principally Tagalog/Filipino, but the significant loss of the native language in the
... Nevertheless, second generation children are enrolling in Filipino language ...
1 Hopes and Fears: Language Revitalization in San Diego’s Filipino Community IVY DULAY
San Diego is home to approximately 114,000 Filipinos, slightly more than half of the Filipino population in Los Angeles. The majority is bilingual in English and one of the many languages of the Philippines, principally Tagalog/Filipino, but the significant loss of the native language in the second generation indicates that numbers alone will not accomplish the goal of language maintenance. Efforts to reverse language shift at the individual, family, and community level are directly affected by the status of Tagalog and its speakers, and the extent of institutional support that the language enjoys. Its status has been eroded by colonialism and conflicting language policies both in the Philippines and in the USA, and institutional support is limited. Nevertheless, second generation children are enrolling in Filipino language classes in a few high schools and colleges, attempting to revitalize the language in their families. The results of personal interviews and questionnaires administered to students who are studying Filipino and some parents reveal not only that language classes have successfully taught second generation children the language and the respect norms of Filipino culture, they also have fostered greater family admiration for and involvement in the educational system. Moreover, the impact on inter-generational relationships in the family has been profound because family members who share Filipino are able to express their emotions completely and accurately. Because of the group and individual rewards of bilingualism, including greater academic success, the Filipino community is working to establish more educational opportunities to learn Tagalog in the hope of preserving the language despite the much greater status, power, demographic concentration, and institutional support that English enjoys.
2 Sinimulan kong isulat itong papel sa wikang Pilipino dahil gusto ko lang ipabuhayin at pagaralan uli ang wika ng mga magulang ko, ang wika ng mga ninuno ko, ang wikang nawawala na. Mahalaga ang wika sa pagkakaintindihan ng sarili dahil may kaugnayan ito sa identidad at sa kultura kahit anong lahi kang pinagmulan. [Translation: I begin writing this paper in Filipino1 because I want to reclaim the language of my parents and my ancestors, a language that is being lost. Language is important for understanding oneself because it is intricately linked to identity and culture, regardless of the ethnic group to which one belongs.] There are many challenges to preserving the Filipino language: historical, political, economic, and personal. Since 1565, the Spanish, the Americans, and the Japanese have all changed the society and culture of Filipinos, changing their language in the process. In the 21st century, the members of the Filipino communities dispersed throughout the United States are losing the ability to speak Filipino. San Diego, home to approximately 114,000 Filipinos, is a case in point. Given the strong connection between language and culture, language has a major impact on bonding and conflict within families, and is central to their hopes and fears. Therefore, the questions that have guided this research are: What is the impact of the Filipino language on intergenerational relationships in San Diego? Have efforts toward revitalization of the Filipino language in San Diego been successful and have they had a positive impact on families? What is the future of the Filipino language in San Diego? To answer these questions, I observed three community sites in San Diego, attended two large local events and four meetings, surveyed three classes consisting of 10-17 students each, and conducted 16 interviews. I also interviewed seven
1
Filipino is the adjective used to describe people or things related to the Philippines; some use “Pilipino” and “Filipino” interchangeably. The letter ‘f’ did not exist in the original alphabet of the Philippines but was adopted during the U.S. educational reform in the Philippines in the early 1900s. In order to emphasize the American influence, “Filipino” will be used throughout this paper.
3 parents, four young people who were born in the Philippines but later migrated to the U.S., and five others born in the U.S. Finally, I collected data on Filipino demographics and language use from the 1990 and 2000 U.S. Census.2
The Socio-political Context of Filipino Language Loss The monetary and social capital connected with knowing English in the U.S. exerts pressure on immigrants to master English. Moreover, the variety of people coming from different countries means that the “pressure toward linguistic assimilation is all the greater because the country has few other elements on which to ground a sense of national identity”… and the “common use of American English has come to acquire a singular importance as a binding tie across such a vast territory” (Portes and Rumbaut 2001: 114). Given this reality, how can languages such as Filipino be maintained in the US? The answer must take into consideration language history and politics, and their effect on family language practices. Filipino in the Philippines The Philippines is a country comprised of many cultures and over 100 languages. The diverse indigenous Filipino cultures were influenced by the colonialism of the Spaniards from 1565-1898, American occupation from 1899-1946, and an interruption of this occupation by the Japanese invasion from 1941-1942. Although the country was granted independence in 1946, neocolonialism persists, as thousands of U.S. troops remain stationed in the Philippines. The combination of many languages and hundreds of years of colonialism has made the Philippines a linguistically complex nation. For example, during the American occupation, English was
2
I am indebted to Professor April Linton for her help with the Census data, and to Professor Ana Celia Zentella for the analysis, organization, and editing.
