 144.5%, and from 116.26% to 143.50%, representing a positive change of 23.0%, 28.3% and 23.4% respectively. To state simply, the change is higher for Ambaredi and Jalsikka at around 40% compared to Vithapar, Haripar and Kerala at 25% each, and 13.9% for Bella, which is the lowest among all. The specific reasons that contributed to these variations are discussed as follows.
Generally, two sets of reasons could contribute to increase in cropping intensity: (i) assured irrigation and (ii) use of fertilizers and chemicals, high yielding seeds, and timely care such as weeding, pest and disease control. Often, these two aspects go together. The second set of factors generally requires plenty of water. However, only assured irrigation also could bring in dramatic increases in yield. Let us consider the second set of factors before we discuss about the first factor, namely, assured irrigation. Focus group discussion has indicated that being in the farming profession for generations, farmer households are generally aware of (reasonably) scientific ways of land preparation, sowing procedures, use and dosages of application of chemical and organic fertilizers and watering schedule. However, awareness is not automatically converted into action because of lack of investment capability and low risk taking ability on the part of the farmers. Nevertheless, it is also observed that where possible, farmers are quick in adopting new options and methods at certain risk subject to their economic conditions permitting such as in the case of Bt cotton. Farmers from the study villages have not only started growing Bt cotton successfully but also started producing seeds. According to Rajendrasinh Jadeja, (ex-) sarpanch of Ambaredi, the Bt cottonseeds produced by Ambaredi farmers are bought by several nearby villages including distant ones like Haripar. Why do farmers buy seeds locally produced when company seeds are available in the market? To this question, Haripar farmers gave some interesting reasons: (i) The
270
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement seed quality is assured since it is produced by farmers in their own (Saurashtra) region; the process of crop growth is witnessed by the village farmers on day-to-day basis and hence they are convinced of the quality. (ii) The producer farmer guarantees the quality. (iii) Spurious seeds are very common in the market whose germination is not guaranteed; often, farmers ended up suffering huge crop losses on this count. (iv) Finally, the cost of locally produced seeds is much lower than that available in the market. The credibility of local seed producers began with the positive experience of a few farmers who used such seeds. In addition to seeds, the other factor that contributes to cropping intensity is the difference in the quantity of fertilizers applied, between villages, and among farmers. The total difference in crop yield usually within 20%, for example, is also due to the variation in the soil texture and composition, point out farmers. For crops such as groundnut, farmers buy high yielding varieties recommended by the local agricultural universities. As regards other factors such as land preparation, sowing and watering schedules is concerned, there is not much of a difference in practices across farmers and villages.
Table 6.4 examines how the increase in cropping intensity has come about. Analysis of field data indicates that the farmers have ensured irrigation security for the hitherto irrigated land and brought in land lying as temporary fallow under cultivation. This is one clear indicator of water augmentation. Table 6.4: Change in cropping intensity village wise of Irrigated and Unirrigated Areas 2002-03 (%) 2003-04 (%) Change (%) Village Irrigated Unirrigated Irrigated Unirrigated Irrigated Unirrigated Ambaredi 102.7 23.1 150.0 21.9 47.3 -1.1 Vithalpar 59.6 59.6 87.2 59.4 27.6 -0.2 Jalsikka 84.2 71.4 137.9 87.4 53.7 +16.0 Haripar 63.7 49.0 122.9 21.6 59.3 -27.4 Kerala 55.7 60.6 98.0 45.5 42.3 -15.0 Bella 39.3 82.9 93.3 45.8 54.0 -37.1 All 69.4 52.7 119.7 36.7 50.3 -16.0 villages Source: Primary data, and computations based on primary, 2002 and 2003-04 As can be seen from the Table 6.4, for all the villages put together, the cropping intensity for irrigated area has increased by 50.3%, from 69.4 to 119.7%; for unirrigated area, the
271
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement
272
cropping intensity has reduced by (-)16%, from 52.7 to 36.7%. It is clear that a lot of land hitherto unirrigated now has irrigation facility. Further analysis village wise (Table 6.4) brings out interesting trends as can be seen from Table 6.4 and the Figures 6.2 and 6.3. The land under irrigation has increased across all villages. There has been a significant increase in the irrigated area in case of Ambaredi (47.3%), Haripar (59.3%), Bella (54%), Jalsikka (53.7%) and Kerala (42.3%). Only Vithalpar could add just 27.6% area under irrigation from unirrigated area. In case of change in the unirrigated land, a significant reduction has been found in the case of Bella (-37.1%) and Haripar (-27.4%) while Jalsikka alone showed an addition to the unirrigated land (+16.1%). In case of Vithalpar and Ambaredi, the unirrigated area remained more or less constant. In case of Jalsikka, the unirrigated area has increased by +16%, in spite of an increase in land from unirrigated to irrigated area. This land has come from hitherto seasonal or temporary fallows-a fact that also explains the highest increase in the cropping intensity to 225.37% for Jalsikka (Table 6.3).
Land as % of Total Land
160 140
Change in Irrigated area villagewise
120 100 80 Total Irrigated2002
60 40
Total Irrigated2003-4
20 0
Ambar Vithal Jalsikk Haripa Kerala edi par a r
Bella
102.8
59.6
84.2
63.7
55.7
39.3
Total Irrigated-2003-4 150.1
87.2
138
123
97.9
93.3
Total Irrigated-2002
Figure 6.2: Change in irrigated area village wise
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement 100
Land as % of total land
90
273
Change in Unirrigated area villagewise
80
Total Unirrigated2002
70 60 50
Total unirrigated2003-4
40 30 20 10 0
Total Unirrigated-2002
Amb Vitha Jalsik Harip Keral Bella aredi lpar ka ar a 23
Total unirrigated-2003-4 21.9
59.6
71.4
49
60.6
82.9
59.5
87.4
21.5
45.6
45.8
Figure 6.3: Change in unirrigated area village wise The key aspects of the above discussion can be summarized as follows: [i] There has been a definite positive increase in the land under irrigation in all villages. [ii] The increase in cropping intensity across all villages is a clear indication of land sown more number of times than it was earlier. [iii] The additional land under irrigation during 200304 has come from hitherto unirrigated land and or uncultivated fallows. This is seen across all the villages except Jalsikka where the unirrigated land has reduced due to conversion into irrigated land. In case of Vithalpar, the change from unirrigated to irrigated land (w.r.t 2002) is more or less constant but with increase in cropping intensity which indicates two things: one, that the land has been put to cultivation more than previously; two, farmers have recognized that the limits to irrigation availability have reached „as of now‟. In the case of latter, with more technological solutions related to soil and water conservation practices and crops, there could be „stretching the limits‟ by improving water use efficiency (Seckler et al. 2003). [b] There is still some scope available for Jalsikka to bring land under irrigation provided water is accessible. Put differently, this implies that there is scope for improved management of water. In the case of Haripar, Kerala and Bella too, there is significant amount of land that remains unirrigated. Nevertheless, farmers of these villages have also recognized limits to
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement
274
irrigation caused by hydrogeology of their villages (that is water yield from wells) under the present circumstances. This can be seen in the fact that the farmers first went in for kharif crop stabilization and then rabi crop, not focusing much on the summer crops except for some crops like vegetables. Hardly 10-25% of the land is generally under summer crop. These aspects came out during the focus group discussions and indicated the strategy of farmers to modify cropping practice to suit water availability. Further, the farmers have also displayed their awareness of the „hydrogeology‟ of their villages as seen, for example, in their restriction of depth of wells discussed later in this section. Crops and crop management Figures 6.4 to 6.9 are drawn for commonly grown crops in the study villages, namely, bajra, cotton, groundnut and til (gingelley). The data shows percentage of land under a particular crop, and how this land cover has changed from before 2002 to 2003-4 corresponding to the availability of water due to watershed activities. This analysis indicates how farmers have made efforts at adaptation of crops to meet their household food and fodder requirements, which in turn have impacted the groundwater condition Cropland composition-Ambaredi
40 30 20
bajra
10
cotton
0
groundnut
cotton groundnut til
bajra
til
reflected by the stage of groundwater development as discussed in Section 2.
Bajra Cotton Groundnut Til
Land in % under crop
S-UNIRRI-2003-4
S-UNIRRI-2002
S-IRRI-2003-4
S-IRRI-2002
R-UNIRRI-2003-4
R-UNIRRI-2002
R-IRRI-2003-4
R-IRRI-2002
K-UNIRRI-2003-4
K-UNIRRI-2002
K-IRRI-2003-4
K-IRRI-2002
Landin % under crop
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement 275
Cropland composition-Jalsikka
10.0
Bajra
Cotton
0.0
Groundnut
Til
15.0
Cropland Composition-Haripar Bajra
Cotton
10.0
Groundnut
5.0 Til
0.0
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement
276
Land in % under crop
Cropland composition-Vithalpar
Bajra
25.0 20.0 15.0 10.0 5.0 0.0
Cotton Groundnut
S-UNIRRI-2003-4
S-UNIRRI-2002
S-IRRI-2003-4
S-IRRI-2002
R-UNIRRI-2003-4
R-UNIRRI-2002
R-IRRI-2003-4
R-IRRI-2002
K-UNIRRI-2003-4
K-UNIRRI-2002
K-IRRI-2003-4
K-IRRI-2002
Til
Cropland Composition-Kerala Land in % under crop
30.0 Bajra Cotton Groundnut Til
20.0 10.0 0.0
Groundnut Bajra
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement
277
Land in % under crop
Cropland Composition-Bella
7.0 5.0
Bajra
3.0
Cotton
1.0
Groundnut Til
-1.0
Groundnut Bajra
Source: Primary data, 2002-3 and 2003-4 Figures 6.4 to 6.9: Key crops raised during the three seasons of 2002-3 and 2003-4. As can be seen from the figure above, Ambaredi has focused more on cash crops such as cotton and groundnut with large areas under these crops. The kharif irrigated area under these four crops has gone up from 80.3% of total cultivated land to 88.7%, while rabi irrigated area has gone up from 22.5% to 58.6% respectively for the years 2002-3 and 2003-4. In addition to kharif rabi, farmers have also sown rabi cotton in September 2003 to be harvested in February 2004. Some farmers have also cultivated wheat, castor and juvar during rabi in small patches; during summer, vegetables are grown in a small way. Due to all these, the cropping intensity also has gone up significantly. Focus on cash crops such as cotton and groundnut along with a few other crops on small patches have helped farmer households to realize good income of Rs.194,392.
Vithalpar has focused on bajra, grown in 27.8% of the land during kharif 2002, which was reduced to 24.4% during 2003-4; unirrigated bajra was also grown in around 12% of land in both years indicating that almost 40% of land was under bajra. They did not grow
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement any significant quantity of cotton or groundnut. For example, groundnut was grown as kharif crop in around 3% of land in both the years, both as irrigated and unirrigated crop. Other crops in very small areas included til, wheat and jeera as rabi crops both as irrigated and unirrigated crops. Due to not growing cash crops, Vithalpar‟s per capita income is perhaps the lowest among all the villages.
Jalsikka, Haripar and Bella have grown all the four crops which include two cash cropscotton and groundnut. In addition, they have also grown other crops such as juvar and vegetables. While Haripar and Kerala did not take any significant summer crops, Jalsikka raised bajra, til, juvar and groundnut. Rabi cotton is also grown. This actually explains its highest cropping intensity of 225.4% among all the study villages (see figure). In case of Haripar, cash crop cotton was sown only during kharif, which has marginally increased from 10 to 12.1%, groundnut from 7.3 to 8.4%. In addition, both irrigated rabi cotton was also grown to the extent of 7% of the total cultivated land. Farmers have also taken rabi bajra; not many other crops were grown. Summer crops were almost absent. In case of Kerala, the kharif cotton increased drastically from 15.3 to 31.3%, no rabi cotton grown. Groundnut and til are almost not sown. Kerala‟s strategy seems to have focused on cash crop cotton only. In contrast, Bella focused on the other cash crop, groundnut, followed by bajra, some cotton and til in that order. Cotton sown only once a year during kharif changed a shade from 2.3 to 2.7%; groundnut too increased marginally from 7.4 to 8.0%. In case of Jalsikka too, the areas remained more or less the same. During kharif, the cotton remained at 8.4%, and irrigated rabi cotton increased from 2.0 to 9.9%. Not much difference is noticed in the case of kharif groundnut, which also remained at around 8% of the total cultivated area; 3.5% of land was brought under rabi groundnut.
In addition, farmers across villages to varying degrees have also been raising some other crops, unirrigated mostly but with critical irrigation from wells during rabi and summer. Ambaredi farmers by far have been most enterprising in terms of growing a diversity of unirrigated crops such as juvar, jeera, maize, pulses and wheat during rabi in addition to vegetables by a few farmers during summer; Vithalpar raised mostly rabi wheat, Jalsikka
278
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement raised maize and pulses and Kerala raised Juvar. The amount of land under these crops varied significantly across villages. If we consider income from agriculture only, then only Vithalpar and Jalsikka show Rs.70,882 and 85,538 as income (Table 6.1).The diversity of crops which is much more in case of Jalsikka helped ensure fodder security for livestock which resulted in a very good livestock income of Rs.165,467. Since Vithalpar is dominated by kolis, it appears that they are not keen on keeping livestock to earn milk or meat income on professional basis. It is seen from Table 6.1 that Vithalpar has lowest income due to reasons of having only five check dams (Table 6.5) along river Mahanadi from where almost all farmers pump water through individual pipelines (see Figure 6.10); this water is not available perennially. In addition, the number of well structures are also very less with well to household ratio being 1:4.7 (Table 6.5). In contrast, Haripar, which has the poorest well to household ratio of 1:16.8 has a very good income of Rs.151,714 per household from agriculture and Rs.47,619 from livestock because all the four crops have been raised during kharif and rabi.
In short, the adaptive strategies seem to vary from village to village, if not from farmer to farmer. The following are the key findings that provide insights: Cash crops versus diversity of crops and income Ambaredi and Kerala comprise typical examples of cash crops raised as primary or major crops. Ambaredi raises both kharif and rabi cotton, and groundnut, while Kerala focuses more on groundnut. The agriculture income in the case of these two villages is comparable with other villages which is around Rs.150,000. Between them, however, Ambaredi has 40% more agriculture income than Kerala (Table 6.1). This indicates that a judicious decision for cash crops can provide good income along with some rabi and summer unirrigated crops discussed in the foregoing section.
Except Vithalpar, all the other villages have raised cotton or groundnut, or both, by bringing land under cultivation, which boosted their agriculture income. Vithalpar
279
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement avoided land under cash crops and focused on bajra (Figure 6.5) due to farmers‟ low risk taking ability arising primarily due to shallow outcrops and small thickness of overburden. Focus on bajra by Vithalpar also indicates concern on household food security given the limited water resource. Added to that, the livestock do not constitute a critical income source resulting in an overall low per capita income-in fact lowest among all the study villages. The adverse hydrogeology in terms of shallow occurrence of sandstone seems to have limited groundwater recharge as well as hydraulic continuity to wells. The high well to household ratio of 1:4.7 (Table 6.5) indicates the low risk taking as well as recognition of low groundwater potential. If there is more potential available, or if other techniques of better groundwater recharge and use are possible, then the farmers could benefit. This underlines the need for specific interventions in terms of technical support even as part of the watershed programme.
Raising diverse crops also appears to be a good strategy as seen from the options chosen by Ambaredi, Jalsikka, Haripar and Bella. Though Ambaredi farmers have focused on cash crops, cotton and groundnut, other villages have raised groundnut, wheat, juvar, bajra and til. Cotton is a six months crop and farmers raise it both as a kharif and winter crop depending upon the availability of water. Groundnut is an important winter crop in addition to wheat. This indicates that the cropping decisions are made based on availability of water.
