Inca strategies of control: a comparison of the Inca ...

Inca strategies of control: a comparison of the Inca occupations of Soras and Andamarca Lucanas Frank M. Meddens and Katharina Schreiber

The Late Horizon Inca occupations of two neighboring valleys in the south-central highlands of Peru are compared. The Chicha Valley, occupied by the Soras ethnic group, shows evidence of a marked Inca presence at all domestic sites, in aspects of architecture and cultural material. In contrast, the Inca occupation of the Sondondo Valley, occupied by the Andamarca Lucanas ethnic group, is readily apparent, but appears far less intrusive in domestic contexts. We suggest that the Inca presence was more pervasive in the Chicha Valley due to the greater resistance to Inca conquest on the part of the Soras, the consolidation of Inca authority over the Soras very early in the expansion of the empire, and the physical presence of Pachacuti in the Soras region. Se comparan la ocupaciones incaicas durante el Horizonte Tardío de dos valles vecinos en la sierra sur-central del Perú. A pesar de su cercanía geográfica, y de la semejanza de sus entornos culturales y ambientales previos a la conquista Inca, los Incas aparentemente utilizaron diferentes estrategias en cada valle. El valle de Chicha, ocupado por el grupo étnico de los Soras, muestra evidencias de una marcada presencia Inca en todos los sitios domésticos, en aspectos de la arquitectura y la cultura material. En contraste, la ocupación Inca del valle de Sondondo, habitado por el grupo étnico de los Andamarca Lucanas, es bastante aparente, pero se observa de una manera mucho menos intrusa en los contextos domésticos. Sugerimos que la presencia Inca fue más dominante en el valle de Chicha debido a la mayor resistencia a la conquista Inca por parte de los Soras, la consolidación de la autoridad Inca sobre los Soras durante una fase muy temprana de la expansión del imperio y por la presencia personal en Soras de Pachacuti. Inca Yupanqui . . . sent messengers to the Soras advising them not to take up arms against him, promising that he would not harm them; as they did not want peace with servitude, they preferred to fight in order not to lose their liberty. And so, together with others, they fought the battle, which — as those who remember it say — was hotly contested,

[T]he King went to the province of Andahuaylas . . . and he was there some days deciding whether to go and conquer the natives of Guamanga and Xauxa, or those of Soras and Lucanas; . . . he decided to go to the Soras. Leaving from there he crossed an unpopulated land that led to the Soras, who knew of his coming, and gathered to defend themselves.

F. M. Meddens, Pre-Construct Archaeology Ltd, England; [email protected] K. Schreiber, Department of Anthropology, University of California, Santa Barbara, California; [email protected] Ñawpa Pacha, Journal of Andean Archaeology, Volume 30, Number 2, pp. 127–166. Copyright © 2010 Institute of Andean Studies. All rights reserved.

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Ñawpa Pacha: Journal of Andean Archaeology Volume 30, Number 2

and many were killed on both sides . . . . Those who escaped being killed or taken prisoner ran away shouting warnings to their towns, where they took cover in their haciendas and, taking their women, they ran off and went, it is said, to a strong, steep rocky hill near the river Vilcas, where on high there were many caves and natural springs. At this fortress, out of fear of the Inca, there gathered many men with their women and children, provisioning themselves as well as they could. Not only were Soras gathered on this hill, but people from Guamanga, and the Vilcas valley, and from other places also joined with them, frightened because they had heard that the Inca wanted to be the sole lord of the people. Having won the battle, the victors enjoyed the fruits of their victory and the Inca ordered that they do no harm to the captives; rather he ordered them all released . . . . And when he went to Soras and found out that the people had fled to the fortress discussed above, he was very angry and he determined to lay siege to them; and so he sent his captains and soldiers to war against them (Cieza de León, 2a pte., cap. xlvii; 1985: 138–139 [1553]).1 . . . [A]s the Inca wanted very much to have control over those who were on the rocky hill, he went with his people to the Vilcas river . . . . Arriving at the fortress, he tried to gain the friendship of those fortified there, sending his messengers. Most of them laughed at these efforts, and rained stones down on the Inca. The Inca became very determined not to leave without inflicting punishment on all. . . . Those on the fortress were still determined to defend themselves, and the Inca surrounded them . . . . And in the end, lacking supplies, those who were in the fortress had to surrender, and were obliged to serve Cuzco like all the rest, paying tribute and supplying soldiers. And with this servitude they remained in the good graces of the Inca, who — some say — did not stay angry at them, and, to the contrary, provided them with supplies

and other things and sent them back to their homeland; but others say that he killed them all and that none escaped (Cieza de León, 2a pte., cap. xlviii; 1985: 140–141 [1553]).2

A

ccording to various historic documents, the Inca conquered the Soras and the two provinces of Lucanas (the Lucanas and the Andamarca Lucanas) during the reign of Pachacuti Inca Yupanqui in the mid-15th century A.D. While the documents treat the Inca conquest as nearly a single event, perhaps reflecting Inca oral tradition, and while the three groups are often treated as one in early Colonial documents, archaeological evidence indicates that the Inca occupation of these regions was markedly different. This paper compares two of the three groups, the Soras and the Andamarca Lucanas, in some detail, based on archaeological survey and excavations undertaken in the Chicha and Sondondo valleys, respectively, by the authors. While the Soras and Andamarcas seem to have been quite similar in many ways, the Inca consolidation of their control over them was quite different. We argue that the physical environment and available resource base were nearly identical in the Chicha and Sondondo valleys, and that basic subsistence strategies of the Soras and Andamarcas were very similar as a result. Both groups were similar in political complexity, neither being strongly centralized, but rather characterized by a series of larger towns and smaller villages. Yet the Incas expended a great deal of effort in reorganizing Soras settlements, adding Inca buildings to existing settlements, and establishing new settlements in the Chicha Valley, while in the Sondondo Valley they left minimal material traces at Andamarca settlements. The question we wish to answer is this: Why did the Incas undertake such different strategies in the two regions? This paper reviews the archaeology and ethnohistory for the Late Intermediate Period and the Late Horizon in each region, and then argues that specific historical circumstances determined the nature of the Inca conquest and presence in the respective territories. We begin by reviewing the evidence gleaned from historic documents.

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Meddens and Schreiber: Inca occupations of Soras and Andamarca Lucanas

Documentary Evidence

In the third category we have the two native chroniclers, Garcilaso de la Vega (1960 [1609]) and Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala (1980 [1615]). Garcilaso, half Inca and half Spanish, wrote of the Inca in his dotage while living in Spain. While his recollections of living as a child in Cuzco are somewhat reliable, his version of Inca history tends to be idiosyncratic and biased. The other native chronicler, Guaman Poma, lived much of his life in Andamarca Lucanas and he provides valuable testimony. He wrote his letter to the king of Spain in the early 17th century, long after the death of any eyewitnesses to the Inca conquest. However, his observations of the region are invaluable, as they are eyewitness accounts not based on the information of others.

The historic written sources that touch on the Inca conquest and occupation of the Soras and Andamarcas fall into three categories. In the first category we include documents written shortly after the time of the Spanish conquest, usually based on information provided by Incas and/or local informants. Here we rely primarily on Pedro de Cieza de León, who traveled through much of Tawantinsuyu, recording both his own observations and those of people he interviewed, and Juan Diez de Betanzos, who married a wife of the slain emperor Atahuallpa. Much of Diez de Betanzos’ writings may reflect the point of view of his wife’s kin group, Capac ayllu, the panaca of Thupa Inca Yupanqui (Mannheim 2008: 187). Both Cieza de León and Diez de Betanzos specifically address the initial Inca conquest of the Soras and Andamarcas. In the second category, we include Colonial documents written in the mid- to late-16th century, such as the historical overviews of Sarmiento de Gamboa (1965 [1572]) and Cabello Valboa (1951 [1586]). Especially useful are the Relaciones Geográficas, including three visitas of 1586 providing answers to extensive questionnaires about each region and its history. By the 1580s the Soras, Andamarca Lucanas, and Lucanas had been combined into a single administrative unit, a corregimiento, whose extent, until recently, approximated the limits of the modern Province of Lucanas, in the Department of Ayacucho. (In 1986 the Chicha Valley seceded from Lucanas and formed a new province, Sucre.) Its chief administrator (corregidor), Luis de Monzón, undertook the visitas to all three regions, thus providing us with a useful and relatively reliable comparison among them (Monzón 1965a, 1965b, 1965c [1586]). These documents provide information on local history, including what the people recalled about events before and during the Inca occupation. Finally, the writings of the Spanish cleric, Cristóbal de Albornoz, who was charged with punishing practitioners of the Taki Onqoy cult and destroying local religious shrines in this region between 1569 and 1584, provide us with valuable information regarding the sacred landscape of the region (Albornoz 1967 [1585], 1990 [1584]).

The Inca conquest of the Soras, Andamarca Lucanas, and Lucanas According to the most reliable sources, the Inca expansion began with the conquests of Pachacuti (Rowe 1946: 203–206). He had defeated the Chankas, a group whose home territory was in the area of Andahuaylas (Bauer et al. 2010), when they attacked Cuzco and failed in their attempt to subjugate the Inca.3 After spending some years rebuilding Cuzco, Pachacuti decided to embark on a military mission of conquest to expand his area of control. According to Cieza (as quoted above), he went to Andahuaylas and spent some time there trying to decide whether to attack the Soras and Lucanas, to the west, or the people of Guamanga and Xauxa, to the north; he finally settled on Soras (Figure 1). Pachacuti had announced his intentions to his allies some three months earlier, giving them time to raise the 100,000 soldiers he needed for his army, so the various ethnic groups outside the Cuzco area had ample warning that they were in danger of attack (Betanzos 1996: 81 –83 [1557]). Diez de Betanzos reports that the Inca asked if people beyond Andahuaylas had heard of his coming, and was told, yes, that there was a province called Soras, and beyond it two provinces called Lucanas, that were very populous. They were stocking up on weapons, and had amassed a large number of warriors.

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Xauxa

ANTISUYO Guamanga

Vilcas Guaman

Pisco

Andahuaylas Hatun Soras

Apcara

Ica

Cuzco

Hatun Lucanas Nasca

0

50

100

CONDESUYO

Acarí

kilometers KS 2010

Figure 1. Map of southern Peru showing the locations of places named in the text.

When the Inca heard this news, he said he was very pleased to have heard what they were saying. This confirmed that his excursion had not been in vain. And he asked them which one of those lords of those provinces was the one who had called that assembly. They told him that it was the lords of the Soras, and he answered them that it was well for them to guide his camp in that direction (Betanzos 1996: 85 [1557]).

the escape to the mountain redoubt after the battle, and the Inca laying siege to it. According to Cieza, the Soras were joined there by people from Vilcas and Guamanga, who also feared the Inca, but no mention is made of the Andamarcas or Lucanas taking refuge there with them (Cieza de León, as quoted above). These accounts beg the question: Were the Lucanas and Andamarca Lucanas physically involved in the battle against the Incas? Both Cieza and Betanzos mention them in the events leading up to the battle, but only the Soras are named in descriptions of the battle and the subsequent siege. Once the Inca left Andahuaylas and headed in the direction of Soras, word could have quickly reached the Soras, and runners could have alerted at least their nearer neighbors, the Andamarcas, to come to their aid. While it is possible that the chroniclers simply

As for the battle, Diez de Betanzos tells us only that Pachacuti divided his forces and attacked from all sides, quickly defeating the Soras, and capturing all the lords of the towns and provinces (Betanzos 1996: 86 [1557]). Cieza provides more detail, telling the tale of

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used “Soras” as a proxy term for all three groups, they did distinguish between the Soras and Lucanas in describing earlier events. Cabello Valboa makes a clear distinction between Lucanas and Soras, and he states that after the Soras’ brutal defeat, the Lucanas (presumably including the Andamarca Lucanas) surrendered without a fight (1951: 304 [1586]). Sarmiento, on the other hand, refers only to the Soras in his account of Pachacuti’s conquests (1965: 240 [1572]). It is not unlikely that the surrender of the Andamarcas and Lucanas came at the time of the defeat of the Soras, even if they were not involved in the physical battle. Catherine Julien has recently made a case for the Inca subjugation of the south coast of Peru (and hence the beginning of the Late Horizon) early in the reign of Pachacuti, just after his defeat of the Soras (Julien 2008). If an Inca captain were sent down to the coast from Soras, he and his complement of soldiers almost certainly passed through Andamarca and Lucanas territory to do so. Cieza subtly reinforces the notion that the Soras were regarded as the more threatening of the three groups in his description of the region:

the battle in Soras, Pachacuti had brought to him all the garments and insignia of the defeated lords, had red burla fringes sewn to them, and then put all of it under his feet. Then he brought together all the defeated lords (ethnicity unspecified), made them wear long red tunics to which red burla fringes had been sewn, spilled chicha on them, and scattered maize flour on their heads; in so doing he demonstrated that he had taken possession of them and their lands. He then had the Inca women sing a song, recounting that he, Inca Yupanqui, had defeated the Soras. After a month celebrating the Inca victory Pachacuti decided it was time to return to Cuzco, and took with him the humiliated lords. They entered Cuzco singing the song about the defeat of the Soras, and the prisoners were made to shout out their guilt, and that they were now subjects of the son of the Sun. The prisoners were then thrown into a house with jaguars for three days, during which time many were killed and eaten by the animals. Those still alive were taken out, but relieved of all their property and authority. They were made slaves to the religious idols (Betanzos 1996: 87–90 [1557]).