4 declared the national language and the Thomasites3, as the new American teachers were called, arrived to educate the Filipino people in their new language. Changes in national leadership frequently resulted in the development of new language policies. Beginning in 1937, “Tagalog” was declared the national language. Independence was achieved in 1946, and the national language was changed to “Pilipino” in 1961, in an attempt to incorporate aspects of the many other languages. In 1973, the “F” from the American alphabet changed the name to Filipino, and in 1987 the Philippine Constitution officially declared Filipino the national language. Many people still refer interchangeably to the language as Filipino or Tagalog and I follow that practice. Currently, three major languages, Tagalog/Filipino, Visayan, and Ilocano, are spoken throughout the Philippines, but Tagalog is the most widely spoken. The most recent language struggle began in 2006, around a proposed national policy entitled “Strengthening and Enhancing the Use of English in the Schools in the Philippines,” also known as House Bill 4701 or the “Gullas Bill”; it favored an English-only policy in the educational system. Its implementation would further devalue Filipino and lionize English, and its reception reflects the way languages and the language question remain colonized in the Philippines. Reactions to House Bill 4701 varied. The principal supporters of this pro-English only bill were from regions where Filipino is not the main language; its creators were primarily from Cebu, where Cebuano is spoken. They prefer monolingualism in the former colonizers’ language instead of a bilingual system that includes an indigenous language that is not their own. In contrast, many Filipinos in the U.S. did not support the legislation, because they fear and oppose English monolingualism in the Philippines. Several hundred people in the San Diego
3
The term Thomasites refers to newly arrived American teachers in the Philippines at the beginning of the U.S. colonial occupation.
5 region signed a petition to block the Gullas bill; their motivations include the fact that many signers have personally experienced the negative effects of language loss in their families. Filipino in the United States English has been the primary language of instruction in the Philippine educational system for many decades. As a result, a majority of those who emigrate from the Philippines to the US are English speakers, but most Filipinos also speak their native language. According to the US Census, Filipino ranks 4th in languages other than English that are spoken at home in the United States.4 Slightly more than half of the Filipino speaking population in the U.S. (51% =626,395) are located in California, which makes Filipino the 3rd most commonly spoken language in the state, following English and Spanish. In both the 1990 and 2000 Censuses, over 90% of California’s Filipino speakers reported that they speak English “very well” or “well”, indicating a high level of bilingualism. Upon arrival in America, jobs and education are primary concerns and failure can be devastating; immigrants from the Philippines soon learn that their success depends on how well they speak English. Therefore, many families avoid speaking Filipino languages if they know English because of the misplaced fear that holding on to the home language may hinder their success and that of their children. Cordova (2003) documents the different experiences of assimilation among the increasing number of Filipinos now residing in the United States, particularly differences related to the “generation of immigration; class; regional and language backgrounds; interracial marriage; urban, suburban, or rural experiences; and other complex factors” (2003: 338). These factors, in turn, affect attitudes towards language maintenance in the Filipino community, and towards Filipino identity. For example, some people from the 4
The Filipino population in San Diego totals 2,116,478 residents, 58% of whom are speakers age five and over who reported they spoke a language other than English at home; most of them also speak English well or very well.