Jalsikka, Haripar and Bella farmers, in the absence of ability to raise cash crops for reasons such as unfavorable hydrogeology due to occurrence of lithomarge have opted for diversity of crops (Figures 6.6, 6.7 and 6.8; this strategy has also helped raise the cropping intensity (Table 6.4) as well as per capita income in these villages (Table 6.1). This has been achieved in spite of the very low per capita well ratio of 1:6.7 for Haripar and Bella, or 1: 2.8 for Jalsikka (Table 6.5) combined with limited surface water access. While Ambaredi has raised an income of Rs.194,392, Jalsikka, Bella and Haripar, have managed to get an income of Rs. 251,005, Rs. 169,545 and Rs.151,714 respectively. Thus, with varying cropping strategies, farmers could achieve per annum per capita income, which is more or less on par. However, in the case of Bella, the income may not
280
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement sustain, as the groundwater has been overexploited (89.22%) as can be seen from Table 6.9. Bella also stands a fair chance of its groundwater getting saline due to this overexploitation. Haripar remains in the safe category (Table 6.9). While both these villages Haripar and Bella are located close to each other at around a kilometer radius, with similar hydrogeology and other conditions, the difference seems that Haripar has avoided groundnut while Bella has gone in for both groundnut and cotton leading to overexploitation. Livestock as a major or secondary source of income Study shows that livestock rearing (for milk and meat), integral to agriculture as per definition of sustainable agriculture, provided added benefit to farmers. Livestock rearing by itself is a very good income generating option as demonstrated by Jalsikka farmers whose annual per capita income of bharvad/rabbari household was Rs.165,467 which was on par with agriculture income as primary source (Table 6.1). This level of income is possible from livestock comprising both milch cattle and small ruminants. In some cases where the livestock holding is much higher, a higher level of income is possible as shown by a farmer in Jalsikka. However, this is an exception. Alternatively, when farmers keep livestock as complementing agriculture income, the stock comprises milch cattle, primarily for meeting domestic milk consumption and as a secondary income source. This secondary income is found to be more or less constant and forms at least a fourth of the agriculture income. Examples of villages adopting a combination strategy include Ambaredi, Haripar, Kerala and Bella where the livestock income is around Rs.45,000 (Table 6.1). Animal husbandry as a secondary option has the advantage of providing the much-needed cash flow to the households especially during water scarcity conditions which are quite frequent in Saurashtra conditions. Soil and water conservation and groundwater exploitation Except for Vithalpar, farmers from all villages have shown that appropriate cropping decisions would help ensure significant total income as discussed in the foregoing. However, sustained income is very much dependent not just on cropping decisions but
281
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement also on continued availability of irrigation. For example, Ambaredi has shown that favorable hydrogeology will facilitate increased recharge commensurate with use, that is, annual extraction. This is evidenced in the stage of groundwater development, which is just 37.85%-very much in the safe category (Figure 6.15). In contrast, Vithalpar shows overexploitation conditions (98.91%) even with lowest agriculture and livestock income of all study villages. The change in cropping intensity too has been the lowest only after Bella which anyway has severe hydrogeological limitations. Notably, the river Mahanadi that flows along south of Vithalpar has been treated for 35 kilometers as part of Lunsar Mahal cluster of 30 watersheds by the Sarvodaya Seva Sangh. Forty eight check dams were constructed across the river Mahanadi that includes 3 check dams falling under Vithalpar watershed; the watershed also implemented one pond and 10 nalla plugs and some plantation. The river Mahanadi flows for several months in a year; the major source for Vithalpar therefore is direct pumping from river. Therefore, the number of pump sets on the river has doubled (Table 6.6). Then what factors caused the significant difference in the agrarian income? The answer lies in the fact that the entire watershed of Vithalpar was not covered intensively with soil and water conservation structures such as farm bunds, farm ponds, and inland check dams across lower order streams as in the case of other villages such as Ambaredi. Although the direct pumping from river has doubled, it has also increased the recurring costs due to the use of diesel pumps. The well to household ratio remains high at 1:4.7; with low soil moisture retention due to absence of intensive soil and water conservation measures, Vithalpar raised low per capita income. This typical case calls for technical support both for agriculture and water management aspects. Overexploitation and technical support insufficiency As discussed above, Vithalpar has demonstrated that there has been a lack of technical support although a watershed programme was in full force. In case of Bella too, which has resorted to a diversity of crops, although income could be managed on par with other villages, it resulted in groundwater overexploitation (of 89.22%). This indicates that the farmers could neither assess the water resource availability nor access more water by circumventing the unfavorable hydrogeology by some means. Put differently, Bella too
282
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement witnessed implementation of a typical watershed approach instead of identifying the set of land and water related activities that could be undertaken at individual farmer level and at watershed level, to maximize water conservation, use and recharge in the given hydrogeological and socio economic conditions. Could subsurface check dams across the second and third order streams within the watershed comprise a possible solution to enhancing subsurface storage? Whether more number of farm ponds and ponds could aid in increasing fuller use of the „dry‟ weathered zone/ overburden? What dimensions of surface and subsurface check dams would make best use of the available overburden for water storage and extraction? What combinations of crops are best suited to utilize the soil moisture available in relatively greater proportion during kharif in keeping with the local soil and climate conditions? Whether deeper bore wells could be constructed beyond the lithomarge (by sealing the lithomarge, for example) and bore wells used as both use and recharge structures? What is emerging from the above discussion is that the farmers have done what they thought is best under the guidance of the promoter NGO; technical support is virtually absent which is essential to address technical and hydrogeological limitations. Ensuring Irrigation through conjunctive strategy Groundwater cannot be conceived of separately from management of surface water (Sophocleous, 1998). Field data analysis indicates that households from the study villages have adopted a conjunctive water management strategy that utilised both surface and groundwater. Surface water is drawn from water stored in the check dams constructed across rivers while groundwater is extracted through wells. As part of the watershed, all the study villages have carried out land and water related activities. The amount spent on water harvesting structures has been 90% of the total 5year watershed budget (which is typical Rs. 2.5 million for 500 ha) as per the reports submitted by the NGOs of all the study villages to the DRDA. The structures include farm bunds, farm ponds, ponds, tanks and check dams (both across the river and across lower order streams). The rest of the budget was spent on afforestation and livestock, training and administration.
283
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement Farmers from the study villages have adopted a conjunctive water use strategy that implies use of well irrigation and river irrigation. Where wells are feasible, farmers have dug up wells and used a WEM to lift water. Where wells are either not feasible, or have limitations in yield due to hydrogeology, then river becomes an important source of irrigation. Farmers with littoral lands prefer to pump directly from the river. Farmers who do not have wells are compelled to pump water involving high recurring cost towards diesel such as in the case of Vithalpar. Table 6.5 shows the number of wells in each of the study villages, as well as other land and water related activities. Table 6.5: Villagewise distribution of wells, check dams, plugs and ponds Village Wells HH: Check Ponds Nalla Farm Farm (no.) Well dams plugs bunds ponds ratio Ambaredi 165 1.8 43 10 10 Yes Yes Vithalpar 17 4.7 5 2 10 Yes Yes Jalsikka 29 2.8 33 2 10 Yes Yes Haripar 6 16.8 28 3 10 Yes Yes Kerala 15 6.7 22 2 10 Yes Yes Bella 20 6.7 32 1 10 Yes Yes Source: Primary data/well inventory and village survey, 2002 and 2003-4 Table 6.6 gives details of changes in direct pumping from river. As mentioned already, Ambaredi, Vithalpar and Jasikka are abutting rivers Phophal, Mahanadi and Machu. As of 2003-04, while Phophal flows for 9-10 months in a year, Mahanadi and Machu flow for around 6-8 months. In case of Haripar, Kerala and Bella, the river/stream is seasonal, flows intermittently for 4-5 months at a distance between half a kilometers to 1.5 km from these villages.
In order to understand the conjunctive management adopted by farmers, the study villages are categorized into three: one, where farmers pumped predominantly from the wells; two, when the farmers pumped predominantly from the river; three, more or less equal combination of well irrigation and river irrigation. Ambaredi belongs to the third category due to reasons that the phophal river flows through the village and offers opportunity for a good number of farmers for both direct pumping and well irrigation. The lithology comprising the top alluvial soil zone followed by weathered and fractured zones offers good conditions for groundwater recharge. The flow of 9-10 months in the
284
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement river also provides good hydraulic connectivity, which is evidenced in the drastic increase in the number of hours the wells are pumped in all the three seasons (Figure 6.12). Though the village has the highest number of wells among the study villages, the well to household ratio is one well for almost two households. Table 6.6 shows that availability of water in the river has also resulted in an increase the number of beneficiaries of Ambaredi engaged in direct pumping from 20.7% to 96.7% (discussed in detail in the next section). Those farmers who are close to the river resort to direct pumping and very less of well irrigation except during late rabi or summer. Other farmers resort to supplemental well irrigation as those away from the river focused on developing wells as a strategy.
Source: Sarvodaya Seva Sangh. Note: Red lines with arrow marks represent pipelines from the check dams along river Mahanadi to the farms. Figure 6.10: Various activities as part of watershed in Vithalpar. Village Vithalpar belongs to the first category where river irrigation is predominant. The river Mahanadi flows in an east to west direction along the shorter southern border of the village (Figure 6.10). The farms are located on the northern side of the river about a kilometer away. Immediately after construction of the five big check dams across the
285
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement Mahanadi, farmers installed almost 27,000 m of pipelines as part of the watershed programme to transport water from river Mahanadi to their farms from the storage of the five check dams within the village jurisdiction. The Mahanadi started flowing for several months because the NGO Sarvodaya Seva Sangh has constructed 37 check dams along 35 km of the river as part of its Lunsar Mahal cluster comprising 30 watershed projects under DRDA that included Vithalpar. In addition, 10 check dams upstream across river Nagalavakol also conserve flows to Mahanadi. Gradually, many farmers have started either developing their abandoned wells or digging new wells in view of the high recurring cost of pumping from the river by diesel pump sets, as indicated by the farmers during focus group discussion.
Jalsikka has constructed 33 check dams and has a well ratio of one well for almost three farmers (Table 6.5). Vithalpar can be placed in the second category because the wells are not very productive due to the occurrence of rock often at shallow depths-of around 10 m. Machu river has exposed boulderous sandstone along its course. Therefore, Machu becomes a good source of irrigation water during flow period. The well to household ratio is 1:4.7; Table 6.6 indicates a rise in direct pumping from 61.5% to 161.5% indicating the heavy dependence on the river. Similarly, Haripar, Kerala and Bella also belong to the second category where pumping from the river is a major source while wells provide supplemental irrigation during kharif which is the only major crop season. In these villages, hydrogeology has imposed a limitation due to the presence of a saline water-bearing zone beyond 12-13 m below ground level. Some amount of water in the wells beyond kharif helps to provide critical irrigation to rabi when the stream is dry beyond monsoon season. Farmers dig wells because rabi is important to provide fodder from agriculture residue for their livestock, although a small population compared to Ambaredi, for instance. For example, the number of wells in Bella, which were only four until 2002, increased to 20 in a year by 2003-04 (primary data: well inventory). Therefore, in Haripar, Kerala and Bella, almost every household pumps water from the seasonal stream using diesel pumpset and pipelines in conjunction with well irrigation where wells are available. In the study villages, apart from wells, very few bore wells exist; there are no canals.
286
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement
287
Table 6.6: Change in WEM used for direct pumping from river by sample households across study villages Pumpsets on Pumpsets river for on river direct for direct pumping pumping (from check Direct pumping Direct pumping (without dam from river from river (from check storage) Sample (without check check dam Village dam) 2002 2003-04 Households dam) 2002 storage) 2003-04 A B C D E (B as % of D) F (C as % of D) No. No. No. % % Ambaredi 6 28 29 20.7 96.7 Vithalpar 17 35 17 100.0 205.9 Jalsikka 8 21 13 61.5 161.5 Haripar 13 21 14 92.9 150.0 Kerala 0 5 6 0.0 83.3 Bella 4 13 11 36.4 118.2 All villages 48 121 90 39.7 134.4 Source: Primary data, 2002 and 2003-4. Direct Pumping from river: Pumpsets 250
Change in Pumpsets, in %
200
150
100
50
0
Ambaredi
Vithalpar
Jalsikka
Haripar
Kerala
Bella
2002
20.7
100
61.5
92.9
0
36.4
2003-4
96.7
205.9
161.5
150
83.3
118.2
Figure 6.11: Change in pumpsets in percentage across river
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement Table 6.6 shows the number of pumpsets installed on the rivers along the study villages for direct pumping by 2002 and the year 2003-04 (columns B and C); the rise is threefold from 39.7% to 134.4%. Except for Ambaredi, Kerala and to a certain extent Bella, most beneficiaries have more than one pump set.
As described earlier, each of the study villages has check dams constructed along the river, not only within the jurisdiction of the village but all along the river as the watershed programme was covered in many contiguous villages along the river. In case of Kerala, there was no pumping from river earlier; but post construction of check dams, pumpsets were installed and water lifted.
It is clearly seen from column E of Table 6.6 that lesser number of households had the ability (or in the absence of other alternative such as wells) to pump from the river before 2002 except in the case of Vithalpar where all the households were pumping from the river; it may be recalled that Vithalpar village has invested in almost 27,000 m of pipeline from the river to the farms. The highest increase as shown in Figure 6.11 corroborates this. Table 6.5 has shown that the village has one well for 4.7 households and therefore the dependence on direct pumping was high. However, with the check dams coming up as part of the watershed programme, the number of households installing the pump sets on the river has increased significantly. While for Ambaredi, and Kerala, the shortfall to 100% (one household from each of the two villages is a non resident farmer), in case of other villages, each household has installed more than one pump set along the river. The number of pump sets pumping directly from the river has increased to twice in case of Vithalpar, and more than 1.5 times in case of Jalsikka and Haripar. In case of Bella, one household has two pump sets.
It is interesting to examine why in Ambaredi which has a river flowing by has not increased more than 100% in terms of direct pumping from river. That is, why each household did not have more than one pump set along the river like that of other villages. The reasons are: (i) the entire village has undergone intensive watershed treatment as part of which many farm ponds and farm bunds have been developed in addition to check
288
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement dams of all sizes constructed across lower order streams and the main Phophal river. (ii) Phophal river flows through the village more or less dividing it into two equal parts. Thus, the river is accessible to almost all the farmlands. Since Ambaredi has already covered the village with intensive watershed programme, there was no need for a sudden response by the farmers in terms of increasing tapping of water from the river. (iii) The favourable hydrogeology and the high overburden have encouraged farmers to dig wells that are spread across the village farmlands; the well to household ratio at one well for almost two households is the highest among all study villages. So farmers have benefitted both from direct pumping as well as through groundwater extracted from wells as per demand. Therefore, it can be said that the village has a good combination of conjunctive water management strategy. In contrast, Vithalpar has low well to household ratio of 1:4.7, and in turn restricted groundwater extraction. Similarly, while Haripar has a 1:16.7 ratio-the highest, and Kerala and Bella also have 1:6.7 each (Table 6.5). Agrarian adaptation through well structuration In this context, farmers have adapted themselves to conjunctive water management as discussed in the foregoing. The groundwater extraction is majorly through wells, which the farmers have developed with reasonable care as discussed in the following. From the well inventory, it is seen that Ambaredi has an alluvial top soil and the country rock is basalt; Vithalpar and Jalsikka have alluvial top soil and sandstone. Haripar, Kerala and Bella fall under basaltic area. As observed during field survey, sandstone is exposed along river Machchu in Vithalpar and Jalsikka as boulderous outcrops. In Ambaredi, basalt is exposed at places along river Phophal. In all these villages, the NGO promoters have made use of these outcrops to reduce cost of construction of check dams as well as maximising the storage capacity. The shape of the check dams was often zig zag to take advantage of the outcrops to serve as foundation.
The well inventory also confirms the hydrogeological limitations on wells. As per well inventory, the total depth of wells in Ambaredi, Jalsikka and Vithalpar is in the range of 13-20 m below ground level; below this depth is the hard basalt rock. In the other three villages, Haripar, Kerala and Bella, the depth is limited to the range of 10-13 m in view
289
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement of the collapsing problem posed by the lithomarge occurring at this depth. Further, beyond this depth of 13 m, which goes up to 15 m in some cases, the quality of water becomes saline. Put differently, the occurrence, movement and storage of rainwater in the ground is „limited‟ by the thickness of the overburden. Ambaredi, Jalsikka and Vithalpar have a large overburden of up to 20 m while other villages, Haripar, Kerala and Bella have up to 13 m.
Ambaredi is one of the earliest villages to experiment with radial bores from well bottom since they needed more water for the cash crops. Initially, some higher risk-taking farmers in different villages experimented with drilling deep tube wells. However, when these deep tube wells did not yield worthwhile, farmers abandoned such attempts. As an alternative, some farmers drilled radial bores inside wells. When the yield into wells enhanced, this technique caught on and became a trend. Discussions with farmers revealed that their choice of this option was due to the fact that wells in all the study villages generally ended in hard basalt rock, and blasting further or drilling surface bore wells did not make economic sense as experience has shown. By the reference year, all the wells of Ambaredi were covered with at least 4-5 horizontal, radial bores at the bottom of the wells to a length of up to 20 m.
The same option of drilling horizontal radial bores did not work as effectively in Haripar, Kerala and Bella due to the presence of lithomarge in between 10-13 metres (sometimes till 15m) below ground level, which is the common depth at which most of the wells end up. Households consider lithomarge occurrence as a certain indicator for failure of radial drilling or vertical deepening of well. The lithomarge is also taken as a marker for occurrence of saline water below, in the study villages. Interestingly, focus group discussions indicated that farmers have had evolved a good understanding of such indicators to guide them practically; individual experiences are shared which over a period became common knowledge. In view of the above, wells in Haripar, Kerala and Bella generally have 1-3 horizontal bores drilled at the well bottom.
290
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement
291
What is the evidence for the effectiveness of these adaptive measures in terms of increased well yield? Figure 6.12 gives the number of pumping hours season wise and village wise. The data indicates clearly that there has been a definite significant increase in the pumping hours per day per household across each village during 2002 and 2003-4 periods.
