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quarterly review of education

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prospects Vol. XIX, No. i, 1989 (69)

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VIEWPOINTS/CONTROVERSIES Integrated development of h u m a n resources and educational planning Vinayagum Chinapah, Jan-Ingvar Löfstedt and Hans Weiler 11 T h e quality of mass education Zoya A . Malkova

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OPEN FILE Vocational and educational guidance II. From challenge to systematic policy: several cases A challenge for vocational guidance in Peru Elba Ramos López

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Vocational guidance in Japan Agnes Mieko Watanabe

57

Vocational guidance in Nigeria Babatunde Ipaye

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Current trends in vocational guidance in N e w Zealand Beryl Hesketh and Jocelyn Grainger

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Work-oriented programmes at the secondary level in Australia Peter Cole

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T h e transition from school to the world of work in the German Democratic Republic Wolfgang Rudolph

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TRENDS A N D CASES Reverse educational discrimination in Malaysian education Seih Spaulding and Shuib Bin Hussain

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Reviews Profiles of educators: Andrés Bello (1781-1865)

Gregorio Weinberg

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Book reviews: N e w perspectives on career transition decisions Robert Pryor O n h u m a n potential and its fulfilment José Luis Pinillos

125 131

Education and society Michel Debeauvais

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ISSN 0033-1538

Landmarks Too hasty a glance at the table of contents of this issue could be misleading. It might seem to deal indiscriminately and inconsequently with the integrated development of human competence, educational planning, the quality of education, national case-studies on vocational guidance in countries whose economic and political features are as dissimilar as Japan and the German Democratic Republic, Peru and Australia, Nigeria and New Zealand, the conflicting demands of pluralism and national unity on educational policy and so on, with all the different contributions advocating a type of educational reform which would ideally and simultaneously secure the economic and social development of each country and the self-fulfilment of its young people with a view to their future status as free and responsible citizens. We repeat, ideally and simultaneously. Unfortunately, there is a wide gulf between the wish and the reality. So the reader must judge from a less linear perusal of the contents, making use of the three main guidelines we suggest: complementarity, contrasts and paradoxes, constants.

Complementarity At the present time, and on the lines of approach followed over the last few decades, educational planning raises a number of questions linked to its conception, organization, implementation and evaluation. There are those who argue that it is doomed to failure, to a large extent because an insufficiently broad view has been taken. Such at least is the position held by Vinayagum Chinapah, J.-I. Lofstedt and Hans Weiler, who go so far as to suggest 'a new model for the development of education and educational planning', having as its leading idea 'the integrated development of human competence'. In the second paragraph of their study the authors state that their 'main argument . . . is that, for educational planning to become a more effective tool in the development of human resources, it will have to re-establish its linkages with a broader range of human competence beyond what is needed in the world of work, and become part of a wider array of social and educational interventions both within and beyond the formal educational system'. In their 'wider array' of interventions the authors include both the theory and the practice of health, demographic growth, traditions and cultures, nutrition, the environment, training in citizenship, etc., so that the proposed development model combines at one and the same time intellectual, physical, political, social, moral and aesthetic aspects. Prospects, Vol. X I X , N o . i, 1989

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Skipping for a moment to the end of this number, we have a brilliant analysis by José Luis Pinillos of four books published under a Harvard Graduate School of Education project to evaluate the state of scientific knowledge on human potential and its fulfilment. While the title of this review echoes the central argument of Weiler and his collaborators; the content of the books analysed, and Pinillos's own comments, admirably enrich and complement the criticisms and propositions contained in the opening article. By contrast, there is what might be called negative complementarity, this time at the practical level, when Michel Debeauvais, in his review of Jacques Lesourne's (1987) report, enumerates—whether through bitterness or with malice aforethought is not clear—no less than five major reports (one in 1982, three in 1983 and another in 1985) commissioned by the ministers of education of preceding French governments from outstanding educators or prestigious learned bodies, not one of which was followed by any government decision.

Contrasts and paradoxes A comment by Hans Weiler and his co-authors leads us on to the practical problem of vocational guidance which is the subject of our Open File. 'Obviously, the problem of correctly projecting the supply of manpower vertically or horizontally relates not only to the output capacity of the education system, but also to existing vocational—guidance and labourexchange services which tend to be rather inefficient. As a result, the problem of providing employment to graduates in relevantfieldsseems to be considerable in both socialist and free-market systems' To this, we are tempted to add 'and just as great, if not more so, in the developing countries'. It should be stated straight away that the national case-studies we chose to illustrate the theoretical aspects analysed in the Open File of our last issue (No. 68) cannot be regarded as universally representative of the practical action taken—with varying degrees of success—elsewhere; for example in Europe (though in his book review on pages 575-9 of that issue Denis Lemercier-Kühn referred to the case of France and certain member states of the European Community), the United States, Canada, Hungary or a number of Arab States such as the Syrian Arab Republic, to cite only a few. It is nevertheless true that in the present issue we describe six specimen countries, with marked contrasts, which reveal a number of paradoxes. In all, there are four developed countries of Asia and Europe (Australia, Japan, New Zealand, the German Democratic Republic) and two so-called developing countries (Nigeria and Peru). As with earlier issues containing national case-

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studies, it was not easy to decide in what order to present them. Alphabetical order would have been the simplest, but certainly not the most significant. Finally we opted for a sequence that brought out some interesting contrasts in vocational guidance. Although Zoya Malkova makes a number of allusive comments in the section of her article (not in the Open File) entitled 'Educational and Vocational Guidance', she does not say, in particular in the age of Perestroika, whether educational and vocational guidance has so far produced the desired results in the USSR in respect of both the requirements of the economy and the aspirations of youth. Other authors are more direct. Writing of Peru, Elba Ramos López sums up by admitting that while the idea of student guidance and welfare services 'is consistent with the aims and purposes of vocational education and psychology . . . there have been discrepancies between the large number of legal provisions . . . curricula and programmes and the real-life situation'. Since Peru is a developing country, it might be said that discrepancies are almost a normal state of affairs. Yet consider to which country the following observation applies: 'The present practice of career guidance in schools is not only insufficient but inappropriate to help students' choice and transition and to respond their real needs' This is taken from a communication made by J. Yoshitani in October 1988, quoted by Agnes Mieko Watanabe in her article on the state of vocational guidance in Japan, an exceptionally developed country if ever there was one. This is precisely the paradox. Typologically speaking, we would say that this is the kind of country that is short on action rather than on thought. We venture to suggest another category, that of two countries no less economically and socially in contrast, but where experiments are highly promising: New Zealand and Nigeria. To take Nigeria, if we take account with Babatunde Ipaye of the fact that 'vocational guidance has become an integral part of the new education system', even if the situation is not the same throughout the country, and that 'statisticalfigureschange more rapidly than the weather in Nigeria', there is cause for satisfaction to note, for example, that 'the Federal Government in the past two years has started a vigorous crusade to ensure that all states of the Federation employ and install counsellors into secondary schools. Both administrative and financial support by the Federal Government is available to a degree never before realized.' The host of programmes and school and out-of-school activities reviewed by Ipaye, like those described by Beryl Hesketh and Jocelyn Grainger in the case of New Zealand, are worth noting in this respect; at all events they tend to agree with the standard-setting studies proposed by the contributors to our last issue.

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For the third group, comprising Australia and the German Democratic Republic, the obvious comment is that the vocational guidance policies of these countries seem to be entirely successful in relation to their individual economic and political options. Australia has a varied and impressive number of work-oriented secondary-education programmes, which are both pragmatic and flexible. In the German Democratic Republic the transition from school to the world of work is planned and implemented systematically so that, to quote Wolfgang Rudolph, pupils are guided 'from an early age towards finding the right profession or trade1 and the country 'has had full employment for decades'. Here again, the typology outlined above concerns only the countries whose cases are reviewed in our Open File. Were it extended to the whole world, it would probably need to be more complex and more diverse, and therefore stated in clearly qualified terms. Whatever the actual situation in countries throughout the world as regards the planning and implementation of vocational guidance, it would perhaps be appropriate to conclude this section with a further reference to Jacques Lesourne and Michel Debeauvais, who consider that two approaches could (or should) be envisaged for technical and vocational courses 'modelled closely on job requirements (although these are constantly changing), or broadly based training, enabling changes in the course of a career to be taken in one's stride''. Notwithstanding the universal awareness of the problem and the remarkable work being done in various countries, and bearing in mind the state of stagnation of education systems and the employment crisis, this would be a very thorny undertaking indeed.

Possible constants A backward look at the contents of Prospects over the review's almost twenty years of existence—in particular where one issue deals with the state of theoretical knowledge of a particular subject, and the following one with its practical applications throughout the world—yields almost invariably the same observation, namely that research and even its most modest prescriptions for action are always ahead of accepted practice in education systems, for reasons which notably include the weight of sociological, administrative and trade-union constraints that paralyse these systems. The two terms of this binomial theorem can be easily inverted, provided they are closely linked. For example, in the present case the corpus of ideas, methods and techniques described in the Open File of N o . 68 can be confronted with the vocational guidance practices—however partial—described in the same number.

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In another connection, albeit only too often in a grudging or perfunctory way, there are those who advocate, and claim that they have observed or wish to combine, pluralism and unity in the education system. The case of Malaysia examined by Seth Spaulding and Shuib Bin Hussain shows that much still remains to be done in many other countries. The idea of the reform of education systems, and thus of improving their quality and efficacity, has over the years likewise become more or less an outdated slogan. Briefly, the question is whether these are constants which represent insurmountable obstacles or whether they are challenges to be urgently taken up. 'Integrated human-competence development', a radical revision and the implementation of new educational planning, a better quality of education for increasingly large numbers of prospective students, and the setting of a new and equitable course for educational and vocational guidance, should become more than pious hopes. Unesco is fully aware of this, and is working in both its programmes and its standard-setting recommendations to bring about change. The rest—that is to say, political decision-making and follow-up action—depends on sovereign states. Let us be content, modestly, to hope that the propositions and analyses of Weiler and Debeauvais—both former Directors of Unesco's International Institute for Educational Planning—will not become a dead letter, since the essence of the problem is,firstand foremost, 'to formulate the crucial questions for the future of the education system in the medium and long term' (Lesourne, quoted by Debeauvais). The questions have been raised for a long time now, and national opinion in each country is aware of them. All that remains is to solve them. •

Z.M.

VIEWPOINTS

CONTROVERSIES

Integrated development of h u m a n resources and educational planning Vinayagum Chinapah, Jan-Ingvar Löfstedt and Hans Weiler

T h e nature o f the task

T h e principal objective of this article is to draw some conclusions from the critical assessment of educational planning in which the authors and others have been involved over the years (cf. Weiler, 1980; Levin, 1980; Chinapah and Löfstedt, 1983). This critical assessment has focused not only on the process and outcome of educational planning itself, but on some of the broader assumptions and premises about education and the development of h u m a n resources on which the theory and practice of educational planning

Vinayagum Chinapah (Mauritius). Associate Professor of Education and Deputy Director of the Institute of International Education, University of Stockholm. He has worked as a consultant to Unesco, the Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA), the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and the International Development Research Centre (IDRC) in a number of countries in Africa and Asia. Author and co-author of numerous books and articles on educational evaluation and monitoring, student achievement, human resource development, and educational planning, administration and management. Jan-Ingvar Löfstedt (Sweden). Associate Professor of Education at the Institute of International Education, University of Stockholm. He has worked as researcher and consultant to the World Bank, Unesco and the Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA) in a number of countries in Asia and Africa. He has published books on Chinese education (Red and Expert, Chinese Educational Policy) and articles on educational planning, human resource development, and Chinese education. H a n s Weiler (United States). Professor of Education and Political Science and Director of the Stanford International Development Education Committee (SIDEC) at Stanford University. He is former Director of Unesco's International Institute for Educational Planning (HEP) in Paris. Author of numerous articles and publications on educational planning and reform. Prospects, Vol. XIX, N o . 1,1989

Vinayagum Chinapah, Jan-Ingvar Löfstedt and Hans Weiler

has been based. In other words: T h e shortcomings of educational planning are seen as having their roots not just in the process itself, but also in the conditions under which, and the context in which, it operates. T h e main argument of this article is that, for educational planning to become a more effective tool in the development of h u m a n resources, it will have to re-establish its linkages with a broader range of h u m a n competence beyond what is needed in the world of work, and become part of a wider array of social and educational interventions both within and beyond the formal education system. T h e conceptual key to this argument lies in a re-interpretation of the notion of h u m a n resources and their development. This re-interpretation recognizes the need for thinking of h u m a n resources development as encompassing a m u c h wider range of h u m a n c o m petence, that is, not only the kinds of competence that are relevant to productive work in the economic sector, but also those that h u m a n beings need to protect and improve people's health, to keep population growth within reasonable limits, to sustain and develop cultural traditions and identities, to enjoy recreational activities, to put nutritional resources to the best possible use, to preserve a less hazardous and endangered environment, and—last but not least—to assume and play an active role as a citizen. All of these kinds of competence constitute, in the aggregate, a society's ' h u m a n resources'. T o develop these resources presents a major challenge for a society and for those agencies which, like the education system, have a special mandate to contribute to this development. At the same time, this re-interpretation of the notion of h u m a n resources needs to recognize that the entire burden of this encompassing task cannot be carried by the formal education system alone, but is being, and has to be, shared by a number of other mechanisms and institutions as well: various 'informal' educational activities, literacy programmes, grassroots movements of various kinds, community development programmes, the family, various training programmes and the media. It is along these two dimensions, broadening the range of h u m a n competence with which h u m a n resource development would concern itself and expanding the range of strategies or 'interventions' for developing such competence, that w e shall need to construct a n e w matrix of h u m a n resource development. This article will show h o w such a n e w conception of h u m a n resource development will lead: (a) to a n e w form of planning, Tiuman competence development planning', which would guide, co-ordinate and integrate the different subsectors of h u m a n resource development; (b) to a n e w meaning of 'education' as one of the key interventions in the development and improvement of h u m a n resources; and (c) against the background of

Integrated development of h u m a n resources and educational planning

both (a) and (b), to a more appropriate and effective notion of educational planning. Before moving to the task of developing a n e w matrix of h u m a n resource development, thisfirstpart will review and summarize the evidence on the inadequacies and problems of a notion of educational planning that is predicated on an overly narrow conception of human-resource development. This evidence is of two kinds:first,a set of observations and conclusions on problems internal to the structures and processes of educational planning, to be followed then by an analysis of the problems and, indeed, crises that have emerged in the environment of educational planning and policy.

