handout

Temporal Indexicals in Dhaasanac Sumiyo Nishiguchi Tokyo University of Science [email protected] Attitudinal Semantics Keio University September 3, 2013 Anand and Nevins (2004) and Anand (2006) claimed the existence of three kinds of Kaplanian monsters selected by different attitude verbs in Slave. This paper argues on the basis of the collected data of Dhaasanac, that a fourth type of monster exists that shifts temporal and person parameters but not the locative parameter.

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Three Types of Monsters

Kaplan (1977) claimed that indexicals such as I, you, here, now, and yesterday are directly referential, meaning that they should not change reference once their character, a function from contexts to contexts, is applied to contexts. Except in the case of direct quotations such as in (1a), no monstrous operator controls the character of the indexicals in its scope. (1) a. Baali said “I am an idiot.” b. Baali said that I am an idiot. Without quotation marks, an indexical I can refer only to the speaker or writer in (1b). Kaplan’s claim has prompted much debate on whether or not contexts can be shifted. Schlenker (2003) and Anand and Nevins (2004), among others, have argued that context shifters, referred to as monsters, exist in languages such as Amharic and Zazaki. Furthermore, Anand and Nevins (2004) and

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Anand (2006) claimed the existence of three kinds of Kaplanian monsters selected by different attitude verbs in Slave. i,i (2) a. [[OP∀ φ]]c,i g = [[φ]]g ,i b. [[OPper φ]]c,i g = [[φ]]g ,i c. [[OPauth φ]]c,i g = [[φ]]g

(Anand and Nevins 2004, Anand 2006, c: context, i: index, a: author, h: hearer, l: location, t: time, w: world)

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Indexical Shifting in Dhaasanac

2.1 Person Indexical I In Dhaasanac, the first person I in the embedded clause can refer to either the matrix subject Baali or the speaker. Even though, according to Kaplan (1977), I is an indexical that always refers to the speaker, in the Dhaasanac sentence in (3-4), the reference is optionally shifted by the attitude predicate say.1 (3) Baali kiey-e /ba:l´i kijie Baali say.3sg-past ‘Baali said {he/I} was

yaa{i/speaker} /yu{i/speaker} j´aa/j´ u: 1sg.nom/1sg.abs an idiot.’ √

deech. de:tS/ idiot

√

[ de se/ non-de se, for both yaa and yu]2 (4) Baalii kieye sure{i/speaker} -chu he ´ /ba:li kijie suretSu he Baali say.3sg.past 1sg.gen-pants copular hi konye. hi koñe/ resumptive pronoun eat.3sg.passive.past

jiet djiet fire

‘Baali said {his/my} pants were on fire.’ 1

Dhaasanac is a Cushitic language spoken by approximately 48,000 people in Ethiopia and Kenya (Lewis 2009). I thank Jackson Achinya for providing all the Dhaasanac data in this article. 2 Non-de se reading is difficult when the speaker is looking at himself on TV. In a situation when he is looking at himself on the mirror, both de se and non-de se readings are available.

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√

√

[ de se/ non-de se] 2.2 Indexical Shifting in Relative Clauses Some may argue that sentences (2-4) appear to be direct quotations, as in the case of (5). (5) Baali kiey-e /ba:l´i kiejE Baali say.3sg-past ‘Baali said “{I/he} was

“yaa/yu{i/speaker} j´aa/j´ u 1sg.nom/1sg.abs an idiot”.’