Change in pumping hours/day/HH
hours/day
10.0 8.0 6.0
S-2003-4 S-2002 R-2003-4
4.0 2.0
R-2002
0.0 Ambaredi
K-2003-4 Vithalpar
Jalsikka
Haripar
K-2002 Kerala
Bella
Legend: K-Kharif; R-Rabi; S-Summer. Source: Household and village survey and well inventory: 2002 and 2003-4. Figure 6.12: Change in pumping hours season wise and village wise per day per household. The key observations are: All the villages showed significant increase in the number of hours of pumping per day per household during kharif in the range of 1.5 to 2.0 times, in case of Ambaredi, Bella and Jalsikka, while more than twice in case of Vithalpar, Haripar and Kerala. During Rabi, the increase is a minimum of two times for Ambaredi and Jalsikka, three times for Vithalpar, six, eight and thirteen times for Bella, Kerala and Haripar. During summer, Ambaredi, Vithalpar and Jalsikka registered many times increase over the small number of hours, namely from 6 hours per day which is useful for vegetables and such crops. This analysis corroborates the discussions made in the foregoing about the transformation of unirrigated land into irrigated land, increase in cropping intensity, and the adaptive strategies of farmers to ensure irrigation security for
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement kharif and further irrigation for critical rabi crop useful for livestock fodder security. Further, this data provides direct evidence about availability of water due to recharge activity in the absence of any other source such as canals or tanks in the areas. To make use of the water, farmers have to invest in WEM. The following section describes how investments in WEM have changed the composition of WEM. The changing WEM composition For irrigating crops from groundwater or from a river, pumpsets are necessary. Given the shortage and erratic supply of electricity till the Jyothi gram yojana (JGY) was launched and implemented in Gujarat during 2000-2004, farmers were mostly using diesel pumpsets in spite of the high recurring costs towards fuel and maintenance. However, Ambaredi being a big village had „better‟ access to electricity among all the villages even before the JGY. Ambaredi, Vithalpar and Jalsikka were covered under the JGY during 2000-2002, Bella in 2003, and Haripar and Kerala during 2004. This also needs to be kept in mind during analysis of change of WEM and income, as electrification, and more importantly, accessing the same by farmers. Table 6.7 gives the percentage of sample households holding different types of pumpsets. Table 6.7: Village wise composition of pumpsets owned by households, 2003-4 DP DP DP DP x 3 / DP + EM EM (blank Grand Village x1 x2 x3 EM EM EM x2 x3 ) Total Ambared i 41.4 17.3 10.3 3.5 13.8 3.5 3.5 3.5 3.5 100.0 Vithalpar 58.8 23.5 11.8 5.9 100.0 Jalsikka 7.7 69.2 15.4 7.7 100.0 Haripar 100.0 100.0 Kerala 100.0 100.0 Bella 63.6 9.1 27.3 100.0 Source: Household and Village Survey, and Well inventory, 2002 and 2003-4. Note: DP represents diesel pump set; EM represents electric motor; x1, x 2 and x 3 represents one, two and three units of the particular type of pump set. Blank indicates no pump set. Analysis of Table 6.7 reveals interesting trends: [i] Diesel pump sets were the most common mode of pumping since electricity connection was not easily available before
292
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement the introduction of the JGY. Ambaredi had both diesel and electric pump sets; it had reasonably good access to electricity for irrigation due to its big village status and influential patel farmers. Introduction of JGY during 2000-4 in the study villages under which electricity supply is made available for at least 8 hours per day has altered the composition of WEM; with increased income returns farmers bought more pump sets, and often chose to go in for EM. [ii] Farmers prefer EM as against diesel pump sets due to the high recurring cost of diesel as against fixed slab rate of electricity based on the HP of the motor. Table 6.7 shows this changing in case of Ambaredi, Vithalpar and Bella. Haripar and Kerala represent the typical scenario that existed pre-JGY-it has cent per cent diesel pump sets (Table 6.7), more so because the JGY was introduced during 2004. The data in the table above pertains to 2003-04. Jalsikka shows a predominance of EM. Very few diesel pump sets existed earlier; with the introduction of JGY during 2000-01, and the fixed slab rate, farmers bought more EMs for use on the wells while diesel pump sets continued for use along the river. Jalsikka‟s income for example has almost doubled (see Table 6.2) due to increase in agricultural income and change in cropping intensity due to access to water through EMs. Similar impacts were seen as the farmers added Electrical pump sets or replaced diesel pump sets (gradually though). Focus group discussions, however, revealed that farmers preferred to have a combination of diesel and electric pump sets, in spite of higher recurring costs of diesel pump sets, because of certain advantages of diesel pump sets over the electrical pump sets. These include flexibility for direct pumping from check dams, and not limited by the eight hours of electricity supply. Patel dominated villages such as Haripar, Kerala and Bella, and Ambaredi did not hesitate to invest in diesel pumps in order to cultivate as much land as possible. In specific, the majority patel farmers of Haripar, Kerala and Bella have cultivated kharif crop in full area followed by rabi crop in part; part of the rabi crop comprised the continued cotton crop from kharif. Summer crop was almost not raised due to non-availability of water. These are also evidenced from the pumping pattern shown in the Figure 6.12. Simply put, farmers pumped for highest number of hours during kharif and minimum during summer; in case of Haripar, Kerala and Bella, it has been almost negligible corroborating with unfavorable hydrogeology.
293
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement
294
Investments in WEM Figure 6.13 shows that all the villages have invested significantly on purchase of WEM, also because of the introduction of JGY as discussed in the previous section. In case of
14000
Direct Investment on WEM per HH, 2003-04 12647
12000 9071
Rs. per HH
10000
9500
7692
8000
6753
6000 4000
2114
2000 0
Investment in Rs.
Ambare Vithalpa Haripar Jalsikka di r + Kerala 2114
12647
7692
9071
Bella
All villages
9500
6753
Source: Primary data, 2003-4 Figure 6.13: Average direct investment on WEM per household Ambaredi, the farmers have been investing continuously over the years because of good groundwater availability due to favorable hydrogeological conditions; hence, the investment per household during 2003-04 at Rs. 2,114 is the lowest. Vithalpar farmers invested heavily at Rs.12,647 per household because of their need to pump from the river to long distances, so also is the case with Haripar, Kerala and Bella who invested in the range of Rs.7,672 to Rs.9,500 per household. Field data shows that farmers have adopted a combination of direct pumping from river and from wells. Both the types of pumping have been facilitated by the watershed programme under implementation in which around 90% of the budget was spent on water harvesting structures such as check dams, both across rivers and in the village, leading to enhanced availability of water in wells and in check dams. Therefore, farmers have invested on WEM to be placed on river as well as on wells; many farmers have also invested on second and third pumpset (see Table 6.7). Along with the WEM, some villages also had to invest on pipelines to pump from the river. As can be seen from Figure 6.14, the expenditure per household on pipeline has
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement been highest at Rs. 17,091 and Rs.11,600 in case of Bella and Haripar+Kerala respectively. These villages did not have any direct pumping from stream before 2002; availability of water in the stream (though for a few months only due to watershed programme) due to construction of check dams has created demand for WEM and pipelines. Similarly, in case of Vithalpar, whose well to household ratio is high at 1:4.7 has also invested heavily at Rs.12,647 per household. The investment is high because the whole village is situated on the northern side of the river with its short side abutting the river. The farms extend to almost a kilometer distance. However, since Vithalpar had invested on pipelines spread over 2001-2004, the cost is seen as Rs.2,353/- for 2002 and Rs.1,424 for 2003-4. The pipelines also have a bearing with the implementation of the Jyothi gram yojana by the state government. It may also be noted that [i] in villages where wells are less in number seen in the form of high household well ratio (see Table 6.5), the investment is higher for pipelines, and need for pumps at the river side as discussed in the previous section (Figure 6.13). These villages include Vithalpar, Haripar, Kerala and Bella; [ii] the investment is also a function of the flow in the river. 18000
Rs. per household
16000
Expenditure on Pipeline
14000 12000 10000 8000 6000 4000 2000 0
2002
Ambar Vithal Jalsikk Haripa Kerala edi par a r
Bella
1000
2353
0
0
0
0
2003-04 2280
1424
3077
15429
2667
17091
Source: Primary data Figure 6.14: Average expenditure on pipeline per household While Vithalpar‟s access to irrigation and thereby the cropping intensity are constricted by the low number of water harvesting structures, Haripar, Kerala and Bella have focused on watershed treatment of entire village with check dams, ponds, nalla plugs, farm ponds
295
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement and farm bunds that has made a difference (Table 6.5). In short, Ambaredi is the only village among the study villages that is bestowed with favourable hydrogeology, and complete watershed treatment, while other villages do have watershed treatment, but are limited by the hydrogeology and consequently the type and number of water harvesting structures and wells. The hydrogeology determines the recharge as a function of depletion of water levels in a given year. Ambaredi depletes its water levels which creates aquifer space for recharge, and hence is more water efficient than that of other villages as discussed in next section 2. Caste as an influencing factor for livelihood occupation The study shows that caste seems to determine the major occupation, namely, agriculture or livestock. Table 6.8 shows approximate caste composition in the study villages. The dominant caste here implies that 70-90% of the population belongs to that caste; sources of income also imply primary source followed by secondary source. Patels are a dominant caste in Ambaredi, Haripar, Kerala and Bella. Jalsikka is dominated by bharvads while Vithalpar has a majority koli population. Patels are almost absent in Jalsikka and Vithalpar. Ambaredi which is a very big village compared to other villages has other castes such as kolis, SC and harijans. Haripar and Kerala which comprised one revenue village under the name of Haripar have been split a decade ago into two revenue villages; however, the actual operationalisation is still very tardy, and records and data for Kerala are still to be sourced from Haripar. In some cases, it becomes very difficult to obtain past data separately. Although dominated by Patels, Haripar has a few bharvads and other families. Bharvads in Ambaredi also keep livestock for income from both milk and meat sale; in Jalsikka, the livestock income is the major source. Kolis of Vithalpar are engaged in both agriculture and livestock rearing. Some kolis have small bits of land; livestock for them is the primary source.
296
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement Table 6.8: Caste composition and sources of income Dominant Village Caste Minor castes bharvad, harijan, brahmin, bakshi panch, koli patel, SC, Ambaredi Patel rajput Vithalpar
Koli patel
Bharvad, others
Jalsikka
Bharvad/ahir
Haripar
Patel
SC, others bharvad, harijan, brahmin, koli patel, SC, rajput
Kerala
Patel
Durbar, bharvad, goswami, others
297
Major sources of income
Agriculture, livestock, small business Agriculture and livestock Livestock and agriculture Agriculture, livestock, agriculture labor, outside labor Agriculture, livestock, agriculture and outside labor Agriculture, livestock, agriculture and outside labor
Bharvad, harijan, Bella Patel durbar, others Source: Village Survey, 2002 and 2003-4. Note: There are two major subsects among Patels: Leuva Patel and Koli Patel. Patel generally refers to Leuva Patel. Put simply, patels, who are generally landowners are agriculturists and a dominant community in Ambaredi, Haripar, Kerala and Bella (Table 6.8) and have agriculture as a primary source of income. Patel households keep livestock for meeting domestic milk consumption; excess sold away for ensuring some cash flow. They also keep bulls for breeding and transportation in addition to using for land preparation in the absence of tractors. Patels also extend the services of their bulls for breeding to other farmers either free or at a token cost.
Bharvad/rabari and ahir who are a majority community in Jalsikka are engaged in livestock rearing as a major occupation with some amount of land to support their household food and fodder requirements. While most of the families generally raise cattle, a few families also keep small ruminants and poultry, sold periodically for meat and income made. Thus, the income for them from livestock is highest and agriculture income is only a supplement. Kolis of Vithalpar are engaged in both agriculture and
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement livestock rearing. A bharvad in Ambaredi makes as much as Rs.300,000 from livestock alone as he deals in selling milk as well as small ruminants.
Village Survey shows that each study village generally has around 10-20% households engaged in agriculture labor, or in small business occupations such as tailoring, kirana shops, carpentry, hair cutting, cycle repair shops and black smithy. Some members are also engaged in working out of the village in factories and diamond cutting units in nearby towns and cities such as Rajkot, Surat and Mumbai. In particular, patel households often have kith and kin engaged in business outside of the state as well as abroad. Such families are generally rich and have been having dual income sources- from agriculture as well as remittances from family members abroad. The remittances in case of workers in factories are small but considered important by households in view of its contribution to cash flow. Income from all such sources is grouped under „other income‟ of Table 6.1.
SECTION 2 RECHARGE AND STAGE OF GROUNDWATER DEVELOPMENT In India, the stage of groundwater development is a widely used norm for „controlling‟ or regulating groundwater extraction; since groundwater forms a major portion of the total water demand of agriculture, the impact on farmers is the highest. The CGWA routinely estimates the stage of groundwater development every 3-5 years and categorizes areas into safe, semi critical, critical and overexploited zones depending upon the ratio of recharge taking place vis-a-vis the groundwater extraction on an annual basis. The categorization has a direct bearing on the farmers; the government puts a stop to new electric connections, new loans for agriculture purposes, imposes limitations on groundwater extraction and such restrictions in overexploited areas. Small, marginal and medium farmers in particular are affected by such „controls‟ because they have to borrow money at high rate of interest from moneylenders which dents into their narrow and uncertain agriculture margins.
298
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement Therefore, accuracy of computation of stage of groundwater is of crucial significance. Research has shown that recharge is a complex process and recharge estimation methods suffer from many uncertainties. Keeping this in mind, this section considers the recharge values obtained by three different methods for the study villages and identifies the most suitable method(s). For the estimation by the officially recommended (by CGWB in India) WL & SY method, the computation uses primary data from the field on groundwater draft, a major input in the computation procedure.
STAGE OF GROUNDWATER DEVELOPMENT-TALUKA VALUES VERSUS STUDY VILLAGES The stage of groundwater development is computed as the ratio of Gross Groundwater Draft from all uses to the net available groundwater expressed as percentage (GoG, 1998). The estimates of stage of development in India are made using taluka as the reference unit. However, these estimates tend to be grossly different from those at the village level because of the varying hydrogeological conditions, rainfall and other climatic factors. In addition to this, the estimates at taluka level also make assumptions on climate factors in addition to estimates on gross cropped areas-all these introduce a large error factor. Further, the number of villages in a taluka varies widely-from a couple of tens to more than a hundred. Why not then compute estimates at village level? According to senior officials of the Central Ground Water Board149, estimates at village level are difficult because of the difficulty in data collection. With limited staff and resources, they contend that it is not practically possible. Hence, the estimates are made for taluka, which is an agglomeration of many villages, employing a number of assumptions, including for the groundwater draft. The purpose of this section is to highlight the huge variation between the taluka figures of stage of groundwater development and the village level figures and to show how adoption of taluka figures is actually detrimental to farmers per se but also to their agrarian livelihoods. The last Chapter 7: An Agenda for Water Governance Reforms proposes for estimation of the stage of groundwater development at village level as part of water governance reforms 149
Personal communication, February 2009
299
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement agenda. Collecting data on groundwater draft from at the village level should not be difficult because with gram panchayat coming into effect and e-governance introduced along with installation of computer systems at each village level. The data would feed into the taluka office database and then into the national database. Such data would also be useful for drought management purposes.
Table 6.9 compares computed stage of groundwater development for the study villages (column B) using primary data on groundwater draft as a key input and the methodology adopted and recommended by the CGWB compared against taluka values (column E) given by CGWB (CGWB & GoG, 2005). The table shows that in all the cases, the taluka stage of groundwater development varies significantly from the study villages. In case of Ambaredi, Vithalpar, Jalsikka, Haripar, and Kerala, the taluka figures are very much on the higher side whereas of Vithalpar and Bella they are on the lower side. Column G shows the variation in percentage, which emphasizes the point that adopting taluka figures for policy decisions such as regulating energy connections, providing loans for agricultural purposes, or any such schemes would only be denying opportunities to a large number of families. Alternatively, it tantamounts to promoting further overexploitation in Bella and Vithalpar, which are already in the semi critical and critical zone.
300
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement
301
Table 6.9: Stage of groundwater development computed by various methods Stage of Stage of GW GW Development Develop Name of (as per ment taluka CGWB, Category (WL & where study 2005 for year of E as Variation SY Category village is 2004) for the per govt. (B as % of Village method) of B located taluka norms E) A B C D E F G (%) (%) (%) Jamkandorn Semi Ambaredi 37.85 Safe a 74.48 critical (-) 51 Vithalpar 98.91 Critical Wankaner 56.38 Safe (+) 57 Jalsikka 39.94 Safe Wankaner 56.38 Safe (-) 70.8 Semi Haripar 24.46 Safe Morbi 77.09 critical (-) 31.7 Semi Kerala 35.98 Safe Morbi 77.09 critical (-) 46.7 Semi Semi Bella 89.22 critical Morbi 77.09 critical (-) 86.4 Note: The stage of development for Rajkot district is 72.01%; for Gujarat State, it is 76.47% for the year 2004. Safe: 90%; Overexploited: >100% (CGWB & GoG, 2005).
Stage of Groundwater Development
GW development in %
120 98.91
100 80
89.22
56.38
60 40
77.09
74.48
37.85
77.09
77.09
56.38 39.94
Computed Stage of GW dev
35.98 24.46
GW dev as per CGWB
20 0 Ambaredi Vithalpar
Jalsikka
Haripar
Kerala
Bella
Village
Source: (i) Computations by author based on primary data (ii) CGWB & GoG (2005) for the year 2003-4. Figure 6.15: Stage of groundwater development –taluka versus village levels
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement Here, it is important to emphasize upon an important aspect. Declaration of categories in a routine manner based on the figures is highly misleading. For instance, consider Haripar, Kerala and Bella. CGWB has declared these villages as falling in a „semi critical‟ taluka while Haripar and Kerala are actually falling in „safe‟ zone. The research study found that these three villages located within a kilometer radius of each other are found to be very vulnerable to salinity beyond 13 m depth. If overdone in water extraction, because of „being‟ in safe zone, they would quickly be tossed into the almost critical zone like that of Bella. Therefore, declaring any taluka as „safe‟ or „saline‟ tends to be highly misleading when it comes to village level. We have three situations to explain this in which: [i] villages that differ from the declared category of the taluka; [ii] villages that are both safe and not saline-affected, and can make use of the available water resource, and [iii] villages that are saline beyond a particular depth, but, can use the water resource available in the overburden as seen in the case of Haripar, Kerala and Bella.
Adaptive strategies, which are extremely important both at household and village level, especially in the arid and semi arid regions thus stand a good chance of getting eroded if recharge estimates and thereby the regulation is not attempted at village level. What is needed to strengthen these adaptive strategies is the extension of technical support in water resources, agriculture and livestock domains. Put differently, the socio technical approach needs the strengthening of the technical component by contribution of science and technology to the people‟s existing technical efforts. EVALUATING RECHARGE VALUES OBTAINED FROM VARIOUS METHODS Table 6.10 below gives recharge values computed by [i] WL & SY method, [ii] Regression method and [iii] CRU-NUT MONTH method. Column B gives recharge estimates for villages mentioned in column A obtained by WL & SY method as per procedure prescribed by the CGWB. Column F (Table 6.10 below) gives recharge values computed using regression equation for long-term taluka average rainfall obtained for the years 1901-2002 shown in column C. Column F gives the recharge obtained by the same
302
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement
303
regression method but proportionately for the year 2003-4 rainfall of 740 mm, which is the actual rainfall. Column G gives the recharge values obtained by the CRUNUT_MONTH method. In the CRU-NUT MONTH method, the actual rainfall of 2003 sourced from official sources, month wise, and is substituted in the output of a CRU file which is used as an input to the NUT_MONTH programme to arrive at the annual recharge150. Table 6.10: Comparison of Recharge values for the year 2003-4 WL & CRU-NUT SY MONTH method Regression method method Recharg Variati Recharg e for RF Recharge on of Taluka e for (740 (with Variatio col. F Recharg long taluka mm) for rainfall n of w.r.t. e in mm term average villages data of column col. G for year average rainfall for year 2003 B w.r.t. Village 2003-4 Taluka Rainfall in col. C 2003-4 substituted) col. G A B C D E F G H I mm mm mm mm mm % % Jamkan Ambaredi 81 dorna 625.90 46.9 55.45 73 -11 -24 Wanka Vithalpar 63 ner 584.05 39.0 49.41 57 -10 -13 Wanka Jalsikka 70 ner 584.05 39.0 49.41 57 -22 -13 Haripar 55 Morbi 584.05 39.0 49.41 57 +4 -13 Kerala 30 Morbi 584.05 39.0 49.41 57 +47 -13 Bella 53 Morbi 584.05 39.0 49.41 57 +7 -13 Source: Computed from field data Note: Rainfall data of Rajkot district is used in the above table as the taluka rainfall is not available. The concerned meteorological subdivision covers Saurashtra, Kutch and Diu.