6 Mindanao region of the Philippines do not identify themselves as “Filipinos.” They claim that since they are not considered Filipinos in the Philippines and speak languages that differ greatly from the national Filipino language, they see no need to select Filipino as their ethnicity on the census. Other factors, such as the transmission of cultural values, cut across the community and their interactions with others. For example, pakikisama, or the ability to ensure smooth interpersonal relations, is central to communication among Filipinos, especially in interracial/interethnic families. Those who honor pakikisama resort to speaking the shared language of English in the presence of a non-Filipino speaking member of the family. Consequently, as families begin to rely more and more on English for their communication, they sacrifice their Filipino language. Filipino in San Diego To know your culture, you gotta know your language. You gots to be culturally aware [sic]. I’ve always admired the Mexican culture. All my Mexican friends are bilingual and I’m like “Damn. It sucks for us, we’re only one-sided.’ Being a Filipino activist, I tried learning the language. It’s kinda hard. I’m trying to understand the culture and I know some of my culture can’t translate into English. –Michael San Diego is an ideal site to study the challenges to Filipino languages in the United States because of the large population of Filipino immigrants in the region, and their many second-generation children. Filipino emigration to San Diego County started slowly after U.S. occupation in 1899. The first wave (1903-1934) included Filipinos who arrived in San Diego during the early 1900s as U.S. government-sponsored students known as pensionados. However,
7 the U.S. passed regulations creating barriers to Filipino immigration, e.g. the Tydings-McDuffie Act (1934) limited migration to fifty people per year, while the Repatriation Act (1935) encouraged Filipinos to return to the Philippines. Racism against Filipinos before WWII in San Diego was rampant, e.g. Filipinos could not own property unless they were married to Americans (Espiritu 1995). The second wave of Filipino immigrants (1945-1965) included “war brides” who joined their American soldier husbands after World War II and Filipino men who had worked as stewards in the U.S. Navy (many live in South Bay communities). The third wave (1965-present) is comprised of professionals – many nurses and teachers – who left the Philippines for better opportunities; most are fluent English speakers and many live in North County (cf Espiritu 1995 for case studies). Despite proficiency in English, Filipino is spoken in the majority of Filipino homes in San Diego; in 2000, 90% of Filipinos in the county spoke either Filipino or English at home (the remaining 10% spoke another language), and of this group 64% spoke Filipino and 46% spoke English.5 As Figure 1 indicates, there are seven communities in San Diego where speakers of Filipino constitute between 5%-17% of the total population, and in two of them, Mira Mesa and National City, they constitute approximately one third of all those who speak a language other than English in the community. Because residents who speak Filipino at home make up more than 14% of the population of National City, Mira Mesa, and Otay Mesa, my interviews were conducted with residents of these areas. Furthermore, all of these areas offer Filipino heritage language programs in some high schools and elementary schools, an aspect of revitalization efforts that I address below. 6
5
Of the 113,466 Filipinos above the age of five in San Diego, 10% spoke a language other than English or Filipino at home. In this chapter, we focus on the 90% who speak either English or Filipino, but encourage future research on other Filipino languages.
8 Figure 1: Filipino speakers in San Diego: US Census 2000 Data (mla.org) Location and Zip Code
National City 92114 92139 91950 Mira Mesa 92126 Otay Mesa 92154 Ranchos Penasquitos 92129 Spring Valley 91977 Chula Vista 91910 91911 91915 Imperial Beach 91932
Total # of residents
English speakers
Speakers of langs. other than Eng. combined
Filipino Speakers
153,198
68,331
83,867
25,922
% spkrs of Filipino amg spkrs of langs. other than Eng. 31%
% of total pop. that speaks Filipino
69,272
39,840
29,432
10,560
36%
15.2%
41,832
25,411
1,421
6,139
4%
14.7%
43,633
29,488
14,145
4,223
3%
10%
52,000
35,579
16,421
2,575
2%
4.95%
142,439
65,906
76,533
6,753
9%
4.74%
24,497
14,932
9,565
1,148
12%
4.69%
17%
The Census reveals that the social background factors that determine Filipino language knowledge and use in San Diego are age, gender, education, income, and birthplace. Several of these are interrelated. For example, whereas 91% of the Filipinos in San Diego who are noncitizens speak Filipino at home, as do 86% of naturalized Filipinos, only 17% of the U.S. born speak Filipino at home. This is linked to age, since older residents are more likely to have been born in the Philippines. As the age categories increase, so does the likelihood that Filipino is spoken at home. Approximately 90% of those between the ages of 41-90 speak Filipino at home, but only 78% of the 5-12 year olds do. Education is also implicated and linked to age; only 35% of those enrolled in school speak Filipino at home, but between 69%-85% of those with high
9 school and higher education diplomas do.7 Higher levels of education result in higher income, which is also positively correlated with speaking Filipino. In 2000, those who spoke English at home earned $18,400, while those who spoke Filipino earned $19,050. These data all indicate that the Filipino language enjoys linguistic capital because of its link to higher education and income. Since the great majority are fluent bilinguals, Filipinos enjoy a “bicultural identity” (Cordova 19: 347). Of all the people who spoke Filipino at home in San Diego in 2000, 93% reported speaking English well or very well. Evidently, Filipinos are choosing to speak Filipino at home even though their English ability is high. Gender deserves special mention because of its relevance to family problems, discussed below. Not surprisingly, given the traditional role of females in child rearing and language transmission, Filipino females are more likely to speak Filipino at home than Filipino males, although both genders report speaking less English than Filipino. Approximately 8% more of the Filipino females, when compared to the males (68.5% vs. 61%), speak Filipino at home, and it may be that this difference between genders regarding language maintenance exerts pressure on the Filipino females of the second generation. We return to this issue after discussing the relevant literature. Espiritu and Wolf (2001) argue that the children of Filipino immigrants in San Diego become interested in their Filipino culture as they grow up, although this is not necessarily linked to the Filipino language. Using data from the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study (Portes and Rumbaut 2001) as well as surveys, focus groups, and interviews, Espiritu and Wolf analyzed the relationship between immigration and assimilation. They claim that “second-generation Filipinos move toward an ethnic rather than an American identity over time, but also conform to 7
In 2000, 73% of those with high school diplomas, 81% of those with a Bachelor’s degree, 69% of those with a Master’s degree, and 85% of those holding doctorates spoke Filipino at home.