deech.” de:tS/ idiot

Direct discourse is known to be opaque to A’ extraction (Partee 1973, Recanati 1999, Schlenker 1999). However, the object extraction in (6)-(9) does not affect the reference of I in the relative clauses. (6) Ini giri Hassani kiey-e yu{i/speaker} /ini giri hasan kije j´ u: girl that Hassan say.3sg-past 1sg.abs dungeka he midhab. duNgeka h´e miDab/ kiss.1sg.past be beautiful

af gaa af ga: mouth on

‘The girl that Hasan said {Hasan/I} kissed is pretty.’ (7) Maa-ya Baalii /m´a:ja ba:l´i who Baali yu{i/speaker} j´ u: 1sg.abs

kiey-e New York ha kije ñu:jo:k ha say.3sg-past NY preverbal

gaa aargira? ga: a:rgira/ in see.future

‘In NY, who did Baali say {Baali/I} would meet?’ (8) Se giri Baali /s´e giri ba:l´i cow that Baali yiek-a he jIek´a h´e say.3sg-past be ‘The cow that Baali

kieye kiejE say.3sg-past badai. baDai/ lost.past said he assisted 3

yu j´ u 1sg.abs

dal-sie mui âalsIe mu´i give.birth-caus 3sg

to give birth was lost.’

(9) Se giri Baali (kiey-e) yu ´ /se giri ba:li kijie j´ u cow that Baali say.3sg-past 1sg.abs yie ka he bada-y. jIe k´a he baDaI/ comp 3sg be lost-past ‘The cow that Baali said he loved was lost.’

giel mui giel mui love say.3sg-past

2.3 Person Indexical You (10) Baali Hasan gee-y kieye kuun shelechu chu. ´ /ba:li hasan ge:j kiji-e ku:n SelettSu tSu/ Baali Hasan tell.1sg-past say.3sg-past you friend 1sg.poss ‘Baali told Hasan that he was his friend.’ (11) Maa /ma: person

giri giri that

Baali kieye kuun shelechu chu ba:l´i kiji-e SeletSu tSu Baali say.3sg-past you friend 1sg.poss

muy yiek-a mui jieka he say.3sg-past ‘The person Baali said (12) Baali sheelech-le /ba:l´i Se:letSle Baali friend-his

geer gaa midhab. ge:r ga: miDab/ stomach at good was my friend is nice (kind-hearted).’

gee-y Kuun geer gaa ge:j ku:n ge:r ga: tell.3sg-past you stomach at

yieka he midhab. jieka he miDb/ say.3sg-past be nice/good ‘The friend Baali said your heart is warm is nice.’ (13) Baali ko gee-y ´ /ba:li ko ge:j Baali you tell.3sg-past ‘Baali told you that you were

Kuun erleka deech. ku:n erleka di:tS/ you past stupid an idiot.’

Baali kiey-e Kuun (14) Maa-ya ´ /ma:ja ba:li kijie ku:n person-q Baali tell.3sg-past you ‘Who did Baali tell was smart?’ 4

’daale. âa:le/ wise

midhab miDab good

(15) Ame˜ n-gal Baali /ameNg´al ba:l´i every-people Baali ‘Everyone whom Baali

Itin itin you said

hi hinyas mui yiek-a, he yie’di-e. hi hinjas mui jieka he jieDie/ rp clever he say3sg-past have pass-past was smart passed the exam.’

2.4 Reportatives While only the verb say triggers indexical shifting in Amharic, Zazaki and Mats´es (Schlenker 1999, 2003, Ludwig et al. forthcoming, Anand and Nevins 2004, Anand 2006), it is not the verb kieye ‘say’ alone that shifts the context in Dhaasanac. Another reportative, fayam shiish ‘give news/report,’ shifts indexicals inside quotations (see (16)). These verbs of communication are the only context shifters in Dhaasanac, even though verbs of believing or hearing are known to shift indexicals in Uyghur (Sudo to appear). (16) Baalii ye fayam dugaa sidhe kieye ´ /baali je faj´am dug´a: siDe kijie Baali me news to brought say yaa{i/speaker} /yu{i/speaker} j´aa/j´ u 1sg.nom/1sg.abs

