Indonesian "Locative" Pronouns: Deictic or

Australian Journal of Linguistics

ISSN: 0726-8602 (Print) 1469-2996 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/cajl20

Indonesian "Locative" Pronouns: Deictic or Anaphoric? Dwi Noverini Djenar To cite this article: Dwi Noverini Djenar (2001) Indonesian "Locative" Pronouns: Deictic or Anaphoric?, Australian Journal of Linguistics, 21:1, 49-71, DOI: 10.1080/07268600120042453 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/07268600120042453

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Australian Journal of Linguistics, Vol. 21, No. 1, 2001

Indonesian “Locative” Pronouns: Deictic or Anaphoric?* DWI NOVERINI DJENAR

Indonesian distinguishes between three locative pronouns: sini ‘here’, situ ‘there’, and sana ‘over there’. It has been argued that among these three pronouns, only sana can be used anaphorically. The middle category situ, although it cannot be used as an anaphor, has been argued to be the most neutral pronoun, in the sense that it has a wider distribution as a deictic: it can, for example, substitute for either of the other two pronouns where the reverse is not always plausible. Given the wide applicability of situ, this paper questions the basis for excluding this pronoun as an anaphor. It is demonstrated that the exclusion may be attributed to the way locative pronouns are categorized, how they relate to personal pronouns, and also how deixis and anaphora are deéned. It is argued that all of the three locative pronouns can have deictic and anaphoric functions and that both functions can be simultaneously present in some contexts. In deictic use, the choice of one pronoun or the other is determined by the spatial location of the referent relative to the speech participants. Anaphoric use, on the other hand, can be seen to reèect such things as psychological proximity to or distance from the referent in question, and the positioning of the referent in relation to other referents in discourse.1 1. Introduction Indonesian has three locative pronouns which can function as deictics: the proximal sini ‘here’, the medial category situ ‘there’, and the distal category sana ‘over there’. It has been claimed that although all of the three pronouns can serve as deictics, only sana can be used both as a deictic and an anaphor (Kaswanti Purwo 1984: 131). The middle category situ, on the other hand, although it cannot function as an anaphor, has been claimed to have the widest distribution as a deictic: it can, for example, substitute for either of the other two pronouns where the reverse is not always plausible. This paper questions the exclusion of situ as anaphor and argues that all three pronouns can function as either a deictic or an anaphor.2 When * I would like to thank Umar Muslim, Simon Musgrave and three anonymous referees for reading the earlier drafts of this paper and offering very useful comments. This paper was first presented at the Anaphora Workshop (University of Melbourne, 1998). I am grateful for the comments and suggestions given by the participants of that workshop. All errors remain mine. My special thanks go to the following people who provided the spoken data in this paper: Joe Djenar, Retno Intani, Multamia Lauder, Umar Muslim, Ida Rosliani, and Endang Sri Kentjonowati. 1 The term ‘discourse’ is used here to refer to any examples beyond the sentence. 2 Although this paper argues that the three pronouns can be used as anaphors, the analysis is focused primarily on situ and sana. Sini is also exempliéed but is only brieèy discussed. ISSN 0726-8602 print/ISSN 1469-2996 online/01/010049-23 Ó 2001 The Australian Linguistic Society DOI: 10.1080/07268600120042453

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D. N. Djenar

functioning as an anaphor, the spatial meaning inherent in the deictic use is transposed into the psychological realm. The distal category sana suggests a psychological distance from the referent previously mentioned in or understood from the context of the discourse, whereas the medial category situ implies psychological proximity to it. The available data suggest that psychological distance or proximity— and hence the choice of one or the other pronoun—correlates with the nature of the speaker’s (or narrator’s) involvement in or their knowledge of the referent in question. The discussion is organized as follows: the section which directly follows gives a working deénition of deixis and anaphora. This is followed by a discussion of the relationship between locative pronouns and personal pronouns, in which I offer possible reasons for the exclusion of situ as an anaphor. I then present cases where both sana and situ appear as both deictic and anaphoric markers. This is followed by a discussion of situ which refers to an indeénite referent (i.e. not denoting any particular entity) to support the psychological view adopted in this paper. This is followed by a discussion of cases in which situ appears as subsequent mention to either the proximal sini or the distal category sana and has been claimed as the preferred pronoun for subsequent mentions. Finally, more examples from spoken and written personal narratives are examined to further support the psychological view and give evidence that situ, contrary to the existing claim, in fact seems to be preferred as an anaphor in some contexts. 2. The Relationship Between Deixis and Anaphora I asserted above that all of the three locative pronouns can function either as a deictic or an anaphor. To be able to identify under what circumstances they are deictic or anaphoric, a deénition of these two functions is called for. Following Lyons (1977: 669), a pronoun is considered deictic when it is used to draw the attention of the addressee to the position of a referent relative to the ‘zero-point of the deictic space’—i.e. the position of the speaker within the physical space at the moment of utterance, or, in the case of éctional narrative, the position assumed by the narrator within the story world, which usually shifts as the story unfolds (Segal 1995: 15). The speaker (or narrator in written discourse) is thus the centre and the point of orientation for the referent. The use of the pronouns is often concomitant with some gestural acts such as a nod or pointing with the index énger (which Fillmore (1982) calls ‘indexing acts’). For example, the use of sini ‘here’ in Ayo, sini! ‘Come on, come here!’ (with a beckoning gesture) is deictic in that it denotes a place where the speaker is or a place within close proximity to the speaker. The same pronouns can function anaphorically when they are used to refer to the referent of some antecedent in the discourse (Lyons 1977: 660). The antecedent may have been mentioned previously, or when there is no prior mention, is understood from the discourse context (what Lyons calls the ‘universe-of-discourse’). Lyons stresses the distinction between a term which ‘refers to’ and one which is ‘co-referential’ with (‘having the same referent as’) an antecedent. For example, person X may say ‘That’s a rhinoceros,’ to which Y responds ‘A what? Spell it for me.’ ‘It’ in Y’s response refers to the word ‘rhinoceros’ but is not co-referential with it. It is therefore not anaphoric.