In the headwaters of this river [Río Pampas] is the province of the Soras, a very fertile and abundant land, populated by bellicose people. They and the Lucanas speak the same language, they wear clothing of wool, they have many animals, and in their provinces are mines rich in gold and silver. So much did the Inca esteem the Soras and Lucanas that their provinces were the Inca’s own property, and the sons of the local rulers resided in court at Cuzco. In those provinces are inns and ordinary storehouses, and on the plains great numbers of wild animals (Cieza de León 1ª pte., cap. lxxxix; 1984: 253 [1553]; emphasis added).4

Descriptions of the Soras, Andamarca Lucanas, and Lucanas The earlier conquest period documents are unfortunately mute with regard to any details of the Soras or Lucanas ethnic groups, particularly about their political or economic organization, which would be of most use to archaeologists trying to reconstruct the events leading up to the Inca conquest of these ethnic groups. However, the visitas of 1586 specifically addressed a question regarding the history of the regions. On this point, in the case of the Soras, the corregidor Luis de Monzón wrote, “ . . . they were subjects of the Inca who conquered them then, and they know nothing of earlier times” (Monzón 1965a: 222 [1586]). About the Andamarcas, he wrote, “ . . . before the Incas were lords of this land, in the time [the Andamarcas] were barbarians, each town had a lord, whom they call curaca, and they made war with each other, one town against the others; now they have no recollection of the names of those lords of the towns when the Inca subjugated

It is perhaps in the differential treatment of the Soras after their defeat, as described by Betanzos, that we find the strongest evidence that they stood up to the Incas in battle, and that their erstwhile allies, the Lucanas and Andamarcas, played a lesser role in the battle, and perhaps surrendered without fighting. After

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Table 1. Towns of the Soras repartimiento, in 1586, and their contemporary locations. Map # 1586 town 1

Atunsoras

Modern town

Valley

Comments

Soras

Chicha/Soras

Administrative center of the repartimiento. Anexo of Hatun Soras.

2

San Pedro de Larcaya

Larcay

Chicha/Soras

3

Santa María de Matara

Matara

Chicha/Soras

4

Santiago de Paucara

Paucaray

Chicha/Soras

Anexo of Matara.

5

San Juan de Payco

Palco

Chicha/Soras

Anexo of Matara.

6

San Pedro de Guacaña

Huacaña

Lucanas

1586 name also appears as Guacatra, probably due to a transcribing error.

7

San Francisco de Morocalla Morcolla

Lucanas

Anexo of Guacaña.

8

San Salvador de Quiji

San Salvador de Quije

Chicha/Soras (Corimayo tributary)

9

Santa María de Chilcayo

Chilcayoc

Chicha/Soras

Anexo of Quiji.

10

Santo Domingo de Queropampa

Querobamba

Lucanas (Chonta tributary)

Anexo of Quiji.

11

Santa María Magdalena de Poma

Poma

Lucanas (Chonta tributary)

Anexo of Guayguapata. Modern settlement is only a few scattered houses.

12

San Juan de Guayguapata

Chalcos/Belén?

Between Pampas and Chicha/Soras

No modern town with the old name appears on maps. Our estimate of its location is based on distances and directions provided in the 1586 visita.

13

San Andres de Ocopa

Ocopa

Pampas

Anexo of Guayguapata. Modern settlement is only a few scattered houses.

14

San Pedro de Carguanga

Carhuanca

Pampas

Anexo of Guayguapata.

them” (Monzón 1965b: 241 [1586]). His description of Lucanas history is very similar to that of Andamarca, saying that each town had a lord, called curaca, to whom the natives paid tribute; in this case he provided the names of several important local lords (Monzón 1965c: 231 [1586]). Monzón provided additional information about the internal division of each ethnic group into ayllus (“parts” or “communities”) and the languages spoken by the natives in 1586. The Soras area comprised three parts, Anansoras (upper Soras), Lurinsora (lower Soras), and Chalcos (Monzón 1965a: 220 [1586]). In 1586, three different languages were current in Soras territory: the lengua general (Quechua), Aymara,5 and hahuasimi (meaning “other language,” i.e., a language that is not the general language) (Monzón 1965a: 221). The Andamarcas were divided into four ayllus: Antamarca, Apcara, Omapacha, and Huchucayllu (Monzón 1965b: 237 [1586]), each of which had its own language (Monzón 1965b: 239). Together, the local languages were called hahuasimi; they also spoke the lengua general, Quechua. Lucanas was divided into two

ayllus, Ananrucana and Lurinrucana (upper and lower Lucanas), and that one town, Atunrucana (Hatun Lucanas) controlled all the people of the region during the time of the Inca (Monzón 1965c: 226 [1586]). They spoke many different languages, all classed as hahuasimi, but used the lengua general to speak with the Spanish (Monzón 1965c: 228). It appears from the descriptions of political office, as well as internal divisions within each group, that the Andamarcas had no single ruler, but rather were characterized by multiple small polities, often in conflict with each other. The Lucanas may have been more centralized, at least during the period of Inca domination, when Hatun Lucanas ruled the entire region. Monzón provides only minimal details about the Soras, in comparison to the Andamarcas and Lucanas. The lack of information about Soras is unfortunate, but the corregidor may have been less familiar with this part of his territory.6 Vásquez de Espinosa tells us that the corregidor of this province lived in Apcara (1948: 489 [c. 1620]), which is in the centrally located Andamarca region. Travel between Apcara and Lucanas was fairly 132


Río

Figure 2. Soras and Andamarca settlements in 1586. The double line separates Soras villages, to the northeast, from Andamarca villages, to the south and west. The villages occupied are indicated by numbers, which in turn correspond to the numbers in Tables 1 and 2, respectively.

c ma

uri

Ap Río

Pa m

pa

s

Río Pampa

s

12

Río

1413 12

13

Usqunta

cha

Chi

9 11 8 5 4 3 1 6 2

Río 10 Lucanas 7

7 8 6 Qarwa1 5 razu 2 3 4

Río Sondondo

Pampa Galeras 14

Río

arí Ac

9 10

Lake Parinacochas

11

uca

Río Ya

50 km

easy, across a long flat stretch of puna, but from Apcara to Soras was more difficult, involving ascending the high mountain ridge that separated the two valleys. It is also clear from the accounts of Diez de Betanzos and Cieza that the Soras, Andamarcas, and Lucanas could form alliances both within and among their ethnic groups when faced with imminent Inca attack. This suggests a fluid political structure that varied between periods of cohesion and bouts of internal conflict. Each visita lists all the villages and towns occupied in 1586, which allows us to approximate the geographic territory that pertained to each ethnic group. Although most native settlements had been relocated during the reducciones ordered by the viceroy Toledo in

the 1570s, most settlements were moved only a short distance from their original location, and none to drastically new locations in distant regions. In the case of the Soras visita, 14 settlements are named, and these can be correlated with modern settlements (Table 1). When plotted on a map of modern Ayacucho (Figure 2), we see that the Soras occupied scattered agricultural lands shaped somewhat like an inverted V: the Río Pampas valley forms the apex of the V, and the Soras extended a short distance up the Lucanas river valley to the southwest, and all the way up the Chicha river valley to the southeast (see also Meddens 1981: Figure 1). They likely controlled expanses of puna surrounding this region. 133


Table 2. Towns of the Andamarca Lucanas repartimiento, in 1586, and their contemporary locations. Map # 1586 town

Modern town

Valley

Comments

1

Concepción de Huayllapampa de Apcara

Aucará

Sondondo

Administrative center of the repartimiento.

2

La Vera Cruz de Cauana

Cabana Sur

Sondondo

In 1586 the people of Andamarca had been reduced to Cauana; Andamarca was later re-established near its original location in the Negromayo tributary.

3

San Xpval. De Sondondo

Sondondo

Sondondo

Anexo of Cauana.

4

San Pedro de Chipao

Chipao

Sondondo (Mayobamba tributary)

5

San Pedro de Queca

Queca

Sondondo

Anexo of Chipao.

6

Santa Ana de Guaycahuacho

Santa Ana de Huaycahuacho

Sondondo

Anexo of Cauana.

7

San Francisco de Pampamarca

Pampamarca

Sondondo (Pancoy tributary)

Anexo of Apcara.

8

San Juan de Chacaralla

Chacralla

Sondondo

Anexo of Apcara.

9

San Juan de Colcabamba

Sancos

Lampalla (Yauca)

Identified by John C. Schaller.

10

San Pablo de Paras

Para

Lampalla (Yauca)

Anexo of Colcabamba. Identified by John C. Schaller. Local ruins formerly called “Andamarca.”

11

San Pablo de Chicalla

Chicalle

Lampalla (Yauca)

Anexo of Colcabamba. Identified by John C. Schaller.

12

Santa Madalena de Alcamenga

Alcamenca

Pampas

Within a dotrina of Vilcas Guaman. Possible mitmaq settlement.

13

Santiago de Guamanquiquia

Huamanquiquia

Caracha/Pampas

Within a dotrina of Vilcas Guaman. Possible mitmaq settlement.

14

San Xpval. Pueblo Quemado Tambo Quemado Tierras Blancas (Nasca) Within a dotrina of Hatun Rucanas. Possible colony.

The Andamarca Lucanas visita describes 14 settlements of this ethnic group (Table 2), eight of which were located in the Sondondo Valley (Figure 2). The Sondondo Valley is the upper extension of the Lucanas Valley, so the Soras and Andamarca Lucanas lived in proximity to each other in this valley. Beyond this core valley, three settlements were located in the upper reaches of the coastal Yauca valley to the south, two near the Pampas Valley to the northwest, and one in the upper Nasca Valley to the southwest. All of these outlying regions, especially the Yauca Valley, can be considered contiguous with the main occupation in the Sondondo Valley if one includes the puna as part of their territory (see Julien 1993: 201). The Andamarca settlement in the upper Nasca drainage was likely a colony established to produce crops, such as chili peppers, that could not grow in the colder Sondondo Valley, and we suspect the two towns in the Pampas Valley were the result of Inca mitmaq resettlements. The

Andamarcas probably controlled the broad expanse of puna west and south of the valley, extending across the Continental Divide, as well as areas of puna to the east toward the Chicha Valley. The Lucanas occupied the upper portions of the coastal drainages of Nasca and Acarí, and controlled the surrounding expanses of puna including the Pampa Galeras, location of the modern vicuña preserve. No systematic survey has yet been undertaken in the territory of the Lucanas, but preliminary reconnaissance by Schreiber in 1997 indicates a substantial local population at the time of Inca conquest. In 1994, Cirilo Vivanco visited 13 archaeological sites in the area of Puquio, including several late prehispanic sites (Vivanco 1995). The seat of Inca governance, Hatun Lucanas, is today a large archaeological site called Pulapuco, adjacent to the modern town of Lucanas. This site has been investigated recently by Sarah Abraham (2010). The historic documents also indicate some com-