150
For details, see Mitchell TD, Carter TR, Jones PD, Hulme M, New M. 2004. A comprehensive set of high-resolution grids of monthly climate for Europe and the globe: the observed record (1901–2000) and 16 scenarios (2001–2100). Tyndall Working Paper 55, Tyndall Centre, UEA, Norwich, UK. http://www.tyndall.ac.uk/[accessed 25 June 2009]; and Mitchell, Timothy D, and Philip D. Jones, 2005. An improved method of constructing a database of monthly climate observations and associated high-resolution grids. Int. J. Climatol. 25: 693–712 (2005).
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement
Recharge in mm
90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0
WL & SY Method
304
Recharge estimates by different methods for 2003-4
Ambared Vithalpar Jalsikka i
Haripar
Kerala
Bella
81
63
70
55
30
53
Regression Method
55.5
49.4
49.4
49.4
49.4
49.4
CRU-NUT_MONTH
73
57
57
57
57
57
Source: Computations based on primary data. Figure 6.16: Recharge values obtained by various methods The Table 6.10 and the corresponding Figure 6.16 indicate a better correlation between recharge values obtained from CRU-NUT MONTH method and the WL & SY method for all cases except for Kerala. The variation between these two methods is given in column H; the variation of the WL & SY values over the CRU-NUT MONTH values is within + or - 11% for Ambaredi, Vithalpar, Haripar and Bella; for Jalsikka, it is 22%. The government of India allows a difference of 20% between two methods in view of assumptions and uncertainties in the methodologies. All the villages except Kerala are within +/- 20%. Kerala varies by +47%. This could be due to several factors including hydrogeological factors. Similarly, the correlation between Regression values and the CRU-NUT_MONTH values also is within +13% for all villages except for Ambaredi, which is +24%. It may be noted that the recharge values obtained from CRU-NUT MONTH method are different for Ambaredi and for the other set of villages (column G). This is due to the reason that while Ambaredi falls in one cell of 0.5 by 0.5 deg, all the other villages fall in one other cell by virtue of their geographic location.
Which method should be adopted as the best method? This is incumbent on the purpose. The interpretation should take into consideration the „uncertainty in each of the Recharge
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement Estimation Methods‟ and the limitations described in section 2, Chapter 5. However, out of all the methods, the CRU-NUT MONTH method which makes use of the climate factors is expected to be most scientifically representative. The water level and specific yield method is expected to give recharge results on the higher side for reasons concerned with uncertainty factors. In the present context, some more uncertainty exists because the recharge values could not be computed for the year 2003-4 directly using the CRU-NUT MONTH programme because the programme is designed to use global data for the duration 1901-2002 only. Therefore, the recharge values shown in column F are obtained by substitution of rainfall and climate factors based on trends and logic. Nevertheless, since none of the other methods accounts for the climate factors, at least directly, the CRU-NUT MONTH method is considered to be closely representative of the actual situation. When we compare these values with those obtained from the WL & SY and Regression methods (column B), we find that they are agreeing mostly within the permissible 20% variation as discussed above.
For the government agencies, stage of groundwater development is important for policy decisions and actions that impact the quantum of recharge on a year-to-year basis. For the farmers too, information on recharge is important for agriculture decision-making process. Further, in view of the complexity of the recharge process, combined with inadequacy and prohibitive cost of data generation in particular in arid and semi arid regions, many researchers have recommended cross verification using more than one method. Therefore, we would prefer to consider the three methods discussed above, in the order of CRU-NUT MONTH, WL & SY and the Regression method. Nevertheless, it is not necessary to conclude by saying that one method is better than the other is; because given the not necessarily common uncertainties in each of these methods, more than one method is strongly recommended for estimating recharge values (CGWB & GoG, 2005).
STAGE OF GROUNDWATER DEVELOPMENT AND RECHARGE
How do the stage of groundwater development and recharge correlate with each other? The water level fluctuation in a hydrological year is supposed to represent the net
305
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement recharge in a given aquifer during the year. The water level fluctuation in a given area or a village is also a function of the number of water extraction structures and the water extraction mechanisms in addition to recharge activities. Put differently, the number of times space is created in water bearing formations enhances the quantum of water extractable for the given aquifer geometry assuming that there is continuous recharge. The limiting factors would be the depth at which the water bearing formations are situated, the rate of natural recharge, the dimensions of the aquifer and aquifer characteristics. In the study villages, the water bearing formations constitute a small thickness of about 20 m in case of Ambaredi, Jalsikka and Vithalpar, and 10-13 m in case of Haripar, Kerala and Bella. Table 6.11: Recharge and stage of groundwater development in study villages for 2003-04 Stage of GW Recharge for Recharge CRUDevelopment year 2003-4 NUT MONTH (computed) [for (WL & SY (with rainfall data recharge of method) and of 2003 column B, WL & Village primary data substituted) SY method] A B C D mm mm % Ambaredi 81 73 37.85 Vithalpar 63 57 98.91 Jalsikka 70 57 39.94 Haripar 55 57 24.46 Kerala 30 57 35.98 Bella 53 57 89.22 Source: Computations based on primary data. Table 6.11 shows that Ambaredi has a relatively higher rate of recharge (of 81 mm) but the stage of groundwater development computed for the village using WL & SY method is lower at 37.85% (or 42.6% as per Regression method –Table 6.9) and very much within safe limits (safe category). In contrast, Vithalpar groundwater extraction almost touched 98.91% (column D) while its recharge was 63 mm. Similar contrast can be seen for Haripar which has a recharge of 55 mm and development of only 25% whereas Bella has almost the same recharge as of Haripar, of 53 mm, but a very high development rate
306
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement of 89% (almost critical stage). Jalsikka has a safe extraction rate although the recharge is 70 mm, which is the second highest among the study villages.
This pattern suggests that the stage of groundwater development does not correlate simplistically with the recharge as the latter is a complex function of many factors. The number, type, distribution, among other factors, of the sources of groundwater recharge which may be termed as water harvesting structures namely check dams, rivers, farm ponds, ponds and tanks is one such important factor that determines the quantum of recharge. Put differently, it depends upon the extent of recharge facilitated in a given area through activities such as watershed programme. For example, in the case of Ambaredi, there has been complete treatment of the entire watershed area (by VPST) with farm bunds, farm ponds, check dams and ponds, in addition to check dams across the entire length of the river Phophal (Table 6.5). In contrast, though Vithalpar also has undergone watershed treatment (by SSS), the check dams and other water harvesting structures are not as many as in the case of Ambaredi. There were just five check dams across the river Mahanadi and two ponds in Vithalpar as against Ambaredi‟s 43 check dams and 10 ponds. This is also corroborated by cropping intensity of Vithalpar at 146.7% (which is the average among study villages) as against Ambaredi‟s 171.9%. Jalsikka has a number of wells (29), three check dams and two ponds. It is also found that the scope for recharge is higher when the sources are available and hydrogeology is favorable. This offers more circulation of the rainwater (which may be termed as groundwater turnover), which is also reflected in the highest cropping intensity in case of Jalsikka at 225.4%, followed by Ambaredi at 171.9%. In addition, the number of pumping hours has undergone significant rise for Ambaredi, Vithalpar and Jalsikka almost in that order which indicates role of hydrogeology. The role of hydrogeology is quite conspicuous in all the cases; it acts as a limiting factor in the case of Vithalpar, Haripar, Kerala and Bella. Vithalpar has shallow overburden over sandstone while Haripar, Kerala and Bella have a shallow overburden followed by lithomarge and a saline layer over basalt as discussed previously. In this context, it is important to note that although the computations show lower rate of groundwater development, the local factors such as the hydrogeology and the quality of water need to be taken into consideration while declaring the stage of groundwater and
307
Adaptation, GW Recharge and Livelihood Enhancement
308
thereby categorization of zones. Quantum of recharge may not really relate with the stage of groundwater development especially in arid and semi arid regions, more so because of the extraction pattern. Cases such as Jalsikka may be able to achieve cropping intensity of 225% remaining in the safe zone, but villages such as Vithalpar may end up leading to overexploitation condition (98.91%) even with average cropping intensity of 146.7%. In view of the above discussion, it is inferred that there exists a complex relationship between factors related to recharge, extraction and use, assuming that all other factors remain the same.
It may be re-empasised that categorization of zones simply based on stage of groundwater development tends to be highly misleading.
For example, the report
(CGWB & GoG, 2005) does not indicate the presence of saline layer or saline quality of water in the aquifers of the study villages, Haripar, Kerala and Bella; the entire Wankaner taluka is missed out for its presence of saline quality water. In entire Rajkot district, only Maliya taluka is shown as salinity affected.
To sum up, the discussions clearly indicate that enhanced recharge due to a variety of actions taken by Saurashtra farmers has led to enhanced crop yields and thereby agricultural incomes. This has also been made possible by appropriate agrarian decisions by farmers in the form of types of crops to be raised corresponding to water availability, increasing area under irrigation, strengthening WEMs, and the combination of diesel and electricity WEMs, inter alia. Further, the chapter shows that recharge cannot be uniform in all the study villages; it depends upon other important factors such as the hydrogeology and depth to water tables. The stage of development and recharge do not correlate simplistically as the latter is a complex function of many factors. The chapter also shows that higher cropping intensity could also be obtained such as in Jalsikka even by remaining within the safe zone. Hence, the conclusion is that recharge and extraction of water should be balanced, and this balance varies from place to place, depending upon a host of hydrogeological and climatic factors. Adaptation techniques from the social domain and the groundwater recharge assessment help achieve this balance.
An Agenda for Water Governance Reforms
CHAPTER 7 SUMMARY AND KEY FINDINGS: AN AGENDA FOR WATER GOVERNANCE REFORMS Recalling the severe drought conditions during 1985, 1986 and 1987 (when the rainfall was 275 mm, 200 mm and 186 mm), Premjibhai Patel of VPST says that the farmers were quite desperate with no crops on their lands. Their agriculture and livestock economy has just disappeared. Scores of families migrated out of the district in search of employment.
Even the generally well-to-do patel farmers were affected severely.
Laljibhai Kalabhai of Haripar recalled that they used to go for any kind of labour in Morbi town while many went to as far as Mumbai too, some with families in tow in order to survive. During their trips on migration and return to native villages for the sowing season, some farmers observed that some run-off was generated during some (intense) rainfall events; it did not have much to do with the total rainfall but appeared to be part of the rainfall characteristic. Their state of desperation at this time encouraged them to divert the run-off water from their farmlands into their wells. This was the beginning of the recharge activity that got transformed into a movement; from simple diversion of water into wells, it progressed to include check dams and a host of other simple, innovative techniques.
The thesis has examined the efforts of the people from the frameworks of adaptation and socio technical approach as applied to groundwater, and the processes of the social movement. Adaptation had a two-pronged approach: one, by augmenting the capture and storage of water within the extant aquifer formations by means of recharge activities; two, farmers‟ choice of the use of water extraction mechanisms and the pipelines to cater to the irrigation needs of crops chosen approximately based on water availability. The latter forms the socio technical dimension of adaptation. The social processes led by
309
An Agenda for Water Governance Reforms NGOs aided in creating frames about social benefits that would accrue from recharge activity.
There are three sections in the chapter. Section 1 recapitulates the adaptive responses of the farmers to the water scarcity, their decisions on cropping, and investment on WEM and pipelines. Following this, section 2 discusses how lack of information with the farmers on recharge and stage of groundwater development at the village or gram panchayat level results in either missed opportunities or ecological degradation or both. Section 3 focuses on how the existing governance mechanism failed to strengthen the unique social movement around water that had built strong elements of participation, collectivism and vast social capital. The chapter concludes by highlighting the key aspects to be addressed to strengthen the water governance mosaic. SECTION 1 WATER SCARCITY AND ADAPTIVE RESPONSES: KEY DRIVERS IN SAURASHTRA RECHARGING MOVEMENT
Severe recurring water scarcity propelled action by some farmers for water harvesting triggering similar actions across Saurashtra; over the years this action has expanded in terms of quality, geographical spread and variety. This section deals with the core point of inquiry which is „what are the drivers for sustaining the Saurashtra recharging movement‟? There are many drivers that have contributed to the movement in different ways; for ease of discussion, we would classify and discuss them under the categories of water scarcity, local leadership, funding and non-funding support, social capital and the private institutions.
The uncertain climatic conditions (especially rainfall) combined with typical topography and hydrogeology (section 1, chapter 3) have created recurring water scarcity conditions for Saurashtra, often turning into drought spells. One such severe drought spell occurred during the years 1985, 1986 and 1987, when the rainfall was 275 mm, 200 mm and 186
310
An Agenda for Water Governance Reforms mm respectively151-about one fourth to one third of the average annual rainfall. Being a predominantly agrarian economy, irrigation security was of paramount concern to the farmers. Two decades ago, observing water running off their farmlands during one or two spells of rainfall even during severe water scarcity periods generated in some farmers the idea of diverting the run-off water into their wells. The returns from agriculture for such „water harvesters‟ compared to negligible returns for non-adopters provoked the others to adopt well recharging. The thesis has shown how committed individuals played a key role during the initial years by investing their own money, time and effort to promote the recharging activity, and building their own credibility along the way. Funding and nonfunding supports from textile and diamond businessmen, religious and spiritual institutions and industries not only helped consolidate the recharge activities but also experiment often successfully with new ideas (Chapter 3 & 7). Later, many of these leaders have „institutionalised‟ their work so as to bring in more transparency as well as leverage more funding. In addition, innovations introduced by these leaders based on their own experimentation as well as from other areas kept up the learning and improvisation process across Saurashtra (Chapter 3 & 7).
The focus around an individual farmer since inception received an opportunity to be integrated into area focus with the advent of the national watershed programme during mid-nineties. The local NGOs of Saurashtra have utilised the watershed programme to strengthen the foundations of the recharge movement which was more dependent and focused on the response of individual farmers. The individual response varied from village to village, in terms of number of responsive farmers and the variety of activities taken up. The watershed programme gave them opportunity for a village wise water management and land treatment; as part of water management, the NGOs have spent more than 90% of the total watershed budget for check dams and similar activities (Chapter 2). In addition, the local leaders and institutions have displayed capacity to work at a larger geographic scale by taking up contiguous watershed units covering many villages. For example, in Jamkandorna taluka, VPST has taken up watershed activity in 27 villages in a contiguous manner while SSS has treated 30 villages (including the study 151
http://www.rajkotdp.gujarat.gov.in/english-htm accessed 2 July 2007
311
An Agenda for Water Governance Reforms villages in both cases) together with parts of Phophal and Mahanadi rivers lying within the watershed areas leading to enhanced flows for enhanced periods during the year (Chapter 6). Water as a key driver Chapter 6 has shown how construction of a series of check dams along the river, and the land and water treatment as part of watershed activity in the study villages have resulted in increased certainty in the availability of water in the wells. The chapter has also shown how increased access to water has resulted in increase in area under the crops, the number of times the farm land has been put under crop cover in a year, and thereby enhanced income per household. It is also shown that the varying hydrogeological conditions in the study villages determine the quantum of recharge and thereby the water availability, cropping intensity and income. Availability of water does not automatically convert into access and use. Farmers of most of the study villages have decided to invest in WEM and pipelines to access the water; the quantum of water to be accessed was based on their reasonably good understanding of their local hydrogeology. However, there have been variations in this understanding and also actions in terms of extraction of groundwater leading to overexploitation conditions such as in the case of Bella, while villages Kerala and Haripar could succeed in limiting their groundwater extraction to within the safe category. All these three villages are located in more or less similar climatic and hydrogeological conditions as described in chapter 6. These three villages are vulnerable to contamination and overexploitation due to the presence of lithomarge and the saline layer beyond the lithomarge. Overextraction by some farmers is always a possibility as has happened in the case of Bella; Bella has reached almost 99% stage of groundwater development. Such a situation in these vulnerable villages results in a quick leap into critical category. The Chapter has also shown that in case of Ambaredi, access to larger quantities of groundwater compared to Haripar, Kerala and Bella was possible while still remaining within the safe zone due to favourable hydrogeology that allowed increased „turnover of groundwater‟ in the dry aquifers.