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Lyons’ deénition entails two things: (a) that indexing acts are absent in anaphoric use, and (b) that deictic use does not assume that the antecedent is already identiéed in the discourse context. Indeed, as he states in relation to (b), deixis is one of our principal means of putting a referent into discourse, which in turn, will allow us to refer to it subsequently (1977: 673). Deixis is thus suggested as being more basic than anaphora, and the relation between the two necessarily involves a reinterpretation: the spatial location in deictic use is reinterpretable as location within the universe of discourse in anaphoric use. Following this deénition, a locative pronoun in this paper is treated as a deictic when it denotes a location in the physical space relative to the speaker, and/or there is a clear indexing act concomitant with it. It will be considered anaphoric if there is an antecedent to which it refers, or which is understood from the context of the discourse. The deénition we have so far may give the impression that deixis and anaphora can be well delineated from each other, even though deixis is more basic than anaphora and the deictic component never completely disappears in anaphoric use, a point which is also emphasized by Karl Bu¨hler (1982: 12). In practice, however, a term can have both deictic and anaphoric functions, depending on whether the referent is within the speech participants’ physical space at the time of utterance or otherwise. Lyons points out, for instance, that ‘here’ versus ‘there’ and ‘this’ versus ‘that’ in the following examples are both deictic and anaphoric, and the choice of one form or the other is contingent upon whether the speaker is in London or not at the time of utterance (1977: 676): (1) I was born in London and I have lived here/there all my life. (2) I was born in London and this/that is where I have lived all my life. Similarly, ‘that’ and ‘then’ in the next pair of examples are also both deictic and anaphoric. They are deictic because both terms locate a point in time relative to the speaker’s time of utterance, and anaphoric since they are used to refer to an antecedent, namely, ‘six’.3 (3) You mustn’t come at six: that’s when John is coming. (4) You mustn’t come at six: John is coming then. The recognition that both deictic and anaphoric functions can be simultaneously present is particularly relevant to our purposes since, as will be shown in the next section, it bears upon the way one treats the Indonesian locative pronouns. Another way of approaching the relation between deixis and anaphora is found in Anderson and Keenan (1985: 27). In their detailed description of deixis they point out that deictic terms can be understood not only in a spatial sense but also in a metaphorical sense. ‘Here’ for example, can be understood in its spatial sense as ‘spatially near to the speaker (and addressee)’ but also metaphorically as ‘psychologically close or vivid to the speaker (and addressee)’, and likewise, ‘there’ as either spatially or psychologically distant from the speaker (and addressee). In so far as 3

Lyons uses the term ‘anaphoric’ for both backward-looking and forward-looking (cataphoric) referent identiécation.

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D. N. Djenar Table 1. Parallel between personal pronouns, locative pronouns and demonstratives in Indonesian Personal pronoun Locative pronoun Demonstrative

First sini ‘here’ ini ‘this’

Second situ ‘there’

Third sana ‘over there’ itu ‘that’

anaphoric use is based on deictic use, I suggest that with respect to narratives (personal or éctional), the choice of personal pronoun in Indonesian can be said to reèect psychological closeness or distance from the referent. The term ‘narrative’ is used here in a broad sense to include conversational narrative, non-éctional (personal) as well as éctional narrative. In non-éctional narrative, often it is the speaker’s (narrator’s) involvement in the narrated events which motivates the use of a more proximal pronoun (i.e. situ ‘there’ rather than sana ‘over there’). In éctional narrative, on the other hand, the reader is taken through different deictic anchorages by the writer’s choice of pronoun. An anaphoric use of a proximal pronoun such as sini ‘here’ is intended to bring the reader psychologically closer to the referent, although the referent itself is not to be found in the real world. As pointed out by Segal (1995: 15), referents in a éctional narrative can be understood cognitively. It is along these views that some of the anaphoric uses of sini, situ, and sana in narratives are treated in this paper. We say ‘some’ here, recognizing that psychological proximity does not seem to be the only motivating factor for the choice of locative pronoun. As will be shown in the discussion which follows, the choice may also have to do with the juxtaposition of different but related referents within the same discourse. 3. The Relationship Between Locative and Personal Pronouns in Indonesian Indonesian has three locative pronouns, namely sini ‘here’, situ ‘there’, and sana ‘over there’. In usage, these pronouns are often preceded by the locative preposition di ‘on, in, at’, the directional preposition ke ‘to, towards’, or the source preposition dari ‘from’: di sini di situ di sana dari sini dari situ dari sana

‘(in) here’ ke sini ‘to/towards here (this way)’ ‘(in) there’ ke situ ‘to/towards there (that way)’ ‘(in) over there (yonder)’ ke sana ‘to/towards over there (yonder)’ ‘from here’ ‘from there’ ‘from over there (yonder)’

As spatial deictics, they are usually considered to be the parallel of érst, second, and third personal pronouns and of the demonstratives ini ‘this’ and itu ‘that’, respectively, as shown in Table 1 (from Kaswanti Purwo (1984), no page number).4 4

Indonesian also has two other demonstratives, namely, begini ‘like this’ and begitu ‘like that’ which are parallel with ini ‘this’ and itu ‘that’, respectively.

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The above categorization is based on relative proximity to the speech event, that is, relative closeness to or distance from the speech participants, and the spatial and temporal anchorage of the utterance. Thus the locative pronoun sini ‘here’ can roughly be understood as ‘a place close to the speaker, or to both the speaker and the addressee’; situ ‘there’ as ‘a place away from the speaker (and the addressee), or close to the addressee if the addressee’s place is distinct from the speaker’s’, and sana ‘over there’ as ‘a place further away from both the speaker and the addressee’. Likewise, the demonstrative ini ‘this’ indicates that the referent is close to the speaker (and the addressee). Itu ‘that’ however, is shared between the second and third persons since, as Kaswanti Purwo points out, Indonesian does not have a demonstrative equivalent to the third person and to the distal locative sana. Thus, itu can be used to signify a referent either relatively close to the speaker (and the addressee) or away (or further away) from both the speaker and the addressee and close to the third person. In addition, it has also been pointed out that the three locative pronouns can also serve as the érst, second, and third personal pronouns, respectively, e.g. (5) Sini sudah setuju, tinggal situ bagaimana. here already agree remain there how Tentang pendapat sana nanti bagaimana, itu about opinion over-there later how that terserah kepada mereka. up-to to them ‘We have already agreed, now how about you? As to what they want, it’s up to them.’ (Kaswanti Purwo 1984: 45)5 In practice, the relationship between the pronouns is more complex than has been suggested. For instance, situ can also be used as a third, rather than second, personal pronoun, as shown in the extract from a personal narrative below. Here speaker E is telling her addressee where she slept the night when she was doing her éeldwork in a national park, which is located in the province of Aceh. Situ is used metonymically to refer to the people in charge of the park. (6) E:

Terus. .. Anu .. apa namanya? E5 .. Ya itu waktu di situ tuh. … ‘Kan itu .. saya nginepnya di pos ya. N: Mm.