EDUCATIONAL PLANNING: THE NATURE OF THE PROBLEM T h e empirical basis for the problems identified in this section is derived from surveys conducted in recent years in African and Asian countries in a project supported by the Swedish Agency for Research Co-operation with Developing Countries ( S A R E C ) based at the Institute of International Education at the University of Stockholm (Chinapah and Löfstedt, 1983,1985). For purposes of this diagnostic, w e treat separately a n u m b e r of aspects, such as the various imbalances of educational planning, the problems in the information system, participation and decentralization in planning, mismatches in the supply and d e m a n d of manpower, and the major problems of educational financing. Imbalances in educational planning In its institutional infrastructure, educational planning tends to suffer from major vertical and horizontal imbalances in terms of resources, responsibilities, and functions. Along the vertical dimension, educational planning is often highly centralized and hierarchical, which leads to the less than optimal utilization of h u m a n and material resources and effectively creates a substantial cleavage between planning and the base of the education system. Decisionmaking authority and control tend to be concentrated at the top, with very little delegation of authority, which often makes officers at the centre overburdened with relatively minor decisions which could have been taken at lower levels and for which they also lack adequate information. Shortages of sufficiently qualified staff at lower levels are another reason w h y decision-making is referred upwards and away from the actual implementation situation. M a n y

Vihayagum Chinapah, Jan-Ingvar Löfstedt and Hans Weiler

governments have tried to compensate for lack of qualified staff by providing rules and regulations to guide the work at lower levels, which tends to create a rigid climate and to stifle the initiative and judgement of individual officers. At a horizontal level, a growing bureaucracy with ever more specialized functions has also led to the increasing compartmentalization of administration and decision-making, which makes interministerial and inter-departmental co-ordination even more difficult than before. A s a result of socio-economic bias in the recruitment for civilservice positions, the educational planning and policy-making system tends to be staffed predominantly by m e m b e r s of the upper social strata. It is usually also dominated by m e n . Lower-status social classes, castes, ethnic and religious groups as well as w o m e n tend to be grossly under-represented a m o n g planning and policy staff. These socio-economic, cultural, ethnic and gender imbalances help sustain, in turn, biases in staff recruitment, the definition of problems, the identification of priorities and the design of solutions. These imbalances also m a y be related to a lack of awareness of existing socioeconomic biases in the provision of education across social, ethnic and regional groups, and of the lack of sex equality. T h e planning staff thus fails to monitor the system properly and to develop appropriate indicators (for example, student achievement by socio-economic status, ethnicity and gender), which would be needed to eliminate or reduce existing imbalances. Large reserves of h u m a n resources a m o n g the poor and a m o n g w o m e n thus remain under-utilized in the planning, management and delivery of education, and most education/training development projects lack an orientation towards the particular situation of w o m e n and the poor. A related dimension of imbalance in educational planning and policy manifests itself in the failure to achieve a rational distribution of staff both vertically and horizontally. M a n y highly qualified officers are concentrated at the top and the centre, which is the most attractive, and the result is a shortage of adequately trained staff at lower levels of the administration and in outlying areas. Another reason for this maldistribution is the promotion and transfer practice in most planning organizations, which tends to lead to a brain drain from lower to higher and more central levels in the system. A s will be discussed below, the heavy involvement of m a n y developing countries in external assistance programmes leads to a situation where, a m o n g the central-level officers, an inordinate n u m b e r of qualified staff are absorbed by the planning and implementation of externally funded projects at the expense of non-aided projects and programmes. In m a n y countries, large numbers of expatriate special-


ists tend to be involved in central-level planning, thus blocking promotion avenues and delaying the 'localization' of staff. Shortcomings in the information system T h e information base and the data for educational planning are often inadequate in terms of both the present state of the education system and the tendencies and projections for its future development. Even in such seemingly 'easy' tasks as projecting the need for teachers on the basis of student demographics, planners have been frustrated by their failure to take into account such factors as migration into and out of the teaching profession or the shifts in the role of w o m e n vis-à-vis the teaching force. T h e reasons for these shortcomings have to do not only with lack of facilities or technical training and with the difficulties of predicting socio-economic trends, but also with issues of orientation and approach. T h e collection and analysis of information for educational purposes is subject to a variety of biases in terms of methodology and the definition of what is and is not relevant information. There is usually more emphasis on quantitative than on qualitative data, and more stress on easily measurable criteria and indicators even though they are less significant. Dropout and retention rates m a y be registered, but without their socio-economic, ethnic, linguistic and gender correlates. These various information biases reflect in m a n y cases both the dominance of particular research and information paradigms, and the socio-political imbalances in the composition and deployment of planning staff. Participatory planning and decentralization Devolution of planning tasks and m o r e participatory planning are seen (or at least professed) by m a n y governments as ways to reduce the central bureaucracy, promote democracy and equity, adjust educational provisions to the needs of users and mobilize local resources. In order to be successful, however, they must meet a n u m b e r of requirements which are often overlooked or neglected. Devolution is seldom accompanied by a corresponding upgrading of local-level resources (staff, infrastructure, etc.). T h e delegation of decision-making power and even the transfer of material resources m a y be of no avail if there is no adequate capacity at the local level. Decentralization also presupposes improved co-ordination in order to avoid undesired effects such as increased regional disparities due to an uneven distribution of resources. Decentralized decision-making and planning also require familiarity with, and commitment to, democratic procedures and praxis to allow different local interests a fair chance to exercise their influence. T h e experience of m a n y devel-


oping countries suggests that socio-economically more advanced regions and élites tend to benefit the most from decentralization and devolution. Decentralization thus tends to be implemented on the terms of the strong and to the detriment of the weak. Educational planning, manpower needs and employment Very few education systems in developing countries are truly successful in providing the right types of qualification in the right quantity to the right people at the right time. Reasons for this mismatch include both technical inefficiencies in the education system and in the planning structure, and the imbalances referred to above. H o w ever, there is also a political problem of distribution since a large n u m b e r of people in a given society compete for relatively scarce educational services and opportunities. Political pressure inside and outside the education system is c o m m o n and m a y take m a n y different forms. Funds allocated for the expansion of primary education, for instance, have been k n o w n to be diverted to secondary and tertiary education as a result of political pressure from the urban middle class. Other well-known problems include the relative oversupply of highly trained m a n p o w e r as a result of rapid expansion of higher education, and the increase in the percentage of unemployed and underemployed school-leavers in m a n y areas. C o m m o n deficiencies in the provision of m a n p o w e r have to do with: (a) the undersupply of middle-level manual/technical manpower; (b) an oversupply of middle-level white-collar manpower; and (c) an oversupply of highlevel manpower, especially of graduates of the arts and humanities, combined with a simultaneous shortage in certain other areas such as agriculture and forestry. M a n y developing countries face great difficulties in achieving optimal horizontal distribution of m a n p o w e r across different sectors, both within the modern sector and between the modern and traditional sectors. Equally difficult seems to be the problem of the vertical distribution of manpower, or h o w to gear educational output to the optimal structure of the labour force by skill levels. Policymakers and planners in m a n y countries seem to lack the proper methods and techniques to assess correctly the ratios between high-, middle-, and low-level m a n p o w e r , given the existing level of technology. Obviously, the problem of correctly projecting the supply of m a n p o w e r vertically or horizontally relates not only to the output capacity of the education system, but also to existing vocational guidance and labour-exchange services which tend to be rather inefficient. A s a result, the problem of providing employment to graduates in relevant fields seems to be considerable in both


socialist and free-market systems. A Chinese study found that out of about a million graduates from colleges and vocational schools in the early 1980s, less than half were actually working some years later in thefieldsthey had been trained for (Löfstedt, 1986, p . 14). Finance and planning T h e effective integration of budgeting and planning has always been one of the more difficult parts of the policy process in education. While the lack of such integration is serious enough under the best of circumstances, it becomes a matter of grave concern in periods of increasingly severe resource constraint (Lewin, 1987). T h e following are only the most prominent manifestations of the problem which m a n y developing countries encounter: A lack of recognition of the importance of educational development resulting in inadequate allocations offinancialresources to education. Late disbursements by central agencies causing delays in programme implementation. A d hoc reallocations of funds during the plan period (as a result of changed priorities, demands, political pressure, etc.) causing disturbances in programme implementation. T h e difficulty of managing and co-ordinating funds coming from different sources (public, private, external, local, etc.), which leads to the ineffective and haphazard distribution offinancialresources. A lack of central funds which m a y tempt governments into undertaking premature decentralization (to encourage local fund-raising) or into promoting the privatization of education (which m a y solve somefinancialproblems but at the same time create n e w problems of co-ordination and planning). T h e inventory of problems presented in this section is by no means exhaustive, but suggests the range of problems which the practice of educational planning in m a n y developing countries has encountered. S o m e of these problems are of a more 'technical' or organizational nature, and could be seen as resulting from deficiencies in existing structures and processes which, at least in theory, could be remedied. Other problems seem to be of a more functional or 'organic' kind in that they reflect conditions and cleavages of the wider socio-economic and political system of which educational planning is a part. S o m e of the staffing patterns discussed above seem to be of this kind. Whatever strengths or weaknesses educational planning m a y have cannot be adequately understood without understanding the dynamics and constraints prevailing in its environment.

Vinayagum Chinapah, Jan-Ingvar Lôfstedt and Hans Weiler

PROBLEMS AND CRISES IN THE ENVIRONMENT OF EDUCATIONAL PLANNING A s the previous section has shown, educational planning has had a good share of its o w n problems, problems that have to do with the w a y in which the process of educational planning is conceived, organized, structured, carried out and evaluated. If these were the only problems, however, they might be remedied by some internal reforms of the educational planning operation itself; indeed, there has been some improvement over the years in such matters as the information base for educational planning, the quality of planning staff, the sophistication of projections, etc. (see Psacharopoulos and Woodhall, 1985). While such reforms in the internal workings of educational planning have helped, they fail to address the full nature of the problem. For educational planning, just as education itself, is deeply affected by its environment, by the kinds of problems and crises that have emerged in the social and political context of education systems. It would carry us beyond the scope of this article to engage in a more detailed discussion of this environment and its crises, but of particular significance for our argument here are: (a) the crisis of the state: (b) the crisis of the production and utilization of knowledge; and (c) the crisis of the system of international development co-operation. The crisis of the state T o put the issue in the shortest possible form, the modern state, in developed and developing societies alike, is 'overloaded' (Rose, 1980). T h e demands placed upon the state are constantly increasing, while its capacity to respond adequately remains at best constant and often declines as a result of declining real resources, greater complexity of its tasks, and greater controversy about both the ends and the means of the policy process (Habermas, 1975; Wolfe, 1977; Weiler, 1978). T h e implications of this 'crisis of legitimacy' for educational policy and planning are of two kinds. A s the social d e m a n d for education continues to play a powerful role in the social dynamics of most countries, the delivery of education services becomes an important indicator and symbol for the state's willingness and ability to respond to the needs of its people, and thus plays a critical role in the overall strategy of the state to retain both its power and its legitimacy.