gaal yie die. ga:l jie dje/ them beyond pass

‘Baali reported to me that {he/I} won over them’ 2.5 Temporal Indexicals Yesterday and Today Moreover, the indexicals yesterday and today, which are not supposed to shift the temporal reference from one day before the utterance or the same day, obligatorily shift reference in the embedded clause. In (17), it is interpreted that Loya met Baali one day before the reference time of the matrix clause, that is, eight days ago. (17) Ram tiiya beeyetia Baalii /r´am ti:ja be:j´etia ba:l´i days 7 ago Baali

ye geey kiey-e je ge:j kije to me tell.3sg-past

Loya gefere mu{√i/∗speaker} l´oja gefere m´ u Loya yesterday 3sg.nom

hol hol reflexive

arg-e. arge/ meet.3sg-past √

‘A week ago, Baali told me that Loya met him yesterday.’ ( Loya met Baali eight days ago./*Loya met Baali yesterday.) 5

(18) Iny giri Baali kiey-e kulichala yu arge ´ /Ini giri ba:li kijie kulitSala j´ u arge the boy that Baali say.3sg-past today 1sg.abs see.1sg-past hi hi rp ‘The

yieka jieka say.1sg-past boy that Baali

gefere gefere yesterday said he met

ye dugaa yimie. jie duga: jimie/ me to come.3sg-past yesterday visited me yesterday.’

Yesterday and the first person plural also shift together in (19), and the verb agrees with the first person plural. (19) Hada lullee ram /hada lule ram girls all days

tiiya beeyeetia tiija be:jie:ti:ja 7 ago

nigeney lullee nigenej lule boys all

kieye gefere nyi af gaa ’dung’geka kijie gefere nji af ga: !dungeka said yesterday 1pl.nom mouth on kiss.1pl.past ‘All girls that all boys seven days ago said they kissed eight were pretty.’

he he be days

midhab. miDb/ beautiful ago

2.6 Locative Indexicals Even when other indexicals shift, the locative indexicals remain context dependent. This is illustrated in (20). (20) Ini giri ram tiiya /ini giRi r´am ti:ja girl that days 7 alla yu ´al´a j´ u here 1sg.abs

beeyeetia Hassan kieye gefere be:j´e:tia h´asan kije gefeRe/ past Hassan say.3sg-past yesterday

af gaa ’dung’geka he midhab. af ga: duNgek´a h´e miDab on mouth kiss.1sg-past be pretty

‘The girl that Hassan seven days ago said (in Nairobi) he kissed here (in Nairobi) eight days ago is pretty.’ If (21) is uttered in Turkana, alla ‘here’ only refers to Turkana even though the reference of the other indexical arge ‘yesterday’ is shifted by the reportative predicate. Hassan (21) Baali Nairobi gaa kieye Baali Nairobi at say.3sg.past Hassan 6

gefer-e meet.3sg-past

Hadoya alla gaa arge. Hadoya here at yesterday ‘Baali said in Nairobi Hasan met Hadoya here (in Turkana) eight days ago.’ 2.7 Fake Past in Simple Sentences Nishiguchi (2006, 2007, 2011) analyzed the “fake” past (Iatridou 2000) simple sentences in Japanese as indexical shifting. The implicit attitude is a context-change monster. When the speaker has found what was lost or just remembers what s/he has forgotten, the past tense is used even when referring to the future event. (22) A, koko-ni at-ta. oh here-loc exist-past ‘Oh, (the book) was here.’ (23) A, ashita tesuto-dat-ta. oh, tomorrow test-be-past ‘Oh, there is an exam tomorrow.’ (24) A, basu-ga ki-ta. oh, bus-nom come-past ‘Oh, the bus is coming (when it is still on the way).’ The implicit attitude functions as an operator FAKE that maneuvers the context time. (25) FAKE [[p]] = [[p]] 2.7.1 When Forgotten (26) Wargat kulichala gaali veere. /uargat kulitSala ga:li ve:re/ exams today people write-past/pp ‘There was an exam today (scheduled at 2pm. It is 10am now).’ (27) a. Yu /j´ u 1sg.abs ‘I will have

kulichala wargat kulitSala uargat today exam an exam today (as

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verene. verene./ write.fut I have kept in mind).’

b. Wargat /uargat exam ‘I had an (28) Berika /berika tomorrow ‘Tomorrow

kulichala kulitSala today exam today

ononya ononja be.past (which I

yu veren-e. j´ u verene/ 1sg.abs write-past have forgotten until now).’

ononya (he) ’dalmaat chu. ononja he âalma:t tSu/ be.past be birthday 1sg.poss was my birthday.’