5

In English ‘here’ (but not ‘there’) can also be used for érst person, e.g.:

A: B:

I’m starving. Same here.

It is not clear whether the example given by Kaswanti Purwo here is from naturally occurring discourse or an introspective one. Considering that its source is not clearly indicated (unlike other examples in Kaswanti Purwo), I am inclined to think that it is the latter.

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D. N. Djenar E: Situ kan punya .. kayak wisma .. N: Mm. E: Itu ya pos , di . .. di hutan situ , X itu X . di situ. (S/N-ENDA) E:Then .. Er .. what is it .. Er 5 .. That’s right, when I was there, … I stayed at the post, right. N: Mm. E: They have .. like a guesthouse N: Mm. E: That post is , in . .. in that forest , X there X . there.

Although the relationship between locative and personal pronouns need not concern us further here, it is worth noting that the above table represents, to an extent, an idealized categorization of pronouns which does not always reèect actual usage. It is possible that this categorization has contributed to the assumption that among the three locative pronouns, only sana can function as an anaphor. That is, the fact that in the idealized categorization sana has as its parallel the third person (and can be used as third person pronoun), and anaphoric references generally take the form of such a pronoun, naturally would lead one to assume that only sana qualiées for the anaphoric function. This argument is implicit in Kaswanti Purwo’s (1984: 131) statement: Dalam bahasa Indonesia di antara ketiga kata penunjuk tempat itu hanya kata sana (yang bertitik labuh pada persona ketiga) yang dapat dipergunakan sebagai pemarkah anafora tempat ‘In Indonesian, of the three locative pronouns only sana (which has the third person pronoun as its deictic anchorage) can be used as a locative anaphoric marker’. According to this line of argument, therefore, situ, which parallels the second person, cannot have an anaphonic function. Another possible reason for the exclusion of situ as an anaphor has to do with how deictic and anaphoric functions are deéned. As mentioned in the previous section, a locative pronoun can have both functions simultaneously. It can be considered deictic if the referent is located relative to the speaker’s physical space and anaphoric if there is a prior mention of it or it is understood from the discourse context. Failure to recognize that simultaneity of functions is possible would lead one to assume that situ, which, as we saw in the idealized categorization, is paralleled with the second person (the addressee)—hence must have its referent within the speaker’s physical space—must be deictic and cannot be anaphoric. In éctional narrative, where there is more than one pronoun being used, and situ is one of them, the variation in the pronoun has been claimed as a case of deictic shift. This point will be further clariéed in the ensuing sections.

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4. Deictic and Anaphoric Use of Situ and Sana Following Lyons, this paper argues that all of the locative pronouns can have both deictic and anaphoric functions. This section concentrates on situ ‘there’ and sana ‘over there’ in these simultaneous functions. In the following example from a personal narrative, speaker J uses di sana ‘over there’ to refer to the town of Klungkung (in Bali) which is approximately 3 hours away from where J was at the time of utterance (his use of the pronoun is reiterated by speaker I). This distal pronoun also suggests the invisibility of the referent to the speakers and their addressee (U). This use is both deictic and anaphoric: deictic in the sense that the interpretation of the pronoun is contingent upon knowing the speaker’s location, and anaphoric in that the pronoun is used to refer to its antecedent, namely, Klungkung. (7) J:

Klungkung itu kerajaan besar. .. Tapi justru di sana dulu ditemukan .. e 5 h .. Qur’an paling tua di Indonesia. U: @@ J: Di Klungkung. .. Kadang-kadang [di sana] I: [Ada tradisi] .. apa ya. .. muludan di sana itu. (S/D-BALI) Klungkung was a big kingdom. .. But it is over there that was found .. e 5 r .. the oldest Qur’an in Indonesia. U: @@ J: In Klungkung. .. Sometimes [over there] .. I: [There is the tradition] .. what is it .. muludan over there. J:

The anaphoric use of di sana can also be interpreted as referring to a location which is not psychologically close to the speakers. In this case, the speakers (J and I) are simply describing something in which they have no personal involvement. The deictic and anaphoric functions are also found simultaneously in (8) below, taken from a lecture (non-narrative). Here speaker M was in the same room as her addressees when she talked to them. The deictic reading of the pronoun is ‘there, close to the addressee, not far away from the speaker, and is perceptually accessible to both the speaker and the addressee’. As in the earlier example, it is anaphoric in the sense that it is co-referential with the previously mentioned NP, namely, peta kedelapan belas ‘map number 18’. (8) M:

Berikutnya, .. kalo sudah selesai perhitungan itu, .. hasil perhitungannya itu anda masukkan lagi ke dalam peta. Jadi itu adalah peta kedelapan .. belas.

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D. N. Djenar

®

.. Jadi anda membuat jaring laba-laba di situ, untuk .. hasil perhitungan dialektometrinya. (S/P-DIAL) ‘Next, .. when you énish with the calculation, .. put the result of that calculation into the map. So that is map number eighteen. .. So you make a bundle of isoglosses there, for .. the result of the dialectometry.’

We see from these two examples that both sana and situ can simultaneously be deictic and anaphoric. In the deictic reading, the referent of situ is indicated as being spatially close (and perceptible) to the speaker(s) and addressee(s). The anaphoric reading is based on the pronoun’s referential function. 5. Situ with Indeénite Referents Another instance in which situ can serve as an anaphor is when it is used to refer to an indeénite referent. ‘Indeénite’ here is understood to mean a referent which is not any one particular entity identiéed by the speaker, but rather, any entity which éts the description expressed by the NP. In example (9), taken from a conversation about Balinese temples and festivities, the érst mention of pura puseh ‘central temple’ refers to any central temple in general. Situ is used to refer back to this indeénite referent. (9) J: U: J: I: J:

N: I: N: J: U: J:

®

I: J: U: J:

Dan tiap-tiap pura itu punya ulang tahun sendiri. @@ Hari ulang tahun sendiri. Namanya [Odhalan]. [Odhalan]. .. Itu tiap enam bulan sekali. .. Di sini pokoknya ulang tahunnya itu enam bulan sekali. @@ Wetonan. … Kalender Bali ya. E 5 hm. Kalender Bali. Itu. .. satu pura itu .. untuk .. satu daerah? Ada 5 .. tiga jenis ya, pura desa .. pura .. apa lagi Pura puseh. Pura puseh .. pusat. He-eh. Berapa banjar itu nanti ke situ semua.