10 forces of assimilation because they believe in the American dream and prefer English to their parents’ native language” (Espiritu and Wolf 2001:182). In contrast, my research indicates that whereas some members of the second generation perpetuate language loss by choosing English over Filipino, others support language revitalization by attempting to connect with their Filipino identity through learning the Filipino language. Because their “home language and culture [are regarded] as deficits rather than strengths” in the USA (Cordova 2003: 345), it is easy to understand why many second-generation Filipinos are raised speaking only English and show little interest in learning Filipino. Nevertheless, some young people see their native language as a symbol of identity and a reservoir of strength linked to their hopes and dreams, thus important to preserve. In order to predict the future of the Filipino languages in the United States, we need to understand the reasons for the sometimes conflicting language perspectives of children and their families, including “the relationship between language maintenance and educational achievement” (Cordova: 347). Most important are the significant connections between language and psychosocial adjustment found by Portes and Rumbaut (2001). Their surveys and interviews with 819 Filipino adolescents and 359 parents in San Diego indicated that levels of bilingualism can strongly affect self-esteem and intergenerational communication. According to their data, fluent bilinguals are the least embarrassed by their parents, have the least conflictive relationship with them, and are most prone to maintain friendships with co-ethnic children (Portes and Rumbaut 2001: 134). On the other hand, the rapid loss of parental languages unaccompanied by English fluency is associated with negative consequences, including poor self-esteem and a more common sense of shame re their parents’ culture” (2001: 133). For English-dominant children, there is greater likelihood to be embarrassed by parents, while limited bilingual Filipinos are more likely to clash
11 with their parents (2001: 133). Sadly, of all the Southeast Asians surveyed in San Diego, Filipino youth rank the lowest in knowing their parental language, and the highest in preferring to speak English. In other words, in Filipino families in San Diego, “children do not communicate with their parents in their native tongues” (2001: 125), and this is due to the pressures of assimilation and to the language the parents used during child-rearing – English in the U.S. Additionally, as is the case for all Asians, the mother tongues are “exclusively [spoken] at home, but suffer from lack of external support” (2001: 126). Portes and Rumbaut argue that “losing a language is also losing part of one’s self that is linked to one’s identity and cultural heritage” (op cit: 144). Thus, the shift towards monolingualism in English contributes to a growing distance from their parents’ bilingual culture, even though they may know English, and results in harmful “dissonant acculturation” (op cit: 126). The impact on young Filipina women is of major concern. About the academic and cultural pressures on females, Wolf and Espiritu conclude that “young Filipinas have higher educational aspirations, higher grades, and more academic demands on them from parents than do Filipino males, however Filipinas also end up accepting less and aiming downwards” (2001: 178). In general terms, Filipinas experience more family conflict, more depression, and lower self-esteem than do males because of the fear of gossip and their sensitivity to the “importance of family cohesion, unity, and loyalty” (2001: 179). But the role of language may be a critical antidote. Since females are more sheltered and more likely to stay at home, they are “hence more likely to retain their parents’ language” than males (2001: 140). Wolf and Espiritu found that knowing the Filipino language results in improved self-esteem, giving fluent bilinguals a “stronger sense of self” (2001: 181). This is extremely important because in both genders, depression and low self-esteem are inversely related to one’s cultural assimilation. Wolf and
12 Espiritu also discovered that a low GPA is related to higher depression rates and parent-child conflicts. Their research proves that middle class socioeconomic status does not necessarily translate into personal contentment for Filipino youth, especially when language loss leads to conflict with parents. Fortunately, in their research and interviews, Wolf and Espiritu discovered the “rapid growth of reactive ethnic consciousness among young Filipino Americans in San Diego” (Espiritu and Wolf 2001: 174). In order to explore this topic in San Diego’s Filipino community, I administered three surveys to 18 individuals, both males and females, from different immigration generations. Interviewees include seven first-generation Filipinos who immigrated here as adults to pursue more opportunities, four members of the 1.5 generation (those with some prior schooling in the Philippines), two 1.75 generation (individuals born in the Philippines, but schooled entirely in America), and five second–generation, U.S. born and raised Filipinos who have reclaimed their culture through language. (See Figure 2). Their experiences have helped me document the positive impact of learning Filipino.