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monalities in the religions of the three groups. According to Monzón, they all worshipped hills and lakes, plus gods introduced by the Inca such as the sun, moon, and stars; in the case of the Soras he says specifically that they worshipped the extinct volcano, Qarwarazu (1965a: 222 [1586]). Qarwarazu appears to have constituted a major mountain deity or apu in this part of the Andes (Guaman Poma 1980: f. 275 [277] [1615]), a role that it maintains to the present. Located on the puna between Soras and Andamarca territory, it may have served symbolically to mark the boundary between the two ethnic groups. Qarwarazu, Razuwillka (a peak located north of the town of Ayacucho), and Pumawanqa are principal mountain deities in the Río Pampas area at present (Ansión 1987: 138–139). It is interesting that one of the secondary peaks of Qarwarazu also carries the name Razuwillka. The dual or triple peaks of Qarwarazu may have had great symbolic significance to the inhabitants of the region, suggesting inherent aspects of duality or trinity in the sacred mountain. Another sacred mountain, Auqui Uscuntay, has also been mentioned as being a principal huaca of the Soras (Albornoz 1967: 28 [1581–85]). Auqui Uscuntay is today known as Usqunta (also spelled Oscconta) and it is located on the continental divide just west of the Sondondo Valley; it continues to be an important apu at present (see Schreiber 2004). The Soras regarded the lake called Choclo Cocha (today called Lake Junín), as their pacarina, the place from which they were descended (Albornoz 1967: 20 [1581–85]). Pacarina (also called pacarisca) appear to have constituted a point of contact in space and time between Uku Pacha representing ‘the world below or inside, past time and ancestors’ and Kay Pacha representing ‘this world, present time and humans’ (Anders 1986: 911–916). They are therefore strongly connected with both fertility and the ancestors.

by name. He does say that the Aymara of Condesuyo (perhaps the Aymaraes, located just east of Soras) were incorporated peacefully by the fifth Inca, Capac Yupanqui (Garcilaso de la Vega, lib. 3, cap. X; 1960: 96– 98 [1609]). In speaking of the conquests of the sixth Inca, Inca Roca, he credits him with the conquest of the Chankas in the area of Andahuaylas, and then of groups to the west; this campaign might have included the Soras and Lucanas (Garcilaso de la Vega, lib. 4, cap. XV; 1960: 134–136 [1609]). However, because of his own Inca ancestry, Garcilaso de la Vega is known to have had difficulties in acknowledging Pachacuti’s achievements; therefore, his accounts of the historical events surrounding these particular occurrences may be suspect. It should also be noted that Pachacuti had a brother called Inca Roca. Sarmiento de Gamboa writes that Pachacuti subdued the Soras by force, and that this brother Inca Roca participated in that campaign (Sarmiento 1960: 239–240 [1572]). Guaman Poma should be a more reliable source. Although claiming patrilineal descent from the Yarovilca dynasty of Huanuco, and creating a perhaps somewhat fanciful family history for the benefit of his intended readers, he may in fact have been born in the Andamarca region. At several points he claims that his father was a lord of the provinces of Andamarca, Lucanas, and Soras, and that he himself was a lieutenant general to the corregidor of Lucanas (Guaman Poma 1980: ff. 5, 6, inter alia [1615]). At the least, we can be certain that he lived in the Andamarca region for portions of his life, in the village of Sondondo, where he had property including agricultural fields and pastures. He ends his famous letter to the King of Spain signing off from the town of San Cristóbal de Suntunto [Sondondo], in the Province of Andamarcas, Soras, Lucanas of the Royal Crown (Guaman Poma 1980: f. [1188] [1615]). According to Guaman Poma, the Soras, Andamarcas, and Lucanas were conquered along with the Chankas by the seventh Inca, Yahuar Huacac Inca (Guaman Poma 1980: ff. 104, 105, 155 [157], 156 [158] [1615]). While his historical account does not accord with our more reliable sources, some of his other information may be based on personal observations or information gathered in his home territory. For

The Evidence of the Native Chroniclers Finally, considering our native chroniclers, Garcilaso de la Vega is a bit vague about the Inca conquest of the Soras and Lucanas, and does not mention them

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example, he tells us that in both Apcara and Soras there were Inca storehouses where the Incas kept dried meat and tubers, and wool (f. 336 [338] [1615]). An Inca royal road, connecting the highland road at Cochacaxas (near Abancay) with the coastal road at Nasca, passed through both regions, and there were tambos at Apcara and Hatun Soras (f. 1089 [1099] [1615]). There were major suspension bridges at both Soras and Apcara (f. 357 [359] [1615]). The Lucanas were the litter bearers of the Inca emperor, and called yncap chaquin, the “feet of the Inca” (f. 338 [340] [1615]). He depicts the Inca Huayna Capac being carried to battle, held aloft on his litter by Andamarca, Soras, Lucanas, and Parinacochas Indians (Figure 3).

The Chicha and Sondondo Valleys The Chicha and Sondondo Valleys lie about two-days’ walk apart, separated by high elevation puna and the extinct volcano, Qarwarazu. The Chicha Valley straddles the border separating the modern Departments of Ayacucho and Apurimac, while the Sondondo Valley lies to the west, fully within Ayacucho. The surface geology of both valleys is of largely volcanic origin, characterized by deep volcanic ash deposits and extensive lava flows, especially at the upper elevations. The thick basalt flows underlying the puna form cliffs that sharply define long segments of the upper perimeter of both valleys. Ongoing geothermal activity is indicated by the presence of hot springs near the village of Larcay in the Chicha Valley (Eastman 1980), and hot springs at a dozen locations in and around the Sondondo Valley. An obsidian source, Jampatilla, was exploited in the Sondondo Valley since at least the Initial Period (Burger et al. 1998); small deposits of obsidian have also been observed in the Chicha Valley. The largest obsidian source in the Andes, Quispisisa, lies to the northwest of the Sondondo valley, some 40 km away, in the Qaracha valley (Burger and Glascock 2000), and Burger has recently located the geological sources of Andahuaylas A and B obsidian 25 km southeast of the Chicha Valley (Burger and Glascock 2006). The puna between the Chicha and Sondondo val-

Figure 3. Drawing by Guaman Poma of the Inca Huayna Capac being carried on his litter by Indians of the Andamarca, Soras, Lucanas, and Parinacochas ethnic groups (Guaman Poma 1980: f. 333 [335] [1615]).

leys is dominated by the extinct volcano, Qarwarazu, home to the revered mountain deity (apu) discussed above. The ancient caldera has been eroded by subsequent glacial activity, leaving three snow-capped peaks, the highest of which reaches an elevation of 5124 meters above sea level. Broad expanses of puna flank both valleys, providing extensive habitats for large herds of domestic camelids. Below about 3800 m asl, in zones suitable for agriculture, both the Sondondo Valley and the Chicha Valley portion of Soras territory are dominated by deep deposits of the Sencca Formation (Asociación LAGESA 1996). This Formation, the result of an extended period of explosive volcanism, is largely volcanic ash deposits of varying densities. Weathering of these materials produces especially fertile soils. These soils char-

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Archaeological Evidence of the Inca Occupation in the Chicha Valley

acterize the full extent of the central Sondondo Valley, as well as its southwest tributary, location of the modern town of Andamarca. The extent of these soils is more restricted in Soras territory, where they are concentrated in the area of the Chicha Valley. Thus, the Sondondo Valley could have produced larger yields of agricultural produce than the Chicha Valley. The lower portions of each valley lie within the savanna or dry montane forest zone while the elevations above about 4000 m fall within the subalpine humid paramo zone (following Tosi 1960). In the Chicha Valley, the most common crop grown is potatoes, although quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa) is also grown, as are maize (Zea mays) and tarwi (Lupinus sp.) in the more sheltered fields. Maize is more common in the lower-lying sectors of the valley. Likewise, in the Sondondo Valley, potatoes are the most common native crop, grown at all elevations, along with quinoa (usually grown at higher elevations), and maize and tarwi (usually grown below 3300 m); in the warmest, lowest portions of the valley, below 3000 m, one can find squash (Cucurbita moschata) being cultivated. European imports such as wheat, barley, alfalfa, onions, and garlic, as well as citrus trees at lower elevations, are important crops at present. Neither ají (chili peppers) nor coca grow in these highelevation valleys, but such crops could be grown near several of the outlying Andamarca settlements, which were located at lower elevations. Both valleys are characterized by very extensive systems of agricultural terracing (Branch et al. 2007; Kemp et al. 2006; Keeley and Meddens 1992; Schreiber 1987, 1992). Evidence from the Sondondo Valley suggests that most of the terracing was built during the Middle Horizon, under the auspices of the Wari Empire (A.D. 650–1000), with limited areas having been built or modified during the Late Horizon (Aguirre-Morales 2009; Schreiber 1987, 1992, 1993). For the Chicha Valley initial terrace construction likewise began in the Middle Horizon with significant remodeling during the Late Intermediate Period (Branch et al. 2007; Kemp et al. 2006) and probably also during the Late Horizon. Although irrigation systems are present, they tend to be of relatively small scale and seem to have been added after the Middle Horizon (Keeley and Meddens 1993).

Let us turn now to the material remains of the Inca presence in the two regions, beginning with the territory of the Soras. The Chicha Valley Survey, undertaken by Meddens in 1979, 1980, and 1982 (Meddens 1980, 1981, 1985), sampled the portion of Soras territory lying in the Chicha Valley, which represents the most densely populated portion of Soras territory. It seems also to have been the portion of their territory in which the Inca invested quite a bit of administrative energy as we will see below. Archaeological survey was carried out over a total area of some 85 square kilometers. The upper limit of the survey was defined by the cliffs sharply marking the valley/puna transition at about 3600 m asl, and the survey extended through the upper and middle valley, around the modern towns of Pampachiri and Soras, respectively. Within that area two survey strategies were employed. First, random transects were laid out across the valley, in an east–west direction, and surveyed intensively. Thirteen 140 meter-wide transects were surveyed and in this manner approximately 10% of the survey region was covered completely. Second, local informants supplied information about major sites in the region, which tend to date to the later prehispanic periods, and all of these were visited and recorded. Further intensive survey work was carried out in 1999 and 2000. Thus we have confidence that our sample of permanent sites with architecture for the Late Intermediate Period (LIP) and Late Horizon (LH) is reasonably complete within the survey region. Smaller sites without architecture and certain kinds of features are located only within the random sample transects. The period from the collapse of Wari control, ca. A.D. 1000, through the Late Horizon in the Chicha valley has been divided into four phases, based on the Chicha and Soras pottery styles, each subdivided into early and late sub-groups. The Chicha Valley ceramic styles are largely distinct from those of the Sondondo valley, although there is some stylistic overlap. One distinctive style has a dark gray fabric, and is over-fired, sometimes with a blistered and near vitrified surface; in both valleys it pertains to the LIP. And certain styles

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of black-on-red painted ceramics found in Sondondo have counterparts in the Chicha valley. In the Chicha valley, local ceramic styles exhibit strong continuity from the LIP through the Inca occupation, therefore the primary lines of evidence used to distinguish LH occupations from LIP ones were the presence of Inca or Inca-influenced ceramics or architecture. Domestic sites occupied in the Late Horizon tend to have a number of attributes in common, including evidence of a continuing Soras ceramic and architectural tradition, but they may also exhibit Inca influence in the presence of trapezoidal doors or niches. Intrusive Inca elements include Inca style ceramics; rectangular hall-like structures, sometimes with rounded corners, and trapezoidal niches and doorways; the occasional use of polygonal ashlar masonry in more important structures; and the use of red pigmented mud plaster in some buildings. It appears from comparison of the archaeological with the documentary evidence that in the Colonial period there was a reduction of the number of towns and a concentration of the surviving population into a smaller number of Spanish style settlements as a result of the active resettlement (reducción) policies being carried out by the Spanish viceroy Francisco de Toledo in the 1570s. As most of the settlements occupied then continue to be occupied to this day, it is often difficult to discern which, if any, might have prehispanic occupations as well. Where modern towns overlie archaeological sites it can be difficult to impossible to assess the length of occupation of the earlier site, or its size during prehispanic periods. However, as most settlements were abandoned in the 16th century, and their populations moved to new locations, those contact-period settlements can usually be identified through archaeological survey (see, e.g., Schreiber and Kintigh 1996).