Indonesian Locative Pronouns

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U: O 5 h. (S/D-BALI) J: U: J: I: J:

N: I: N: J: U: J: I: J: U: J: U:

And every temple has its own anniversary. @@ Its own anniversary. It’s called [Odhalan] [Odhalan] .. It’s every six months. .. Here always the anniversary is every six months. @@ It’s Wetonan. .. following the Balinese calendar. E 5 hm. Balinese calendar. Is .. one temple is .. for .. one area? There 5 are .. three kinds you see, the village temple .. the .. what else The central temple. The central temple .. central. Right. A number of banjar will all go there. O 5 h.

This example is particularly interesting in that the pronoun situ does not encode an actual spatial proximity between the speaker (and the addressee) and the entity picked out by the NP (the speakers are not in close proximity to any central temple at the time of utterance) but a sense of closeness is evoked none the less by the speakers’ experience of an event closely related to the NP, albeit only perceptually. The background to this extract clariées this. The conversation above took place in a car going from Denpasar to Bedugul in Bali. This piece of conversation was triggered by the sight of a group of Balinese carrying offerings on their heads on their way to a temple. The anaphoric use of situ in this case can be argued to reèect, not a psychological closeness to the actual referent (namely, pura puseh ‘the central temple’) but rather, an indirect sense of closeness based on witnessing at close range an activity related to the referent. In (10), both the second and subsequent mentions are done with situ. As with (9), it is not immediately clear where the referents are in relation to the speaker, or, in this case, the narrator (the writer does not indicate to us whether the narrator is actually quite a distance from or approaching the places s/he is thinking of). In the absence of such information, we can interpret di situ as having more of an anaphoric than deictic function. (10) Hendak ke manakah ia malam itu? Hendak masukkah ia ke toko-toko yang […]. Atau hendak masukkah ia ke restoran yang […]. Ah tidak. Ia takkan

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D. N. Djenar pergi ke situ. Di situ tidak ada kehidupan bebas. Di situ, di dalam gedunggedung yang […]. Di situ orang tak dapat memesan […]. Di situ orang tak dapat mengunyah […]. Di situ orang harus duduk dengan tertib di atas kursi. ‘Where will he go tonight? Will he go to shops which […]. Or will he go to a restaurant which […]. No. He will not go there. Life is not free there. There, inside the buildings which […]. There one cannot order […]. There one cannot chew […]. There one must sit politely on the chair.’ (Bianglala, 39, quoted in Kaswanti Purwo 1984: 174)

On the metaphorical level, the anaphoric use of di situ in this example can also be considered as reèecting psychological closeness to the referents. In this case, the sense of closeness is not necessarily motivated by a direct experience but more by personal knowledge and perception of the referents. In the paragraph we are told that the narrator will not go to either the shops or a particular restaurant because s/he knows that in these places one must abide by certain etiquette which s/he perceives as restrictive and hypocritical. In short, these are not places s/he will feel comfortable in. S/he may or may not have been there her/himself. The two examples illustrate that the idea of ‘psychological closeness’ as suggested by Anderson and Keenan can be interpreted further. In (9) the sense of closeness is indirectly evoked by a perceptual experience of an event which is closely related to the referent. In (10) closeness is evoked by a personal knowledge and perception— not necessarily a direct experience—of the referents in question. Both examples thus suggest that psychological proximity need not be based always on a direct experience of the referent but can also be indirectly evoked through something else related to it or a knowledge of it. 6. Situ as Subsequent Mention to Another Locative Pronoun As observed by Kaswanti Purwo (1984: 174), of the three locative pronouns, situ seems to have the widest distribution as a deictic. For instance, when it is used to refer to a previously mentioned NP, it is often applicable in cases where either sana ‘over there’ and sini ‘here’ are not. In addition, it seems to be preferred as a subsequent mention of a referent érst referred to by either of the other two locative pronouns. Kaswanti Purwo exempliées his statement, among others, with the extract in (11). He says that the érst mention of the referent is done with an NP and the second with di sini ‘here’, suggesting that the writer takes the location mentioned with the NP as the deictic anchor. Di situ ‘there’ appears as a subsequent mention to di sini. This pronoun variation, according to Kaswanti Purwo, reèects a deictic shift. (11) Banyak orang dari jauh datang mengunjunginya di desa Sukosewu […]. Ia dipandang berkemampuan mengobati berbagai macam penyakit, […]. […]. Jari tangannya seperti sudah bertambah satu karena rokok kretek yang terus-menerus dihirupnya. Rokok merupakan salah satu pembayaran yang dipakai pasien sebagai tanda terima kasih. Di sini tak dikenal pembayaran dengan uang.