312
An Agenda for Water Governance Reforms The other key driver is the degree of participation of stakeholders that contributes to building up of the social capital. The key stakeholder group here comprises the farmer community. Section 2 of Chapter 2 has shown how the pioneering institutions across Saurashtra have mobilised people‟s participation through using framing strategies in combination with techniques of meaning construction through public discourse, persuasive communication and consciousness-raising. Further, as part of strengthening the movement, some leaders contributed relentlessly through print media and in the form of documenting innovations (section 4, Chapter 2), experiences and learnings, developing manuals, awareness material and related information to spread both knowledge and action (section 2, Chapter 2). While participation of research and academic agencies was minimal or negligible, the attempts of the state government to make use of the emerging people‟s „forum‟ of water harvesting by making changes in the SPPWCP, and a SJY was launched with well drafted guidelines, did not meet with expected degree of success, proving deficiency in implementation. The deficiency related to the favourable disposition of the local implementing bureaucracy towards people and participatory efforts (section 3, Chapter 3). On the other hand, the vision and commitment of the NGO leaders is reflected in their ability for co-opting influential and rich persons from the society with a philanthropic disposition on to the board of their institutions. They have used both their caste and personal influence to invite political powers (including the chief minister of the state) to participate and witness the social mobilisation processes; the number of large scale events in which these policy makers, bureaucracy and the politicians were invited as guests were meant to convey the success of their water harvesting efforts and the need for pro-people policy changes (section 4, Chapter 2). However, it is interesting to note that although the leadership employed caste for leveraging political and funding support, it was not used in the dissemination of the programmes or benefits, directly or indirectly. The „success‟ of a movement in terms of achieving its goal or objective(s) depends upon a combination of factors needed to make things happen. As discussed above, it is shown that in the case of Saurashtra recharging movement, the need, the committed leadership and institutions made this happen (Chapter 2). Unlike most of the movements, the
313
An Agenda for Water Governance Reforms Saurashtra recharging movement has not begun with any „slated‟ goal or objective(s). It has been spontaneous (Shah, 1998). Even as on date, there is no overarching institution or institutional mechanism that binds the various institutions and key actors that contributed to its success. In that sense, this movement is unique. At the same time, it is also important to recognise that the movement does not represent a picture of all villages responding uniformly and energetically. In spite of the fact that many local leaders, philanthropists, religious and spiritual institutions, politicians and industrialists supported actions and innovations to build up the criticality (Chapter 3), there are many pockets in Saurashtra where there has been lukewarm response, as also within a given village. However, the movement picked up because of the critical mass of farmers and critical number of villages participating in the movement around water (Chapter 2).
Another driving force has been the financial and non-financial support extended by the diamond and textile industrialists of Saurashtra who wanted to „do something‟ for their scarcity and drought prone region to reduce the adverse impacts of recurring water scarcity. The critical initial part of the movement was financially supported by them and later they institutionalised their fund routing. Many respected persons took over as local leaders and came in handy for these industrialists who could spare money and throw their weight for social mobilisation. These leaders include: (i) Shyamjibhai Antala, who was a journalist, and continued to capture and disseminate through media the experiences and innovations in the movement; (ii) Premjibhai Patel, an ex-businessman who delved whole hog into planting trees initially and expanded to recharge activity gradually; (iii) There were several other leaders such as Jayantibhai Raval of SSS, Odahvji Raghavji Patel of ORPAT Trust, Mathurbhai Savani of JLT, and institutions such as the Swaminarayan Trust, Swadhyay Parivar etc. All these and many others have provided the initiative and drive to ensure social mobilisation and build up to the social movement (Chapter 2). It is shown that the social capital generated was due to the exemplary behaviour, actions and innovations of these leaders and their institutions such as working without any remuneration by Shyamjibhai Antala, voluntary innovative village committees to establish transparency, equity and accountability by SJT, low cost and quality construction of check dams by VPST and SSS, and providing services of 20 JCB
314
An Agenda for Water Governance Reforms machines free of cost to villages for earth work (for tanks etc.) and construction of check dams for more than a decade by the SJT (section 4, Chapter 2). During the latter part of the two-decades of the movement, that is, from mid-nineties, the local leaders leveraged the watershed programme and implemented their ideas in a much more systematic and area focused manner in view of the assured funding. The watershed programme gave them an opportunity to spend more than 90% of the budget on water harvesting activities and add further value by demanding more participatory contribution of labour from people (Chapters 2 and 6 ). The area approach also gave more systematic and sustainable social benefits to the people (Chapter 6). RECHARGE ESTIMATION METHODS AND STAGE OF GROUNDWATER DEVELOPMENT
Chapter 5 discusses different methods of recharge estimations and the uncertainties arising due to a number of factors so much so that the choice of methods and the tolerance of discrepancy are best left to the individual country. In India, a 20% variation in the officially recommended methods of recharge estimations, namely WL & SY, and the Regression Method, is accepted. The CRU-NUT_MONTH method is used to show that it is a better method than the two government of India approved methods due to the fact that it uses the climate factors and provided related uncertainty factors are minimised (Chapter 5) . Since more than one method is recommended to compare results, the study shows that CRU-NUT_MONTH method, WL & SY and Regression Method in that order are preferable. However, given the constraints of data availability, quality and dependability, WL & SY method, already in vogue in India, is a practically useful method. CRU-NUT_MONTH method is particularly useful when data on water levels is not available or is not dependable.
The other important aspect that is shown is to estimate recharge at the level of a village using the primary groundwater draft, taking the study villages as examples (Chapter 5). The estimates have helped bring out variations in the quantum of recharge, and thereby the stage of groundwater development which vary from village to village as against a
315
An Agenda for Water Governance Reforms single figure for a taluka or a block. The chapter also helps identify the hydrogeological factors that influence the recharge, storage and extraction of groundwater for irrigation between the villages. Why village is proposed as a unit of assessment The Groundwater Resources Estimation Committee (CGWB and GoG, 2005) considers taluka/block as unit of assessment because both hard rock and alluvial areas are equally distributed in Gujarat, and presently, requisite data in respect of the watersheds or basins in the State is not available (CGWB & GoG, 2005). The thesis has considered village as a unit of assessment of groundwater potential and also address the issue of mismatch between aquifer and administrative boundaries.
When the term village is employed, it implies gram panchayat-the grass-roots unit of selfgovernment–expected to be a vehicle of socio-economic transformation in rural India. The latest Thirteenth Finance Commission has recognised the need for empowering the third tier (that is, the gram panchayat; taluka and district being the other two tiers) with adequate financial powers and authority (Shylendra & Rajput, 2009). For panchayati raj institutions (PRIs) to be effective and meaningful at the three levels, that is, village, taluka and district levels, it is essential to provide functional, financial and administrative autonomy (Oommen, 2009). Computerisation of accounts is actively sought and the state governments too have provided computers to the villages under different schemes. It is now mandatory for each State to spend 3% of the total budget on e-governance every year. The three-tier panchayati raj system visualises that every village becomes a republic and its own people participate in rural reconstruction. Management of water and, in particular, groundwater is extremely important in view of the frequently occurring water scarcity conditions152.
152
In his inaugural key note address to the workshop on Issues before the Finance Commission of India held at IRMA during December 22-23, 2008, Dr. Y.K. Alagh (ex-Minister of Water Resources, Government of India) called for a move towards district planning, which requires building village-level databases. He emphasized the need to move away from centrally sponsored schemes and stress the need for mobilizing resources by PRIs for development through best practices.
316
An Agenda for Water Governance Reforms Given the above context of decentralisation in which participation of citizens is given primacy for success of PRI, it is only appropriate that recharge estimation is made at the village, or gram panchayat level. Our rationale arises from two points of view: one, from resource governance point of view, and, two, from the groundwater potential assessment point of view. As part of the latter, we would also account for the popular debate related to mismatch between the aquifer and administrative boundaries.
The following are the reasons to justify village as a unit of assessment: [a] Village, historically, has been the smallest, well-established unit of operation. Today, the data is also available at the village or gram panchayat level. Several collectives/groups are formed and operate at village level for various objectives, including for natural resource conservation. Joint forest management committees, watershed users association are some examples. Often these collectives and the village institution are identical in practice. The village is a comprehensive unit, generally well knit, with inhabitants well informed about their own resources, problems and issues, and often with approaches for possible solutions. The cultural aspects play a key role for the transfer of data and information from one generation to the other (Chapter 7) and often strengthen collective action. Thus, strengthening of village water management would make a certain difference to overall village resource management and predominantly agrarian-based livelihoods. [b] At village level, data collection becomes easy as well established systems exist; records are generated at the village level (although maintained at the taluka/district level), that form the basis for all developmental works, such as for education, health, sanitation, agriculture, livestock and poverty eradication programmes. Even during disaster events such as droughts, floods and other calamities, village becomes a useful, operative unit. The village leaders (sarpanch, talati, panchayat members and others from civil society) are a veritable source of dependable information. This is evidenced by the fact that a majority of applied research, especially in social science, relies upon recall data by village elders to predict future trends and management decisions. The research methodology often includes questionnaire surveys (structured and unstructured) and people‟s perceptions. In all this, villages and the leaders representing them, that is, the village level officials or the „respected‟ local leaders comprise an integral part of source
317
An Agenda for Water Governance Reforms of dependable information. [d] The collectives at the village level are the most organised forms existing today and are the most primary stakeholders. However, many a time, clusters of villages come together to form federations. Such federations are helpful in taking care of the developmental needs of many villages, and often a taluka, or beyond, especially from ecological and environmental flows‟ point of view. This span of jurisdiction accords legitimacy to area or regional level sustainable resource management and thereby to livelihoods. This is all the more relevant in case of a resource like water. [e] Most of the government projects and schemes are implemented taking village as the unit. The 500 ha norm for micro watershed also more or less coincides with geographical extent covered by an average-sized village. Huge amount of data also gets generated at the village level, for example, through the most-widely implemented national watershed programme and the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee (MNREGA) programme. Groundwater assessment and boundaries153 issue To the question on mismatch between aquifer and administrative boundaries, we would consider the following reasons capable enough to blur the distinction: [a] Aquifers or water bearing formations exist with varying dimensions. The weathered zone for example varies in thickness and extent across the taluka significantly. It is relatively easy to identify such weathered zones, which would also help in quantification of irrigation and recharge potential. In basaltic areas too, including in the study areas, the small thickness of the weathered zone (or the overburden) is the source of water, which farmers dewater every now and then. [b] Importantly, the weathered zones often have hydraulic connectivity with water bodies such as rivers, streams and tanks, within limited radius. [c] At the taluka boundaries, certain amount of mismatch can occur; however, when we consider the basin or sub basin as the case may be for the taluka, then the impact of mismatch reduces. [d] The guidelines have provided for 5% of the total recharge for environmental flows. This in fact takes care of the flows that are supposed to be either 153
The EU SPP, Rajasthan Programme on Water Sector Reforms is carrying out a Villagewise aquifer mapping study for entire State. This is perhaps a pioneering effort for the country and goes to support the author‟s contention that groundwater management at village/gram panchayat level is key for strengthening integrated water resources management at river basin level.
318
An Agenda for Water Governance Reforms entering or leaving the village (and taluka) “boundaries”. [e] The guidelines provide for 15% allocation for drinking water and industrial requirements (5%) as per GWREC guidelines.
Having discussed the rationale on village as a unit of assessment, we would now discuss certain aspects related to decision making on water harvesting and use at village level.
SECTION 2 THE SAURASHTRA RECHARGING MOVEMENT: WATER GOVERNANCE AND THE MISSED OPPORTUNITIES
How much water can a given village harvest without affecting the downstream users? How does the quantum of water harvested compare with the rainwater potential of the village? How can we quantify the amount of water recharged and available for extraction keeping the stage of groundwater development under consideration? These are critical questions in any water harvesting activity. They are also critical for recharge practitioners-cum-users such as farmers to plan their crops and cropping pattern, remembering that soil moisture availability also helps in large rainfed areas of India. While these decisions are important from an individual household point of view, they are also important from environmental point of view.
The thesis has shown that Saurashtra recharging movement is not only an expression of people‟s concern about water scarcity in a drought prone region but also one that has demonstrated people‟s initiatives, ability and confidence to address one of their most persistent, fundamental problems, namely, water scarcity, by themselves. The study villages have demonstrated that although the movement has started as a simple dug well recharging movement, it has over the years assumed the form of an integrated, adaptive approach comprising innovative solutions that are simple, cost-effective and technically evolved and reasonably sound. However, the effectiveness of adaptation varied due to factors such as hydrogeology, and their own differential ability in terms of knowledge and strength which is reflected in the social benefits, differential income and other factors
319
An Agenda for Water Governance Reforms (Chapters 6 and 2). For good water governance, participation of all the key stakeholder groups, namely, the people, government, NGOs, research and academics is critical. The notable absence was from the governmental agencies and the research and academic institutions. In the case of Gujarat, the state government responded after a decade of the launch of the movement but could not succeed to the desired degree due to deficiency in implementation. There were also no longitudinal studies carried out that would have given us valuable lessons (Chapter 1).
How did the government miss out on making best use of the Saurashtra recharging movement? This section critically examines the “missing elements” that could have contributed to making the people‟s efforts to groundwater management into a more effective water governance model. The section will show that given the existing governance paradigm, the linkages between the governance arms of the government and the local water management approaches have been very weak; hardly any support was forthcoming in terms of either capturing the innovations or adding technical value available within their domain. The socio-technical effort to the extent possible was achieved by the movement NGO partners within their limitations and constraints.
Failure to keep pace with changing water governance needs This section discusses the various aspects related to failure to keep pace with the changing water governance needs. The foremost point relates to the inability of the existing water governance mechanism to adapt to changes quickly and simultaneously to the changing needs of the society. Beginning with deeply rooted views in the post-independence India, such as „governance is what governments do‟ (Iyer, 2007:18 in Ballabh, 2007), the current scenario is that of decentralised governance through panchayati raj institutions. The process of decentralisation still has a long way to go due to the complexity (political and practical) of relationship between the Centre and the states. Resource management, that includes water and water governance, also suffers from minimal progress. Issues of capacity,
320
An Agenda for Water Governance Reforms funds/revenue, accounting and accountability, administrative structures, etc. are still to be sorted out (Shylendra and Rajput, 2009)154. Notably, there has been a gradual change in the minds and thoughts of the some of the top members in the government bureaucracy that helped introduce so-called people-friendly progressive policies. However, the gap between policy pronouncements and implementation is still quite large. The decade of the nineties saw certain critical policy instruments such as the participatory irrigation management, joint forest management and watershed programmes aimed at encouraging people to participate in the government programmes. However, the concept of participation was never properly understood by the hierarchy down below (Parthasarathy Report, 2006) leading to a range of experiences, mostly mediocre, and, very few excellent, when government schemes are implemented. In this context, it is contextual to note some observations made by the Parthasarthy (2006) committee: (i) The most critical weakness of the watershed programmes in India is that they operated almost as if groundwater does not exist; (ii) The programme was the first attempt to move away from the purely engineering and structural focus to a deeper concern with livelihood issues; (iii) Monitoring was characterized by an obsession for utilising budget rather than outcomes, and accounting rather than accountability; (iv) Livestock not systematically integrated; (v) It continued with the supply-side augmentation with little attention paid to end-uses of harvested rain-water and precious little on the demand-side management; (vi) The government departments have not felt challenged to develop a problem-solving culture and practices marked by flexibility, pro-action, goal orientation and open-ended engagement with rural communities and potential resource agencies within and outside the government; (vii) There was no system of regular physical and social monitoring of the work being carried out in the field where thousands of crores155 of public money are being spent every year. Further, the report states that though excellent progress has been made in the research labs of the ICAR (Indian Council of Agricultural Research) and IARI (Indian Agricultural Research Institute) and universities‟ farms on evolving sustainable dry land agriculture practices-a most promising water management optionnothing much has reached the people‟s farms. Most of these observations, and more
154 155
As discussed in the 13th Finance Commission conference held at IRMA during December 22-23, 2008. 1 crore=10 million.
321
An Agenda for Water Governance Reforms herein are highly relevant even today. The Saurashtra movement in fact has addressed some of the critical shortcomings in the watershed programme. The proposed governance reforms should try and integrate lessons from not only the Saurashtra movement but also others such as from the watershed. Misplaced strategy Instead of strengthening the hands of the movement leaders and the NGOs, the government of Gujarat launched its own schemes with its own guidelines and departmental implementation, and later calling for people‟s participation that was more like an appendix. The schemes were not without political motives; political motives need not always be bad. The deficiency in implementation led to weakening of the movement fabric woven with heavy investment of time, effort and money by a number of committed leaders and institutions over a long period (section 3, Chapter 3).
In short, the Saurashtra recharging movement provided an opportunity to establish governance that had mechanisms, processes and institutions for citizens and groups not only to articulate their interests but also to act; most of the actors participated except for the government agencies. The shortfall was clear in terms of linking civil society actions with government policies, and far away from the concept of the integrated water resources management, a much desired holistic approach to address a complex water scarcity scenario as that of Saurashtra. People’s efforts and available technical expertise: The missing link While government departments are criticized to be pre-occupied with their own departmental priorities and being „out of touch with the people‟, local organizations and water management approaches that evolve in local contexts are unaware of the larger context (Moench et al. 2003). Research on important aspects such as response by the government to depleting water levels is done in isolation of the needs of the farmers (section 3, Chapter 2). The local agencies that promoted and sustained the Saurashtra recharging movement often lacked the technical expertise and updated knowledge to
322
An Agenda for Water Governance Reforms tackle problems related with Saurashtra hydrogeology and topography, groundwater recharge assessment or integrated area treatment approaches such as the watershed. Exploring favourable zones for groundwater exploration by mainstreaming recent research knowledge especially in view of the typical Saurashtra and Rajkot geology (section 1, Chapter 2, and section 3, Chapter 3) and sharing the information with the movement leaders for example could have made the movement more effective. Prior to launch of watershed programme, the movement was not area-focused but focused on individual farmers; although there were benefits accruing at individual level, the environmental benefits were at a much lower scale. The efforts of the NGOs to exploit the social capital generated during the previous years for the watershed programme testifies to the preparedness of the non-governmental actors. However, on the technical side, the Saurashtra movement fell short of mark. Examples among the study villages of these problems include lithomarge, saline layer in Haripar, Kerala and Bella villages, and sandstone outcrop in Vithalpar. Possible approaches to help the villages technically could include: [i] Detailed mapping of the overburden village wise so as to guide on well depths and diameters, and radial bores [ii] pumping tests to determine the safe yield from wells, [iii] identification of recharge zones based on remote sensing data by locating fractures and fissures, especially in view of the recent tectonic disturbances (section 1, Chapter 3). There exists a strong disconnect between the social capital generated around water through the Saurashtra recharging movement and the scientific knowledge that is available and can be explored in Saurashtra (section 1, Chapter 3). Effective use of sustainable dry land agriculture practices evolved by the ICAR and IARI by linking with local regional research stations and krishi vigyan kendras is also missing. Several crop combinations suitable to the local conditions are possible keeping with the water availability and soil conditions [iv] Harnessing surface water from the large number of small rivers flowing in radial directions due to the typical inverted-saucer shaped topography (section 1, Chapter 3). The movement has proved that it is possible to rejuvenate the rivers, enhance water capture in the river courses and complement the local groundwater for strengthening agriculture (Chapters 6 & 7) thus reducing climatic uncertainty (section 2, Chapter 5). This will be as against the conventional though technical belief that surface water conservation structures are not feasible, and thus not
323
An Agenda for Water Governance Reforms promoted. [v] Improved though not perfect, assessment of potential recharge and stage of groundwater at village level is quite easy (Chapter 5).