8448

8444

Auquimarca m

MIDDLE 8440

VALLEY

Soras Taccarampa

8436

Laymi

Qasapampa

m mm m

8432

UPPER VALLEY

m m

8428

Chiqna Jota

m

Chicha Qasa N 8424

644

648

662

656

E 660

Figure 4. Settlements of the Late Intermediate Period in the Chicha-Soras Valley. The contour interval is 200 meters, and the 3000 and 4000 meter contours are highlighted. Green shading indicates agricultural zones. UTM grid lines are spaced 4 km apart. Artifact scatters on low mounds are indicated by the letter “m”.

diate Period, and there are large LIP villages located throughout the region; one very large mountaintop site was also identified as having been occupied at that time (Figure 4). The upper valley includes the town of Chiqna Jota at the southern, upper end of the valley, with some 200 houses. There are three village sites: Chicha Qasa, located about two kilometers east of the town; Qasapampa, more centrally located in the upper valley, and Laymi, located at the northern (lower) extreme of the upper valley. There are seven small sites without architecture found scattered on low natural mounds throughout cultivated portions of the upper valley. Based on comparison to similar sites in the Sondondo, these probably represent seasonal occupations of farmers during times of planting and harvesting. In the middle valley is found the town of Soras, where we believe a substantial LIP site underlies the modern town. The village of Taccarampa lies at the south end of

Settlement Pattern Changes in the Chicha Valley The Chicha Valley survey covered land in both the upper and middle valley, which are physically separated by a steep-walled valley constriction. Each valley sector has one town occupied during the Late Interme-

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the middle valley, and one small mound site was located on the east side of the valley in this sector. Unique among the LIP sites is Auquimarca, a probable refuge site/fortress high on a hilltop rising above the puna, 8 km northeast of Soras. With more than 1000 houses, it is substantially larger than any other site of this period; no Inca structural remains have been found on this site, although small amounts of Inca pottery were present. These data suggest to us that at the time of Inca conquest, the Soras were organized as a series of small competing polities, in different portions of their territory; the multiple languages and cultural divisions described by Monzón (1965a: 220 [1586]) may reflect this earlier political division. The upper and middle valleys, physically separated by a steep-walled constriction, each have one large town, and several smaller settlements, and may represent separate cultural units. When one takes into account the remaining Soras territory to the north, northwest, and west, the Soras probably comprised at least five such polities. However, it is clear from the documentary evidence that the Soras were able to quickly unite to try to repel the Inca attack. The large site of Auquimarca served as a refuge site to which large number of Soras could flee — and we see they did flee to such a site at the time of the Inca conquest — in times of conflict. Every substantial settlement occupied in the LIP continued to be occupied in the Late Horizon, indicating that the Inca did not cause people to abandon any of their settlements and relocate to new places (Figure 5). The seasonal farming sites, on the other hand, show no evidence of Inca occupation, but they lack architecture, and ceramics tend to be restricted to utilitarian wares. Thus, the lines of evidence used to document LH occupation are absent in these sites, so they too may have continued in use at this time. From the latter half of the Late Intermediate Period to the Late Horizon there was no change in the number of local occupation sites, defined as sites with surviving architectural remains. But every local village and town shows evidence of Inca influence, with Inca architectural modifications of local architecture, and the presence of new forms of architecture and Inca masonry styles. With only one exception there was no apparent change in the size of the settlements, although hilltop

8448

8444

Auquimarca

MIDDLE Hatun Soras

8440

VALLEY

Taccarampa 8436

Laymi

Qasapampa

8432

UPPER VALLEY Imglesiachayoc

A20

8428

Chicha Qasa

Chiqna Jota

N 8424 644

648

662

656

E 660

Figure 5. Settlements of the Late Horizon in the Chicha-Soras Valley.

defenses seem to have been de-emphasized in the Late Horizon. The exception, the town of Chiqna Jota, was reduced in size from 200 to 80 houses, and a new settlement with extensive Inca architecture was established nearby. This new site, Imglesiachayoq, may have been emplaced to co-opt the power of the former political center. The other town site, Soras, likely served as the primary Inca provincial administrative center. Another site newly established in the Late Horizon (A20), a small village with unique architecture and ambiguous ceramic associations, may represent a mitmaq settlement, or perhaps some sort of special-function site established by the Inca. In the following section we describe the settlements and the Inca remains found on them.

Late Horizon Sites of the Upper Valley Chiqna Jota. The site of Chiqna Jota (Lu-5) is located at the southern end of the upper valley, near the confluence of two streams that form the Río Chicha. This

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Figure 6. Partial plan of Chiqna Jota. The large rectangular and round buildings discussed in the text can be seen near the lower left hand corner.

site was established during Middle Horizon phase 2 (Meddens 1994) and continued to be occupied until the end of the Late Horizon, but its major occupation was during the Late Intermediate Period when it comprised some 200 houses spread over nine terraced hectares, and was the dominant center in the upper valley. LIP houses were typically round to oval in form, of roughly shaped fieldstone set in mud mortar. A series of raised pathways subdivided the site into well defined sectors. The houses tend to be organized in groups of three to five units, arranged around three sides of a patio. Some four to five larger open plaza-like spaces are present along the east-west axis of the site; the largest of these is in a natural depression on the eastern side of the site. In the Late Horizon Chiqna Jota was reduced in size to only about 80 structures. Houses range in form from circular and oval to about 20% sub-rectangular and rectangular, with trapezoidal niches and doorways. Most are of local masonry style, although isolated examples of Inca cut stone (ashlar) are present, notably in one instance where an ashlar facing had been added

to a fieldstone facade. Another architectural detail observed at the site was the occasional survival of a mud plaster covered in a red pigment, adhering to the inside of a few walls. A hilltop dominates the western flank of the site, and the ruined remains of a number of structures are present on its summit. The single access to the top passes through a high wall, which inhibits easy access. Further terracing, and circular structures occupy the western slope of this hill, along with an irrigation canal that fed these terraces. This sector of the site appears to date to late in the Late Intermediate Period and to the Late Horizon. At numerous locations throughout the site the looted remains of burials were found, mostly situated under large boulders or in rock crevasses. Two larger buildings of Inca style construction are located along the southern sector of the site (Figure 6). One is trapezoidal in shape, 12 m long, 11 m wide at the rear, and 9.5 m wide at the front (interior measurements), where it has a single door facing north. It has rounded interior corners, and still preserved are five trapezoidal niches and three trapezoidal windows, some

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two meters above the present ground surface. They measure 45 × 75 cm, and are 1.15 to 1.4 m apart. The second Inca building is round, 10.5 m in diameter, and sits just to the west of the first building. Both buildings have walls 90 cm thick made of roughly shaped fieldstone. They face a large open patio type space and there is a smaller open space behind them. Groups of smaller mostly round to oval shaped buildings surround the complex. It may be that the trapezoidal and circular buildings represent the temples of the sun and the moon respectively.

fiable here. The first is centered on the Imglesia precinct on the west side of the hill. There, along the south side of the main plaza, a large rectangular structure (called the Imglesia by the local population), measuring 35 × 7.9 m, is oriented east–west (Figure 7). It has the remains of two large trapezoidal doorways in its long north wall, facing the plaza, and three probably trapezoidal windows in its long south wall. The gables on the eastern and western ends are ca. 5.5 m high and have circular windows, ca. 50 cm in diameter, near the top of each gable. The corners have two horizontal stakes (or braces) inserted, visible in the interior of each corner, and the interior walls are covered in a mud plaster. This building is comparable to the large Inca niched hall. Along the west side of the plaza is another large rectangular building, this one with rounded corners, measuring ca. 16 × 11 m, and oriented north–south. This building has remnants of large and fine polygonal ashlar masonry around its trapezoidal doorway, which is situated in the short south wall. Along the interior of the walls of this building are 18 niches: six in each of the long walls, four in the short north wall, and two in the south wall, one on either side of the door. There are three windows, one in each of the walls without a door, placed centrally and higher than the niches. The niches measure 60 cm wide (base) × 67 cm high × 58 cm wide (top) × 48 cm deep. The base of the niches is ca. 1.95 m above ground level. The walls still stand up to 4.0 m in height and they are ca. 90 cm in width, although they taper towards the top. The interior and exterior faces are covered in a mud plaster. Along the east side of the hill, in the sector called Wallpa Wiri, another large rectangular structure is located, which in many ways mirrors the previous building. This building is rectangular with angular corners, it measures 12 × 7.1 m (Figure 8). It, too, has a north– south orientation, and its doorway is in the short south wall. There are 18 niches, arranged as in the previous case, with a centrally and higher placed trapezoidal window on just the two long walls. The distribution of the niches appears symmetrical to the eye, but the spacing varies from 1.06 m to 1.54 m. The niches’ measurements vary a little from 52 cm wide (base) × 43 cm wide (top) × 66 cm high × 43 cm deep, to 57 cm wide (base) × 50 cm wide (top) × 70 cm high × 38 cm deep.

Imglesiachayoc. Imglesiachayoc (Lu-5) was newly established in the Late Horizon, and was likely designed to supplant the authority of the former local center at Chiqna Jota. It is situated on the west bank of the Río Chicha, at an altitude of 3420 m asl. It is on the northern margin of a large almost dry lake bed, crossed by an ancient causeway three meters wide. A road continues at its southern end, and joins a staircase leading up to the puna, where it joins a major inter-valley road that continues in a south to southwesterly direction. This road was still being used by inter-valley llama caravans in the early 1980s. It provides access to distant regions including the coastal Yauca Valley, the Cotahuasi region, and is an alternate route to Lucanas, bypassing the Sondondo Valley. It also provides the most direct access to the sacred mountain Qarwarazu, where there are ancient and modern gold mines. Imglesiachayoc is arranged around a large hill at its center, with circular buildings on the top. Groups of important buildings are located around large patios east and west of this hill. Imglesia Chayoc has some 80 widely spaced structures. Both circular and rectangular buildings are present, the latter with both angular and rounded corners. Most houses are grouped around open, patio-like spaces, many of which are open on one side. The masonry consists of roughly dressed field stone set in mud mortar, although polygonal ashlar also occurs. Architectural details include trapezoidal niches in some of the buildings, trapezoidal doorways, and occasional low stone built benches or platforms set in mud mortar around the interior walls of some of the rectangular buildings. There are two principal ceremonial sectors identi-

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Figure 7. Photograph of the Imglesia at Imglesiachayoq.

The base of the niches is 1.5 m above the ground level and the base of the windows is 2.43 m high. Wooden stakes have been anchored horizontally in the corners, similarly to the stakes found in the large rectangular building west of the hill. The walls are about 90 cm thick, of roughly dressed field stone set in mud mortar with remnants of mud plaster adhering. This building is similar in many respects to the building named Molle Quiro at the site of Apcara in the Sondondo valley (described below). All the pottery collected from Imglesiachayoq was of Late Horizon date with some possibly being early Colonial.

of roughly shaped fieldstone set in mud mortar; some rectangular and sub-rectangular buildings are also found, and these may all pertain to the late Horizon. There are some chullpa–like structures positioned at various prominent locations. Local style ceramics of both the LIP and LH occur on the site. Qasapampa. The site of Qasapampa (Lu-1) is located on the west bank of the Chicha river, at an altitude of 3490 m asl, northwest of Imglesiachayoc, between the Río Chicha and a major tributary stream entering from the west. The north end of the site comprises a hilltop called Qasamarca. At the top of this hill crevasse tombs and circular structures can be found, and defensive walls are located around the summit. This sector dates to the Late Intermediate Period. The site is terraced, in places with very high quality terrace walling. The remains of ca. 70 circular structures constructed of roughly dressed fieldstone are present. These are in widely spaced groups and range in diameter from 2.8 to 10.6 m; some of the larger ones have trapezoidal niches. Evidence for an Inca presence can be found in

Chicha Qasa. Chicha Qasa (Ap2-7) is a large village site located on the east flank of the Chicha Valley, situated on the north bank of a small tributary stream, at an altitude of 3400 m asl. The site occupies a terraced hill, and an irrigation canal runs through the site. This site was initially established in Middle Horizon phase 2 and it was occupied through the LIP and LH. The ruined remains of some 70 structures are present here. Buildings are predominantly circular and oval in form, 142


Figure 8. Photograph of the Inca building at Wallpa Wiri.

the lower southwest sector of the site. Here are found circular buildings measuring 7 to 9 m in diameter, with small interior trapezoidal niches and trapezoidal doorways, and Inca style pottery, including sherds of medium sized aryballus type vessels.