Indonesian Locative Pronouns

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Seluruh isi rumah yang jadi tempat penampungan pasien adalah pemberian mereka yang pernah tinggal di situ. ‘Many people from afar come to visit him in the village of Sukosewu […]. He is believed to have the power to cure various illnesses, […]. […]. His éngers look as though they have one extra énger added on because of the clove cigarettes he continually smokes. Cigarettes are one means the patients use for saying thank you. Here money is not recognized as a method of payment. All contents of the house where the patients stay are gifts from those who have ever stayed there.’ (Tempo, 31 March 1979, p. 21, quoted in Kaswanti Purwo 1984: 174) As this example is taken from a written narrative with represented speech where the writer usually imposes her/his point of view on the reader (Fillmore 1975; Ehrlich 1990), it is reasonable to claim that the variation from the NP to the different pronouns indeed reèects deictic shifts.6 However, the claim raises an interesting question: can a pronoun which reèects a deictic shift also be interpreted as an anaphor? Notice that di sini ‘here’ can be interpreted as referring to the NP desa Sukosewu ‘the village of Sukosewo’. In this reading, we have a shift from a location distant from the deictic anchorage (the position imposed by the writer to the reader), which is mentioned with an NP, to one identical with it. On another interpretation, the locative pronoun actually refers to the place where the person described in the narrative lives (his clinic), which is not mentioned in the extract but is understood from the context. In both interpretations, the function of di sini is anaphoric. However, which interpretation one makes has a bearing on whether one can say that a deictic shift has occurred. Under the érst interpretation there is no shift, whereas under the second we have a shift from the érst paragraph in which the description of the village suggests that it is distant (even though there is no deictic term being used here), to the second paragraph in which the clinic is the deictic anchorage. In the third paragraph, di situ ‘over there’ refers to the NP rumah ‘the house’, which is the same referent as the clinic in the second paragraph. The change from di sini in the second paragraph to di situ in the third paragraph reèects a deictic shift. The interpretation of which referent the pronoun refers to makes a difference in relation to the claim that situ seems to be preferred as a subsequent mention of a referent érst referred to by any of the other two locative pronouns. Under our interpretation, the claim is not relevant since situ in the above example is not subsequent to sini. The two pronouns are intercepted by the NP rumah ‘house’, even though the referent of this NP is the same as what is not explicitly mentioned, namely, the clinic. ‘Subsequent’ implies that one pronoun is followed by another with no NP in between. This is not the case in (11). The difference in the two interpretations of the identiécation of the referent(s) is shown below. 6

It is interesting that the paragraph shifts seem to be symbolic of deictic shifts.

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D. N. Djenar

Kaswanti Purwo’s interpretation: 1st mention NP (desa Sukosewu ‘the village of Sukosewu’)

2nd mention di sini ‘here’

3rd mention di situ ‘there’

Our interpretation: 1st mention NP1 (desa Sukosewu ‘the village of Sukosewu’) No overt mention NP2 (the clinic)

1st mention di sini ‘here’

1st mention NP3 (rumah ‘the house’)

2nd mention di situ ‘there’

Similar to (11), example (12) allows two interpretations with regard to the referent. One interpretation is that both sana and situ refer to one and the same referent, namely, gudang bahan pangan ‘the food barn’. Under this interpretation, situ can be seen as a mention subsequent to another pronoun, and that there is a deictic shift. Another interpretation is that situ actually refers to the second NP (di sela-sela tumpukan karung beras ‘among the rice sacks’), in which case situ cannot be viewed as a mention subsequent to another pronoun. (12) Satu-satunya ruang yang masih tersisa tinggallah gudang bahan pangan. Di sanalah kami tidur pulas malam itu, di sela-sela tumpukan karung beras. Di situ pulalah para prajurit terdahulu melepas lelahnya di waktu istirahat. ‘The only room left is the food barn. It was over there that we slept that night, among the rice sacks. It is there also that previous soldiers took a rest during their free time.’ (Kompas 6 July 1979, I, quoted in Kaswanti Purwo 1984: 174). If we follow the second interpretation, I would like to suggest that the choice of pronoun here has something to do with what Langacker (1991: 8–9) calls ‘nested location’, namely, a location which is smaller is often identiéed relative to a larger one of which it is a part. In this case, the rice sacks are nested within the food barn and di situ is used to refer to this smaller location. Thus the change in pronoun reèects a kind of ‘zooming in’ from a larger location to the smaller one. At this stage, this reading remains a speculation as we need more examples of the kind illustrated here to be able to substantiate the claim. The point here, however, is that under the two interpretations, both pronouns have an anaphoric function, and are not simply deictic. An examination of the two examples in this section suggests that the claim that situ is the preferred subsequent mention is based on the assumption that all of the pronouns in each extract refer to the same NP. I argued that this is not necessarily the case because the two pronouns are intercepted by an NP. 7. More on Situ in Personal Narratives Personal narratives are typically about a speaker’s involvement in some event and usually feature some remarkable experience which makes the story worth telling

Indonesian Locative Pronouns

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(Labov 1972: 370). When the speaker is in one way or another personally involved in the events, the experiences become more vivid or closer in their mind than if they merely describe some events or objects with which they have no personal involvement or afénity (cf. Chafe 1990). In this sense the locations of the events also become psychologically close to them. We saw earlier, however, that the nature of involvement varies. The speaker can be directly or indirectly involved with the referent. To further support this argument, this section discusses the uses of situ in personal narratives in which there is a great geographical distance between the speaker and the referent, and/or a textual distance between the érst mention of the referent with an NP, and the subsequent reference with the pronoun. In the following example speaker E describes her éeldwork experience in Lawe Gurah (part of a national park in the province of Aceh, Sumatra). Although the story itself was told in Melbourne years after the éeldwork took place, the speaker uses situ toward the end of the extract to refer back to the NP Lawe Gurah in the érst line. Saya itu yang namanya Lawe Gurah itu, mau ke hot spring-nya itu. N: Hmm. E: Ketinggiannya cuman lima ratus. N: Hm. E: Tapi , L2JV sing jenenge munggah L2JV . itu , bukan . .. bukan segini thok. .. Gini nih lho munggahe itu lho Mbak. N: @@ E: Cuman lima ratus ketinggiannya dari sini. Cuman mau naik ke sana N: O 5 h. E: , Or- . orang .. s- jam empat itu harus ba- sampe di bawah. .. Saya tuh jam empat , L2JV lagi tekan nggon L2JV . spring-nya toh. .. Itu saya sudah .. berhenti berkali-kali. .. Terus itu yang [namanya] N: [Kok bisa banyak sekali?] E: .. ranger saya tuh sePak Umar ini. .. tapi lebih kurus. .. Itu , L2JV dheke nganggo sandhal ja 5 pit itu iso L2JV . nuntun saya .. ngangkat saya gini-ini lho. N&U&B: @@@ E: , L2JV Oena 5 ke jek setengah mati L2JV . saya sampe .. , Q , L2JV E 5 h lhadalah ki wong iki .. . Q . , L2JV Sing jenenge sikilku gini nih wis ora iso munggah wis ra iso mancat L2JV . .. gini sudah ndak bisa. Ditarik dia , sam- . dari atas itu , X nya X . itu. N&B: @@@@

(13) E:

62

D. N. Djenar N: E: N: E:

N: E:

N: E:

N: E:

®

E: N: E: N: E:

N: E: N: E:

, @ Itu namanya gentleman @ . Terus itu mau turun sini ‘kan batu gede-gede mau sampe di hot spring tuh. Heh. , Q Lewat sini aja .. mutus jalan ini batunya gede-gede Q . Dia , L2JV nggo sandhal japit wis keno blethokan kuwi yo ora kepleset sre 5 t sre 5 t kuwi L2JV . ya ndak lho. Itu ‘kan .. sret .. sret , L2JV sandhale dijikuk buang kono L2JV . . Terus gini .. , Q Mari Bu Q . [O 5 h .. @@@@] [@@@@] Orangnya kecil. Ada fotonya Mbak Novi. Saya pas nyabrang kali tuh yang nuntun ya dia. @@@ Nyabrang kali tuh batinku , L2JV ‘Ki sing nuntun luwih cilik ‘mbang aku iki ngko lek keli 5 .. @@ .. bake luwih kuat L2JV . . Oh ya. .. Sudah biasa ya. Lha terus sudah gitu ‘kan, .. jam empat .. waktu itu jam empat. Waktu itu saya di .. peseni sama .. apa .. ya kayak penanggungjawabnya di situ, , Q Nanti kalau bisa jam empat sudah di sungai Q . .. gitu lho. (S/N-ENDA) When I was at Lawe Gurah, going to the hot spring. Hm. It was only éve hundred metres high. Hm. But what is called up is , not . .. not only like this. .. It goes up like this. @@ It was only éve hundred metres from here. But if you want to go up there O 5 h. .. You see, at s- four o’clock you must be bot- at the bottom again. .. Well at four o’clock I had just reached the spring. .. And that’s .. with so many stops too.

Indonesian Locative Pronouns

63

.. And [the] [How come so many stops?] .. my ranger was about Umar’s height. .. but skinnier. .. Even though he only wore thongs he could lead me .. dragged me up like this. N&U&B: @@@ E: So 5 effortlessly that I thought .. wow what a strong person .. While my feet could not walk up any more couldn’t hike up .. couldn’t even go like this. He pulled me up from above , X the X . . N&B: @@ N: , @ That’s what you call a gentleman @ . E: And then before going down there are big rocks here just before you get to the hot spring. N: Heh. E: , Q Go this way .. to get around these big rocks Q . He with his thongs full of mud didn’t even slip not even sre 5 t sre 5 t like that. He went .. sret .. sret .. picked up this thongs and threw them there. And then said .. , Q Here Bu Q . [O 5 h .. @@@@] N: [@@@@] E: He is small. I have a photo of him. When I crossed the river it was him who held me. N: @@@ E: When crossing the river I thought .. the person holding me is smaller than me what if he drowns 5 .. @@ .. turns out that he is stronger. N: Really. .. He must be used to it. E: And then after that, .. four o’clock .. it was four o’clock. I remember being advised by .. ehm .. like the person in charge there, , Q If possible get back to the river by four o’clock Q . .. like that. N: E:

®

In this example situ is used to refer back to an NP with a great textual distance in between. This supports Fox’s (1987) énding that distance is not a crucial factor in

64

D. N. Djenar

anaphora; a referent can still be referred back with a pronoun as long as the topic has not been closed down. Textual distance does not seem to trigger the use of the distal category sana ‘over there’, which is a logical choice if the distance is taken to be iconic of spatial distance. In (14) the érst mention, which is done with sini ‘here’, is deictic (there is no prior mention of the location and the speaker used a pointing gesture when she said it). The subsequent mention, using situ, is also deictic in that it denotes a location away from but still within the proximity of the speaker and addressee. Both of these pronouns are deictic within the world of the quoted speech. However, the second use of situ (shown by the arrow) is anaphoric in that it refers to the referent indicated in the quoted speech, namely, some place in the Waykambas national park which is located on the island of Sumatra. As in the previous example, the speaker’s geographical location at the time of utterance (which is the same as in (13)) does not seem to motivate the use of the distal pronoun sana. (14) E:

®

Yang di Waykambas itu ada lagi. … Yang karena .. gini ya. Kalo .. e- .. di taman nasional itu, .. kalo ada yang e .. lagi penelitian gini, terus ada yang ditugaskan untuk ndampingi, itu ha 5 rus apa yang dicari si peneliti itu harus sampe dapat .. gitu lho. .. Harus bantu sampe dia berhasil. N: Berat juga ya. E: Berat. .. Makanya itu .. pas itu .. pas apa namanya - Pokoknya , Q Ibu mau ke mana? Q . , Q Ke sini Q . Dia itu ndak akan bilang , Q situ bahaya Q . ndak. , Q Oh iya Q . . Tapi dia jaga-jaga supaya ini bisa ngambil di @si@tu, dan tidak kena bahaya .. gitu lho. (S/N-ENDA) E:

It’s a different case in Waykambas. .. Which because .. put it this way. In .. e 5 .. national park, .. when there’s e 5 .. someone doing éeldwork like this, and there is someone delegated to accompany you, what the researcher wants has to be found .. you see. .. He must help the researcher get what they want. N: That’s a difécult task. E: Difécult. .. That’s why .. that time .. when what is it - In short , Q Where do you want to go? Q .

Indonesian Locative Pronouns

65

, Q Here Q . He won’t say , Q it’s dangerous there Q . , no. , Q Alright Q . . But he also keeps a look out so the researcher can get the sample @there@, without striking any danger .. you see.

®

In a similar manner, situ is used in (15) to refer to a location which is geographically very distant from the speaker. Here speaker R is telling her addressee about her experience when arriving the érst time in Kentucky from Indonesia. Both speech participants were in Yogyakarta (Central Java) when the conversation took place. The third mention is done with the Javanese locative pronoun kono ‘there’.7 (15) R:

R:

®

, L2JV Kowe ngerti L2JV . , pengalamanku pertama kali ketika aku sampai di Kentucky-nya. N:He-eh? Wis yo. Pertama, e .. dengan bas- , L2JV opo L2JV . —kapasitas ini lho .. practical oral English-ku , yang . yang sangat minim .. Ya terus .. e .. udah di situ aku , L2JV ‘ra ngerti L2JV . apakah aku , punya . punya .. , L2JV opo L2JV . .. connections , L2JV ko- nang kono L2JV . . (S/N-RETN)

R:

®

You know, my érst experience when I arrived in Kentucky itself. N: Right. R: Really. First, er .. with bas- whatisit — this skill in .. my practical oral English which is very minimal .. And then .. er .. being there already I didn’t know whether I had had .. what is it .. connections there.