The crisis of knowledge production and utilization It has always been an article of faith, at least at the level of rhetoric, that knowledge and research were an integral and indispensable element of the policy process, in education as elsewhere, and that good planning needed good research just as healthy children need good nutrition. T h e reality of that relationship between knowledge and action, between research and planning has always been problematic. In the special case of educational planning, the relationship has been particularly problematic, at a n u m b e r of different levels. First of all, the knowledge and information base of educational planning has been notoriously poor. At a second level, educational planning has generally found it very difficult to absorb and utilize such research as does exist on the relationship between education and work, on the determinants of educational outcomes, on the nature of decision and resource allocation processes in complex organizations. Finally, educational planning has not functioned at all as a stimulus or a catalyst in a world of research which, as far as education is concerned, is badly in need of stimulation and re-thinking. The crisis of international development co-operation Aid under both bilateral and multilateral auspices has played quite an important role in the development of education in the Third World. Although limited in quantitative terms (roughly 10 per cent of total educational expenditures), the association of educational aid with technical assistance and expertise and the c m o d e P character of m a n y aid-supported projects have helped to m a k e the impact of aid significantly larger than the mere figures would suggest. But the resource issue is only one, and not even the most critical, aspect of what looks like a serious crisis in international development co-operation. At least as important are:first,a considerable deterioration in the relationship and interaction between donor agency and recipient countries, particularly over issues of tied aid and over conditions and modalities of aid agreements; second, the increasing debate over whether the existing system of international development co-operation makes any sense; and,finally,the role of external aid as a vehicle for importing alien cultural elements.

THE GAP BETWEEN EDUCATIONAL PLANNING AND THE INTEGRATED DEVELOPMENT OF H U M A N RESOURCES T h e preceding sections have provided a brief overview of some of the major shortcomings, fallacies, and crises in educational planning.


These shortcomings have been seen in partas a function of weaknesses and inadequacies in the internal functioning of educational planning, and in part as a reflection of m u c h broader problems which pervade the political, economic, research and international environment within which educational policy is being m a d e . In this section, w e will return to one of the claims m a d e at the outset, namely, that educational planning is predicated on, and tends to reinforce, an overly narrow conception of h u m a n resource development. Inspired by human-capital theorists and economists of education, the conceptual, methodological, and empirical 'classics' on educational planning have tended to concentrate on purely economic criteria for ascertaining the roles and functions of education—formal schooling as a source of skills, qualifications and certifications relevant to the domain of production (see, Shultz, 1964; Psacharopoulos, 1973; Blaug, 1968). Educational planning had to be geared towards the manpower required for the economic growth of society, h u m a n beings were to be m a d e more productive and educational planning was seen in this context as a vital instrument for gearing educational development towards the economic needs of society. Although severe doubts and criticisms were raised on the limited roles and functions attributed to educational planning in the process of h u m a n resource development, evidence shows that the application of economic rationales for h u m a n resource development remains u p to the present a powerful m a x i m in the theory and practice of educational planning (see Youdi and HinchlifFe, 1985; Lourié, 1985). Notwithstanding attempts in different directions, the fact remains that a primarily economic analysis of education has tended to distort the very conception of the h u m a n element in the process of development. Recognizing this limitation, efforts were m a d e in the 1970s to redefine h u m a n resource development in terms of a strategy for satisfying basic h u m a n needs (Chinapah and Fägerlind, 1979). T h e whole purpose of development was not to be to develop things but to develop m a n . In this context, educational planning was seen as instrumental in the process of an all-round development of h u m a n beings, intellectually, socially, politically, morally, aesthetically and physically. It seems fair to say that this earlier effort at reconceptualizing the notion of h u m a n resource development away from a purely economic construct has had limited impact on the reality of educational policy and planning.


Concepts a n d policies for the development of h u m a n competence This section of the article addresses the task of rethinking not just of the nature, theory and practice of educational planning, but of our conception of development altogether, and of the ways in which h u m a n beings relate to it, by generating, against the background of the diagnostic performed in the previous section, a conception of development based on the notion of h u m a n competence. This conception will, in turn, lead to a new and different understanding of the role of planning in the development of h u m a n resources as well as the role of educational planning for the development of h u m a n competence.

THE H U M A N FACTOR IN THE DEVELOPMENT MATRIX T h e concept of development underlying the notion of h u m a n c o m petence is predicated on the role of people as autonomous participants in the process of social change and improvement, capable (competent) of both understanding the complex dynamics of development processes and of affecting and influencing the direction of these processes (Gran, 1983). Just as 'development' has m a n y facets, the h u m a n capabilities and competencies required to participate actively in these different facets range as widely. Once w e understand development as no longer limited to the realm of economic production and consumption, but as also including such things as the sustenance of cultural traditions and identities, the quality and ease of interpersonal and intergroup communication and action, the inculcation and growth of active and critical citizenship, the possibility for recreation and creative uses of leisure time, and the achievement and preservation of good health, the range of ' h u m a n competence' required to sustain this wide array of development objectives expands correspondingly. T o achieve this range of h u m a n competence in a concerted, coherent fashion thus becomes a major policy challenge. T o plan for this concerted effort gives a n e w and both more ambitious and exciting meaning to the old notion of h u m a n resource development. Inasmuch as education plays a role in bringing about this n e w range of h u m a n competence, educational planning would become an integral part of this n e w overall effort at the planning of h u m a n competence development, and w e shall deal later with what this will entail for the future of educational planning as w e k n o w it. But let us return for a m o m e n t to the overall concept. O n e of the

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Areas of human competence Intervention Work

Study

Health

Culture

Polity

Environment

General education Vocational training On-the-job training Family upbringing Community development Literacy movement Mass media Cultural institutions FIG. I. Types of intervention and areas of human competence.

elements of the n e w concept of development is the multiplicity and diversity of h u m a n competence that is required to sustain the ideal of the autonomous, active participant in the development process. In Figure i, the most important a m o n g these areas of h u m a n c o m petence are indicated across the top of the matrix. While these do not necessarily cover all the capabilities that would be needed, they would seem to represent the most significant ones. T h e y are probably self-explanatory, but it m a y be important to emphasize once more that, while m a n y of these capabilities are related to one another, they also represent objectives in their o w n right. For example, it is obvious that poor health and nutrition will have a detrimental effect on a person's ability to participate in the process of economic production. At the same time, however, there is absolute and independent value in sustaining peoples' health and physical well-being regardless of its impact on their productive abilities. T h e point of the matrix in Figure i is precisely to visualize this complex relationship between, on the one hand, the objectives of developing competence across the full range of h u m a n activity and, on the other hand, the array of strategies that are available to achieve those objectives. These strategies can be identified in terms of their

Peace


institutional source (family, school, media, etc.) or in terms of the kind of intervention (resource allocation, literacy training, regulation, publication, etc.). For purposes of illustration, the matrix in Figure I includes examples of both. Each 'cell' of this matrix represents a more specific instance of intervention; for example, the production of a nationwide magazine for newly literate people would appropriately represent an intersection between the 'literacy' strategy and the objective of better social communication competence; similarly, one might think of the combination of different strategies for achieving a particular objective, as in a combined media and educational c a m paign in favour of certain family planning programmes; the development of competence regarding nutrition m a y involve regulatory measures by a government (for exemple, the proscription of certain foodstuffs) as well as media and community development programmes on the better use of local products.

H U M A N COMPETENCE DEVELOPMENT AS A CHALLENGE TO POLICY T h e notion of h u m a n competence as a key issue in development, and the complex set of social interventions involved, present a major challenge to the world of policy. At the policy as well as at the conceptual level, some of the simplifications of conventional and overly narrow models of h u m a n resource development will have to give way to more complex and comprehensive policy strategies. These strategies will have to be cognizant of both the broader range of competencies that form the objectives of h u m a n competence development, and of the richer set of social interventions that can be mobilized to achieve those objectives. A s a result, policy will need to adopt a posture of m u c h greater cross-sectoral concertation. This change in policy posture will, in turn, affect at least three different domains of policy: planning, the organization and structure of the policy process, and the role of knowledge and research in the making of policy. Planning the development of human competence T h e kinds of h u m a n competence that have been defined in the previous section are delivered through more or less formalized and institutionalized agencies according to more or less clearly defined intervention strategies. A task of such complexity requires careful and comprehensive planning in order to maximize the contribution of each intervention or set of interventions to achieving the desired competence. This kind of planning can only succeed on the basis of:


(a) a thorough examination of the kinds of competence people have or lack with regard to the different areas of h u m a n activity; (b) a conception of h u m a n beings as autonomous and dynamic agents of change; and (c) a consistent and well-defined policy of development that is predicated on (b). In this situation, those responsible for planning the development of h u m a n competence face a number of specific tasks, such as: (a) assessing the strategies, institutions, modes of delivery and target groups in the present h u m a n competence development system; (b) identifying gaps and overlaps in delivery; (c) predicting future competence needs; (d) considering alternative strategies and modalities; and (e) designing and implementing evaluations. Human competence development and the organizational structure of the policy process T o conceive of a policy of h u m a n competence development does not necessarily call for n e w and different structural arrangements. Several of the policy and planning functions required by such an approach could quite possibly be executed through already existing administrative structures. Making use of existing structures would certainly avoid the creation of additional bureaucratic machinery which, as w e have shown, is one of the reasons for the dilemmas which the modern state faces. W h a t the ' h u m a n competence' approach to policy will require, however, is (a) a restructuring of tasks within existing organizational entities, and (b) a major rethinking and revision of the linkages between the various organizational and administrative units involved in one or another aspect of the development of h u m a n competence. A n example of (a) would be the restructuring of both the agenda and the organization of a Ministry of Education (or a Ministry of Communication) to reflect more adequately the full range of h u m a n competence to which the education system should be geared. T h e linkages mentioned in (b) should be such as to facilitate and ensure concerted action between, say, Ministries of Health, Education, C o m m u n i t y Development, and Communication in the interest of a joint programme towards more adequate family planning. T h e precise nature of the linkages to be established will be a function of specific conditions and traditions in a given country; they could be in the form of inter-departmental councils or national networks, might involve public and non-governmental agencies or representatives of the groups w h o are to benefit from a given policy, etc.


Knowledge needs and the role of research T h e nature and complexity of policies for the development of h u m a n competence places great demands on the supply and management of appropriate information. Given the cross-sectoral quality of these policies, this information will have to c o m e from different domains of knowledge (health sciences, communications, food research, social psychology, etc.), and will have to be carefully integrated to provide an adequate knowledge base for decisions, planning, and implementation. T h e design of an ongoing evaluation of policies for h u m a n competence development is particularly important as a means to adjust the 'mix' of intervention strategies in the light of accumulating experience. T h e structures and organizational arrangements for this task of producing, processing, and disseminating appropriate k n o w ledge will again be a function of each country's specific conditions and, especially, the existing infrastructures for the generation and utilization of knowledge. T h e important thing seems to be the realization that: (a) research and development form a particularly indispensable prerequisite of successful policy where the development of h u m a n competence is concerned; (b) that the identification and improvement of the kinds of competence needed at the grassroots level will require a particularly and serious research effort; and (c) that the effort to generate the knowledge needed has to reach across conventional disciplines, schools of thought and methodologies.

T h e role of education and educational planning Moving from the narrow confines of the conventional notion of h u m a n resource development to the concept of h u m a n competence that has been developed in the previous section opens u p a wide and complexfieldof policy ideas and action. Moving beyond purely work- and productivity-related capabilities towards the full range of competence for the development of h u m a n potential provides a first step towards a more integrated policy framework for attending to and supporting the h u m a n element in the development process: Health, cultural traditions, citizenship, nutrition, and recreation are no longer seen as more or less isolated 'sectors', assigned to the responsibility of separate governmental or non-governmental agencies, but become at least potentially part of an overall strategy for the comprehensive development of h u m a n competence and of h u m a n resources in a wider sense. At the same time, the matrix developed above (Fig. i) allows us to accommodate conceptually the multiple strategies that are


available for the purpose of developing h u m a n competence in its various realms. S o m e of these 'strategies of intervention' m a y well be more appropriate for certain kinds of h u m a n competence than for others, but each strategy has a potential role to play in the overall task of improving h u m a n competence as a development objective in its o w n right. It is this 'orchestration' of different strategies which lies at the heart of the planning effort that the previous section has described: 'Planning the development of h u m a n competence' is a task that not only has multiple objectives, but also employs multiple strategies, and thus requires a very special effort of co-ordination and equilibration. It would carry us beyond the scope of this article to m a p this entire area of policy and planning for h u m a n competence development in any more detail than has been provided in the previous section; w e see this comprehensive mapping as a major theoretical as well as political task, and r e c o m m e n d it to the attention of our colleagues in thefieldof development studies as well as policy analysis. W e are struck, for instance, by the possibilities that a more integrated conception of h u m a n competence development would open up for a more concerted use of traditional learning systems, literacy work, and community development programmes for strengthening c o m petence in such areas as health, nutrition, cultural awareness and social interaction. While education, as w e have shown, is only one of several strategies for intervening in the development of h u m a n competence, it continues to attract particular attention because of: (a) its extensive presence throughout a society and across most regional, social and cultural cleavages; (b) its susceptibility to being re-directed or manipulated, more easily than m a n y other social institutions, by the state and/or powerful social and economic forces in the society; (c) its critical role in providing, through its certification function, access to a variety of social statuses and rewards; and (d) its considerable cost to a society in terms of both material and h u m a n resources.