13 Figure 2: Interviewee Characteristics Name
Birth place
Age at Arrival
Residence
Gender
Age
Occupation
Father’s Language
Mother’s Language
Fluent In
1st
Gener ation
Joanne
P
22
North County
F
49
White Collar
I
I
E, I, T
Nora
P
31
South County
F
61
White Collar
T
T
T, E
Jeff’s mom
P
30
Imperial Beach
F
58
White Collar
I
I
I, T, E
Geraldine
P
25
North County
F
56
White Collar
K
K
K, T
Bryan’s mom
P
36
South County
F
61
White Collar
I
I
E, I, T
Lina
P
21
South Country
F
44
White Collar
I
I
E, I, T
Mark
P
23
South County
M
67
Blue Collar
V
V
T, V, E
1.5
Gener ation
Katherine Christina Eric Joseph
P P P P
7 14 13 17
South County National City North County South County
F F M M
22 21 29 33
Student Student Student Blue Collar
T T T T
T T T T
E T T, E T, B
1.75
Gener ation
Bryan Michael 2nd
1 5
South County South County
M M
25 22
Student Student
I T
I, T T
E E
Marie
P P Gener ation USA
NA
South County
F
33
White Collar
T
T
E
Kayla Jeff Dan
USA USA USA
NA NA NA
South County South County North County
F M M
21 22 35
Student Student White Collar
T I T
T I T
E E E
Erica
USA
NA
South County
F
28
White Collar
T
T
E
*Most interviewees used the term “Tagalog” instead of “Filipino,”but some used both terms. P = Philippines E = English T = Tagalog
V = Visayan K = Kapangpangan I = Ilocano
B = Bicol
14 Parental choices and their linguistic repercussions Language loss is rampant in the Filipino community in San Diego. As noted above, the debates over language in the Philippines, compounded by the fear of ridicule, desire for acceptance, and the prestige and power of English in the USA, made many parents decide to not pass down their heritage language; some even enforced an English-only policy at home for the children. Many parents interviewed had experienced difficulty assimilating, and they feared their children would experience the same discrimination unless they spoke English only. One first-generation parent, Geraldine, justified her generation’s reasons for not teaching their children Filipino, i.e., “not because they’re not proud. They don’t want their children to suffer the way they did.” In her opinion, the “white environment” contributed to her decision. Even parents who could not speak it fluently stressed English at home. Joanne, another mother, mentioned that given her limited English, she sometimes has to “run out [of English] and go to Tagalog” but her children understand little, and reply in English. She lamented the fact that her daughter had not learned the language as a child; now it’s too late. Ruefully looking back, she said, “It would have been nice if they could understand [sic].” Sadly, few parents understood that being fluent in Tagalog need not occur at the expense of learning English well. Despite this lack of information and the pressures that stifle the transmission of Filipino, other interviews revealed that teaching Filipino has not completely disappeared from child rearing in San Diego. This is evident in the case of Jeffrey’s mom. She tried teaching her first-born daughter both “Tagalog and Ilocano,” although she stopped after six years, when other children were born: “We saw the difficulty with the first child and started talking to them in English.” This was a common occurrence and resulted in widespread passive bilingualism, i.e. typically, second-generation interviewees said they could understand their
15 parents’ language but did not necessarily respond in the same language. These non-reciprocal conversations contribute to language loss because the children get no practice in speaking Tagalog. However, Jeffrey’s mother’s relationship with her children began to change when her youngest son enrolled in a Filipino class. She said that they converse more since he started practicing the language. Making long car rides more enjoyable, the mother and son are able to connect by sharing their interest in the Filipino language. In this family and others, Filipino helps foster intimate family relationships. The few families that help children speak their heritage language at home mention the importance of fostering family unity in the US and the homeland. For example, Joseph, a new father, is teaching his children both Filipino and Bicol, because he wants his children to speak and understand his family’s Filipino languages. Although he is fluent in English, he prefers to use the Filipino languages to make sure that his daughter can communicate with relatives, and because she is learning English outside the home and at school. Another bilingual father, Mark, a former steward in the US Navy, also recognized that a special effort has to be made in order for a child to acquire the family language in an English speaking world: “to become successful you have to speak English,” but “there’s no problem for [children] to learn English kasi lahat na makikita nila ngayon [ay] nasa English” (‘because all that they see now is in English’). In his view, parents should help children learn Filipino because it is “more advantageous to learn your own origin [at home].”