An irrigation canal runs through the site from an intake coming off the puna. Near the point where it enters the valley it is associated with 7 cup marked stones (Meddens 2006), and it then goes on to irrigate agricultural terraces above the site. The canal then runs through the site where it enters a series of three artificial basins or cochas, set at progressively lower levels. These measure some 18 m in diameter each, the sides are stone lined, and the bases are made watertight with a layer of clay. The canal, on exiting from the third and lowest cocha, runs behind a large platform, irregular in shape, measuring ca. 35 × 22 m and ca. 1.1 m high. It crosses this platform on its eastern side running along its length and passes by a stepped platform that faces 12º west of north and is built along the southern margin of the larger basal platform (Figure 9). We interpret this stepped platform to be an Inca usnu. The usnu is a platform symbolizing the imposition of Inca power; usnus were established in every conquered province, but are often difficult to identify. The lower platform step is 11.16 m long × 9.3 m wide × 4.95 m high. Its up-

Laymi. Laymi (Lu-15/16/17) was a Late Intermediate Period village that seems to have acquired special importance during the Late Horizon. (It was originally reported as three discrete sites [Meddens 1985], but these are now recognized as composing a single site.) It is located on the west side of the valley at an altitude of ca. 3445 m asl, on a natural terrace with steeply inclined slopes covered in agricultural terracing both above and below the site. There are 40–60 circular structures with internal diameters ranging from 4.6 m to 6.3 m, with wall widths of around 0.5 m, and there are some trapezoidal niches and doorways. Several chullpas, of a rustic form — mostly square or rectangular — are also present. There is evidence for limited colonial period occupation at the site as well, comprising at least one rectangular building. 143


Figure 9. Sketch plan of the usnu complex at Laymi.

per platform measures 9.9 × 6.3 m. It has one or two staircases on its north facing side. The structure was too heavily overgrown to fully appreciate all its structural details. It is constructed out of selected fieldstone. At the foot of the main platform, on its north side is a rectangular chullpa measuring 4.4 × 2.8 m. The irrigation canal drops off the northern end of this platform and irrigates the terracing below and to the north and east of the occupation site.

angular building, measuring 22.28 × 5.13 m (interior measurements), oriented NE–SW, and some 15 smaller rectangular to square structures. Its architecture distinguishes it from local Soras sites, on which round houses predominate. The large structure has two doorways, a trapezoidal one at the southern end of the east wall and a straight sided one at the northern end of the west wall; the latter had been blocked in antiquity. The west wall has two small trapezoidal windows, one centrally placed and one immediately south of the straight-sided doorway. There is a single trapezoidal window in the east wall directly opposite the off-center window in the west wall. The masonry consists of roughly dressed fieldstone set in mud mortar. Two of the other rectangular buildings on site measure 7.9 × 2 m and 11.4 × 2.5 m respectively. The length:width ratios of all three measured rectangu-

A-20. Finally, in the upper valley, is one more site newly established in the Late Horizon — site A20. It is located on the east side of the valley about 1 km northwest of Chicha Qasa, at an altitude of 3520m asl. It is on a natural terrace up the valley slope, and offers a commanding view of the valley. The site comprises one large rect144


lar buildings is therefore similar, ranging from ca. 4:1 to 4.5:1. A well made canal (A-19) passes just east of the site. The lack of symmetry in placement of doorways and niches as well as the presence of a single doorway on each of the long sides of the larger building is rare in Inca buildings (Protzen 1993: 220). Surface material is scarce. Only four potsherds were found at this site; they were LIP/LH in appearance. The rectilinear architecture is most similar to that associated with Late Horizon sites with an Inca presence in the survey area. Modification of the largest building, consisting of the blocking of one of the two doorways, which appears to have happened in antiquity, suggests that the site was in use over some period of time. The size and asymmetry of this large structure might suggest some ritual or religious role for the building. We suggest that this site may have served some special function, related to the Inca control of the region. It is possible that its residents were brought to Soras territory from another region as mitmaqkuna. Given that this side of the valley may have been occupied by Aymara speakers by 1586 (see note 5), this site may be an indication of an Inca policy of resettlement. We do know, for example, that ethnic Soras peoples had been resettled to the Cochabamba region of Bolivia during Inca times (Wachtel 1982: 203).

While evidence for the Late Horizon Inca occupation of Soras is not as clear as we might like, there are indications of an important Inca presence here and in the immediate vicinity. The north–facing side entrance of the church of Soras is an impressive 2.62 meter-wide doorway constructed of high quality neo-Inca style polygonal ashlar stonework (Figure 10). The doorway stands up to 3.52 m in height and is 1.8 m deep, with typical Inca bar holes at the front. The stonework was clearly produced with stone hammers, as is indicated by the angles of the joints, with recessed joints and faces in relief. At the top of the wall Inca style stonework forms the base of a true arch construction that completes the doorway. The remainder of the arch is of a much lower quality stone construction, which is probably a later repair or modification. The arch and the relative lack of thickness of the walls indicates that this doorway was built by masons who were experienced in using Inca building technology, almost certainly sometime early in the Colonial period. In addition, on the northwest side of the principal plaza of Soras, sizeable Inca ashlar stone blocks can be seen incorporated in the construction of the corner of a Colonial period building. In the road exiting the plaza to the northeast the tops of earlier foundations can be discerned that appear to conform to a building that does not follow the present configuration of the plaza. Local informants claimed to have encountered ashlar walls in excavations for new house foundations in the town. They also indicated that the site of Aputayka, to the east of the town, includes ancient remains. Unfortunately, to date it has not been possible to investigate this site. A major inter-valley road with a well constructed stairway in it runs south from Soras up to the puna and beyond. This is probably a segment of the royal Inca road to Queca and the Sondondo Valley described by Guaman Poma (1980: f. 1089 [1099] [1615]; see Schreiber 1984: 88). Based on documentary evidence, along with limited archaeological data, we suggest that Soras was likely a major LIP settlement, later falling under Inca control, and then remodeled during Colonial times.

Late Horizon Sites of the Middle Valley Soras. The town and royal tambo of Hatun Soras is mentioned by a variety of sources, including Guaman Poma, as discussed above. Soras is also mentioned in other colonial texts such as Monzón (1965a: 220 [1586]) who describes it as the principal settlement of this area, and Hanansora and Lurinsora are mentioned in the testimonies taken by Cristóbal de Albornoz as locations where idols were found (Millones et al. 1990: 271–272). Interestingly, archaeological survey did not identify any abandoned site exhibiting the scalar or spatial primacy that one would expect in the local seat of Inca power. It seems most reasonable at present to suggest that the settlement was not moved during the Toledan reducciones, and that the modern town of Soras overlies the original settlement.

Taccarampa. Taccarampa (Lu-20) is located high on the west side of the valley some 2 km southeast of Soras at an

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Figure 10. Side entrance of the church of Soras with Inca stonework.

altitude of 3500 m asl on a low hill; the hill is some 400 m long and 350 m wide and covered in dense vegetation. According to local informants this site, not Soras, constitutes Hanan Soras. These western valley slopes are extensively terraced. The remains of 50–70 structures appear to be present; most are circular, ranging in diameter from 4 to 8 meters, and there is one exceptionally large one with a diameter of 16 m. Its doorway, although now missing, would have been in the northwest side of the structure. Near the top of the wall there are preserved some 11 small irregularly placed and shaped trapezoidal niches. There are also two rectangular structures and one square one on the site. The masonry at Taccarampa tends to consist of well fitted dressed fieldstone set in mud mortar and there are also examples of finely cut polygonal ashlar. A number of circular structures of between 6 and 7 m diameter are constructed of high quality Inca style polygonal ashlar stonework. Some of the structures have trapezoidal windows and niches and others have rectangular

ones. There is a large open space or plaza, oriented east– west, near the center of the site. The largest rectangular structure present is situated immediately to the northnorthwest of the plaza. It measures 14 × 4 m. A number of irrigation canals are located directly west of the site. A raised path or road is present, which leads toward Soras. The diagnostic pottery recovered in surface collections consisted predominantly of jar variants, including face neck jars, short neck jars and small Inca style aryballus examples. One fragment of a simple incurving bowl was recovered with a Chicha style rectangle design with horizontal filler bars on the exterior. The assemblage suggests serving vessels rather than storage. In addition to Late Horizon Inca style wares, styles pertaining to Middle Horizon 3–4 (Chicha) and Late Intermediate Period 2 (Soras) were also found. The refuge site: Auquimarca. The site of Auquimarca (A-30) is situated some 8 km northeast of Soras above the east side of the valley. It is located atop a steep hill 146


that rises from the high puna grasslands at an altitude of between 4000 and 4100 m asl. The site is spread over an area of some 12 hectares, measuring approximately 600 × 200 m, and there are between 1000 and 1100 round to oval structures present. Along the crest of the hill some thirty small circular chullpa–like structures are positioned. The site is densely terraced, and the terrace walls frequently project up to one meter above the terrace surface. Numerous pathways divide the site up into sectors. These are about 80 cm wide and some have a paved surface. The buildings measured ranged in diameter from 1.6 to 5.2 m. The masonry consists of sorted and split fieldstone laid in random courses. A mud mortar is used, but only rarely, with a dry-walling technique having been applied generally. The stones appear to have been selected or shaped favoring the rectangular. The interior sides of the walls tend to have been finished by filling of the spaces between the stones with soil and small stones. It is unclear whether this is because the nature of the stone makes this an easier shape to achieve or whether this is a shape preferred by the local masons. Other contemporary sites in the area do not have this type of masonry. The doorways tend to face either east or west and are frequently flanked by large boulders serving as jambs. Many of the structures make use of the rear wall of the terrace they are built on by incorporating it into their proper structure. Only one interior niche was identified, which measured ca. 30 × 35 cm; its depth could not be established. Small numbers of these circular structures appear to be grouped together. Two to four of these buildings at a time tend to face each other or onto the same open space. The layout is therefore similar to that of Late Intermediate Period sites in the region. The limited survey work carried out at the site identified two large flat grinding stones, measuring one meter across. The nearest water sources consist of a lake and a spring situated on the plain just south of the site, although water sources could have been present on the site as suggested by localized patches of dense and green vegetation including large numbers of ferns. A number of large circular and rectangular enclosures, which seem to represent corrals, are located around the site; at least some of these may date back to the period that the site was occupied. Its location and the presence of the corrals suggests a possible role in the manage-

ment of camelid herds and their produce. The indications are that this site was functioning prior to the conquest of the area by the Inca. This is suggested by the architecture, which does not appear to be derived of Late Horizon Inca planning or design. Auquimarca not only has the largest number of buildings of any site in the sampled area, but additionally, in terms of architectural remains present, it also constitutes the most densely covered site. We argue that this site was a refuge site, used by large numbers of people from multiple settlements, or even regions, in times of strife. This may be the very site to which the Soras fled after their defeat in battle with the Inca, as described so vividly in Cieza’s account of the conquest.