IMPLICATIONS FOR FORMAL EDUCATION, PLANNING AND ADMINISTRATION A s a strategy for the development of h u m a n competence, the formal education system has at least the potential of making a major contribution. Whether or not it will m a k e that contribution depends in no small measure on whether our thinking about formal education can m o v e beyond the exclusive or dominant preoccupation with preparing people for the world of work. O n c e this limited focus has been


overcome, there is a wide range of policy initiatives that would enhance the contribution of formal education to developing various kinds of h u m a n competence, and that would have obvious implications for h o w m u c h of what competences are provided w h e n and h o w in the context of the school system. Regarding these implications, w e will concentrate on curriculum and the teaching and learning activities in the school system, and the planning and m a n agement of school systems. T h e notion of competence refers to a broad set of physical and mental qualities and assets that h u m a n beings need to deal autonomously and effectively with various life situations in order to create better conditions for themselves in constructive interaction with others. Competences thus include knowledge about various important aspects of h u m a n existence, the skills to handle mental and physical tools in a creative way, and the ability to interact with other people in a variety of contexts, including conflictual ones. Curriculum development and the teaching-learning process Curriculum development thus becomes a case in point. It would start by identifying the main areas of competence that could best be dealt with in schools, rather than by other agencies such as health services or co-operatives. T h e most important task, however, would lie in constructing a curriculum that recognizes the radical redefinition of the relationship between school and the rest of society that the notion of h u m a n competence development implies. Such a curriculum would relate more directly and explicitly to the various realms of h u m a n and social activity where competence is needed. T h e k n o w ledge and skills imparted cannot be artificially fragmented and presented in small portions according to some inner logic of the subject. T h e teaching-learning process cannot be arbitrarily cut into fragments of time called 'lessons'. T h e role of the teacher would have to be redefined into that of not only transmitter of knowledge and skills but of active intermediary between the learner and situations where competence of a given kind is generated, delivered and applied. This kind of teaching-learning process will require multiple linkages between the school and the classroom, on the one hand, and people and institutions active in the respective area of h u m a n competence (for example, (a) in culture, theatres and actors; (b) in policy, political parties and government authorities; (c) in work, employers and employees in enterprises). T h e different rows in our h u m a n competence matrix, in other words, constitute meeting points for different agencies involved in developping the same or


related sets of competence. In this interactive m o d e , it will be possible for competences to be acquired in real-life situations where they are applied and demonstrated by people w h o have mastered them; theory and practice can be integrated in a w a y that is not only pedagogically and cognitively sound but also conducive to a more concerted development effort. Planning and management of school systems In discussing the role of formal education in the development of h u m a n competence in the previous section, some necessary changes in the construction of the teaching-learning environment and other aspects of the education system have been discussed. These changes will have implications not only for the classroom, but for the wider issue of planning and managing education systems, such as administrative and organizational structures, personnel, research, information use and information management, and evaluation and monitoring. T h e existing administrative and organizational structures for educational planning, in developing countries as elsewhere, cannot accommodate the planning of an education system which seeks to cover the wide range of h u m a n competence required in different domains and sectors, and which also aims at m u c h closer interaction with a wide variety of other agencies in a more integrated effort of h u m a n competence development. At present, the administrative and organizational structures for planning are tightly linked to the m a n dates of different ministries (health, education, arts and culture, manpower, h u m a n resources, youth and sports, social services, w o m e n ' s affairs and information). In the context of h u m a n c o m petence development, however, educational planning must be part of an intersectoral approach to the public administration of h u m a n resource development. These intersectoral arrangements are vital at ministerial, departmental, and institutional levels so that the flows of information and communication across the sectors of h u m a n development m a y facilitate the educational planning processes, and in particular, the resource allocation and distribution procedure. A n improvement of the organizational and administrative structures for educational planning within the context of h u m a n c o m petence development requires n e w roles and functions of the planning personnel. Educational planners have to play n e w roles and assume n e w responsibilities that are rather different from their conventional professional profiles. So far, the main concern of educational planners has been to estimate the inflows and outflows of students and teachers in the formal education system, the planning of school facilities, and rather technical projections for the allocation and


deployment of resources. Their training was oriented towards the limited functions of formal schooling in a more restricted concept of h u m a n resource development. B y contrast, the n e w tasks set for planning within a n e w and more holistic approach to h u m a n resource development place new demands on the skills and understanding of educational planners. This means that both the pre-service and the in-service training of educational planners is to be readjusted to their n e w roles, functions and professional identity. These training and staff-development programmes need to have a multidisciplinary structure, content, and orientation so as to enable educational planners to understand and cope with their n e w tasks. T h e nature of the knowledge needed for a successful implementation of strategies for h u m a n competence development will require a special research effort. This research would be multidisciplinary andflexiblein terms of design, methods, and analysis. Performance indicators would no longer be school achievement alone but also include psychological and biophysical indicators. T h e quality of researchers and the nature of conceptual frameworks, instruments, and methodology would be oriented towards the diversity of inputs and effects envisaged in the areas of h u m a n competence development, including the expansion beyond primarily work-related kinds of competence. A range of methods will probably have to be used, including both experiments and quasi-experimental methods for complementing each other. T h e information base for educational planning in the context of h u m a n competence development has to be improved in both quantitative and qualitative terms. Beyond educational data and statistics, information from other sources (health registers, records on cultural and social activities, household surveys, etc.) will become of critical importance for the planning effort. Besides expanding the sources of information, the information management system needs to be improved and a systematic dissemination procedure has to be created in order that different actors and beneficiaries m a y be properly informed about the innovations, policy changes, and reforms taking place in all areas of h u m a n competence. T h e evaluation and monitoring of the extent to which educational planning accomplishes its different tasks in h u m a n competence development will d e m a n d not only a larger data base but also an integrated system of evaluation and monitoring. This system will have to take into account the organizational and educational innovations proposed, the heterogeneity of aims and objectives and the resulting value conflicts, and the diversity of different clienteles. T h e interactions a m o n g various actors and beneficiaries and at various points in the implementation process call for a participatory system


of evaluation and monitoring with continuous dialogue, interventions, and feedback from a wide range of personnel involved in the overall educational effort. In keeping with the principle of linking and concerting interventions by different agencies, joint evaluation and monitoring teams with representatives of different agencies would be particularly desirable. Just as planners and other types of personnel, evaluators and monitors would require a mix of analytical skills and competences in order to fulfil their roles and functions properly in the context of h u m a n competence development. T h e principal objective of this article has been to rethink the notion of h u m a n resources not only in the sense of h u m a n beings as resources in the development process but also in the sense of mental and physical resources or competences available to h u m a n beings. Against the background of an analysis of internal and external problems relating to educational planning w e have suggested a reinterpretation of the h u m a n element in the development process and reflected on the kinds of competence that h u m a n beings need in order effectively to cope with the multiple challenges of life. W e have seen these challenges as relating not only to the world of work and productivity but also to the need for a whole range of life-related competences in the areas of health, family management, culture and recreation, political participation and citizenship. It is the need for this broad range of competences that necessitates a n e w agenda in the development of ' h u m a n resources' in the senses referred to above. W e have sketched this n e w agenda conceptually in a matrix of h u m a n competence development which brings together the competences needed and the various interventions required to develop and improve them. A s the third section of this article has shown, re-thinking educational policy along the lines of the notion of h u m a n competence has a n u m b e r of important implications for educational planning and administration. T h e most important of those have to do with the need for a more integrated and concerted approach to planning so as to take into account the comprehensive nature of h u m a n c o m petence development. This need for integration implies in turn a n u m b e r of changes in administrative structures and procedures, in the training and orientation of personnel, and in the nature of the information base on which planners and administrators have to rely. In addition, shifting the perspective of educational policy more in the direction of issues of h u m a n competence gives a n e w meaning to the role of evaluation in educational planning and administration. N o t only does evaluation become more important and, given the c o m -


plexity of the task, more difficult, it also acquires a n e w set of criteria that are directly derived from the notion of h u m a n competence as developed earlier in this article. A s a case in point, it becomes eminently important to assess the extent to which education systems are effectively able to transcend conventional and narrow meanings of'outcome' to include a m u c h wider and fuller range of competence, including those needed to function not only in the economic, but also in the cultural, political/civic, bio-medical, environmental, and recreational realms of h u m a n activity. •

References B L A U G , M . 1968. Economics of Education. London, Penguin Books. C H I N A P A H , V.J LÖFSTEDT, J.-I. 1983. Theory and Practice of Educational Planning: A Critical and Comparative Assessment of the Role of Educational Planning in Developing Countries and in Relation to International Development Assistance Programmes. Work in Progress Report No. 4. Stockholm, Institute of International Education, University of Stockholm. . 1985. Educational Planning—Theory and Practice: Selected Findings from a Study in Six Developing Countries (Bangladesh, China, Nepal, Botswana, Ethiopia, and Mauritius). Paper prepared for the SIDEC-CIES Conference, Stanford, Calif., 1985. C H I N A F H , V . ; F Ä G E R L I N D , I. 1979. The Role of Educational Planning in the Basic H u m a n Needs Strategy. Research Report No. 39. Stockholm, Institute of International Education, University of Stockholm. G R A N G . 1983. Development by People: Citizen Construction of a Just World. N e w York, Praeger. H A B E R M A S , J. 1975. Legitimation Crisis. Boston, Beacon. LEVIN, H . L . 1980. The Limits of Educational Planning: Can Science Triumph over 'Irrational Factors' in Society? In: Hans N . Weiler (ed.), Educational Planning and Social Change, pp. 15-47, Paris, Unesco/IIEP. L E W I N , K . 1987. Education in Austerity: Options for Planners. Paris, Unesco/IIEP. (Fundamentals of Educational Planning, 36.) LÖFSTEDT, J.-I. 1986. Educational Planning and H u m a n Competence Development in Nationbuilding. Paper presented at the International Symposium of the Central Institute for Educational Research, Beijing, China. LouRIE, S. 1985. Éducation et développement: Stratégies et décisions en Amérique centrale. Paris, Economica/Unesco. P S A C H A R O F O U L O S , G . 1973- Returns to Education: An International Comparison. San Francisco, Jossey-Bass. P S A C H A R O F O U L O S , G . ; W O O D H A L L , M . 1985. Education for Development: An Analysis of Investment Choices. N e w York, Oxford University Press. R O S E , R . (ed.), 1980. Challenge to Governance: Studies in Overloaded Politics. Beverly Hills, Sage. S C H U L T Z , T . W . 1964. The Economic Value of Education. N e w York/London, Columbia University Press. W E I L E R , H . N . 1978. Education and Development: From the Age of Innocence to the Age of Skepticism. Comparative Education, Vol. 14, N o . 3, October, pp. 179-98. (ed.). 1980. Educational Planning and Social Change. Paris, Unesco. W O L F E , A . 1977. The Limits of Legitimacy: Political Contradictions of Contemporary Capitalism. N e w York, Free Press. YouDi, R . V . ; HINCHLIFFE, K . (eds.). 1985. Forecasting Skilled Manpower Needs: The Experience of Eleven Countries. Paris, Unesco/IIEP.