Reversing language loss Parents may choose not to pass down the language, but some of their second-generation children are enrolling in Filipino language classes and reversing language shift in their families. Portes
16 and Rumbaut acknowledge that the decision to study Filipino “even when not required to do so reveals higher motivation” (Portes and Rumbaut 2001: 131); Cordova refers to such students as “born again Filipinos.” My survey of nine Filipino females and seven males studying Filipino at a local community college revealed that they felt their efforts were well rewarded, at home and outside the home. The majority of the students (11/16) were fulfilling a college requirement, but all of them had additional, more personal reasons for enrolling in the course. Katherine, for example, who experienced discrimination upon arrival in America, said, “It felt like I was unsafe and unable to speak a language so freely unlike when I was a little girl in the Philippines.” In high school, although Filipino classes were offered, she chose Spanish instead. Once in college, she realized she needed to understand more about her culture and enrolled in a Tagalog class. She had expected to “get a better command of the language, relearn it, improve speaking, writing, and reading,” but there were unexpected benefits, such as a “better sense of myself by knowing the language more.” Katherine explained, “I somehow felt more connected to the Philippines and the community. It was part of my identity.” She now attempts to speak Filipino at home, which encourages her younger sisters and brothers because “if I make mistakes it makes [my siblings] more comfortable.” Learning Filipino reopened communication between parents and children. “When I spoke to them in Tagalog after classes, they wouldn’t act surprised even though I haven’t spoken in Tagalog in so many years.” Like Katherine, the majority of the students surveyed believed the course had a profound impact on their relationship with their parents. These respondents wrote, “They take pride in seeing me learn my culture,” “we talk more at home,” “because I connect with their Filipino roots,” and “I feel like I can relate better to them.” Overall, the desire to learn the heritage language creates a closer connection and fosters shared understandings between second and first
17 generation Filipinos. The revitalization of the language also strengthens respectful transnational ties between the Philippines and US migrants, which is another source of pride. When describing a recent visit to the Philippines, Katherine recalled, “I think [knowing Filipino] totally changed their perception of me. My aunt even said, ‘It’s like you grew up here. You retained our culture and our values.” They knew I wasn’t fluent but because I was trying they would encourage me. Just seeing me try to retain [the language] gave them some pride.” The following section details the three leading benefits that result from reversing language loss, as experienced by most of the students: 1. Learning the Filipino language in public school settings encourages respect for the educational system and greater intergenerational involvement in the students’ academic life. Marie found that external support was critical for the maintenance of Filipino. Growing up, her parents were so busy at work that she was left to take care of herself and her little sister. Being Filipina only meant eating in a Filipino restaurant in National City. In junior high, she was surprised to learn that language was another aspect of Filipino culture, and one respected by the school: “I saw my language being expressed and being taught in a school system.” Encouraged by the school’s support, Marie became part of the very first Filipino class offered in San Diego at Bell Junior High School. At home, after she began to talk to her parents more and asked for help with her Filipino homework, she noticed that they no longer merely ensured that her homework was completed, but became more engaged with her work. The enhanced communication benefited other areas and activities. In another example, Kayla did not take her first class in Filipino until college, but she too found that the more she learned about the language and culture, the more her parents became
18 supportive as a result: “When I had questions about the language they were willing to help. [During class] I learned a lot about culture [like] the Passion of Christ. Then, when Easter came around, they [her parents] told me stories and we bonded.” A particularly important role is played by the teachers of the Filipino language, who serve as a bridge connecting the first and second generations. 2. Communication in the Filipino language allows parents and other native Filipino speakers to express their emotions completely and accurately. My interviewees corroborate what Portes and Rumbaut found, i.e., the immigrant families with bilingual children have fewer communication conflicts and problems. Obviously, if family members speak different languages, open and effective communication is hampered; family members feel less well understood and less effective, which creates more, and more intense, conflict. However, if the second-generation children know the Filipino language, the parents are able to communicate more easily in their mother tongue, contributing to a greater sense of comfort in the family. This allows the parents to exert their parental authority in the most relaxed way, instead of relying on their English speaking skills – which connote distance and outsider status. This is evident in the case of Christina, whose father died two years after she arrived in America as a teenager, leaving her non-English-speaking mother to take care of her and her brother. Her mother was unable to find a job because of her low proficiency in English, so family members in the Philippines told Christina, “Come back to the Philippines. You’re hopeless now [since you’re left] just with your mom” (interview). Christina learned the economic value of English and the role it played in diminishing the authority of the parents, ignoring the strength and unity that Tagalog provided for her distraught family unit. In another example, Dan’s case