SECTION 3 AN AGENDA FOR WATER GOVERNANCE REFORMS
UN-Water (2008) states that decision making on water resources management has to involve all stakeholders to contribute to the „Integrated water resources management (IWRM)‟ process that promotes the coordinated development and management of water, land and related resources, in order to maximize the resultant economic and social welfare in an equitable manner without compromising the sustainability of vital ecosystems‟ (GWP, 2000). This is nothing but water governance that envisages the mechanisms, processes and institutions allowing plurality of both government and nongovernmental range of actors (UNDP, 1997) at different levels including the PRIs to work together. Improving the database Chapters 1 and 3 have shown that, in arid and semi arid regions, in particular, groundwater forms a very important and most dependent source of irrigation. Saurashtra‟s typical inverted topography and hydrogeology further demand improved ways of water resource management as historically areas such as Saurashtra have been traditionally devoid of surface water harvesting structures (section 1, chapter 3). Wells have had been the major form of groundwater extraction in Saurashtra from the usually limited overburden thickness (Chapter 3). Modern research of say past 50 years (although in the context of locating hydrocarbons) has found that the tectonic disturbances have produced several faults, both small and of regional extent (Bhattacharya et al. 2004; Pandey, 2000; Biswas & Deshpande, 1983; Rathore, 2001) as discussed in Chapter 3. Such lineaments would further enhance the groundwater potential if detailed hydrogeological mapping is done on a village to village basis in a systematic manner. The District Groundwater Management Studies (DGMS) already initiated (section 3,
324
An Agenda for Water Governance Reforms Chapter 3) should be prioritised to cover such priority talukas and villages so that a comprehensive taluka/district wise information and database is generated with village/gram panchayat as the base unit. As part of the DGM study, pilot villages/gram panchayats can be identified for detailed study wherein the water levels in wells are monitored on a year to year basis intensively for a five-year period (to take care of the periodicity of drought conditions). These water levels along with other data such as the groundwater draft for agriculture and other purposes could be used to estimate recharge as shown in Chapter 5.
It may be mentioned that the government of Rajasthan (neighbouring state of Gujarat) has adopted IWRM as its core strategy for implementation of the State Water Policy of 2010; the State is currently implementing an ambitious GP IWRM Planning and implementation in 11 districts as part of the European Union funded Water Sector Reforms Programme (EU SPP). The gram panchayat assesses its own water resources availability, estimates water demand, and plans for IWRM measures to reduce the demand-supply gap over a period of time. A key aspect is the convergence of funding sources both current and potential, irrespective of source of funding. This data from gram panchayats fills an important data gap in the current scenario. Water sector reforms allow improvement of all other water related data and infrastructure benchmarking for dynamic performance review and improved planning on a year to year basis. Linking action and research domains Absence of strong links between the Saurashtra recharging movement and the research and academic institutions is a crucial missed opportunity for the much needed water sector reform. There have been significant research findings from both government and non-governmental domains on recharge techniques and recharge processes. While the official research is more under controlled conditions, the latter occurring on the ground has almost no scientific rigour or data generated save for qualitative information (Chapters 1 and 3). It is therefore essential that strategies and systems are evolved to strengthen these linkages to enhance the quality of research and research findings so as to
325
An Agenda for Water Governance Reforms make them more effective and more useful for farmers, in particular, and to water sector stakeholders in general.
Integrated Water Resources Management The Saurashtra groundwater recharging movement can be termed as a unique innovative approach that has transformed agrarian based livelihoods putting into action the so-called integrated water resources management (IWRM), the core socio-technical action being the groundwater recharge. The study has shown that, similar to the localized groundwater draft, recharge too builds up water levels in localized areas, thus reversing the process. Here, the term „local‟ may well be taken to imply „village‟ level because all the measurements and computations relate to village. However, for meeting with sustainability and equity concerns as basic principles of IWRM framework, it is important that there is an area treatment (watershed approach as in the study villages), impoundment of volumes of water (check dams, ponds and farm ponds), and connectivity to the aquifers (check dams, subsurface check dams and a smaller overburden with a shallow hard rock as in study villages), and enough hydraulic pressure from the volumes impounded (rivers flow for several months). In the study villages, all these four basic conditions as exemplified in the parenthesis are found to be met with resulting in a continuous inflow into the wells. Further, the overall „efficiency‟ of the aquifer is also enhanced, as seen in the study villages, by repeated cycles of extraction and replenishment of groundwater through wells by households for irrigation (Chapter 6); the replenishment is facilitated by the impounded water in the check dams across rivers or streams flowing for many months beyond monsoon. Furthermore, due to general increase in the soil moisture (Chapter 5) over the years, the greenery everywhere has increased significantly, for example, in Ambaredi and other neighbouring villages covered under watershed programme. Put differently, the ecological resilience is put in motion, with the key indicator of flow of water for longer duration in a year being the major driver. The IWRM approach-in disguise on the adaptation canvas of the study villages is another missed opportunity confirming the disconnect of the academic and research institutions with the recharge movement.
326
An Agenda for Water Governance Reforms Capitalise on the social capital Laws, policies and guidelines without critical compliance of the user serve no tangible purpose. At the same time, it is noted that the bureaucracy that formulates these falls short of conviction to ensure compliance. The innovations and experiments that generally happen in the public domain such as the pani panchayat experiment by Anna Hazare, water harvesting and rejuvenation of river by Tarun Bharat Sangh under the leadership of Rajendra Singh and Saurashtra recharging movement (Chapter 2) have succeeded because of the social capital generated which is critical for equity, environmental sustainability and efficiency-the three basic principles of IWRM. The Saurashtra recharging movement has successfully created a mindset for recharge, and judicious use of water followed. The movement has also enhanced people‟s ability to cooperate on mutual and communal basis, to share knowledge, skills and experiences for individual and common good. The IWRM becomes more complete if the social capital is properly made use of to dovetail with the research gains by researchers and academics, and supported by policies and policy instruments designed from time to time. Empowering the community In the context of groundwater, if the farmers have an idea about the quantum of water that is getting recharged on a year to year basis, village wise, then the cropping decisions they make would bring more economic and environmental benefits. It may appear ambitious to recommend for recharge estimation by farmers in view of the complexity surrounding recharge estimation; however, as shown in Chapter 5, the primary groundwater draft can be estimated using the CRU-NUT_MONTH method when no data is available at local level. This month available on the net (http://www.cru.uea.ac.uk/) has data upto the year 2002 only. For computation of recharge for years beyond 2002, one can use long term average values and the corresponding rainfall. The implementation decisions from rabi (winter crop) onwards would be better for the same year, and sowing decisions for the following year. This of course requires some help from local educated youth, who can be trained. Similarly, if the water level fluctuation can be obtained by farmers with a little training, then the WL & SY yield method can be used to estimate the
327
An Agenda for Water Governance Reforms recharge. In Indian conditions, WL & SY method is relatively easy and can be computed (maybe using a simple MS Excel programme); the results may tend to be slightly on the higher side due to reasons described in section two of Chapter 4.
To sum up, it may be stated that there is no dearth of knowledge, experience or social capital; there is just the dearth of political will and leadership at governance levels. Decentralisation is a hugely required process set in motion across India, albeit slow, but real empowerment is imperative. The Saurashtra movement has shown that people are raring to go, especially because their livelihoods are at stake. We have a silver lining in an otherwise dark cloud.
328
References
329
REFERENCES
Adar, E.M. and Leibundgut, C. (eds) (1995). Application of tracers in arid zone hydrology. IAHS Publication No. 232:452pp. Agrawal, A., and Narain, S. (eds.). (1997). Dying Wisdom: Rise, Fall and Potential of India‟s Traditional Water Harvesting Systems. Centre for Science and Environment. New Delhi. Antala, Shyamjibhai (2001). Before the earth is doomed due to water scarcity.... Shabdved. April. Antala, Shyamjibhai (2003). The work of Shyamjibhai Antala in the field of water management: A Synopsis (unpublished note). Antala, Shyamjibhai (2008). Spiritual Value of Water. Unpublished Note. Athavale, R.N (2003). Water Harvesting and Sustainable Supply in India. Rawat Publications, Jaipur and Centre for Environment Education, Ahmedabad. Athavale, R.N, Chand, R and Rangarajan, R (1983). Groundwater Recharge estimates for two basins in the Deccan trap basalt formation, Hydrological Sciences Journal, vol.28, no.4, 12/1983, pp.525-538. Ballabh, Vishwa (2007). Governance of Water: Institutional Alternatives and Political Economy. Sage publications. New Delhi. Bandyopadhyay, Jayanta (2006). Integrated Water Systems Management in South Asia: A Framework for Research. CEP Occasional paper 09. Centre for Development and Environment Policy, Indian Institute of Management, Calcutta. Bert Klandermans (1992). Collective behavior and social movements. (Dutch) In D. van Kreveld en P. Glasbergen (eds.) Environmental education. Open University. Beven, K. and Germann, P (1982). Macropores and water flow in soils. Water Resour. Res., 18:1311-1325. Bhatt, M. S (ed) (2004) Poverty and food security in India: Problems and Policies. Department of Jamia Milia Islamia, Aakar Books, New Delhi.
References Bhattacharjee, B.K., (1983). Rainfall-recharge correlation: a method for evaluating potential groundwater. Improvements of Methods of Long Term Prediction of Variation in Groundwater Resources and Regimes Due to Human Activity (Proceedings of the Exeter Symposium, July 1982). IAHS publication no. 136. Bhattacharya S.N., R.V. Karanth, R.S. Dattatrayam and P.S. Sohoni, (2004). Earthquake sequence in and around Bhavnagar, Saurashtra, western India during August-December 2000 and associated tectonic features. Current Science, vol.86, No.8, 8-25 April. Biswas, S.K. and S.V. Deshpande (1983). Geology and hydrocarbon prospect of Kutch, Saurashtra and Narmada basin. Pet. Asia. J., No. 6. Biswas, S.K., (1980). Structure of Kutch-Kathiawar region. W. India Proc., 3rd Geological Congress, Pune. Biswas, S.K., (1987). Regional tectonic framework, structure and evolution of the western marginal basins of India. Techtonophysics, No.135. Bredenkamp, D.B., (1990). Quantitative estimation of groundwater recharge by means of a simple rainfall-recharge relationship, in Lerner (1990). Briscoe, John, (1999). Water resources management in Yemen-Results of a consultation. Office Census of India, (1991). District Census Handbook, Gujarat, Issue 1. India. Director of Census Operations, Gujarat 1992. CGWB & GoG, (2005). Report on Dynamic Ground Water Resources of Gujarat State (as of March 2004). Central Ground Water Board, West Central Region, Ministry of Water Resources, India, & Narmada Water Resources, Water Supply and Kalpasar Department. Gandhinagar. May. CGWB, (1982). Manual on Evaluation of Aquifer Parameters. Central Ground Water Board, Ministry of Irrigation, Government of India, New Delhi. CGWB, (1997). Groundwater Estimation Committee, GEC-1997. Detailed Guidelines for Implementing the Ground Water Estimation Methodology. http://www.cgwb.gov.in/ Documents/GEC97-Detailed_Guidelines.pdf CGWB, (2000). Guide to Artificial Recharge to Ground Water. Ministry of Water Resources, New Delhi. CGWB, (2004). Guidelines for Reappraisal Hydrogeological Studies, Central Ground Water Board, Ministry of Water Resources, Government of India. March. pp.109. Chand Ramesh, N. C. Mondal and V. S. Singh, (2005). Estimation of groundwater recharge through neutron moisture probe in Hayatnagar micro-watershed, India. Current Science, Vol. 89, No.2, July.
330
References Chiang, W.-H, W. Kinzelbach and R. Rausch (1998). Aquifer Simulation Model for WINdows. Groundwater flow and transport modelling, an integrated program. ISBN 3443-01039-3, Germany. Chokkakula, Srinivas (2001). The Man Who Planted Trees and Never Looked Back. Case study for IIMA-SRISTI collaborative project supported by FACO/FTPP. COMMAN (2005). Community Management of Groundwater Resources in Rural India: Research Report. British Geological Survey Commissioned Report CR/05/36N. Coudrain-Ribstein, A., Pratx, B., Talbi, A. and Jusserand, C., (1998): Is evaporation from phreatic aquifers in arid zones independent of the soil characteristics? Earth and Planetary Sciences 326, 159-165. CSE (2000). Diamonds are forever. Down to Earth, CatchWater, vol.2, no.4, August. Dave, Hiral (2005). Villagers in parched Saurashtra script water revolution. 21 May. De Vries, Jacobus J, and I. Simmers (2002). Groundwater recharge: an overview of processes and challenges. Hydrogeology Journal, (2002) 10:5-17. Dewandel, Benoît, Jean-Marie Gandolfi, Faisal K. Zaidi, Shakeel Ahmed and K. Subrahmanyam (2007). A decision support tool with variable agroclimatic scenarios for sustainable groundwater management in semi-arid hard-rock areas, Current Science, Vol. 92, No. 8, 25 April. Down To Earth (2002). Mandlikpur Water Harvesting Programme. Vol 10, No 2, June 15. Down to Earth (2004): Water in the wells. www.rainwaterharvesting.org/happenings/ water_wells.htm. Down to Earth (2008). 1999-2000 Drought. 27 February. Dubash, Navroz (2002). Tubewell Capitalism: Groundwater Development and Agrarian Change in Gujarat. Oxford University Press. Easterling DR, Peterson TC (1995). A new method for detecting undocumented discontinuities in climatological time series. International Journal of Climatology 15: 369–377. FAO (1981). Arid Zone Hydrology. Irrigation and Drainage Paper 37, FAO, Rome. Fine, Gary Alan (1995). “Public Narration and Group Culture: Discerning Discourse in Social Movements,” in Social Movements and Culture. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (eds). Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Gee and Hillel (1988). Groundwater recharge in arid regions: review and critique of estimation methods. Hydrological Processes, 2:255-266.
331
References Gee, G.W., Wierenga, P.J., Andraski, BJ., Young, M.H., Fayer, J.J. and Rockhold, M.L (1994). Variations in water balance and recharge at three western desert sites. Soil Sci. Soc. Am. J., 58: 63-72. Gee, G.W., Z.F. Zhang S.W. Tyler, W.H. Albright, M.J. Singleton (2004). Chloridemass-balance for predicting increased recharge after land-use change. Lawrence Berkeley National Laboratory, eScholarship Repository, University of California, Paper LBNL55584. Government of Gujarat (1992). Report of the Committee on Estimation of Groundwater Resource and Irrigation Potential in Gujarat Stat (1991). Narmada & Water Resources Department, Government of Gujarat, Gandhinagar. September. Government of Gujarat (1994). Integrated Plan of Sabarmati River Basin, Draft Report prepared by Gujarat Water Resources Planning Group, Gandhinagar, Gujarat. Government of Gujarat (1996). Development Indicators Gujarat. Socio-Economic Analysis Division, Directorate of Economics and Statistics. Gandhinagar. Government of Gujarat (1998). Report of the Committee on estimation of groundwater resource and irrigation potential in Gujarat state (GWRE-1997). Narmada & Water Resources Department, Gandhinagar. Government of Gujarat (2000). Statistical Outline of Gujarat 2000. Gandhinagar: Directorate of Economics and Statistics. Gandhinagar. Government of Gujarat (2001). Socio-Economic Review: Gujarat State 2000-2001.: Directorate of Economics and Statistics. Gandhinagar. Government of Gujarat (2002. Irrigation Potential in Gujarat State (GWRE 2002); Narmada Water Resources, Water Supply and Kalpasar Department. Gandhinagar. GoG. June. Government of Gujarat (2004). Report on estimation of Ground Water Resources and Irrigation Development Potential in Gujarat state-2002 (GWRE-2002). Narmada Water Resources, Water Supply and Kalpsar Department, Gandhinagar. Government of India (1999). “Integrated Water Resource Development: A Plan for Development”. Report of the National Commission for Integrated Water Resources Development, vol. I. Ministry of Water Resources, New Delhi. Government of India (2006). From Hariyali to Neeranchal: Report of the Technical Committee on Watershed Programmes in India. Department of Land Resources, Ministry of Rural Development, New Delhi. January. Guhathakurta, P and M. Rajeevan (2006). Trends in the rainfall pattern over India. National Climate Centre, India Meteorological Department, Pune, India-411005. National Climate Centre, Research Report No: 2/2006.