Bibliography A H M E D , M . ; C O O M B S , H . P. Education for Rural Development: Case Studies for Planners. N e w York, Praeger, 1975. B A U E R , P. T . Equality, The Third World, and Economic Delusion. London. Methuen, 1981. C H I N A P A H , V . ; F Ä G E R L I N D , I. The Design and Elaboration of the Evaluation and Monitoring Techniques for the Implementation of Educational Policies. Paris, Division of Educational Policy and Planning, Unesco, 1986. (Reports/Studies: S. 123.) C O O M B S , P. H . The World Education Crisis: The View from the Eighties. N e w York, Oxford University Press, 1985. DAVIS, G . D . Planning Education for Development: Issues and Problems in the Planning of Education in Developing Countries, Vol. 1. Cambridge, Mass., Center for Studies in Education and Development, Harvard University, 1980. F Ä G E R L I N D , I.j S A H A , L . Education and National Development: A Comparative Perspective. Oxford, Pergamon Press, 1983. H A W E S , H . , et al. (eds.). 1986. Education Priorities and Aid Responses in Sub-Saharan Africa (Report of a Conference at Cumberland Lodge, Windsor, 4-7 December 1984). London, Her Majesty's Stationery Office, for O D A . H E T T N E , B . Current Issues in Development Theory. Stockholm, S A R E C , 1978 (SAREC Report, 5.) HusÉN, T . ; K O G A N M . (eds.). Educational Research and Policy: How Do They Relate? Oxford, Pergamon Press, 1984. INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE FOR E D U C A T I O N A L P L A N N I N G . Educational Planning in the Context of Current Development Problems. Paris, The Unesco Press/IIEP, 1984/85. 2 vols. K L E E S , S. Planning and Policy Analysis in Education: What Can Economics Tell Us? Comparative Education Review, Vol. 30, N o . 4, 1986, pp. 574-607. L E V I N , H . L . The Identity Crisis of Educational Planning. Harvard Educational Review, Vol. 51, 1981, pp. 85-93.

T h e quality of mass education Zoya A . Malkova

In the 1980s socio-political and pedagogical publications were filled with alarming reports about the declining quality of the general education given to schoolchildren. Regular national surveys of education conducted in the United States and the results of university entrance examinations demonstrate a steady d o w n w a r d trend in levels of knowledge, skills and habits in reading, writing, mathematics and science. A n official report entitled A Nation at Risk,1findsthat the average results of most standardized tests taken by pupils at senior high school are n o w lower than twenty-six years ago. About 13 per cent of all 17-year-olds have such poor skills in reading, writing and arithmetic that they can be said to be functionally illiterate. Over 15 per cent of French pupils m a k e poor progress in lowersecondary school. S o m e 15 per cent of primary-school leavers in the Soviet Union have a less-than-average c o m m a n d of reading, writing and arithmetic. Tests administered tofirst-yearstudents at higher education establishments and technical colleges in 1988 showed that secondaryschool graduates had an inadequate general education. Almost a quarter of thefirst-yearstudents could not answer the questions set.2 According to Professor E . Magasima of Kansai University, more than a third of Japanese schoolchildren in primary and secondary schools understand only part of what they are taught and fall behind. 3 T h e list of examples could be continued; it is clear that the quality of education has become a key problem in virtually all developed countries (and it is no less acute in developing countries). W e can in fact say that it has become an international problem.

Zoya Alekseevna Malkova (USSR). Member of the Academy of Pedagogical Sciences of the USSR. She is Director of the Research Institute of General Pedagogy of the Academy of Pedagogical Sciences of the USSR. A leading Soviet expert on comparative pedagogy, she has participated in, and presented papers at, numerous international conferences and is the author of over 200 publications.

Prospects, Vol. X I X , N o . I, 1989

Zoya A. Malkova

Is the p r o b l e m n e w ? T h e answer is obvious: the problem of quality of education is certainly not the product of our time alone. Let us recall h o w sharply American schools were criticized in the early 1950s for the low level of general education. T h efiercepolemic of that time is reflected in the titles of such books as Educational Deserts by A . Bestor, The Destroyed Mind by M . Smith, and R . Hofstadter's Anti-intellectualism in American Life. In those years u p to 40 per cent of French primary-school pupils had to repeat grades. Over 30 per cent of lycée pupils failed the lowersecondary-education certificate and 40 per cent did not get the baccalauréat (school-leaving certificate), which confers the right to enter a university. Private tutoring, a consequence of inadequate school education, was widespread in m a n y countries (in Japan over 16 per cent of primary-school pupils and 30 per cent of secondary-school pupils had private lessons). T h e problem has become particularly acute since the mid-1970s, and especially in the 1980s. It has m o v e d beyond the confines of education and is n o w debated by the political, economic and business communities. It is hardly possible to give one single answer to the natural question: W h y has the problem caused so m u c h concern? There is a whole collection of factors and phenomena that make the question of quality in education one of prime public theoretical and practical concern. T h e main factor is the profound changes that are taking place in the world under the powerful impact of the scientific and technological revolution. A n e w stage, which started in the mid-1970s, was characterized by the appearance of automated production, wide use of microprocessors, super-computers and personal computers, nuclear power production, lasers, biotechnology, etc. T h e structure of employment has radically changed before our eyes in two or three decades. Low-skilled jobs that require only physical effort are disappearing, and there is a rapidly growing demand for skilled and highly skilled specialists. O f the 17 million n e w jobs created in the United States between 1970 and 1980, 90 per cent were not in production but in information processing, c o m m u n i cation, management and services. M a n y job opportunities are being created in biotechnology, the use of ocean and space resources and n e w forms of energy.4 S o m e 70 to 92 per cent of employees are concentrated in the middle (processing industries) and highest (services, trade, transport, etc.) sectors in the world's developed nations. T h e highest sector has the largest percentages: 70 in the United States, 53 in Japan, 61 in France, and so on. 5

T h e quality of mass education

It was these changes in industry and the structure of employment that generated the need for personnel with a better general education. Life has shown convincingly that the intellectual élite alone cannot ensure the continued progress of the science-and-technology combination. There is a need for the majority of the population to have a high level of education and be scientifically literate. This need has substantially boosted secondary and post-secondary education. F r o m i960 to 1970, according to the statistics of industrialized countries, the number of secondary-school pupils grew at an average annual rate of 4.3 per cent and the n u m b e r of students in higher-education establishments at a rate of 8.2 per cent.6 In the early 1980s, 98 per cent of pupils graduated from secondary schools (after ten to twelve years' schooling) in the G e r m a n D e m o cratic Republic, Japan and the U S S R , 75 per cent in the United States and France. Millions of adolescents with different abilities, propensities and plans entered secondary school. T h e pupil body was becoming increasingly heterogeneous, forcing secondary schools to abandon their traditional unidimensional role of preparing their charges for higher education. Secondary schools proved unable to offer high-quality education to all the rapidly expanding numbers of pupils. T h e teaching system that had evolved over decades became ineffective, because only 20 to 40 per cent of the pupils intended to go on to university. T h e former motive for learning—to get to university—was gradually losing its force. T h e problem of heterogeneity was compounded by the growing number of pupils w h o were in the twilight zone between the normal and the pathological. Degradation of the h u m a n habitat, urbanization, entailing long periods of stress and exposure to harmful social phenomena such as alcoholism and drug addiction exert an adverse influence on the h u m a n gene-pool. Pathological types of nervous system that break d o w n under the smallest stress have become extremely widespread.7 This multifaceted phenomenon can be clearly seen in children. In industrialized countries there is a growing n u m b e r of retarded children and children with various nervous and psychological abnormalities brought about by disorders of the central nervous system. It is estimated that such children constitue 10 to 20 per cent of the school population. T h e y need special learning conditions that are not always available at school. W h a t w e need, therefore, are new teaching methods that will take into account the specific features of mass secondary education and the next generation of schoolchildren. A noteworthy factor in the declining quality of education is that

Zoya A. Malkova

pupils are growing increasingly disinterested in the school, which has to compete with such powerful rivals as television and, more and more n o w , personal computers. It is k n o w n from m a n y sources that schoolchildren spend five or six hours daily, or even more, watching television, whose bright and colourful programmes, which require no intellectual effort and create an illusion of learning, m a k e lessons appear dull and difficult and school attendance an onerous duty. Unfortunately, the euphoria of the 1960s, w h e n the widespread use of television was hailed as a 'technological revolution' in schools, ended in apathy and denial of the possibility of making effective use of television in education. T h e sorely needed alliance of the school and the mass media, primarily television, never came to fruition. B y and large, the extensive development of secondary schools was not accompanied by qualitative changes. Teachers still used the old teaching system, which was ineffective in mass-education schools. T h e gap between schools and reality was felt everywhere, producing an interesting phenomenon: the almost simultaneous appearance in the industrialized countries of school reforms aimed at improving the quality of education. T h e above-mentioned document 8 stated that the object of the reform was high-quality education at all levels. Guidelines for the reform of general and vocational schools published in the U S S R pointed out that 'carrying out the reform means raising considerably the quality of the general education and labour and vocational training of young people'.9 T h e authors of a British consultative document argue that isolated improvements are insufficient in school education and that the quality of education must be raised.10 Quality is central to school reform in Hungary, Bulgaria, France and other countries. T h e extensive development of education has more or less c o m e to a halt, and schools in industrialized countries are catering to very large numbers of pupils. T h e strategy of development today is to achieve the level of quality that will be needed in the world of the future.

Quality of education as a concept

Quality is a concept that is n o w widely used both in official documents and in pedagogical studies. But there is no doubt that the meaning of the term varies from author to author. Quality is a general scientific notion that is used in m a n y different areas of knowledge. Dictionaries and encyclopedias define quality as the correspondence of a product to certain standards.11 In education quality is the level that must be attained by the product of


the education sector. In other words, quality is a system of socially determined parameters of the level of knowledge, skills, habits and values that must be reached by school leavers. It is the content of these parameters that provokes the greatest controversy. A n active stand is taken by those w h o regard education primarily as a powerful tool that can put their country into the vanguard of scientific and technological progress. T h e y are concerned above all about competitiveness, being afraid of lagging behind other countries on the international market. T h e concept of quality is also influenced by the clearly technocratic attitude towards schools that demands, first and foremost, a good knowledge of, and ability in, science and mathematics. In our view, an example of the technocratic interpretation of education is a publication by a commission of the United States National Science Foundation entitled Educating Americans for the Twenty-first Century.1* T h e authors believe that a higher quality of education is a prime necessity for the country's economic might and military security. T h e principal aim of the school reform is to offer the world's best instruction in mathematics, natural science and technical disciplines by 1995. This reveals a one-sided interpretation of the quality of education that concentrates exclusively on its science and mathematics content and leaves aside moral and spiritual values and attitudes—vital components of the h u m a n essence and of humanistic education. In contrast to the technocratic approach, humanistic education emphasizes all-round development. Here quality of education means a wide range of h u m a n e features: respect for other nations, a spirit of internationalism, the desire to preserve peace o n earth and to contribute to humanity's cultural and natural wealth, the readiness to defend h u m a n rights and dignity, and so on. A s has already been said, Soviet educational reform is aimed at improving the quality of education, but the strategic objective of forming a harmoniously developed personality makes it necessary to undertake a great m a n y practical tasks. T h e reform is designed to improve the quality of knowledge and skills, prepare students for independent study, familiarize them with cultural and intellectual values and develop high aesthetic tastes and a sense of internationalism and responsibility for the destiny of the world. 13 Methods of attaining high-quality education differ from country to country. There is an economic approach to this complex problem. Proponents of this approach suggest using competition, a leading form of motivation in business. A n idea of vouchers has been proposed, i.e. the state pays parents an allowance for their children's education. T h e families, of course,

Zoya A. Malkova

invest the m o n e y in, and send their children to, the school that enjoys the greatest educational standing. Schools that fail to reach the quality standards are 'knocked out of the g a m e ' , close d o w n and 'go bankrupt'. Protesting against the voucher system, American teachers' unions rightly stress the h a r m that m a y be done to the education of children from low-income families. T h e 'siphoning off' of funds and the best teachers to prestigious schools would certainly lower the quality of education in poor districts.14 It is our opinion that high quality should be achieved primarily by pedagogical and psychological means. This is no doubt a more complicated and slower process, but it is the only correct one. T h e experience of m a n y countries presents a picture of m a n y and varied approaches.