19 proves that the loss of the home language can have very sad and damaging psychosocial repercussions. Dan’s parents favored an English-only policy in the household, and the children were English monolinguals, without even passive knowledge of Tagalog. When his mother was attacked by Alzheimer’s, she unconsciously reverted to her native tongue and her children could not communicate with her. Dan made the effort to learn Filipino so that his mom could more easily express herself and he could provide more comfort for her, replying in Filipino. Being able to speak Filipino also allowed children to help their elders with English in a non-threatening way. Eric, a former Navy man fluent in Filipino, remembers that when English-speaking Filipinos corrected the English of their elders, the elders would get upset. But when John corrected their English using Filipino language, they were receptive, because the in-group language communicates less hostility and superiority. 3. Communication in the Filipino language teaches respect norms expected in Filipino Culture. Because language communicates the deep and unspoken values of a culture, children who learn Filipino also learn to be Filipino in ways that reduce intergenerational tension and foster family cohesion. The very structure of Tagalog communicates the centrality of respect for elders, in its prescriptive rules of speaking regarding the way in which adults are addressed. Those who are older are addressed with forms that reflect the honor they deserve. Specifically, the honorifics “po” and “ho” are only inserted in sentences when addressing elders or strangers. Integral to Filipino culture, this is taught within the first week of Filipino classes. I observed some students who consciously addressed their Filipino language teachers using the prescribed rules, by asking questions like “Ano po ba ang homework namin bukas?” (What is our homework for tomorrow?) The two-letter word “po” implies respect when communicating between generations. Mark, the
20 ex Navy father mentioned earlier, tells of growing up in the Visayas region of the Philippines, where these honorifics are not used in colloquial speech. When courting his future wife who was from another area, Mario forgot to insert the “po” when addressing her parents and was immediately corrected. Since Filipino itself reflects important cultural rules, speaking the language communicates respect, which is well received by the adult community. One young man found that learning Filipino improved his dating relationships because he uses the Filipino languages to ease the pressure of meeting his girlfriends’ parents. Parents are impressed by his ability to speak Filipino, understanding that “[he] wasn’t showing off but giving respect to the parents.” The role of language in the transmission of respect and traditions was often mentioned by students who were studying Tagalog.
The Filipino Language and Filipino Identity Efforts at revitalization raise questions about the link between the Filipino language and Filipino identity: Does one need to speak Filipino to be Filipino? The majority of first-generation parents responded in the affirmative, but they also said, contradictorily, that it was not a requirement. The second-generation respondents were more likely to disagree. Even Katherine, who championed the fact that learning the Filipino language helped her connect with her identity, didn’t consider it a requirement in order to be Filipino. In her view, although not speaking Tagalog does reflect a loss, it is often not the fault of those who didn’t learn it. She argues that, “There are different sources of pressures encouraging someone not to speak [Filipino]. A part of their identity is missing because of those things. You can’t tell how much of those outside factors play a role.” Another interviewee, Bryan, was adamant about the lack of a definitive link
21 between language and culture: “We’ve seen some white people speak Tagalog fluently, but they’re not Filipino. It’s up to the individual to judge if they’re Filipino.” On the other hand, parents claim “If you’re a Filipino family, you should know at least minimal Filipino language.” The Filipino revitalization movement eases the division between generations on this issue by offering a practical way to join in the community, especially for Filipinos who feel little connection with their background. One teacher felt she provided a safe haven for Filipino gang members through inclusion and belonging in her Filipino language classes, replacing conflict with community. She helped them recognize the power of language to transform their behavior and way of thinking. For this teacher and several other first-generation immigrants in education and health fields, knowledge of the Filipino language gave them a job that involves and accepts their culture, and allows them to extend that acceptance to others. In these cases, language has done more than teach vocabulary or fulfill a requirement. It has improved relationships among and between generations, and created a positive sense of belonging to a worthwhile community.