Discussion The Inca occupation of the surveyed portion of Soras territory is quite remarkable, and the Inca apparently spared little expense in bringing the Soras under their control. Nearly every major site has on it Inca architecture. The local chiefly centers were supplanted: Chiqnajota was replaced as the political center of the upper valley by the imposition of Imglesiachayoq. That site was in turn likely subordinate to the Inca administrative center at Hatun Soras, placed at a probable LIP political center in the middle valley. A small special– function site was also established in the upper valley during the period of Inca domination. An elaborate usnu structure was built at Laymi, along with a reservoir and a water channel running through the site. And the refuge site described in historic documents may be the archaeological site of Auquimarca. There are also subtle changes in the local material culture correlated with the Inca presence. It appears that the Late Intermediate Soras circular buildings found in the area tend to have diameters ranging from ca. 5 to 6 m and that the later Late Horizon circular buildings include some significantly larger ones, ranging in diameter from ca. 7 to 11 m, and on occasion are even larger, such as the building with a diameter of 16 m at Taccarampa. The landscape of the valley shows quite clearly the role it played during the Late Intermediate Period

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and Late Horizon. In common with the Sondondo valley the valley slopes had been extensively and densely terraced in order to maximize agricultural productivity. During the latter part of the Late Intermediate Period and into the Late Horizon the more marginal steeper slopes appear to have been brought into production and irrigation systems were increasingly used as part of the overall agricultural system (Keeley and Meddens 1993: 135–136). One thing that is odd is the apparent absence of Inca qollcas in the Chicha valley. One would expect, given the intensive level of terraced agriculture, the fertile soils, and documentary references to Inca storehouses, that qollcas would be present. It is possible, however, that storehouses were built in another portion of Soras territory, outside the area surveyed.

the post-Middle Horizon sequence in Sondondo. The Marke phase represents the unsettled period just after the collapse of the Wari Empire. The Toqsa phase corresponds roughly to the Late Intermediate Period, a period of population increase, but also a period of conflict. The Jasapata phase corresponds to the Late Horizon and the Inca occupation. All three phases are defined on the basis of distinctive local styles of ceramics. Only nine potsherds of clearly Inca style were recovered in surface collections, which total some 8500 sherds collected at the 75 sites recorded in the valley in 1981. The Jasapata phase (and hence the Late Horizon) is defined on the basis of both artifacts and architecture. A distinctive bowl form, with rim profile and decoration derived from Wari antecedents, underwent stylistic change over time and allows us to distinguish between the Late Intermediate Period and the Late Horizon. Lithics include diagnostic knives made of quartzite or red chert, and are useful in distinguishing late periods from earlier ones, but these pertain to both the LIP and LH occupations. Houses are typically round in form; indeed, this type of architecture is common in much of the central highlands of Peru at this time (Schreiber 1993: 92), and does not change significantly from the LIP to the Late Horizon. Rectangular architecture is rare but not unknown. Some sites have one or more rectangular structures, perhaps maintaining the association of rectangular architecture with political power from Middle Horizon Wari antecedents. In sum, the main lines of evidence used to distinguish Late Horizon occupations from those of the period immediately preceding the Inca conquest of the Andamarcas are 1) changes in local ceramic style, 2) the presence of Inca artifacts, and/or 3) the presence of Inca architecture. Sites occupied during the Late Horizon often had Colonial period remains on them as well. The town of Apcara was the provincial capital under the Spanish and served this role under Inca dominion as well (Schreiber 1993). As noted above, the royal Inca road that passed through Soras crossed the Sondondo valley as well. Monzón states that before the Inca came to the Sondondo valley each village had its own curaca or lord and that there was much warfare (Monzón 1965b: 241 [1586]). He writes that an Inca lord (probably a tucuyricu, a regional overseer of royal

Archaeological Evidence of the Inca Occupation in the Sondondo Valley Turning now to the homeland of the Andamarca Lucanas, we find the material remains of Inca control to be in stark contrast to those seen in the land of the Soras. A full-coverage archaeological survey of the central Sondondo valley was undertaken by Schreiber in 1981 (Schreiber 1992), and the results reported here derived largely from that survey as virtually all evidence of the Inca occupation was found in the central valley. More recently José Ccencho, in collaboration with Schreiber, has completed surveys of the three tributaries of the Sondondo Valley (Ccencho Huamaní 2004, 2005). The 1981 survey extended over about 120 square kilometers; coverage within this area was 100%, following transects laid out along elevation contours. Transects were space 10–20 meters apart (horizontal distance) in the district of Aucará, in order to evaluate the efficacy of closely spaced transects, and 20–50 meters apart in the rest of the valley, which was a suitable distance for finding every site with architecture, and the great majority of the sites without. The period from the collapse of Wari through the Late Horizon has been divided into three phases, based on analysis of surface artifacts. Unlike the Chicha Valley, we have no stratigraphic excavations to confirm

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Figure 11. Settlements of the greater Sondondo Valley during the Late Intermediate Period. The historic names of the larger towns are indicated, as are the names of the four ayllus into which the Andamarca Lucanas were divided. The contour interval is 500 meters, and the 4000 meter contour is highlighted. The UTM grid lines are spaced 10 km apart.

8440

Uchucayllu

8430

Guaycahuacho Apcara

Queca

8420 4597 x Señal Usqunta

Apcara ayllu Omapacha ayllu

Andamarca ayllu

8410

x 5164 Señal Qarwarazu

Chipao

Andamarca

8400

N 8390

E 590

600

610

620

630

blood; see Julien 2006) was stationed in the province to receive quipus and make the people comply with Inca orders (Monzón 1965b: 243 [1586]). In 1586 four ayllus occupied the region (Andamarca, Apcara, Omapacha, and Uchucayllu) and the association of these names with different sectors of the valley indicates that the ayllus were spatially discrete.

had one or more subsidiary villages in its surrounding territory (Figure 11). This arrangement of larger and smaller settlements suggests that the region was divided into individual polities with their own leaders, perhaps corresponding in part to the named ayllus, but polities that were able to unite their forces when threatened from the outside. The survey of the central valley identified one very large town (Apcara), two smaller towns (Queca and Tuqsa), eight villages of varying sizes, and numerous small mound sites and sherd scatters (Figure 12). Towns and villages tend to be located at or below 3300 m asl, with the exception of Tuqsa, which was well-fortified, and located on a high ridge at 3575 m asl. The large town, Apcara, is located on the western side of the valley, and was likely the local center of the Apcara ayllu. The two smaller towns, Queca and Tuqsa, are located on the east side of the valley, while the eight villages are

Settlement Pattern Changes in the Sondondo Valley The archaeological evidence indicates that life in the Sondondo Valley was quite similar to that in the Chicha Valley, and that the Andamarcas were organized much like the Soras in the LIP. One large town was found in each of the southern tributaries, and three towns were located in the central valley; each town

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8436

8432

8428

Tuqsa 60

m

63

8424 m m

13

Apcara

m

Queca

m

m

55

7 8420

65

77

40

N 8416 E 608

612

616

620

624

Figure 12. Settlements of the Late Intermediate Period in the central Sondondo Valley. The contour interval is 200 meters, and the 3000 and 4000 meter contours are highlighted. Green shading indicates agricultural zones. UTM grid lines are spaced 4 km apart. Artifact scatters on low mounds are indicated by the letter “m”.

scattered on both sides of the valley. As in the Chicha valley, local architecture comprises round buildings of broken fieldstone set in mud mortar; the houses have a single doorway, and sometimes have small rectangular niches spaced around the interior. The houses range in diameter from four to nine meters, with most falling between five and seven meters. Houses are located singly, or two to four houses might be grouped around small patios, sometimes with a compound wall. In the

southern tributaries, separate small rectangular buildings served as kitchens within compounds, but these do not occur in the central valley. On the east side of the central valley above-ground burial structures (chullpas) are sometimes located on older abandoned settlements, and are sometimes found at isolated sites; chullpas are rare on the west side of the central valley. Widely scattered throughout the valley are small mounds of small stones and other debris, probably the result of field clearing; 150


8436

8432

8428

Tuqsa 60 63

8424 13

Apcara

.....

7

8420

N 8416 E 608

66 77 65 ... . 55 .. Culluma

....

Huayhuay tampu

Queca

40

612

620

616

624

Figure 13. Settlements of the Late Horizon in the Sondondo Valley. The red line indicates the route of the Inca road, and lines of dots indicate the locations of Inca storage centers.

cultural remains on these likely represent temporary occupations during the planting and harvesting seasons. All of these LIP towns and villages continued to be occupied in the Late Horizon (Figure 13). The sites identified as dating to the Late Horizon (and hence occupied at the time of the Spanish conquest) correspond very closely to towns and villages named in the cédula de encomienda of 1540 (see Cock n.d.; Schreiber and Kintigh 1996); in the discussion below we will use

current site names, but will also indicate the historic name of the settlement where possible. As in the Chicha Valley, the Incas did not relocate people within the valley. However, in contrast to the Chicha Valley, Inca remains are quite strikingly absent on Andamarca domestic sites. Within the central valley, only one site, Apcara, has any architectural remains within it that can be identified as Inca, and this is a single building. However, elements of Inca infrastructure were identified, in151


each of the long walls, and these take on a trapezoidal shape. The niches are clear in the south wall but less so in the north wall, which is not fully preserved at the height of the niches (Schreiber 1993: 92–98). It also appears that there was a wide opening in each of the shorter end walls of the upper story; only one edge is preserved of this opening in each wall, so its width cannot be measured. There is no evidence that the roof had a center gable, but the fact that the south wall is much taller than the north wall may indicate that the building had a roof that was canted downward from south to north. This building bears some resemblance to the rectangular building in the Wallpa Wiri sector of the site of Imglesiachayoc (described above) in its dimensions and the placement of the doorway and niches. Molle Quiro, however, has two stories, which is also rare in Inca buildings. There is also a pre-reduccion Spanish church on this site, located just uphill from the Inca building. It is oriented east–west, is 24 meters long and seven meters wide; the narrow west end is open. There is a single window highly placed in the south wall, four meters from the east end of the building. The structure still serves as a chapel, to the Señor de Untuna, and is used during Holy Week rites.

cluding two storage centers, one tampu with storage, an usnu, the Inca road, and a suspension bridge.

Late Horizon Period Sites on the West Side of the Valley Jasapata (VS01-18; historic Apcara). This site, of densely concentrated architecture, covers some 30 ha and contains about 1200 houses. (It is thus substantially larger than any of the recorded Soras settlements in the Chicha Valley, other than the refuge site, but we note that the original size of the site of Hatun Soras is not known.) The site sits at 3225 m asl on the shores of a small lake at the edge of a natural shelf, commanding an excellent view of the valley below. The houses are of local style architecture, and we see no evidence of Inca influence in the presence of doors or niches of trapezoidal shape. Most artifacts are of local styles, but several Inca sherds were located at this site. The original name of the site, Apcara, may be derived from the Quechua pucara, which means fortress. Local residents report that this site once had large fortification walls, although we see no trace of these, and the site is not located in a particularly defensible position. The only Inca feature at this site is a single two story rectangular building currently known by the name Molle Quiro, situated beside a large boulder near the center of the site (Figure 14).7 The lower story is constructed of a roughly shaped fieldstone covered in mud plaster. The upper story is built of adobe. Its interior dimensions are 11.2 × 6.1 m and it is orientated along an east–west axis. Its doorway is located centrally in its narrow eastern end. As stated above this type of placement for a doorway is not unknown in Inca architecture but it is certainly rare elsewhere in Inca territory. There are six rectangular niches in each of the lower story long walls. The narrow end wall at the western end has three niches, with a window above the center niche; it is unclear whether there were niches on either side of the doorway in the eastern end wall. There is a set-back about 40 cm deep around the interior of all four walls to support the second story. The adobe upper story also appears to have had six niches in

Village sites. Three villages were found on the west side of the valley. Just below and east of Jasapata is Wachaq Puqlu (VS01-13; historic Chalqui), 0.8 ha in extent. The architecture is difficult to discern because walls are not preserved above the ground surface; it was not possible to calculate the number of houses on the site. This is odd, because late period sites in this valley nearly all have standing walls unless they are located near modern towns. Some architectural traces are rectilinear, in greater quantity than is typical in this valley. Artifacts are mostly local styles, but a number of sherds of an unknown foreign style were encountered. We suspect that this site may have been a local village that was repopulated with mitmaq settlers from elsewhere during the Inca occupation. Why the site was destroyed after abandonment is open to speculation. Across a small tributary valley from these two sites are two more villages. Willka Qawana (VS01-7; historic Cahuana), is a larger village covering 3.75 ha.

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Figure 14. Photograph of Molle Quiro, viewed toward its short east end.