A n optimistic view o f a child's abilities

A key question of pedagogy over which battles have been fought between hereditists and environmentalists since time immemorial is the interdependence between teaching and development. T h e former uphold the idea of inborn and immutable abilities. This is the idea that lies behind the separation of pupils into different schools, streams and classes and the teaching of simpler and less demanding syllabuses to the 'less able' pupils. Great humanist educationists have always stressed the decisive role of the environment and education in h u m a n development. Outstanding psychologists such as L . Vygotski, A . Leontev, J. S. Bruner and the historian of education, Brian Simon, experimentally proved that every child possesses a great potential for development, and teaching does indeed bring development. Simon, Bruner and Vygotski argue that any child can achieve m u c h in the intellectual and other spheres if he or she is taught by a specialist w h o deeply believes in his or her abilities.15 Soviet schools have an optimistic view of the abilities of every child to reach a high level of education and development. Throughout their history they have offered to all pupils irrespective of their future plans, the full syllabus that in m a n y countries is targeted exclusively at intellectually gifted pupils. Naturally, children's academic records differ, but a full syllabus stimulates the development of each child and builds a firm foundation for life and work in our technological society. T h e real need for a high level of general education for all children promotes the spread of the idea that the environment and instruction


play a leading role in children's development. All American documents on school reform voice the idea that anybody can study successfully and achieve good results even in 'difficult' subjects. A United States Government report states that anyone can master knowledge and that success depends more on industry and selfdiscipline than on inborn ability. T h e document of the National Science Foundation echoes the thought, stressing that all elementaryand secondary-school pupils can understand problems of mathematics, science and technology provided the subjects are taught at a proper professional level.16 These attitudes are a remarkable contemporary phenomenon. T h e y show that hereditism is losing its hold on world pedagogy. T h e optimistic view of the ability of every child to cope successfully with an extensive and complex syllabus is gaining ground in m a n y countries. That is the only possible approach to one of the more complicated aspects of the quality of education: what and h o w pupils should be taught in compulsory education.

Basic knowledge Indeed, what instruction should be offered to those pupils w h o enter secondary school? M a n y of them will not go on to university. So, what knowledge should be compulsory for all? Pedagogical theory has no clear-cut answer yet. O n e thing is obvious, however: the end result, where compulsory subjects are reduced to the m i n i m u m and options take u p 50 to 70 per cent of the time, does not meet the requirements of scientific and technological progress. Only 30 per cent of American secondary-school graduates study algebra, not more than 25 per cent chemistry and physics and 15 per cent a foreign language.17 T h e overcomplicated courses in mathematics, physics, chemistry, biology and geography that are compulsory for all Soviet pupils are also unsatisfactory. T h e need to improve the quality of education stimulates a search for an optimal volume of general education that will meet the requirements of a technological society while remaining comprehensible to the average adolescent. T h e search proceeds in two directions. T h e number of compulsory subjects is growing in countries that offer a hypertrophied choice of subjects. T h e United K i n g d o m and the United States have adopted policies on compulsory teaching of mathematics, the fundamentals of computer science, the natural sciences and foreign languages. In the Soviet Union, where the compulsory programme

Zoya A. Malkova

is too overburdened and complicated, optional subjects are being introduced and unnecessary material removed from schoool syllabuses. W e are witnessing a shift from the extremes to a 'golden m e a n ' whose definition requires international co-operation by specialists. T h e authors of n e w sufficiently understandable and extensive general curricula are n o w developing assessment criteria for the assimilation of basic knowledge and skills. These criteria are applied in the form of tests at the end of each theme or part of a course. This enables teachers and schools to obtain objective information about the quality of education at each stage of instruction. Measurements that show correspondence between the results of the tests, and established standards become an integral component of the method of achieving quality education.

Prevention of poor academic performance

Schools have to deal with the most complex material in the world—human beings. T h e y have to teach children with different abilities, interests and types of nervous system, from different families and social groups. All these powerful factors either stimulate or impede a child's academic performance. T h e need to achieve good-quality basic education means that special attention should be paid to children w h o , for various reasons, do poorly in school. A s has already been said, the problem of poor academic performance has been compounded in the last few decades by the growing number of children with inconspicuous nervous disorders. Concern over the quality of education has prompted countries to pay more attention to the prevention of poor academic performance. Special emphasis is placed on primary schools, where the problem is fraught with grave and far-reaching consequences affecting the well-being and behaviour of secondary-school pupils. In m a n y countries pre-school children are thoroughly examined by physicians, educationists and psychologists w h o determine whether they are ready to go to school, and promote the overall development of children in pre-school establishments. There are opportunity classes, catchins-up classes or remedial classes in primary schools in Poland, Finland and France for children w h o need special conditions to study well. In spite of their different names these classes pursue the same goals: to help children w h o are on the borderline between the normal and the pathological adapt to


school conditions, to prevent possible lagging behind and to foster self-confidence. American secondary schools employ special teachers—tutors w h o help pupils reach the standard of basic education. S u m m e r courses are also organized for such pupils. Interesting work is done by Volunteer Help the School, an organization consisting of pensioners, researchers, engineers, etc. Over 90 per cent of its m e m b e r s help pupils with difficulties in reading, writing or other subjects. In Soviet schools the better pupils help those w h o cannot cope with their assignments, and the two categories benefit from this practice. It provides an additional opportunity to delve deeper into subjects and an experience of selflessness, kindness and helpfulness. T h e experience of m a n y countries shows that improvement of the quality of education requires a clearly defined set of measures and individualized approaches rather than isolated efforts which cannot prevent a certain category of adolescents from falling below the established level of basic knowledge.

Invigoration of the teaching process Teachers in m a n y countries have observed a decline in pupils' interest in school education—a sad fact that is in obvious contradiction with children's inherent activity and curiosity. A m o n g the m a n y explanations offered one seems to be undeniable: the forms and methods of teaching that have evolved over three centuries do not work; the system is obsolete and does not stimulate the desire to study. If this is true then the quality of education cannot be improved, since education lacks its principal driving force—the pupils' interest in reading. Today's pedagogical thought and practice are engaged in an intensive search for n e w forms, methods and means of teaching. Its principal object is to awaken pupils' cognitive interest and activity, to m a k e them participants in the teaching process. Education in various countries has been enriched by m a n y novel elements: didactic games, group projects, seminars as an extension of lessons, discussions, lectures, individual work in teaching centres, a combination of teaching with work in industry, in research laboratories and on expeditions, etc. In an attempt to renovate the existing methodology some authors fall into extremes, generalizing individual techniques. History teaches us that extremism and the destruction of accumulated experience are counterproductive. T h e renovation of the teaching process requires a sensible combination of time-tested traditions and novel approaches dictated by life.

Zoya A. Malkova

Educational a n d vocational guidance T h e quality of education cannot be divorced from its consistent humanization, which means rejecting the predominantly scientistic approach and shaping education to fit the pupil. ' T h e h u m a n personality is what matters most in schools': such is the leitmotiv for the restructuring of Soviet schools which is part of the overall restructuring (perestroika) of our society. T h e humanization of education is a complex business. O n e of its main components is the consistent and systematic study of pupils and the provision of expert help so that they can m a p out their future lives and careers. A career that is chosen in full accordance with an individual's interests, propensities and characteristics is an abundant source of happiness and a guarantee of the constant development of his or her creativity, self-improvement and self-expression. A well-organized psychological and pedagogical service that conducts an in-depth study of pupils during their entire school career, accumulates personal profile data and provides expert educational and vocational guidance is imperative if the quality of education is to be improved. Being aware of their importance, Unesco has repeatedly stressed in its documents that guidance and counselling should not be regarded as something secondary or accidental in schools. T h e study and counselling of pupils should become an integral element of school life.18 Teachers cannot work successfully without a thorough knowledge of the h u m a n material they have to deal with. Observation of pupils engaged in different activities (lessons, sports, club activities and so on), analysis of the results of their work (written essays, drawings, models, etc.) and talks with pupils and their parents provide m u c h objective information about the pupils' personalities. It m a y be supplemented by various psychological tests, once the results have been processed and interpreted by highly qualified specialists. T h e information collected usually provides most valuable answers to m a n y a complex question: H o w can pupils w h o are having trouble keeping u p be helped? H o w can a deviant behaviour pattern be corrected? W h a t can be done to improve communication in class? W h a t subjects should be recommended to pupils to stimulate their interest in school work? A n d so on. In countries where w o m e n adhere to their traditional social roles and occupations educational guidance can stimulate girls to study science and mathematics. Counselling is particularly important in senior classes whose students have to choose a profession. Accurate guidance based on adolescents' interests and desires mobilizes their inner reserves and


increases motivation and interest in studies. T h e desired quality of education is thus achieved on the basis of a person's inner motivation. In m a n y countries (the G e r m a n Democratic Republic, the U S S R and France) vocational guidance is part of the school curriculum. Each region of the G e r m a n Democratic Republic and France has a professional counselling department or centre, which distributes literature, helps teachers to give advice, counsels pupils and studies their physical and psychological aptitudes. T h e adage ' O n e picture is worth a thousand words' is very important in vocational guidance. School pupils in Hungary, the G e r m a n Democratic Republic and the U S S R , w h o combine learning with productive work from an early age, are able not only to see but to feel what they are capable of in the world of work. This helps them to make a more conscious choice of job and consequently to study better and to reach the necessary levels of knowledge and proficiency.

Is m o d e r n technology g o o d or bad?

W e are living in a high-tech world. T h e diversity and quality of the electronic media—television, tape-recorders, video systems, personal computers—have grown immensely. They are extensively used in industry and at h o m e . American children spend more time watching entertainment programmes broadcast by electronic media than they spend at school. Are information media really an evil that interferes with learning, competes with schools and disseminates low-grade information in the souls and minds of youth, as the press is wont to proclaim? Experiments in the United K i n g d o m , Hungary, France, the United States and the U S S R show that information media can do a great deal to promote the quality of education if they are used properly in schools. Personal computers, for example, serve as an important auxiliary tool that individualizes teaching and differentiates assignments in accordance with pupils' abilities and interests. These obliging tutors work marvellously with backward students.19 T h e rational use of modern information media in schools is impeded by a shortage of good software. Without it an expensive computer is just a piece of junk. T h e development of effective teaching programmes for television and computers is a complex matter requiring joint efforts by m a n y countries. A n important role here could be played by Unesco, which could establish a bank of teaching programmes available to all countries. Another impediment in the way of modern technology and c o m -

Zoya A. Malkova

puter applications is the teacher's lack of training. Teacher-training in all countries is below present-day requirements and is being sharply criticized.

W h a t kind of teacher is n e e d e d ?

T h e technological euphoria of the 1960s generated the illusion that teachers could be replaced by machines. There is n o w afirmconviction that no machine, however sophisticated, can replace a teacher, because upbringing and education are a process of interpersonal communication. During the period of extensive development teacher-training centred around the word 'more': more teachers, more colleges, more teacher-training departments. N o w that education is developing intensively w e need not only more teachers but good teachers w h o are able to ensure high-quality instruction and education. In the light of these requirements the present-day system of teacher-training is highly unsatisfactory. American sources note that teacher-training programmes must be substantially improved and that the working conditions of teachers are unsatisfactory, which means that teacher-training colleges do not get the cream of schoolleavers. A similar situation exists in m a n y other countries. For example, Soviet documents on school reform speak of the need for a radical reorganization of teacher-training to enable schools to get high-grade teachers. Awareness of the need for teachers w h o meet today's stringent demands is leading to practical measures for improving both teachertraining and teachers' conditions of work. In the U S S R the salaries of teachers have been increased by 40 per cent. Teacher-training is undergoing restructuring. M o r e emphasis is being laid on psychology and educational science in university and training-college curricula for future teachers, and courses in teaching skills have been introduced. Special efforts are m a d e to produce creative teachers w h o will be capable of looking for n e w techniques and methods, ready to reject obsolete stereotypes and open to innovations. T h e achievement of quality is a development strategy of education for the present and the near future. International co-operation under the aegis of Unesco and other international organizations is called upon to play an important part in carrying through this complex, multi-faceted strategy, which concerns all countries. Success can be guaranteed only by the joint eiforts of educationists worldwide. •


Notes 1. National Commission on Excellence in Education, A Nation at Risk, p. 8, Washington, D . C . , U . S . Government Printing Office, 1983. 2. E . K . Ligachev, ' O Khode perestroiki strednei i vyshei shkoly i zadachakh partii po ee osushchestvleniyu [The Progress of Perestroika in Secondary and Higher Schools and the Tasks of the Party]'. Pravda, 18 February 1988. 3. E . Magasima, 'Current Problems of the Younger Generation and the Education Reform in Japan', December 1987 (paper presented at a symposium). 4. John Naisbitt, Megatrends, Ten New Directions Transforming Our Lives, N e w York, Warner, 1982. 5. I L O , Yearbook of Labour Statistics, Geneva, I L O , 1982. 6. S. Rassekh and G . Vaideanu, The Contents of Education, Paris, Unesco, 1987. 7. United States, op. cit. 8. Ibid. 9. O reforme obsheobrazovatel'nol i professional'noï shkoly [Reform of General and Vocational Schools], Moscow, 1984. 10. United Kingdom, The National Curriculum, 5-16. A Consultative Document, London,

HMSO, 1987. 11. Great Soviet Encyclopedia, Moscow, 1974. 12. United States National Science Foundation, Educating Americans for the Twenty-first Century: A Plan for Action for Improving Mathematics, Science and Technology Education for All American Elementary and Secondary Students so that Achievement is the Best in the World by 199$. Washington, D . C . , Source Materials/National Science Board C o m mission on Frecollege Education in Mathematics, Science and Technology, 1985. 13. O reforme obsheobrazovatel'nol... op. cit. 14. B . S. Davis, Education Vouchers: B o o m or Blunder?, The Education Forum, N o . 2, Winter, 1983. 15. Brian Simon, Does Education Matter} London, Lawrence & Wishart, 1985; J. S. Bruner, Toward a Theory of Instruction, Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1966; L . S. Vygotski, Collected Works, Moscow, 1983 (in Russian). 16. United States National Science Foundation, op. cit. 17. United States, op. cit. 18. International Conference on Education, Fortieth Session, Geneva, 1986, Final Report, Paris, Unesco/IBE, 1987. 19. B . S. Gershunski, Komp'yuterizatsiya v sfere obrazovaniya [Computerization in E d u cation], Moscow, 1987.