2.7.2 Surprise (29) Kubu, muul /kubo mu:l oh bus ‘(While it is on

(he) ka’jiiy-e. he ka!di:je/ cop come-3sg-past the way,) oh, the bus came.’

(30) Kubu, wargat alla /kubu wargat ala oh book place

gaa ide. ga: iDe./ at stay

‘Oh, the book was here.’

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Analysis

While locative indexicals never shift, time and person indexicals do shift under reportatives in Dhaasanac. The shift does not fit into the three types of monsters previously identified. (31) Indexical-shifting in Dhaasanac: ,i [[OPauth,time φ]]c,i g = [[φ]]g

While indexical-shifting in Slave is limited to either shift-together (20a) or person indexicals (20b,c), temporal parameters also shift in Dhaasanac. A common property of Slave and Dhaasanac is that locative indexicals remain unshifted in the case of partial shifting. Are locative indexicals steadier than other indexicals? To answer that question, it is necessary to investigate indexicals in other languages.

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4

Oromo

In Oromo, the first person indexical shifts when embedded under the verb say and (33) and (34) are obligatorily de se.3 (32) Dubar-tia Hador-an bar-era jadi baredu dha. woman-the Hadora-nom met-1sg said.f be.past pretty ‘The woman Hadora said she met was pretty.’ (33) Kena-an ari gowaa dha iedh-e. Kena-nom I idiot past say.past ‘Kena said he was an idiot.’ √

[ de se] (34) Kena-an surr-en ko gubaat-e iedh-e. Kena-nom pants-acc my on.fire say.past ‘Kena said his pants were on fire.’ √

[ de se] (35) Yeroo Finfine ture-e Kena-an enyuun-an as-iti arga jedh-e. when Addis.Abeba he.be-past Kena-nom who.I here-exactly meet say-past ‘Who did Kena say he met in Addis Abeba?’ On the contrary to Dhaasanac, the temporal indexicals today or yesterday do not shift the reference under attitude predicates. (36) would become ungrammatical with the presence of today. (36) Muca-yyon guyyaa torb-aan dura (*haPa) dhunga-dh-eera iedh-e barredduu. girl-nom days 7 days ago-acc before today kiss-I-past say-past pretty ‘The girl that said she kissed seven days ago was pretty.’ Even though there is not yet data available on locative indexicals, it is sure that person indexicals shift in Oromo. (37) Indexical-shifting in Oromo: ,i [[OPauth φ]]c,i g = [[φ]]g

If the locative indexical does not shift, Oromo behaves similar to Slave. 3

I am grateful to Debala Tesfaye for all the data in Oromo.

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5

Conclusion

In Dhaasanac, contexts can be maneuvered with the presence of reportative predicates. Although locative indexicals never shift, the temporal parameter obligatorily shifts and agentive parameter optionally shift references under attitude verbs. This proves the existence of a fourth type of monster.

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Recanati, Francois. 1999. Oratio obliqua, oratio recta. Cambridge, MA: MIT. Schlenker, Philipe. 2003. A plea for monsters. Linguistics and Philosophy 26:29–120. Schlenker, Philippe. 1999. Propositional attitudes and indexicality: A crosscategorial approach. Doctoral Dissertation, MIT, Cambridge, MA. Sudo, Yasutada. to appear. Person indexicals in uyghur indexical shifting. In Bls36 .

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