Located on a hilltop at the edge of a natural shelf, qawana means “place with a good view.” The architecture of the site is mostly round with some rectilinear forms; artifacts are all local styles. The Toledan reducción town of Cabana Sur was placed just below this site, so it was mostly dismantled to provide building materials for that town; again, it was not possible to count the number of structures on the site. Tantari Moqo (VS01-40) is located farther along the edge of the same shelf as Willka Cahuana, at the end of one of the two small lakes located there; it measures 0.75 ha. Remains of architecture were too poorly preserved to be able to count the number of houses on it, but it has predominantly circular houses, with some rectilinear forms. Artifacts are mostly of local styles, but several Inca sherds were found at Tantari Moqo.

fitted as the best quality Cuzco Inca style cut stone polygonal ashlar masonry, but it is the only cut stone architecture in the Sondondo Valley (Figure 15). It conforms to what Susan Niles describes as Inca intermediate style architecture (Niles 1987: 211–212). The structure is poorly preserved, but seems to consist of a raised platform, 40 meters on a side, oriented about 5 degrees clockwise of cardinal directions. At the southwest corner of the platform is a stairway that leads to the top of the platform. Here the west wall angles slightly to the northwest, and then curves away toward the west; the curved wall was only recently exposed by illicit excavation, and its full extent and form are yet unknown. The platform is located adjacent to a spring, and associated ceramics include both Inca and Colonial sherds. Its form, construction type, and association with water are all consistent with it having been the Inca usnu, a platform indicating the imposition of Inca power; we note, however, that it is larger than most usnu platforms known from Ayacucho. The structure

The Inca usnu at Huayhuay (VS01-8). At the site of Huayhuay is found a cut stone polygonal ashlar masonry platform. The stonework is not as finely cut and

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Figure 15. Photograph of some remaining stonework forming the retaining wall of the usnu platform at Huayhuay. Where it has been torn down one can see the rocks and soil that was used as artificial fill to create the raised platform.

at Huayhuay appears to have been intentionally buried, perhaps by the Spanish trying to erase this symbol of Inca power. The Toledan reducción town of Aucará is located just west of Huayhuay, and the Spanish placed their town plaza, their own place of power, in close proximity to the usnu (Figure 16).

Huayhuay (VS01-8), and heads in the direction of Jasapata (historic Apcara). It does not enter the site directly, but passes along its southern perimeter; two trails lead into the town. It then drops fairly directly down the valley side to the suspension bridge (VS01-20). The final approach was cut through a steep cliff, where the road was fitted with stone steps, leading to a large rock outcrop where the bridge must have been anchored. A pillar that served as part of the anchoring structure on the other side of the river was clearly visible in 1981 (Figure 18; see Schreiber 1984), but is reported to have washed away when the river flooded in 2000.

The Inca road, tampu, and bridge. The Inca road, originating at Nasca on the coast road, enters this side of the valley from the southwest. It descends down the Pichqapukio quebrada, skirts the perimeter of the earlier Wari center at Jincamocco, and passes by a small tampu. The tampu (VS01-39) has 25 round qollcas, and two rectangular buildings probably used to house travelers. The qollcas are arranged in a single line following the contour of a hillside facing Apcara; they measure 3.1 m in diameter, with a total storage capacity of about 660 cubic meters. Each qollca had a single small doorway facing downhill, to the north. Behind and above the row of qollcas are the two long, narrow buildings, measuring 16.2 × 4.9 m each (Figure 17). The road then winds downward, crosses the quebrada, passes what we interpret to be the Inca usnu at

Late Horizon Period Sites on the East Side of the Valley Queca (VS01-78). The town of Queca sits at about 3300 m asl, at the head of an extensive tract of terraced agricultural fields, some of the most productive in the valley. The town was not moved, or at least it was not moved very far, during the reducciones of the 1570s. Round houses can still be seen interspersed among 154


Jasapata

Huayhuay usnu

Figure 16. Overview of modern Aucará and Lake Jochabamba. The Inca usnu platform at Huayhuay is the square yellow field located just to the right of the town. Note the placement of the Spanish town plaza as close as possible to the usnu. Beyond Aucará, to the right of the lake, is the archaeological site of Jasapata, the original location of Apcara.

Figure 17. Photograph of the Inca tampu. The two long rectangular buildings can be seen behind the remains of several qollca.

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the modern rectangular houses, and they are especially common on the southwest side of the modern town. It is possible that the prehispanic town was larger, or at least more dispersed, than the modern town, or that the center of the town was shifted slightly to the northeast, to a flatter bit of ground. The number of houses originally on the site cannot be estimated, but it probably covered an area of at least 5 ha.

west, open on its west end, and has a small highly placed window in the south wall near the east end. This structure is smaller, measuring 12.4 × 4.9 meters. Locally it is called the Convento de Santa Isabel. Below the other sites, the site of Pomabamba (VS01-55; historic Sondondo), perches on a promontory that towers above the river below. The promontory is nearly round, with steep cliffs dropping vertically down toward the river. The isthmus of land that connects the promontory to the valley side has been modified creating a deep flat-bottomed dry moat, with tall defensive walls on either side. To reach the site from the valley side one has to climb down one wall, cross the dry moat, and scale up the other wall onto the site. The site covers 0.75 ha. and contains about 40 round houses; artifacts are all of local styles. This site is probably the original location of Sondondo, relocated to a site next to the river during the Toledan reducciones; if Guaman Poma was born in the Sondondo Valley, this was his likely birthplace. Two other villages are located farther north, closer to Tuqsa. Chaupi Urqu (VS01-63; perhaps historic Ysua Yse) is quite small, only 0.4 ha., and contains about 25 round houses; artifacts are all of local styles. It sits on a low ridge extending out into maize growing fields. This is the only late period site that has remains dating back to the Middle Horizon. The other village, Iskay Moqo (VS01-60), located farther north, also in a maize-growing zone, comprises two small clusters of round houses, of about 10 and 15 houses each. As on the west side of the valley, none of these sites has evidence of Inca architecture. The east side of the valley is also characterized by numerous sites with small, above-ground burial structures (chullpas), sometimes standing alone, sometimes in small groupings; they are rectangular in form, and sometimes have rounded corners. These all appear to date to the LIP/ LH period, and all have been broken into and their contents disturbed. Free–standing chullpas do not seem to be characteristic of the west side of the valley. On the west side of the valley tombs are small bee-hive shaped structures that are often attached to the outsides of houses within settlements. The only site on the east side of the valley that shows this latter pattern is Pomabamba.

Tuqsa (VS01-54); historic Guaycahuacho). Tuqsa, as noted above, is located at a relatively high elevation in a defensive location. It covers some six hectares, and we estimate there to have been about 200 houses on the site; houses are round, often arranged in compounds, and in a good state of preservation. It sits on an elongated triangular ridge that extends into the valley from the east flank, with steep drop-offs protecting its two long sides. A defensive wall 2.5 meters thick blocks access along its eastern perimeter where it juts out from the valley side. At the western tip of the ridge are several large structures that may be religious in nature, and may be part of a system of local shrines (see Schreiber 2005). Although at first glance this site might appear to be an anomaly, possibly a refuge site like Auquimarca in the Chicha Valley, it seems to have been a permanently occupied LIP/LH town site. Village sites. Three small villages were located in the agricultural lands below and southwest of Queca. To the south of Queca, at nearly the same elevation, is a small village site (VS01-77, perhaps historic Guanca Yuculla). It is only 0.3 ha in extent, and has local style architecture, with perhaps 25 houses. Artifacts include local styles, but also sherds of a foreign style, plus one Inca style sherd. This may be a mitmaq settlement, where local Andamarcas were moved out to another location, and a foreign group moved in to take their place (Schreiber 1993: 111). Farther down the slope is the site of Santa Isabel (VS01-65), a small village with two clusters of houses, each about one half hectare in extent. Architecture is of local style, mostly round houses, with some rectangular forms mixed in; artifacts are all of local styles. Interestingly, a pre-reducción Colonial church was erected at this site. Like the one at Jasapata, it is oriented east–

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Figure 18. Remains of the Inca bridge on the east flank of the valley. At center left can be seen a rounded stone retaining wall at the terminus of the road, with a smaller masonry structure just below. To the lower right is visible the remains of a square pillar.

Inca storage centers and road. Two Inca storage centers were located on this side of the valley, both adjacent to the productive agricultural lands below Queca. Site VS01-66, just below the village of Santa Isabel, has 16 qollcas arranged in a line. Built into a terrace, they each have a small doorway facing downhill (Figure 19). They have an interior diameter of 3.3 meters, and the site has a total storage capacity of about 480 cubic meters. Culluma (VS01-75) is located on the ridge to the south of Queca, on the other side of the agricultural terraces, and comprises 46 qollcas, 40 in a long row extending down the ridge, and 6 in a row parallel to the first. These qollcas have interior diameters of only 2.5 meters, so the total capacity of this site is 790 cubic meters. The Inca road entering this side of the valley from the northeast from Hatun Soras is wide and wellmarked as it leads to Queca. From there down to the suspension bridge it is narrower, and winds around between and among the terraced fields, indicating that

terrace construction preceded the establishment of this segment of road.

Other towns in the region In the Mayobamba tributary of the Sondondo Valley (see Figure 12) is a large LIP/LH town, Chipaomarka (VS03-8), the likely center of the Omapacha ayllu, and the historic location of Chipao (Ccencho 2004). This site is fortified, and can be entered only through a single entryway. No Inca architecture or elements of infrastructure were found in this valley. In the Negromayo tributary of the Sondondo Valley is a large LIP/LH town, Caniche (VS03-20), the likely center of the Andamarca ayllu, and the historic location of Andamarca8 (Schreiber 1993; Ccencho 2004). Three parallel fortification walls are still visible on its eastern flank. The site comprises round houses and separate kitchen structures, often grouped

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Figure 19. Detail of one qollca at site VS01-66.

into walled compounds. At the highest point of the site is a rectangular building with a central dividing wall running along its long north–south axis, creating two rooms. It appears to have had two doorways in each of the long exterior walls; the building corners are slightly rounded, and a staircase climbs up the exterior of the south end wall to provide access to a possible second floor (Figure 20). Its exterior measures 7.8 m × 6.6 m. This was initially identified as an Inca building (Schreiber 1993: 102–104), and more recent investigations at the site have confirmed this identification (Cámara 2009: 189). The building has an excellent view of a large tract of terracing that was extensively remodeled by the Incas (Aguirre-Morales 2009: 261).

Figure 20. The exterior of the south wall of the Inca building at Canichi showing the stairway.

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Discussion

centralized, the Incas needed to impose centralized control, but where they were centralized, the Incas did not need to invest so heavily in creating an infrastructure of control (Menzel 1959; see also Morris 1972; D’Altroy 1992). In the case of both the Soras and the Andamarcas, neither group was centralized at all times, but despite a fluid political structure, each group was perfectly capable of united action when necessary. Given these similar conditions, other factors being equal, one would predict that the Incas would follow similar strategies of incorporation in both areas (e.g., Schreiber 1987, 1992). However, in this case they did not. We must therefore turn to those “other factors” to discern which ones were not equal, in order to account for the differences apparent in the archaeological record. While there are many situations that might explain this discrepancy, several things stand out in the historic record that draw sharp contrasts between the two regions and ethnic groups. We suggest here that there are three scenarios that most likely explain the differences we see in the material evidence of the Inca occupation in the Soras and Andamarca provinces. First, the documentary evidence pretty clearly indicates that the Soras actively resisted the Inca conquest while the Andamarcas, although allied with the Soras, may not have been actively involved in the battle, and may have surrendered without fighting; this should lead us to expect different treatment by the Incas. The spirited resistance by the Soras to the Inca conquest, and especially their retreat to their refuge site following their defeat, should have resulted in direct Inca retaliation and a more obvious Inca presence in their territory. Resistant groups such as the Soras were treated in a much more heavy-handed manner by the Incas than cooperative groups (Morris and Covey 2006: 137–138). If, in order to consolidate and maintain their dominance of the region, the Inca dismantled the local power structures and imposed their own in a relatively direct form of control, the material remains of such an occupation would be expected to differ from areas in which control was less direct. Although the Inca presence is clear in both regions, only in the Soras region do we find its material manifestation intruding on domestic levels. While the Andamarcas were free (to a degree at least) to go about their daily lives, with Inca

The material remains of the Inca occupation of the Sondondo valley stand in stark contrast to those of the Chicha valley. At only two domestic settlements in Sondondo do we see the addition of buildings erected in an architectural style that can be attributed to the Incas, and these are single structures at each site. We find no examples of Inca architecture influencing local building styles; trapezoidal forms of doors and niches are not seen in local buildings. No Inca style cut stone masonry embellishes any building at any local site. There is, however, abundant evidence of the region’s incorporation into the Inca empire. One of the royal roads crossed the valley, as it did the Chicha Valley, and facilities associated with the road include a suspension bridge, and a tampu complete with storehouses. Two other storage centers were established near Queca, in an area of especially productive terraced fields. And perhaps the finest example of Inca architecture present in the valley is the platform with moderately well cut stone retaining walls at Huayhuay, near Apcara, the probable usnu placed there by the Incas to symbolize their authority over this province.