OPEN FILE

Vocational and educational guidance II. F r o m challenge to systematic policy: several cases

A challenge for vocational guidance in Peru Elba Ramos López

T h e adaptation of education systems to the needs of individuals and society in a developing country is a challenge for educational planning, which has arisen from the democratization of education, the complexity of social changes and the scarcity of resources. O n e aspect of this challenge is the need to set up, test and evaluate programmes of vocational guidance and n e w strategies, which m a y be effective and efficient in giving a sense of direction to large groups of students w h o are living in reduced circumstances and situations of drastic social change, as is the case in Peru. This article describes vocational-guidance policies in Peru and evaluates the vocational guidance experiment in schools and universities, within the framework of the national policy of educational reform. I think that this attempt at objective analysis could be useful for the planning of future programmes of vocational guidance in Peru, and perhaps also of interest to countries with similar characteristics of underdevelopment. T h e method chosen was to review the litera-

ture and analyse official documents (laws, decrees, ministerial decisions and written and oral reports), to interview leadingfiguresin the educationalfieldand to m a k e personal observations in a few education centres, considered as pilot centres for this survey.1 S o m e ideas concerning the relationship between guidance and education are reviewed below, followed by a description of education policies and student guidance and welfare services in Peru, their programmes and a few instances of implementation in practice.

Vocational guidance and education

Guidance has been studied from the point of view of vocational psychology in its theoretical, methodological and instrumental aspects, and a great deal of literature is available in this area. There is, however, no consensus on terminology or the demarcation of the field of vocational psychology (Crites, 1983). Accordingly, for the purposes of this article, I shall draw on concepts that are fully accepted by a few specialized organizations, such as the American Personnel Elba R a m o s López (Peru). Professor in the Faculty of and Guidance Association ( A P G A ) and the InPsychology, Inca Garcilaso de la Vega University, ternational Association for Educational and Lima. Previously University Director of Student Vocational Guidance ( I A E V G ) . 2 Welfare and Students' Concerns at that university. 'Vocation' is often confused with 'occupation'. Has also worked as Vocational Counsellor and teacher at several universities in Peru. Is interested in psycho-T h e difference lies in the fact that vocation is logical research and in vocational and psychological internal to the individual and occupation external. Vocation is a psychic entity which characguidance. Prospects, Vol. X I X , N o . I, 1989

50

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terizes the individual, maturing and developing just like other h u m a n characteristics, whether they be physical, emotional, intellectual, sexual, spiritual, moral or social. Vocation is inherent in the individual, develops steadily and lasts throughout life. T h e development of vocation is associated with the psychological significance of work in an individual's life, and has links with economic and social status. It also underpins performance of duty or role-playing. Occupation is external to the individual, and includes experience gained in the jobs held by an individual throughout his or her professional career. Each of us chooses a profession in accordance with the mental image that w e have of ourselves, and the motivation for this choice corresponds to profound h u m a n needs (Roe, 1972). W h e n I, for example, as an individual, choose an occupation, I unpack the concept I have of myself, m y intellectual and emotional self-estimation, and I bring together the various images that I have built up of myself as an individual and social being (Super, 1983). T h e process of choosing an occupation can be seen as a process of developing an identity. H u m a n behaviour is always directed towards the goal of self-realization. T h e individual, as his or her personality matures, takes a vocational decision that will facilitate that self-realization. Since the choice of vocation and its further development is a continuous process that starts in childhood and ends in adult life, thus encompassing the entire life-cycle, vocational guidance should be an ongoing process (Super, 1972). There is a close connection between education and vocational guidance. Both coincide essentially in their goals, although they differ in their methods, procedures and techniques. Yela (1983, pp. 24-5) claims that All guidance is basically educational. T o choose a direction is to choose with responsibility and effectiveness. In other words, to be capable of acting in accordance with one's o w n decision and drawing o n adequate resources to follow it through, or, if need be, altering and improving it according to the circumstances. It is obvious that all this is a gradual process, with degrees of success or failure. T o choose a direction is to become m o r e capable of

direction-finding; it means enriching one's personality and becoming m o r e self-possessed. But this is exacdy what education is. Educating consists, in fact, in perfecting the h u m a n personality, with all one's characteristics, potentialities and possibilities, abilities and resources, and the power to be able to deal with oneself as well as with circumstances.

Vocational guidance in Peru: a changing reality and a permanent challenge T h e policies of student guidance and welfare and the development of the programmes can be fully understood only if w e bear in mind the general context and the education policies established in their time. Although it is not our intention to conduct a critical and historical review of the circumstances in Peru, w e should refer if only briefly to some relevant aspects of the national context in view of their impact on education and guidance. As in m a n y other countries in the world, social, economic and cultural conditions in Peru are classified as underdeveloped. During the first part of this century, however, its rulers seem not to have appreciated the situation. Political power, wealth and all social, educational and cultural advantages were concentrated in the hands of a few families, k n o w n to Peruvians as 'the oligarchy'. This group was criticized for having adopted an education system totally at variance with the needs of individuals and of society. In such a system, student guidance and welfare were unknown. In the late 1950s, a series of changes took place in Peru, in Latin America and in the rest of the world. T h e leaders consequently became aware of the country's underdevelopment and decided to do something about it. In the 1960s, Peru was in the throes of a political, economic, social and educational crisis. This crisis has persisted and has recently become worse. Social workers consider it to be the worst crisis in the country's history. F r o m an economic point of view, the steady rise of inflation, devaluation and deteriorating

A challenge for vocational guidance in Peru

standards of living were predominant. T h e combined effect of unemployment, underemployment and moonlighting, and the overwhelming migration of peasants and indigenous communities towards the capital, gave rise to the h u m a n settlements and rudimentary forms of employment k n o w n as the informal economy (De Soto, 1986), subtly creating new patterns of behaviour, new values, attitudes, standards, beliefs and life-styles (Matos M a r , 1984). These have influenced the education system in general and the subsystem of guidance in particular. F r o m the social point of view, the internal migration problem goes hand in hand with the demographic explosion. T h e population has doubled in the last twenty years and stands n o w at 20 million, almost half under 15 years of age. T h e population is ethnically, culturally and socially heterogeneous. Wealth is unevenly distributed, and a minority of the population monopolize economic power to the detriment of the majority, w h o have a struggle to survive. F r o m the political point of view the Peruvian Government is officially democratic, but in practice violence and coups d'état have prevailed. In 1963, an architect came to power. H e governed on modern lines, introduced a national development plan and gave priority to education. A series ofinternal and external factors sparked off a coup d'état which brought d o w n his government. In 1968, the Revolutionary Government of the A r m e d Forces took power and ruled for twelve years. It introduced radical reforms intended to alter the social structure of Peru. T h e aim was to create a n e w sort of h u m a n being for a n e w kind of society by means of education. This n e w society was to achieve development and independence as a nation, and the citizens were to attain harmonious individual development and well-being, living in justice, freedom and solidarity in a democracy based on equality. Such was the ideology behind the military government's educational reforms. Peru also had m a n y educational problems. T h e goal of making education accessible to the entire population had not yet been reached. Training and selection of teachers was inadequate. Inflexibility, bureaucracy and routine

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m a d e themselves felt at all levels. Education did not correspond to the needs of society; there was a lack of national awareness in the content of education, which was also remote from real life, with too m u c h theory and rote-learning. N o provision was m a d e for poor children; schools were few and reserved for privileged minorities. M a n y pupils dropped out or had to repeat a year, and the quality of education was poor. F e w pupils completed their schooling prepared for life or work. Only twelve in every hundred pupils w h o started primary school finished secondary school, and average school attendance was a bare three years, according to the statistics on which the Educational Reform Resolution was based (Peru, 1970). T h e n e w education policy set itself the following objectives: education for work and development; education for the restructuring of society; and education for the self-assertion of the Peruvian nation. T h e national education system had three structural levels: Nursery education level: for children u p to the age offive,to ensure all-round development in early childhood. Education would be provided through day nurseries, crèches, nursery schools and family education programmes. Basic education level: nine years of schooling for children aged 6 to 15. This constituted the essential part of the education system. It would stimulate the all-round development of the pupil and the acquisition of knowledge, skills and attitudes. It would equip pupils for work and for participation in the life of the community. Higher education level: geared to training the professionals needed in the country in accordance with the highest scientific, technological and cultural standards. Research results would be used to benefit the country. There would be three stages of higher education, leading to the Baccalaureate, Bachelor's degree, Master's degree and Doctorate. Under this n e w education policy, educational services had to be organized under C o m m u n a l Education Authorities ( N E C ) for areas with 2,000 to 4,000 inhabitants, in groups offiveto fifteen centres, thus making education a c o m -

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munity responsibility. T h e reform began in urban areas where there were better qualified teachers and the necessary infrastructure. Student guidance and welfare services (Orientación y Bienester del Educando O B E ) O n e effect of educational reform was to give great responsibility to student guidance and welfare services, as they were considered to be asubsystem within thenationaleducationsystem. T h e aim was for O B E services to be provided b y teachers at all educational levels throughout the country. T h e function of O B E was to provide support and advice for students, parents and the community. Guidance would help students to acquire all-round training, make the right vocational decisions and participate fully in the community. In theory, the objectives of O B E derived from educational principles such as total selfrealization, dignity, justice, freedom, participation, solidarity, integration, activity and work, and a balanced social and historical outlook, all of which were basic principles covered by General Education L a w N o . 19326 and, scientifically speaking, from the theories of h u m a n development. T h e law specified the areas in which the O B E units would intervene and the types of services that they would provide: Personal: solving students' problems of integration in their surroundings and of their normal physical, intellectual, emotional, psychosexual and social development. Academic: solving students' learning problems by diagnosing them and acting to remedy them. Social and family: co-ordination between the school, the family and the community to enable parents to participate in their children's education and vocational training. Vocational and occupational: helping students to make a vocational choice in keeping with both their social and personal characteristics and the opportunities available. Student welfare: channelling the funds of the

education system to enable students to solve food, housing, health and education problems by providing student grants and loans. T h e L a w decreed that the O B E unit should work out the student's biological, psychological and social portrait, assess the situation of the school and identify work opportunities in the community. T h e O B E committee would plan the specific action to be taken, the priority being to give personal attention to the student. T h e N E C s would have an O B E committee consisting of a teacher, a psychologist or doctor, a psychiatrist and a social worker, and would be responsible for programming, supervising, implementing and evaluating activities. In practice, O B E work was carried out partly through different programmes at varying intervals, depending on the resources of the schools and of the N E C s . T h e most significant experiments in psychological and vocational guidance, in terms of effectiveness, took place in some private schools that had resources to draw on. In state schools, the law was only partly implemented. Furthermore, m a n y schools failed to introduce O B E because of the drastic changes taking in Peru already described. T h e original principles of the educational reform enacted by the Military Government in 1970 were revived in 1988 under the National Education Policy, and O B E became important once more. However, O B E programmes have still not been fully implemented. T h e main problem is the lack of resources and suitable staff. T h e profession of vocational adviser does not exist in Peru, and psychology as a profession has only recently w o n recognition. O B E programmes are at present the responsibility of teachers, according to the current L a w of the Teaching Profession. For the time being, guidance is provided through the tutor system. A tutor is a Category I teacher w h o holds a professional diploma. In difficult socio-geographical areas where teachers belong to Category III because they have not completed their studies, tutors are appointed on the strength of their experience. In both cases, the tutor devotes one hour per week in the annual curriculum to O B E activities.

A challenge for vocational guidance in Peru

T h e problem of the tutors' lack of professional preparation is compounded by that of devising the content and method of such a programme. After various attempts in state schools, a very basic O B E programme is n o w being put into practice in order to provide students with information on primary health care, responsible parenthood, study habits and work.