(16) is a similar example by the same speaker, showing a preference for situ for referring to the NP. (16) R:

di .. lapangan terbang Murray, masya Allah itu kotanya ya .. [kecil banget]. N: [he-eh he-eh] R: Kecil wis tapi , L2EN I don’t care L2EN . N: [He-eh] @@

7

Although the Indonesian situ and Javanese kono may be similar in meaning, no claim is made here on their equivalence.

66

®

D. N. Djenar R: N: R: N: R:

[tentang] kota kecil pokoknya .. aku[sudah di Amerika]. [He-eh @@] [‘Kan ngono ya]. [@@@] Terus dari situ aku .. , L2JV ngenteni L2JV . si Rusmi-nya itu. (S/N-RETN)

R:

at .. the Murray airport, masya Allah the city you know .. [was very small]. [Right right]. It’s so small but I don’t care [Right]. [that] it’s a small town so long as .. I’m[already in America]. [Right]. [Like that, isn’t it?] [@@@] Then from there I .. waited for this person called Rusmi.

N: R:

®

N: R: N: R: N: R:

As pointed out by Givo´n (1995: 366), a speaker often starts their story by introducing different NPs (referring to locations) at the opening of a discourse to give the addressee the spatial orientation of the story. In (17) we énd situ being preceded by a number of NPs, although only the érst one (Leuser) is co-referential with the pronoun. Here the érst NP (Leuser National Park) refers to a location smaller than that referred to in the second and third NP (Aceh). (17) E:

Oh itu saya di Sumat- di - Saya di Leuser sendiri Mbak. Saya nggak bawa teman itu. .. Saya sendiri thil terus di .. [di .. apa] .. N: [Nah , kal] .. kalo pas sendiri gitu tuh, .. terus ditemani rangernya? E: Ranger aja. .. Rangernya aja tuh orang Aceh saya kalo nggak salah. Itu saya sudah pasrah bongkokan hidup saya .. di A@ceh itu. Dan itu seminggu sebelum saya datang, penembakan oleh GPK itu yang camat satu mobil ditembak? N: Ehm. E: Tapi camatnya ndak kena. .. Tuh GPKnya di Aceh itu .. nggak kelihatan Mbak. N: Itu orang-orang yang seperti .. apa

Indonesian Locative Pronouns

E: N:

E: N: E:

B: N: E:

®

E:

N:

E:

N: E: N: E: N:

.. yang Irian itu? Oh iya. .. Ekspedisi itu ya ..[orang]. [OPM ya]? .. OPM .. Nggak .. orang-orang yang hutan itu lho. .. OPM sama itu .. Oh. Bener-bener orang .. anu ya. .. e 5 .. lapangan betul. Oh .. ya kalo di lapangan itu harus bisa ngapa-ngapain. Minum air sungai .. harus bisa. Saya belum bisa. @@ @@ Terus Anu .. apa namanya? E5 . .. Ya itu waktu di situ tuh. … ‘Kan itu .. saya nginepnya di pos ya. (S/N-ENDA) Oh that time I was in Sumat- in - In Leuser I was alone Mbak. I didn’t bring a friend. .. I was really alone and in .. [in .. er] [So , when . ] .. when you’re alone like that, .. you’re then accompanied by the ranger? Only the ranger. .. The ranger is also an Acehnese if I remember correctly. I totally surrendered to my fate then .. that time in Aceh. And a week before I came, there was that shooting by the guerrillas with the subdistrict head and others in his car all shot? Ehm. But the subdistrict head survived. .. The guerrillas in Aceh .. are invisible you know. Are those people like .. er .. the ones in Irian? Yes of course. .. An expedition is ..[people] [the Free Papua Organization]? .. Free Papua Organization

67

68

®

D. N. Djenar .. No .. those people in the forest. .. those from the Free Papua Organization is the same E: Oh. N: Now those guerrillas are real .. er .. er 5 .. éeldworkers. E: Of course, when you’re in the éeld you have to be able to do everything. Drinking river water .. you must be able to do that. I can’t do that yet. B: @@ N: @@ E: And so Er .. what is it E5 .. That’s right, when I was there. .. That time .. I stayed at the post, right.

The mention of the different NPs suggests that the speaker wants to ensure that her addressee knows the exact setting of her story, assuming that not many people would be familiar with Leuser (particularly those who do not come from the island of Sumatra, where Leuser is located). It also implies the importance of the location to the speaker and to her story overall. After it is introduced, she can then refer to it with situ. It is interesting that the speaker was in fact about to start her story with an even larger location (Sumatra) but abandons it before it was completed and chooses Leuser instead (see the érst line). This is probably because the island of Sumatra is assumed to be too general a location for her purposes, particularly since in another part of this long narrative, E tells of her éeldwork experience in another national park on the same island, called Waykambas (see (14)). In (18), taken from a written personal narrative, we énd a shift from di sana in the érst paragraph to di situ in the third paragraph.

(18) Dipikir-pikir orang Indonesia itu merupakan bangsa yang paling suka menjamu orang. Walau kantong sedang cekak, kalau sedang hajatan, makanan apa pun akan diusahakan tersedia bagi para undangan. Kecenderungan ini berbeda sekali dengan yang saya alami, ketika saya tinggal di negeri kaktus Meksiko, mengikuti suami yang bekerja di sana. Suatu hari kami mendapat undangan cocktail party pukul 19.00 dari kedutaan besar suatu negara Eropa. [..1..]. Saya membayangkan acara pesta itu akan sama saja dengan acara serupa yang juga sering diselenggarakan di Indonesia. Saya membayangkan di situ tentunya akan ada ragam rupa makanan kecil (plus minum tentunya). [..5..]. Dipikir-pikir, beda benar dengan acara-acar a pesta koktail yang juga