The Future of Filipino in San Diego “There are already fourth generation Filipinos who are very hungry [to learn] about their Filipino language and culture.” –Salvador Idos, recently retired Filipino teacher Given the individual, family, and community benefits of having fluent Tagalog and English speaking bilinguals in the second and third generation, the importance of ensuring the vitality of Filipino in San Diego is obvious. Language vitality is dependent on three principal factors: (1) Demography (2) Status and (3) Institutional support (Giles, Bourhis and Taylor 1977). The census data make clear that the Filipino community in San Diego is large,
22 continuously growing, and effectively multi-lingual in the majority. But the loss of language in the second generation indicates that numbers alone will not accomplish the goal of language maintenance, unless immediate steps are taken to reverse language shift. Those efforts, at the individual, family, and community level, are directly affected by the status of the language and its speakers. The status of the Filipino language has been eroded by colonialism and conflicting language policies in the Philippines, and in the US, its status is further eroded by powerful nativist movements that discourage immigrants from teaching their children any language but English, and which eliminated bilingual education programs in California in 1998. Raising children in English only and teaching children in English only – in the Philippines and in the US- diminishes the status of Filipino and fosters language loss, with consequent negative repercussions for the self-esteem of Filipinos and for effective inter-generational and transnational communication. The Philippine government must support the Filipino language in order for Filipino to be perceived as important overseas, and the Filipino communities in San Diego should offer after school or Saturday courses in Filipino. Parents are more than willing to send their children, but economic pressures stymie the creation of such schools and widespread participation. Filipino cannot survive without both “intergenerational resilience” (Portes and Rumbaut 2001: 141) and external institutional support. The revitalization of the language is a community effort, in which the role of the schools and other powerful institutions is critical. In 2005, there were 13 high schools and three junior high schools that offered Filipino as a second language option in San Diego County; several hundred students availed themselves of these courses. Teachers say they cannot keep up with the growing number of students interested in the Filipino language, but very few teachers are being trained to do the job. Four universities and four
23 community colleges in San Diego also offer Filipino courses, but the University of California at San Diego is the only one that offers an undergraduate degree in Filipino (under the title of Language Studies: Tagalog). A new Master’s in Education with a Specialization in Filipino was launched at Alliant International University in 2006; a complementary program is in process at San Diego State University. Also heartening are the efforts of the Filipino American Educators Association of San Diego County, which organized the Filipino Language Movement in 2004 and successfully petitioned the state Commission on Teacher Credentialing to establish a California Subject Matter Examination for Teachers of the Filipino language. Religious institutions can also help reverse language loss, especially because many Filipinos are very religious; most are Catholic. In San Diego, however, it is rare to find any churches that provide services in Filipino, and most are infrequent. St. Michael’s Catholic Church in National City offers mass in Filipino on the first Sunday of every month, and Our Lady of Mt. Carmel Catholic Church has one annual tri-lingual service of English, Spanish, and Tagalog on Good Friday. A Protestant church, Grace Alliance, in National City, offers bible studies in the Filipino language. Another invaluable institution that can support literacy in the Filipino language is the public library; branches in Mira Mesa, Otay Mesa, Paradise Hills, Rancho Peñasquitos, Skyline Hills, and Rancho Bernardo offer “Tagalog” sections, albeit limited. These libraries should be encouraged to offer children’s stories in Tagalog, as well as films for adolescents, but budget cuts make such efforts unlikely. Finally, another indicator of external, institutional support for the Filipino language is the county government’s voting material in Tagalog/Filipino, available in several communities for the first time in 2004. Despite these efforts, the road to revitalizing Tagalog in San Diego is a long uphill struggle.
24 Conclusion: Language Revitalization to realize hopes and diminish fears Because of its rich history and diverse language background, the Philippines has experienced a complex language history and conflicting policies which affect Filipinos around the world. In San Diego, the emphasis on English by Philippine families can cause conflicting attitudes and the loss of Tagalog, despite the academic, social, and psychological benefits of fluent bilingualism. This situation has triggered an interest in revitalization among the second generation, who are eager to learn more about their Filipino culture through its language. But many parents fear their children will face the discrimination they suffered, so they adopt an English-only policy as protection, inadvertently contributing to family stress and children’s poor self-esteem, which affects their adaptation to Filipino culture and to the dominant society. However, parents are not solely responsible; they react logically to the message sent by the state English-only language policy, the elimination of bilingual education, and anti-immigrant violence. By working together to reap the benefits of bilingualism, San Diego’s families, schools, and community institutions can bridge the gap between generations and ethnic groups, promoting cultural sensitivity to improve the quality of life for all of its citizens, realizing their hopes and diminishing their fears. Filipinos are eager to do their share.
25 Bibliography
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