Considering the Differences Why, if the Soras and Andamarcas were so similar in political complexity and economic organization, and their regions so similar in terms of physical resources, did the Inca follow such different strategies in establishing their dominion over these two groups? As we have illustrated in some detail in this paper, in the Chicha valley every site with surviving architectural remains has either Inca architecture or Inca influenced architecture on it; both imported Inca style pottery and local imitations of Inca style pottery are a frequent occurrence. In contrast, in the Sondondo valley only two local sites, Jasapata and Canichi, contain an Inca style buildings, and only one each; Inca style pottery is rare and there are no local imitations of Inca pottery styles. Dorothy Menzel, based on a study of documents and archaeological remains on the south coast of Peru, concluded that where local groups were not

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facilities largely set apart from local towns and villages, the Soras had to contend with a direct Inca presence in every major settlement. In our view, the greater resistance to Inca conquest exhibited by the Soras was probably a major factor in their differential treatment by the Inca. That is, because the Soras were more obviously hostile to Inca take-over, the Incas had to invest more effort in controlling them. This greater effort is manifest in the presence of Inca structures in all major Soras domestic sites recorded in the Chicha Valley. And we note that the initial resistance of the Soras may have played out into longer term Inca strategies, as initially hostile attitudes may not have dissipated over the decades of Inca rule. Indeed, by Cieza’s time, the Soras were still considered to be a bellicose people. But Soras resistance may not be the only factor that accounts for the differences we see between the two regions. We also consider the fact that the conquest and consolidation of these territories took place very early in the expansion of the empire. Here let us return to the tale, as told by Diez de Betanzos, of Pachacuti’s actions after his defeat of the Soras and his return to Cuzco. After dividing up the spoils of war, not just from the defeat of the Soras, but also from the forays of his captains into Condesuyo and Antisuyo, Pachacuti “named certain caciques to be lords of those towns and provinces of the ones the tigers ate and who he had dispossessed” (Betanzos 1996: 90 [1557]). Thus all the curacas from each of the Soras towns, some eaten by jaguars, some enslaved in Cuzco, were replaced by foreigners, people either related to the Incas or strongly allied to them. Pachacuti ordered these caciques to provide a truthful account of what was available in their lands and what could be produced. An Inca lord would be placed in each province to keep an eye on things. The caciques sent for quipus and paintings to document the resources in their provinces (livestock, maize, mines, wood, etc.). The Inca brought in the official record keepers and made a record of what was to be brought to Cuzco as tribute to the Inca and to the city of Cuzco. Next, the Inca named the Inca lords who would live in each province to keep track of things, and these lords were to coordinate the distribution of lands every year, to oversee the marriages of young adults, and

to arrange the sending of tribute to Cuzco every four months. When everything was settled, the caciques set out for their new provinces, taking along their Inca lords (Betanzos 1996: 90–91 [1557]). What we are seeing here is the birth of what in years to come would become the more institutionalized and bureaucratic practices with which we are so familiar, facilitating the implementation of Inca authority over subject provinces. The careful taking of censuses, dividing people according to a decimal system, and allocating mita labor obligations (see Julien 1982, 1988) is not yet apparent in this account. Nor do we see the Inca separating people out for royal service as yanakuna, aqlla, or various classes of camayoq (see Rowe 1982). The great Inca road system and the network of administrative centers, large and small, had barely been conceived. The enormous campaign of building thousands upon thousands of storehouses throughout Tawantinsuyu was not even a germ of an idea. Rather, the curacas of Soras were initially replaced by a group of Inca-sanctioned caciques, moving into and assuming authority over each of the Soras towns. What we see in Soras is not just different from Andamarca, it is different from nearly every other conquered province. What we may be seeing are the results of an early experiment in empire building, in which multiple Inca-sanctioned officials fanned out over the region, taking over individual towns and villages. This could account for the presence of Inca and Incainfluenced architecture in every Soras settlement. Certainly Inca strategies of consolidation of their power and authority evolved over time, and grew more efficient, as the empire matured. Perhaps only later was Hatun Soras designated as a central administrative center, positioned along a royal road system, and connected to an organized administrative hierarchy of places and offices. And finally we must also consider the fact that the emperor himself, Pachacuti Inca Yupanqui, was physically present in Soras for an extended period of time. He personally directed the conquest of the Soras, was involved in responding to their initial resistance, and appears to have personally managed at least some aspects of the reorganization of the Soras territory early in the period of his reign. The simple fact that he spent a full month in Soras territory, accompanied by several

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tens of thousands of soldiers, may also be a factor in the exceptional level of Inca investment apparent in the material record. Pachacuti’s presence may be reflected in some of the architectural building and rebuilding we see in the Soras region. Architectural details include the pairing of important administrative buildings found at sites such as Chiqna Jota and Imglesiachayoc, the presence of circular buildings with polygonal ashlar masonry and trapezoidal niches, rectangular buildings with trapezoidal niches and centrally placed high trapezoidal windows in the long walls, and the presence of doorways in the short end walls of rectangular buildings, and the use of wooden corner braces. Some of these architectural details may reflect a degree of syncretism combining aspects of the local architectural tradition, in particular the circular ground plan, with the Inca style used for major administrative buildings in the area. It is at present difficult to assign individual architectural characteristics to specific Inca rulers (Protzen 1993: 264). It may however still be useful to compare construction details observed in Soras with other sites in the Inca heartland known to have been founded and at least in part built under the direction of Pachacuti. For example, at the site of Ollantaytambo doorways occasionally occur in short end walls (although in that case only when buildings cannot be entered through the long walls due to the terrain). Trapezoidal niches with single centrally placed windows are also found at Ollantaytambo (Protzen 1993: 225, Fig. 13.9) as is the use of wooden corner braces (Protzen 1993: 233–234, Fig. 13.20). In a more general sense, however, the conquest of Soras may have had great symbolic meaning to Pachacuti. He participated in very few campaigns himself, so may have taken a more personal interest in the efforts to consolidate control over those groups he did campaign against. The personal interest and attention of Pachacuti over his lifetime, beyond just the initial conquest, may have resulted in a higher than expected degree of Inca investment in the Soras region. In sum, we are most fortunate in our efforts to understand the differences in the Inca occupations of the Soras and Andamarca regions to have access to pertinent written historic evidence. Were we to rely

on the archaeological evidence alone we would find it much more difficult to understand the differences in the material remains of the Inca occupation in the two regions. Moreover, the actions and attitudes of a particular individual are rarely manifest in the material remains left to the archaeologist. Acknowledgments. The authors wish to thank the Chicha Project Peru, the Cusichaca Trust, the National Science Foundation, and the National Geographic Society for facilitating the research on which this paper is based. We are grateful for the support of the Institute Nacional de Cultura and particularly to the people of the Chicha and Sondondo Valleys without whose help the fieldwork would have been impossible. We thank Joanne Pillsbury, who coordinated the peer review of this article, and the anonymous reviewers who provided insightful and incisive comments that greatly improved the clarity and presentation of our ideas. We alone are responsible for any errors of fact or interpretation.

Notes 1. [E]l rey . . . anduvo hasta la provinçia de Andaguaylas . . . y estuvo allí algunos días / determinando si yría a conquistar a los naturales de Guamanga e Xauxa o a los Soras y Lucanas; . . . determinó de yr a los Soras, Y saliendo de allí, anduvo por un despoblado que yva a salir a los Soras, los quales supieron su venida y se juntaron para se defender. . . . [A] los Soras enbió mensajeros sobre que no tomasen armas contra él, prometiendo de los tener en mucho sin les hazer agravio ni daño; mas no quisieron paz con servidunbre sino guerrear por no perder la livertad. Y así, juntos unos con otros tuvieron la vatalla, la qual — dizen los que tienen dello memoria — que fue muy reñida y que murieron muchos de anbas partes . . . . Los que escaparon de ser muertos y presos fueron dando aullidos y gemidos a su pueblo, adonde pusieron algúnd cobro en sus haziendas y, sacando sus mugeres, lo desanpararon y se fueron — segúnd es público — a un peñol fuerte questá cerca del río Bilcas, adonde avía en lo alto muchas cuebas y agua por naturaleza. Y en este peñol se recojeron muchos hombres con sus mugeres y hijos por miedo del Ynga, proveyéndose del más bastimento que pudieron. Y no solos los soras se recojeron a este peñol, que de la comarca

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de Guamanga y del río de Vilcas y de otras partes se juntaron con ellos, espantados de oyr quel Ynga quería ser solo señor de las jentes. Vençida la vatalla, los vençedores gozaron del despojo y el Inga mandó que no hiziesen daño a los cativos, antes los mandó soltar a todos ellos . . .; e como entrase en los Soras e supiese averse ydo la jente al peñol ya dicho, reçibió mucho enojo e determinó de los yr a çercar; y ansí, mandó a sus capitanes que con la gente de guerra caminasen contra ellos (Cieza de León, 2a pte., cap. xlvii; 1985: 138–139 [1553]). 2. . . . [C]omo el Ynga tanto desease aver a las manos a los que estavan en el peñol, anduvo con su jente hasta llegar al río Vilcas . . . . Llegado pues al peñol, procuró con toda buena razón de atraer a su amistad a los que en él estavan hechos fuertes, enbiándoles sus mensajeros; mas ellos se reyan de sus dichos y lançavan muchos tiros de piedra. El Ynga, viendo su propósito, determinó do no partir sin dexar hecho castigo en ellos . . . . Los del peñol todavía estavan en su propósito de se defender y el Ynga los avía sercado . . .; y al fin, faltando los mantenimientos, se ovieron de dar los que estavan en el peñol, obligando[se] de servir, como lo demás, al Cuzco y tributar y dar jente de guerra. Y con esta servidumbre quedaron en graçia del Ynga, de quien dizen no hazerles enojo, antes mandarles proveer de mantenimiento y otras cosas y enbiallos a su tierra; otros dizen que los mateo a todos sin que ninguno escapase (Cieza de León, 2a pte., cap. xlviii; 1985: 140–141 [1553]). 3. The extent to which the Chanka attack reflects reality or was the excuse that formed the political justification for Pachacuti’s invasion of Chanka territory can be debated (Meddens and Vivanco Pomacanchari 2005). 4. En el nacimiento de este río está la provincia de los Soras muy fértil y abundante, poblada de gentes belicosas. Ellos y los Lucanes son de vna habla: y andan vestidos con ropa de lana: poseyeron mucho ganado: y en sus provincias ay minas ricas de oro y plata. Y en tanto estimaron los Ingas a los Soras y Lucanes, que sus provincias eran cámaras suyas: y los hijos de los principales residían en la corte del Cuzco. Ay en ellas aposentos y depósitos ordinarios y por los desiertos gran número de ganado salvaje (Cieza de León, 1ª pte., cap. lxxxix; 1984: 253 [1553]). 5. In the Chicha Valley portion of the Soras region, Monzón lists settlements only on the west side of the valley. The east side of the valley fell outside his corregimiento. In fact, the valley was bisected by the border separating the Cuzco and Guamanga dioceses, a political boundary that persists to the present. We do

not know if ethnic Soras people also lived on the east side of the valley, but the fact that Aymara was spoken in this valley is interesting. The province of Aymaraes is just a short distance east, and we raise the possibility that the east side of the valley was occupied at some point by a different, Aymara-speaking ethnic group. This may have resulted from Inca mitmaq resettlement policies. Alternatively, the presence of Aymara speakers may have much more ancient roots in the region. The linguist Alfredo Torero argues that prior to A.D. 500 this and surrounding regions were the heartland of Aru, the language ancestral to Aymara (Torero 2002: 49 [Figure 1], 108). 6. Or it may simply be that he disliked the Soras, and as a result devoted less attention to them. One of his comments is quite telling on this point: “. . . y la costumbre que tenían era mala, por ser ebrios demasiadamente, y no se sabe que tuviesen costumbre buena ninguna” (Monzón 1965a: 222 [1586]). 7. In an earlier publication this structure was called “Inca Chuklla,” which is simply a descriptive term meaning “Inca hut” (Schreiber 1993: 92–98). 8. Andamarca was not listed as one of the occupied towns in the 1586 visita because it had been resettled at Cahuana in the central Sondondo Valley. Apparently at some later date it was moved back to its original location.

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