332
References Gujarat Ecology Commission (1994). Preparation of Taluka level Ecological Profiles by ORG. Vadodara. Gunderson, L.H, C.S. Holling and S.S. Light (1995). Barriers and Bridges to the Renewal of Ecosystems and Institutions. Columbia University Press, New York. Gunn, J. (1983). Point-recharge of limestone aquifers-a model from New Zealand karst. J. Hydrol., 61:19-29. GWP (2000), "Integrated Water Resources Management", Global Water Partnership Technical Advisory Committee, Background Paper no.4. Haase, P, Pugnaire, F.L, Fernandez, E.M, Puigdefabregas, J, Clark, S.C and Incoll, L.D (1996). Investigation of rooting depth in the semi-and shrub Retama sphaerocarpa (L) Boiss by labelling of ground water with a chemical tracer – J. Hydrol. 170 23-3. Hampson, Fen Osler, and Judith Repp (2008). Earthly Goods: Environmental Change and Social Justice. Cornell University Press. Hardiman, D. (1998). Well Irrigation in Gujarat: Systems of Use, Hierarchies of Control. Economic and Political Weekly, June 20, 1998, 1533-1544. Hendricks, Jan M.H., and Glen R. Waler (1997). Recharge from Precipitation In Simmers 1997. Hendry, M.J. (1983). Groundwater recharge through heavy textured soil. J. Hydrol., 63:201-209. Hodnett, M.G., and Bell, J.P (1981). Soil physical processes of groundwater recharge through Indian black cotton soils. The Natural Environment Research Council, Institute of Hydrology, England. Houston, J. (1990). Rainfall-Runoff-Recharge relationships in the basement rocks of Zimbabwe. In: Lerner et al. 1990. 271-283pp. http://anthro.palomar.edu/culture/culture_1.htm http://cgwb.gov.in/GroundWater/CGWA accessed 16 January 2009 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chipko_movement/accessed 06 July 2009. http://guj-epd.gov.in/epd_jyotijojna.htm accessed 17 May 2008. http://guj-nwrws.gujarat.gov.in/english/checkdam.htm accessed 6 August 2009. http://guj-nwrws.gujarat.gov.in/english/checkdam.htm accessed 6 August 2009. http://ibnlive.in.com/news/gujarat-diamond-workers-demand-fairer-share-ofsparkle/68481-3.html accessed 22 July 2009.
333
References
334
http://indiatogether.org/manushi/issue118/reclaiming.htm http://panipanchayat.org/accessed 06 July 2009. http://ponce.sdsu.edu/groundwater_sustainable_yield.html. http://www.asianlii.org/in/cases/INSC/1993/209.html accessed 6 August 2009.
and
http://www.ecolex.org/
http://www.business-standard.com/general/printpae.php?autono320640 accessed 17 May 2008. http://www.cru.uea.ac.uk/) http://www.gujaratindia.com/Initiatives/Initiative2(5).htm accessed 8 August 2009 http://www.saujaldharatrust.com/awarenessprog.asp accessed 23 Feb 2008. IRMA (2000). White Paper on Water in Gujarat. Institute of Rural Management, Anand. Issar, S., Passchier, R (1990). Regional hydrogeological concepts. In: Lerner D.N., et al. (1990). Iyer, Ramaswamy (2003). Water Perspectives, Issues, Concerns. Sage Publications, New Delhi. Jagannathan, P., H.N. Bhalme (1973): Changes in the Pattern of Distribution of Southwest Monsoon Rainfall Over India Associated With Sunspots. Mon. Wea. Rev., 101, 691–700. Jelin (1992). The making of social movements in Latin America: Identity, strategy and democracy, in Alvarez, S and Escobar, A (eds) (1992). Oxford: Westview Press. Jenson, Jane (1995). “What‟s in a Name? Nationalist Movements and Public Discourse,” in Social Movements and Culture. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (eds). Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Jogdand, P.G and S.M. Michael (2003). Globalisation and Social Movements: Struggle for a Humane Society. Rawat Publications. Jaipur and New Delhi. Johnston, Hank (1995a). “A Methodology for Frame Analysis: From Discourse to Cognitive Schemata,” In: Social Movements and Culture. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (eds). Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Johnston, Hank and Bert Klandermans (1995b). “The Cultural Analysis of Social Movements”. In: Social Movements and Culture. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (eds). Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
References Johnston, Hank and Bert Klandermans (eds) (1995.) Social Movements and Culture. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Joy K..J. and Suhas Paranjape (2004). Watershed Development Review: Issues and Prospects. CISED, Bangalore. Joy, K.J., Biksham Gujja, Suhas Pranjape, Vinod Goud and Shruti Vispute (2008). Water Conflicts in India: A Million Revolts in the Making. Routledge, New Delhi and U.K. Karanth, KR (1987). Groundwater Assessment Development and Management. Tata McGraw-Hill Publishing Company Limited, New Delhi. Karanth, KR (2004). Groundwater Assessment Development and Management. Tata McGraw-Hill Publishing Company Limited, New Delhi. Keermane, McKay and Narayanamoorthy (2006). The decline of innovative local self governance institutions for water management: The case of Pani panchayats. International Journal of Rural Management. Kitching, R., Shearer, T.R. and Shedlock, S.L (1977). Recharge to Bunter sandstone determined from lysimeters. J. Hydrol., 33:217:232. Kittu, N (1995). Status of Groundwater Development and Its Impact on groundwater Quality–An Appraisal In: Moench (ed), (1995) “Groundwater Availability and Pollution: The Growing Debate over Resource Condition in India,” VIKSAT Nehru Foundation for Development and Natural Heritage Institute. Knegt, Jan-Willem F and Linden F. Vincent (2001). From Open access to access by all: restating challenges in designing groundwater management in Andhra Pradesh, India. Natural Resources forum, 25 (2001) 321-331. Kommadath, Amita (2008). Estimation of Natural Groundwater Recharge, Section 7, Groundwater and Hydrogeology.www.fao.org/GTOS/doc/2008-meetTOPC11/ecv/ ECVT03-groundwater-report-v05.doc accessed 19 January 2009. Krishnan, Jyothi (2007). Enclosed Water: Property Rights, Technology and Ecology in the Management of Water Resources In Palakka, Kerala. PhD Thesis submitted to Wageningen University, Wageningen, the Netherlands. Orient Longman. Kulkarni, B. D (2003). Assessment of Climate Change in India and Mitigation Policies (eds Dash, S. K. and Rao, P.), World Wide Fund for Nature–India, New Delhi. pp. 62–71 Kulkarni, H (2005). Groundwater Overdraft: Perspectives and Impacts. In COMMAN, 2005. Community Management of Groundwater Resources in Rural India: Research Report. British Geological Survey Commissioned Report CR/05/36N. Kumar, Sujit and S. Mudrakartha (2001). Conflict and Conflict Management in Joint Forest Management (VIKSAT-AKF(I) Discussion paper). VIKSAT, Ahmedabad.
335
References Lanen, H.A.J. van (1998). Monitoring of groundwater management in (semi-) regions. No. 57, Studies and reports in hydrology. UNESCO Publishing. Lanen, H.A.J. van, A.H. Weerts, T. Kroon, and R. Dijksma (1996). Estimation of groundwater recharge in areas with deep groundwater tables using transient flow modelling. Proc. on Int. Conf. On “Calibration and Reliability of Groundwater Modelling”, USA, 307-316. Lerner, David N, Arie S. Isaar and Ian Simmers (1990). Groundwater recharge: A Guide to Understanding and Estimating Natural Recharge. Vol 8, International Contributions to Hydrogeology. Verlag Heinz Heise GmbH & Co KG, FRG. Lerner, David N, Arie S. Isaar and Ian Simmers (1990). Groundwater recharge: A Guide to Understanding and Estimating Natural Recharge. Vol. 8, International Contributions to Hydrogeology. Verlag Heinz Heise GmbH & Co KG, FRG. Limaye (1986). Groundwater recharge in volcanic terrain with special reference to basalt (Deccan trap) of India. Special report prepared for the Manual on Groundwater Recharge (ed. Lerner et al. 1990), 19 pages. Llyod, J.w. (1986). A review of aridity and groundwater. Hydrological Processes 1. Madhurkar, Uday (1997). Saurashtra‟s Rainmaker. India Today, 12 June. Martin-Rosales, W. Gisbert, J., Pulido-Bosch, A., Vallejos, A., Fernandez-Cortes, A (2007). Estimating groundwater recharge induced by engineering systems in a semiarid area (south-eastern Spain). Environmental Geology, vol.32, No.5, May. Pp985-995(11). Springer. Melucci, Alberto (1995). “The Process of Collective Identity,” in Social Movements and Culture. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (eds). Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Merh, S.S. (1995). Geology of Gujarat, Geological Society of India. Meyboom, P (1966). Unsteady groundwater flow near a willow ring in hummocky moraine. J. Hydrol., 4:38-62. Michael, A.M (1983). Irrigation: Theory and Practice. Vikas Publishing House, New Delhi. Mitchell TD, Carter TR, Jones PD, Hulme M, New M. (2004). A comprehensive set of high-resolution grids of monthly climate for Europe and the globe: the observed record (1901–2000) and 16 scenarios (2001–2100). Tyndall Working Paper 55, Tyndall Centre, UEA, Norwich, UK. http://www.tyndall.ac.uk/[accessed 25 June 2009.
336
References Mitchell, Timothy D, and Philip D. Jones (2005). An improved method of constructing a database of monthly climate observations and associated high-resolution grids. Int. J. Climatol. 25: 693–712 (2005). Moench M and Ajaya Dixit, Rathore, M.S, Mudrakartha S et al. (2004). Adaptive Capacity and Livelihood Resilience: Adaptive Strategies for Responding to Floods and Droughts in South Asia. Institute for Social and Environmental Transition, International, USA and Nepal. Moench M, (2005). When the Well Runs Dry but Livelihoods Continue: Adaptive Responses to Groundwater Depletion and Strategies for Mitigating the Associated Impacts, in The Agricultural Groundwater Revolution: Opportunities and Threats to Development, Giordano M, and KG Villholth (eds). CAB International and IWMI. Moench M, Elisabeth Caspari and Ajaya Dixit (eds). (1999) and S. Mudrakartha, M.S. Rathore, et al (contributing authors). Rethinking the Mosaic: Investigations into Local Water Management. Nepal Water Conservation Foundation and the Institute for Social and Environment Transition, Kathmandu, Nepal. Moench M., A. Dixit, S. Janakarajan, MS Rathore and S. Mudrakartha, (2003). The Fluid Mosaic: Water Governance in the Context of Variability, Uncertainty and Change. Nepal Water Conservation Foundation and the Institute for Social and Environmental Transition. Moench, M (ed) (1993). Groundwater Law: The Growing Debate. Proceedings of the Workshop on Water Management India's Groundwater Challenge, VIKSAT Nehru Foundation for Development, Ahmedabad, India. December 14-16. Mollinga, P.P (1998). On the waterfront: Water distribution, technology and agrarian change in a South Indian canal irrigation system (Ph.D. thesis) Wageningen Agricultural University. The Netherlands. Mousavi, S. and Rezi, V (1999). Evaluation of Scraping treatments to restore initial infiltration capacity of three artificial recharge projects in central Iran, Hydrogeology Journal, vol. 7, pp.490-500. Mudrakartha, S (1987). Occurrence and Movement of Groundwater in Deccan Traps. Groundwater News, Hyderabad. pp.28-29, 51-52. March. Mudrakartha, S (1989). Computation of Transmissivity from Step Draw Down Tests. International Groundwater Workshop IGW-89, Embassy of France held at National Geophysical Research Institute, Hyderabad, March. Mudrakartha, S (1993). The Groundwater Model Bill: A Critique. International Workshop on Water Management: India‟s Groundwater Challenge, Organised by VIKSAT Nehru Foundation for Development, Ahmedabad, India In: Moench, (1993) (ed). Groundwater Law: The Growing Debate. Proceedings of the Workshop on Water
337
References Management India's Groundwater Challenge, VIKSAT Nehru Foundation for Development, Ahmedabad, India. December 14-16. Mudrakartha, S (1999). Status and Policy Framework of Ground Water in India. VIKSAT Nehru Foundation for Development, Ahmedabad, India. Mudrakartha, S (2004). Ensuring Water Security through Rainwater Harvesting: A Case Study of Sargasan, Gujarat, India. Water Nepal, 11(1), August 2003-January 2004. Mudrakartha, S (2004). Problems, Prospects and Attitudes in Ensuring Water Security in Arid and Semi Arid Zones. Paper presented at Regional Workshop on Management of Aquifer Recharge and Water Harvesting in Arid and Semi Arid Regions of Asia. 27 November to 1 December. Yazd, Iran. Mudrakartha, S (2007). To Adapt or Not to Adapt: The Dilemma between Long-term Resource Management and Short-term Livelihood in The Agricultural Groundwater Revolution: Opportunities and Threats to Development (M. Giordano and K.G. Villholth, eds). Mudrakartha, S (2008). Adaptive Approaches to Local Groundwater Governance. IRMA Working Paper No. 204. Institute of Rural Management Anand, Gujarat, India. Mudrakartha, S (2008). Converting Calamity into Opportunity: Natural Resource Enhancement through Participatory Drought Relief Programme. Sage Publications. Mudrakartha, S and Shriprakashsingh Rajput (2009). Transforming Special Economic Zones: From Source of Land and Water Conflicts to Modern Medium of Empowerment (unpublished). Mudrakartha, S and Sujit Kumar (2001). Traditional and Modern JFM Institutions: Issues in Convergence. VIKSAT-AKF(I) Discussion paper. VIKSAT, Ahmedabad. Mudrakartha, S, and M P Madhusoodhanan (2005). Declining Water Levels and Deteriorating Liveihoods: Some Insights from ComMan Study Areas. In: COMMAN 2005, Community Management of Groundwater Resources in Rural India: Research Report. British Geological Survey Commissioned Report CR/05/36N. Mudrakartha, S, and M P Madhusoodhanan and J. Srinath (2003). Community-Based Management of Groundwater: A Case Study of Bhanavas, Samrapur and Nana Kothasana Villages of Satlasana Taluka, Gujarat, India. Ahmedabad, VIKSAT. Mudrakartha, S, Vijay Kaushal and Sujit G. Kumar (2000). Poles Apart? Conflict over Benefit Sharing between People and Forest Department under JFM at Abhapur Village, In: Astad Pastakia (ed.) (2008). “Locked Horns: Conflicts and their Resolution in Community Based Natural Resource Management”. Bangalore. Books for Change.
338
References Mudrakartha, S. et al (2004). Field Documentation of Coping and Adaptive Response toDrought in Gujarat. Ahmedabad. Study Report. VIKSAT Nehru Foundation for Development. Mukherjee, Aditi and Tushaar Shah (2002). “Groundwater Governance in South Asia, a Colossal Anarchy”-Water Policy Research Paper. IWMI-Tata Water Policy Program. Mukherji, A (2005). The Spread and Extent of Irrigation Rental Market in India, 1976-77 to 1997-98. Water policy Research Highlight, No.7. International Water Management Institute, Anand. Mukherji, A, Shilp Verma, Prabhat Rath (2003). Agrarian Transformation among Tribals: From Migrants to Farmer Irrigators. Workshop on Groundwater Socio-ecology of Asia: Governing a Colossal Anarchy. IWMI-TATA. 26 January. Mukherji, Aditi (2002). “Ground water Development and Agrarian Change in Eastern India”, (Comment). International Water Management Institute, Anand. http://www.iwmi.org/iwmi-tata accessed 17 July 2008. Mukherji, Aditi and Tushar Shah (2003). Groundwater Governance in South Asia: Governing a Colossal Anarchy, Working Paper No 13. IWMI-Tata Water Policy Programme, Anand. Munnich, K.O (1968b). Use of Nuclear techniques for the determination of groundwater recharge rates, Guide book on Nuclear techniques in hydrology, IAEA, Vienna, pp. 191197. Munnich, K.O. (1968a). Moisture movement measured by isotope tagging. Guide book on Nuclear techniques in hydrology, IAEA, Vienna, pp.112-117. Nagar, R. K. (2002). The Groundwater Recharge Movement in Gujarat: A Quantitative Idea of the Groundwater Recharge in Saurashtra and North Gujarat Regions – What Energized the Popular Movement? IWMI, Anand. Narain, Vishal (2003). Institutions, Technology and Water Control. Orient Blackswan. Navbharat Dainik (2003). „Mutthi unchera manavi ane jalrushi: Shri Shyamjibhai Anatala (Water Crusader-Shyamjibhai Antala); Jamnagar. 6 February. NCA (1992). Sardar Sarovar Project Benefits to Saurashtra and Kachchh Areas in Gujarat, Narmada Control Authority (NCA) publication no. 1/92 cited In: Cullet Phillips, (ed) (2007). The Sardar Sarovar Dam Project: Selected Documents. Ashgate. New, M., Hulme, M., and Jones, P. (2000): Representing Twentieth-Century Space-Time Climate Variability. Part II: development of 1901-96 9 monthly grids of terrestrial surface climate. J. Climate 13, 2217-2238.
339
References Omvedt, Gail (2003). Social Movements in Western India: Visions for the Future in Jogdand and Michael (2003). Oommen (1990). Protest and Change: Studies in Social Movements. New Delhi: Sage Publications. Oommen, M.A (2008). Conceptual framework for fiscal decentralisation to sub-state level governments. Paper presented at workshop on Issues before the Finance Commission: Empowering the Panchayati Raj Insitutions. December 22-23, 2008, Institute of Rural Management Anand. Pandey, Dhananjai (2000). Joint inversion of seismic and EM data for subbasalt imaging from central western part of India. Lithos Science Report 2000, 2 (March), pp. 133-136. Patel, A.S. (2002). Impact of Groundwater Recharge Activities in Saurashtra. International Water Management Institute, Anand. Patel, K.I., Chaudhari, G. B., Vyas Pandey, Shekh, A. M. (2004) Rainfall climatology of Gujarat state Journal of Agrometeorology 6: special issue. 252-257. Patel, Kinnari (2008). Gujarat diamond workers demand fairer share of sparkle. CNNIBN, July. Pellow, David N. (1999). Framing Emerging Environmental Movement Tactics: Mobilizing Consensus, Demobilizing Conflict Author(s): Source: Sociological Forum, Vol. 14, No. 4 (December), Springer Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/685078 Accessed: 23/07/2009. Perry, C.J, Rock, M., Seckler, D. (1997). Water as an economic good: a solution, or a problem? Colombo, Sri Lanka: International Irrigation Management Institute (IIMI). v, 16p. (IWMI Research Report 014 / IIMI Research Report 014). Peterson T.C. and Easterling, D.R. (1994). Creation of homogenous composite climatological reference series. International Journal of Climatology 14: 671–679. Phadtare (1998). Geohydrology of Gujarat state (with status of work carried out by the Central Ground Water Board upto August, 1988). Gandhinagar, Government of Gujarat. Phongpaichit, Pasuk (1999). “Theories of Social Movements and their Relevance for Thailand,” Position Paper for project on Social Movements in Thailand. Pidwirny (2006). "Actual and Potential Evapotranspiration". Fundamentals of Physical Geography, 2nd Edition. http://www.physicalgeography.net/fundamentals/ 8j.html. accessed on 6 March 2009. Pisharoty, P. R. (1990) Characteristics of Indian Rainfall, Monograph, Ahmedabad: Physical Research Laboratories.