Indonesian Locative Pronouns

69

sering dilakukan oleh orang-orang Indonesia. Ragam nyamikan selalu tersaji di situ. (W/N-UNDA)8 ‘If we think about it, Indonesians are people who really like entertaining. Even if money is short, when having a do, they will endeavour to serve all varieties of food for their guests. This is very different from what I experienced when I was living in the cactus country, Mexico, accompanying my husband who was working over there. One day we received an invitation for a cocktail party at 7 pm from an embassy of a European country. […]. I thought the party would be similar to those often held in Indonesia. I thought there would surely be all sorts of snacks there (and drinks of course). […]. If we think about it, it was so different from the cocktail parties which are also often held by Indonesians. A variety of snacks are always served there.’ Di sana may be interpreted as both deictic (the speaker is geographically distant from the location mentioned with the NP) and anaphoric (it is used to refer to the NP). The two instances of di situ in subsequent paragraphs, however, are anaphoric since the spatial location of the speaker has not changed (i.e. still distant from the referents) but psychologically there is a shift closer to these referents. This shift can be attributed to the speaker’s personal involvement in the events being described. Notice that di sana is used to refer to a location (Mexico) mentioned in the opening (background) part of the story. Once the larger location of the story is mentioned, she then begins to introduce the smaller location (the cocktail party in the embassy), which is more directly relevant to her and one in which she has personal involvement and therefore has an afénity with. This location is referred to with di situ. Notice also that this same pronoun is used again to refer to cocktail parties in Indonesia (in the fourth paragraph), which she was not spatially close to at the time of utterance but has had direct experience of in the past. In connection with the switch from the distal sana to the medial sini in (18), I would like to speculate that Langacker’s ‘nested location’, Anderson and Keenan’s idea of ‘psychological closeness’, and the choice of locative pronouns can be linked. A nested (smaller) location correlates with psychological proximity, and is likely to be referred to with situ, whereas a larger location correlates with psychological distance and is likely to be referred to with sana. To clarify further, ‘nested location’ suggests that a location which is smaller can be nested within one which is larger. We saw in (18) above that the nested, smaller location (‘cocktail party’) is referred to with di situ, and the larger one (‘Mexico’) with di sana. In this example, the larger location is one which is not immediately relevant to the speaker and is hence psychologically less close to her, whereas the smaller location is one in which her story is centred and one she feels close to. The link is illustrated below (the symbol Û means ‘correlates with’):

8

The square brackets indicate that there is a portion of the discourse which has been left out. The numbers indicate the number of sentences excluded. In the previous examples, no numbers are given since they are taken from Kaswanti Purwo (1984) and no information on this is available.

70

D. N. Djenar

Size smaller location larger location

Û Û Û

Choice of pronoun situ sana

Û Û Û

Psychological relevance psychological proximity psychological distance

At this stage, this idea remains a speculation and it is beyond this paper to elaborate it. However, it suggests at least one way in which the motivation for choice of locative pronouns can be further explored. 8. Conclusion This paper is focused on situ and sana in their deictic and anaphoric functions. In particular it questions the assumption that the medial category situ cannot serve as an anaphor. I suggested that this exclusion may have stemmed from the way one sees the relationship between these locative pronouns and personal pronouns, as well as the relationship between deixis and anaphora. I argued, following Lyons, that a pronoun can have both deictic and anaphoric functions simultaneously. Whereas the notion of deixis appeals to spatial proximity/distance of the referents, anaphoric use can be interpreted in metaphorical terms as psychological proximity/distance, which, in turn, correlates with degrees of personal involvement with the referents. The choice of pronoun reèects this proximity/distance. I suggested that psychological proximity can be directly or indirectly evoked. That is, direct personal involvement is not always required for a sense of proximity; in some cases, it is indirectly evoked through an experience of something related to the referent or through a knowledge of it. I brieèy speculated that where the referent to which the speaker (or narrator, in written discourse) feels close is smaller than other referents mentioned in the discourse, the smaller referent is nested within a larger one and is likely to be referred to with situ. This énding is contrary to Kaswanti Purwo’s claim that only sana can function anaphorically. References Anderson SR & EL Keenan 1985 ‘Deixis’ in T Shopen (ed.) Language Typology and Syntactic Description, vol. 3: grammatical categories and the lexicon Cambridge University Press Cambridge. Bu¨hler K 1982 ‘The deictic éeld of language and deictic words’ in JF Duchan, GA Bruder & LE Hewitt (eds.) Deixis in Narrative: a cognitive science perspective Lawrence Erlbaum Hillsdale NJ. Chafe W 1990 ‘Some things that narratives tell us about the mind’ in BK Britton & AD Pellegrini (eds.) Narrative Thought and Narrative Language Lawrence Erlbaum Hillsdale NJ. Du Bois JW, S Shuetze-Coburn, S Cumming & D Paolino 1993 ‘Outline of discourse transcription’ in JA Edwards & MD Lampert (eds.) Talking Data: transcription and coding in discourse research Lawrence Erlbaum Hillsdale NJ. Ehrlich S 1990 Point of View: a linguistic analysis of literary style Routledge London. Fillmore CJ 1975 Santa Cruz Lectures on Deixis 1971 Indiana University Linguistics Club Bloomington. Fillmore CJ 1982 ‘Towards a descriptive framework for spatial deixis’ in RJ Jarvella & W Klein (eds.) Speech, Place, and Action: studies in deixis and related topics John Wiley Chichester. Fox B 1987 Discourse Structure and Anaphora Cambridge University Press Cambridge.

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Givo´n T 1995 Functionalism and Grammar John Benjamins Amsterdam. Kaswanti Purwo B 1984 Deiksis dalam Bahasa Indonesia Balai Pustaka Jakarta. Labov W 1972 ‘The transformation of experience in narrative syntax’ in Language in the Inner City: studies in the Black English vernacular University of Pennsylvania Press Philadelphia PA. Langacker RW 1991 Concept, Image, and Symbol: the cognitive basis of grammar Mouton de Gruyter Berlin. Lyons J 1977 Semantics vol. 2 Cambridge University Press Cambridge. Segal EM 1995 ‘Narrative comprehension and the role of deictic shift theory’ in JF Duchan, GA Bruder & LE Hewitt (eds.) Deixis in Narrative: a cognitive science perspective Lawrence Erlbaum Hillsdale NJ.

Appendix: Notes on the Transcription of Spoken Data .. … @ , L2JV L2JV . ,Q Q. 5

[ ] , XX . --

short to medium pause long pause laugh codeswitching into Javanese quoted speech vowel lengthening speech overlap inaudible word(s) truncated word truncated intonation unit (intonation unit indicated by carriage return)

Note: The coding in the transcription partially follows Du Bois et al. (1993). However, some features such as terminal pitch contour which are indicated in the Du Bois system are not included here.