340
References Planning Commission (2007). Report of the Expert Group on “Ground Water Management and Ownership”. Planning Commission, Yojana Bhavan, New Delhi. Ponce, Victor M. (2007). Sustainable yield of Ground Water. Potential and Pitfalls. IWMI-TATA Water Policy Program, Hyderabad, India. Preston, Christine (2000). Social Continuity and Change, and Social Theory. Society & Culture Association. Raghu, Sunil (2007). Odhavji Raghavji Patel: He remains a teacher despite clockwork run on success. www.livemint.com/Articles/PrintArticle.aspx accessed 26.3.2008. Raju et al. (2000). Role of Non-Economic Motivation. Unpublished research paper. Anand: Institute of Rural Management. Ramesh, R, and M. G. Yadava (2005). Climate and water resources of India. Current Science, v.89, No. 5, 10 September. Rao, Koteswara P, B. Rajendra Prasad, Prakash Khare and S. Raju (2005) Mesozoic sediments beneath Deccan trap cover for hydrocarbon exploration – Seismic refraction/wide-angle reflection studies. www.asiaoceania.org/abstract/se/58-SEA0970.pdf. Rastogi, A.K. (2001). Aquifer Flow Modelling by Numerical Simulation in Mahi Right Bank Canal Command Area, Gujarat, India in L. Elango and R. Jayakumar (eds), Modelling in Hydrogeology. UNESCO, International Hydrological Programme and Anna University, Chennai, India. Rathore, M. S. (1990). "Priorities of Research in Water Management in Water Scarce Regions: The Case of Rajasthan"(workshop report). Institute of Development Studies, Jaipur. Rathore, M. S., & P. Bhargava (2005). “Drought Preparedness: whose rationality counts?” for the national seminar on Drought Preparedness Strategies, at IDS, Jaipur, on June 30-July 1. Rathore, M.S. et. al (2003). “Groundwater Recharging in Saurashtra: A Community Effort towards Groundwater Management”, VIKSAT, Nehru Foundation for Development, Ahmedabad, October, 2003. Rathore, M.S. (1996). Community based Management of Handpumps in Rajasthan-A Search for an Alternative, Workshop Report No. 24, Jaiur, Institute of Development Studies. Rathore, M.S. (1997). Strategies for Managing Drinking Water Crisis in Rajasthan, Working Paper No. 086, Jaipur, Institute of Development Studies. Rathore, M.S. (2003). Pro-poor and Gender Sensitive State Water Policy-NGOs
341
References Perception on Water Resource Management in Rajasthan. Report. UNDP, New Delhi. Rathore, M.S. (2006). “Droughts and the State Failure: Unwilling to Learn and Unwilling to Distribute”. Water Nepal, Vol. 12, No. 1/2, Aug 2004-Mar 2006. Rathore, M.S. et. al. (1994). "Urban Water Supply in Rajasthan - Problems and Prospects", Economic and Political Weekly, August 27, 1994, pp. 2272-2274. Rathore, M.S., & R.M. Mathur, 1998. "Local Strategies for Water Supply and Conservation Management: A Study of Shekhawati Basin in Rajasthan", sponsored by IDRC, 1998. Rathore, Narpat Singh (2001). A Remote Sensing Analysis of the Recent Earthquake: Bhuj and Kathiawar Peninsula of the Indian Sub-Continent to Segregate into Island. 22nd Asian Conference on Remote sensing, 5-9 November. Singapore. Raval, Abhay (undated). The appearance of Ganges on the dry land of Khopala (in Gujarati). Shabdved. Special issue. April. Ahmedabad. Reddi Sankara, G.H. and T. Yellamanda Reddy, (2006). Efficient Use of Irrigation Water. Kalyani Publishers, New Delhi. Reddy, V.R. and M.S. Rathore (1993). "Bias in Social Consumption: Case of Residential Water in Rajasthan" Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 28, No. 32 and 33, August 714, 1993. Roy, Aditi Deb and Tushar Shah (2002). Groundwater Socio-Ecology of India. International Water Management Institute, Anand. Rushton, K.R. (1988). Recharge in the Mehsana Alluvial Aquifer, India. In: Lerner et al. (1990). Groundwater Recharge: A Guide to Understanding and Estimating Natural Recharge. Pp 297-312. Saksena, R.S. (1989). "Present Status of Groundwater Management in India and Perspective for Future", Workshop papers on Efficiency and Equity in Ground water Use and Management, (unpublished), IRMA, Anand, Gujarat, Jan 30-Feb 1. Sakthivadivel, R and R K Nagar (2003). Private Initiative for Groundwater Recharge: Case of Dudhada Village in Saurashtra. International Water Management Institute, Anand. Sakthivadivel, R. (2001). Artificial Recharging of Ground Water Aquifers and Ground Water Modelling in the Context of Basin Water Management in L. Elango and R. Jayakumar (eds), Modelling in Hydrogeology. UNESCO, International Hydrological Programme and Anna University, Chennai, India. Saurashtra Bhoomi (2002). „Saurashtra water conservation is not the proprietary domain of one or two individuals‟. Gujarati daily newspaper. 8 October.
342
References Saxton, K.E, Pullman, Patrick H. Willey and Dr. Walter J. Rawls. (2006). Field and pond hydrologic analyses with the SPAW model, 2006 ASABE Annual International Meeting. Scanlon B.R. and P.G. Cook (2002). Preface: Theme issue on groundwater recharge. Hydrogeology Journal, 10:3-4. Scanlon, Bridget R, Kelley E. Keese, Alan L. Flint, Lorraine E. Flint, Cheikh B.Gaye, W. Michael Edmunds and Ian Simmers (2006). Global Synthesis of groundwater recharge in semi arid and arid regions. Hydrological Processes, 20, 3335-3370 (2006). Wiley InterScience. Scanlon, Bridget R, Richard W. Healy, Peter G. Cook (2002). Choosing appropriate techniques for quantifying groundwater recharge Hydrogeology Journal (2002) 10:18–39. Seckler, D., D. Molden and R. Baker (1998). Water Scarcity in the 21st century. Water Brief no. 2. Colombo, Sri Lanka: International Irrigation Management Institute (IIMI). Seckler, David (1996). The New Era of Water Resources Management: From “Dry” to “Wet” Water Savings. Research Report 1. Colombo, Sri Lanka: International Irrigation Management Institute (IIMI). Seckler, David, David Molden and R. Sakthivadivel (2003). The Concept of Efficiency in Water Resources Management and Policy, in Water Productivity in Agriculture: Limits and Opportunities for Improvement in J.W. Kijne, R. Barker and D. Molden (eds), CAB International 2003. Shabdved (2001). „Why and how of Rainwater capture for recharging‟ (in Gujarati). „Bringing Ganges to the drylands of Saurashtra‟ pp27-32. Shah Nirjhar and Mark Ross (2009). Variability in Specific Yield under Shallow Water Table Conditions. J. Hydrol. Eng. 14, 1290 (2009); doi:10.1061/(ASCE)HE.19435584.0000121. Shah Tushaar, Aditi Deb Roy, Asad S. Qureshi, Jinxia Wang (2003). Sustaining Asia‟s Groundwater Boom: An Overview of Issues and Evidence. Natural Resources Forum, Volume 27, Issue 2, pages 130–141, May. Shah, Ghanshyam (2008). Social Movements in India: A Review of Literature. Sage publications. New Delhi. Shah, Tushaar (1998). The Deepening Divide: Diverse Responses to the Challenge of Groundwater Depletion in Gujarat. IDE-Ford Foundation supported „Irrigation Against Rural Poverty Research Programme‟. IWMI-Tata Policy School, Working Paper. Shah, Tushaar (2000). Mobilising social energy against environmental challenge: understanding the groundwater recharge movement in western India. Natural Resources Forum 24, pp.197-209.
343
References Shah, Tushaar (2005). “Groundwater and Human Development: Challenges and Opportunities in Livelihoods and Environment”, IWMI Shah, Tushaar (2009). Taming the Anarchy. Groundwater governance in South Asia. Washington, D.C.: Resources for the Future and Colombo: International Water Management Institute, 324 pp. Shah, Tushaar, Aditi Deb Roy, Asad S Qureshi, Jinxia Wang (2001). “Sustaining Asia‟s Groundwater Boom: An Overview of Issues and Evidence”, German Development Institute, International Water Management Institute (IWMI). Shah, Tushaar, and O.P. Singh, (2003). “Can Irrigation Eradicate Rural Poverty in Gujarat? IWMI-Tata Policy Program. Anand. Shah, Tushaar, David Molden, R. Saktivadivel, David Seckler (2001). Global Groundwater Situation: Opportunities and Challenges. Economic and Political Weekly, October 27, pp.4142-4150. Shah, Tushaar, Sonal Bhatt, R.K. Shah and Jayesh Talati (2008). Groundwater governance through electricity supply management: Assessing an innovative intervention in Gujarat, western India. Agricultural Water Management, Volume 95, Issue 11, November 2008, Pages 1233-1242. Shankari, Uma and Esha Shah (1993). Water Management traditions in India, Madras. Sharma Amrita, Archana Purohit, Kanhei Lal Dandsena and V Madhu (2005) “Scaling up without Loosing Quality and Impact: Lessons from Outstanding Watershed Programs in India”, IWMI. http://www.iwmi.org/iwmi-tata. Sharma, Abhishek (2002). Does Water Harvesting Help in Water-Scarce Regions? A Case Study of Two Villages in Alwar, Rajasthan. IWMI-Tata Water Policy Research Program, Anand. Sheth, N.R. (2009). Common Property as God‟s Resource. 15 April www.scribd.com/ doc/ 14240602/shethn050300 Cached. Shingi, Prakash, M, and V.N. Asopa 2002. Independent Evaluation of Check Dams in Gujarat: Strategies and Impacts. Centre for Management in Agriculture, Indian Institute of Management Ahmedabad. June. Shiva, Vandana (2002). Water Wars: Privatization, Pollution, and Profit. South End Press; ISBN 0-89608-650-X, 156 pp. Shylendra, H.S. and S.S. Rajput (2009). Issues before the Finance Commission: Empowering the Panchayati Raj Insitutions. Workshop Report 23. Institute of Rural Management Anand. July.
344
References Simmers, Ian (1997). Recharge of Phreatic Aquifers in (Semi-) Arid Areas. International Association of Hydrogeologists, No. 19, A.A. Balkema, Rotterdam. Singh, Chattrapati (1991). Water Rights and Principles of Water Resources Management, New Delhi, pp 55-57 quoted in Hardiman, 1998. Singh, Chattrapati (1992). Water Law in India. The Indian Law Institute, Bombay. Singh, P.K. (2009). Spatial Data Infrastructure in India: Status, Governance Challenges, and Strategies for Effective Functioning. Working paper 210. Institute of Rural Management Anand (IRMA), Anand, India. Sinha B.P.C, and Sharma, S.K, (1988). Estimation of natural groundwater recharge estimation methodologies in India. In: I. Simmers (ed.) Estimation of natural groundwater recharge. NATO ASI Series C, vol.222 (proceedings of the NATO advanced research workshop, Antalya, Turkey, March 1987. D. Reidel Publ. Co, Dordrecht. SJT (2001). „Marching towards Green Revolution through series of check dams by united villagers‟. Booklet (2001) published „by Saurashtra Jaldhara Trust. Surat. SLMT (1996). Dharatrupthi Crusade. Booklet published by Saurashtra Lok Manch Trust, Rajkot. Smathkin, V and M. Anputhas (2006). An Assessment of Environmental Flow Requirements of Indian River Basins. Research Report 107. International Water Management Institute, Sri Lanka. Snow, David A., R. Burke Rochford, Jr., Steven K. Worden, and Robert D. Benford (1986). “Frame Alignment Processes, Micromobilization, and Movement Participation.” American Sociological Review 51: 464-481. Sophocleous, M. (2004). Groundwater Recharge, in Groundwater, [Eds. Luis Silveira, Stefan Wohnlich, and Eduardo J. Usunoff], in Encyclopedia of Life Support Systems (EOLSS), Developed under the Auspices of the UNESCO, Eolss Publishers, Oxford,UK, [http://www.eolss.net] SSS, (2003-4). Brochure along with progress report and 100 case studies of farmers. Steenhuis, T.S and W.H van der Molen (1986). The Thorntwaite-Mather procedure as a simple engineering method to predict recharge. J. Hydrology, 84:221-229. Sunderrajan Krishnan and Tushaar Shah (2006). Indo-Gangetic Basin in India: Groundwater Issues Groundwater Governance Project, February. Swindler, Ann (1995). “Cultural Power and Social Movements,” in Social Movements and Culture. Hank Johnston and Bert Klandermans (eds). Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
345
References Tallaksen, M. Lena, and Henny A.J. van Lanen (2004). Hydrological Drought: Processes and Estimation Methods for Streamflow and Groundwater. Developments in Water Science, vol. 48. Elsevier. Task Force, (2009). Report of the Task Force for Diamond Sector. Ahmedabad. February 26. Reserve Bank of India. htttp:// rbidocs.rbi.org.in/rdocs/PublicationReport/ docs/TFF0603.doc accessed 22 July 2009. Taylor, Verta (1989). Sources of Continuity in Social Movements. The women‟s movement in abeyance. American Sociological Review. 54:761-75. Tewatia, Justice D. S., J.C.Batra, Krishan Singh Arya, Shri Jawahar Lal Kaul, B.K.Kuthiala (2002). Facts Speak for Themselves: Godhra and After. A Field Study. Council for International Affairs and Human Rights. Delhi. April. http://www.geocities.com/hsitah9/ facts_speak_for_themselves.htm accessed 22 July 2009. Thornthwaite, W.W., J.R. Mather (1955). The Water Balance. Publ. Climatol. 8(1). Thornthwaite, W.W., J.R. Mather (1957). Instructions and tables for computing potential evapotranspiration and the water balance. Publ. Climatol. 10(3). Tilala, Hiren and R.L. Shiyani (undated). Water harvesting structures: A Sustainable way for equity and income Generation. Phd thesis submitted to Gujarat Agricultural University, Sardar Krushinagar. ToI (2000). A few good men who made a difference in Y2K. Times of India. 31 December. Tully, Mark (2000). When in drought, help yourself. Times of India, Ahmedabad. 13 June. Tyler S.W., Chapman J.B., Conrad S.H., Hammermesiter D.P., Blout D.O., Miller J.J, Sully J.M. (1996). Soil-water flux in the Southern Great Basin, United States: temporal and spatial variations over the last 120,000 years. Water Resources Research 32:14811499. UNDP (1997). Governance for Sustainable Development. New York: United Nations Development Programme. UN-Water (2008). Status Report on IWRM and Water Efficiency Plans for CSD16. Uphoff, Norman (1986). Local Institutional Development: An Analytical Sourcebook with Cases. West Hartford, CT: Kumarian Press. Venkateswarlu (2005). Completion Report: Production System Resarch 1999-2004. Rainfed Agro-Ecosystem, National Agricultural Technology Project. Central Research Institute for Dryland Agriculture. Hyderabad.
346
References VPST (2007). Construction of Check dams- Experiences of farmers. 12 December. VPST (2007a). Impacts of check dams-A compilation by Premjibhai Patel. 12 December. VPST occasional release (2001). 11 March 2001. VPST occasional release (2005). 1 November 2005. VPST occasional release (2007). 7 July 2007. VPST occasional release (2007a). 12 December 2007. VPST, (2005). Occasional writings and release. VPST. 1November. Weber, Max (1946). [1922-23]. “The Social Psychology of the World Religions,” in From Max Weber, edited by H.H. Gerth and C.W. Mills. New York: Oxford University Press. Weber, Max (1958). [1904-5] The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. New York: Scribner‟s. Weber, Max (1968). [1920-22] Economy and society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology. Berkeley: University of Minnesota Press. WMF, (undated). Manual on Rainwater harvesting Techniques (English). Water Management Forum, Ahmedabad. Wood W.W. & Sanford, W.E. (1995). Chemical and isotopic methods for quantifying ground-water recharge in a regional, semiarid environment. Ground Water, 33(3):458468. World Bank & Government of India (1998). India-Water Resources Management Sector Review: Groundwater Regulation and Management Report. Washington D.C., New Delhi, World Bank, Government of India. World Bank (1992). Governance and Development. Washington, D.C.: The World Bank. Wuthnow, Robert (1987). Meaning and Moral Order: Explanations in Cultural Analysis. Berkeley: University of California Press. www.cgwb.gov.in accessed several times during 2007, 2008. www.fao.org/GTOS/doc/2008-meetTOPC11/ecv/ECV-T03-groundwater-report-v05.doc accessed 19 January 2009 www.gec.gov.in accessed 15.9.2006. www.resalliance.com
347
References www.saujaldhara trust.com/advantagecheckdam.asp accessed 23 February 2008. www.saujaldharatrust.com accessed 23 February 2008. www.wickipedia.org. www.wrmin.nic.in accessed 10 February 2009. Zimmermann, U, Munninch, K.O, and Roether, W. (1967). Downward movement of soil moisture traced by means of hydrogen isotopes. Geophy. Monograph 11, American Geophysical Union, Washington, pp 28-36.
348