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Council of the Peruvian University noted that, in 1980, 3.5 per cent of students left university having completed their studies, 2.3 per cent graduated as Baccalaureate holders and 1.1 per cent went on to take the Bachelor's degree ( C O N U P , 1981). It is a cause for concern that in 1988 only 21 per cent of the 331,330 applicants were admitted. T h e majority applied to study medicine, law, accountancy, economics, administration, engineering and education. It is apparent from the reasons given by the young Vocational guidance people for their choice that they look upon uniin Peruvian universities versity as a panacea for attaining the social and economic status that will guarantee them a In spite of its long university tradition—the secure future. Those w h o were not admitted to veryfirstuniveisity of the American continent the university thefirsttime apply a second and was founded in Peru—vocational guidance has a third time and are disdainful of technical and been ignored. For four centuries, universities intermediate courses. Another aspect of the in Peru catered for an élite (Bernales, 1972), so university problem is the significant number of that the children of the ruling classes might diploma-holders and graduates to be found in obtain a degree as a substitute for titles of occupations that bear n o relation to their specialized courses of study. According to the nobility. In the 1960s, groups from the middle and National Institute of Statistics, in 1985 34 per working classes, w h o had received more school- cent of the country's labour force were ading than their predecessors, fought to gain uni- equately employed, 11.8 per cent were u n e m versity entrance (Bernales, 1982] Lusk, 1984; ployed and 54.2 per cent were underemployed. Pacheco, 1985). T h e response to this tremendous This being the case, vocational guidance in social pressure was to set u p n e w universities higher education is considered to be an effecand to enlarge existing ones. In i960 there tive means of helping to overcome these dimwere eleven universities offering thirty-five culties; but few empirical experiments in vospecialized courses of study to 30,247 students. cational guidance have been carried out in the In 1988, there are forty-six universities offering universities. ninety-six specialized courses of study leading A report submitted to the Seventh I A E V G to a Bachelor's degree, thirty-two specialized Seminar in Lisbon (Ramos, 1975) stated that of secondary courses, sixty-one leading to a M a s - the thirty-three existing universities, only eight ter's degree and twenty-six to a Doctorate had offered vocational guidance in the form of There are 411,890 students. But this democ- individual counselling and only two had tried ratization of education and mass availability of collective guidance programmes. Although U n i university education in Peru have raised prob- versity L a w N o . 17437 (1970) and the existing lems, because the universities have expanded L a w N o . 23733 ( I 984) require all universities quantitatively at the expense of quality and do in Peru to provide vocational guidance and not appear to be meeting the needs of society psychological counselling, in reality few unior, indeed, of individuals. T h e most outstanding versities currently offer this service to their causes for concern are the high drop-out rate, students. T h e most noteworthy efforts are being the large number of students w h o change m a d e in some private universities. T h e student courses, the length of time that students take programmes of the other universities are for to finish their courses and the low percentage recreational and cultural activities, sport, health of diploma-holders and graduates. T h e National care and social welfare.

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López

According to available sources, the Pilot Plan these continue to increase, the situation in Peru for University Vocational Guidance (Plan Piloto will continue to be a challenge for guidance de Orientación Vocacional Universitario—PPO) policy-makers. • is the only vocational guidance programme in Peru that has been evaluated as for usefulness and effectiveness (Ramos, 1987). This exercise appraised the design, application, impact and Notes future feasibility of a P P O . The P P O was tested on 2,085 students at a 1. T h e author thanks the Minister of Education for the interview, the Directors w h o provided information, public university in Peru in 1967. The Plan was O B E officials in the Ministry of Education and the broken d o w n into four stages: I. Motivation; schools and universities visited. II. Self-analysis and reflection; III. Teacher 2. According to the official data available, vocational information andfieldwork; IV. Group guidpsychology in primary and secondary schools in Peru dates back to 1940, when the National Institute of ance sessions. T h e 1967 student group was Educational Psychology was founded. This Institute studied until graduation. In 1984, seventeen carried out useful research work that greatly influenced years after that experiment, a sample was taken educational psychology in Peru (Blumenfeld, 1945). to look into the effects of the P P O with regard Furthermore, the law required tutors to carry out an 'all-round study of each pupil, including formal abilito satisfaction with the career chosen, role and ties in different subjects, and to prepare a special professional status. register to facilitate vocational guidance' (Ministry of The investigation was conducted using a Education, 1950). case-study and participant-observation and longitudinal studies. The P P O , taken as a case, was evaluated in the Peruvian context at the university where it was carried out and was References analysed from the qualitative and ecological angles. A N G L E S , C . 1963. La Deserción Escolar y sus causas, según el inventario de la realidad educativa del Perú, p . 16. The evaluation of the P P O brought out its Lima, Impreso U N E S M . internal and external consistency and its funcA S H B Y , E . 1966. Universities-British, Indian, African: A tional character. It confirmed the importance Study in the Ecology of Higher Education. Cambridge, of the context, which affected the design and Mass., Harvard University Press. implementation of the P P O and ultimately B E R N A L E S , E . 1972. Universidad e historia socio política: El caso peruano. Santiago de Chile, Corporación de caused its demise, and likewise the importance Promoción Universitaria. of the environment in which the experiment . 1982. Orígenes y evolución de la universidad en el was carried out, a point underscored by several Perú. Universidades (Mexico City, U D U A L ) , Vol. X X I I , authors (Berry, 1980; Ashby, 1966). 3rd series, January-May. T o sum up the attempt to strike a balance B E R R Y , J. W . , 1980. Ecological Analyses for Crosscultural Psychology. In: N . Warren, Studies in Crossamong guidance policies applied in the Peruvian cultural Psychology. N e w York, Academic Press. national education system in the past two dec- B L U M E N F E L D , W . 1945- Investigaciones referentes a la ades, judging by the data available, it emerges juventud peruana. Revista Ciencias (Lima), N o . 454. that the idea of O B E services, as a policy of C O N U P . 1981. Departamento Estadística e Informática. Boletín. Vol. 8, N o . 24. Series 4. November. (Code all-round student education, is consistent with SEN/321.) the aims and purposes of vocational education . 1976. La Universidad Peruana y ¡a Reforma de la and psychology. However, there have been disEducación. Lima, C O N U P . (Mimeo.) crepancies between the large number of legal C R I T E S , J. 1983. Research Methods in Vocational Psychology. In: B . Walsh and S. Osipow (eds.), Handbook provisions on O B E , curricula and programmes of Vocational Psychology, Vol. 1, pp. 305-53. Hillsdale, and the real-life situation. The main obstacles N.J., Lawrence Erlbaum Associates Inc. were resources and enormous environmental D E S O T O , H . , et al. 1986. El otro sendero. Lima, Edit. pressures together with drastic changes; and if Barranco.

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L U S K , M . W . 1984. Peruvian Higher Education in an Environment of Development and Revolution. Salt Lake City, Utah State University. (Mimeo.) M A T O S M A R , J. 1984. Desborde popular y crisis del estado. Lima, Instituto de Estudios Peruanos. P A C H E C O , A . 1985. Universidad de Lima: A Case Study on Education for Development. Philadelphia, Pennsylvania State University. (Unpublished thesis.) P E R U . M I N I S T R Y O F E D U C A T I O N . 1950. Resolución Suprema,

No.

1508, 28 February. Lima. . 1970. Reforma de la educación peruana. Lima Informe General. . Decreto Ley 17437. Lima, Ministry of Education. . 1972. Ley General de Educación No. 19326. Lima, Ministry of Education. • 1973- Reglamento de los Servicios O B E . Lima. (Mimeo.) . 1980. Resolución Ministerial N o . 0318-80-ED. Guia de instalación y técnicas operativas de O B E para educación primaria y secundaria. Lima, Ministry of Education. (Mimeo.) . 1988. Nuevo curriculum de educación primaria y secundaria. Lima, Ministry of Education. (Mimeo.) R A M O S , E . 1975. Perspectives of University Orientation in Peru—Séminaire A I O S P . Sociedade Portuguesa de Psicología, Actas (Lisbon), pp. 643-55. . 1987. Plan pilote d'orientation vocationnelle mène dans l'Université du Pérou. XII e Congrès Mondial de l'Orientation. Annecy, France. 20-26 September. R O E , A . 1972. Psicología de las Profesiones, 2nd ed., Madrid, Edit. Marova. R O G E R S , G , et al. 1987. Social Comparison in the Classroom: T h e Relationship between Academic Achievement and Self-concept. Journal of Educational Psychology, Vol. 70, pp. 50-7. S U P E R , D . 1972. Vocational Development Theory: Persons, Position and Process. In: J. Whitely and A . Reskinof (eds.), Perspectives on Vocational Development. Washington. D . C . , American Personnel and Guidance Association. . 1983. El Trabajo y la Profesión en la vida de los hombres y las mujeres. / / Seminario Iberoamericano, Actas, pp. 18-21, Madrid, A I O S P . Y E L A , M . 1983. Orientación. Diferenciación individual y cooperación solidaria. Jordanas de Orientación Educativa, Actas, pp. 24-5, Madrid, Publicación Universidad Complutense.

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Vocational guidance in Japan Agnes Mieko Watanabe

Vocational guidance and counselling has been conducted in the various sectors of Japanese society by various agencies. This article is limited to vocational guidance in the Japanese school system. In the midst of a drastically changing society, a distinct educational innovation has been of crucial importance to Japanese society and its government. T h e former Prime Minister formed the Extraordinary Educational Council in 1984 in order to establish future policy to achieve qualitative transformation of the Japanese education system. T h e Council, in its Second R e port on Educational Innovation (23 April 1986) pointed out the important role of vocational guidance in the elementary and secondary schools and the improvement of its activities:

For vocational-guidance specialists and especially for those w h o are in a position to influence practice of vocational guidance in schools it is high time to respond to challenges and expectations from students, the public and policy-makers. In this article, a brief historical overview of vocational guidance and counselling in Japan is followed by a description of the characteristics of Japanese youth which make the reform of vocational guidance urgent. Finally, the current tasks that guidance specialists have to cope with are examined.

Overview of vocational guidance HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

Current school activities tend to concentrate only o n providing the competition for entrance examinations and tend to b e limited to uniform education. In secondary education, in particular, the education system has not been sufficiently developed to respond to the diversified abilities and potentialities of students, the result of which can be seen in the excessive n u m b e r of high school drop-outs; that it has become m o r e difficult to provide adequate education and educational and vocational guidance with due respect to the individual needs of each student under the current social situation, and furthermore, vocational education tends to be neglected.

In 1915, the concept of vocational guidance was introduced into Japanese society from the United States of America (Irisawa, 1915). Five years later, vocational counselling centres for youth were established in Tokyo and Osaka by each department of labour under municipal governments. Until n o w those centres have been actively contributing to the communities and have been expanding their activities not only for youth but for various groups w h o need assistance in switching jobs or in adjustment to the changing work environment. In 1927, the Ministry of Education recognized the necessity of vocational guidance and Agnes M i e k o Watanabe (Japan). Specialist in recommended that elementary and secondary counselling psychology and educational psychology. schools provide pupil and student assistance in Senior researcher at the National Institute of Employoccupational and educational choice and placement and Vocational Research (Tokyo) and part-time professor in the Psychology Department, Sophia ment. However, during thefirsttwenty years University (Tokyo). She is the author of three books of its history, vocational guidance was not developed owing to the interruption of tragedies and several articles on counselling and career guidance. Prospects, Vol. XIX, No. i, 1980

Agnes Atieko Watanabe

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such as the Sino-Japanese W a r and the Second World W a r . It was not until the post-war period that the philosophy of guidance, as defined by American concepts, began to influence Japanese school systems. After the Second World W a r , the Japanese education system was restructured by the American occupation forces to conform to the American concept of democracy. Guidance and counselling were introduced as instruments of national policy designed to democratize the educational opportunities for young people, under the School Education L a w of 1953. With this political impetus, and through the efforts of visiting American counselling psychologists w h o gave training to Japanese professors and teachers in the 1950s, the system and organization were established in every secondary school throughout the nation. However, since then, neither expansion nor professionalization of guidance and counselling has occurred in Japanese schools.

CURRENT SITUATION

T h e School Education L a w provided that each secondary school appoint a career guidance teacher in charge of educational and vocational guidance (currently the term 'career guidance' is used) of students. T h e teacher's major function is, under the supervision of the school principal, to organize and administer the guidance programmes of his or her school and to help the homeroom teachers, w h o are responsible for the guidance of each student in his or her h o m e r o o m (Fujimoto, 1976). Both careerguidance teachers and homeroom teachers w h o have no specific training as guidance workers or counsellors are appointed annually by the principal from among academic teachers. After their appointment, some of them have the opportunity to attend the short-term seminars or workshops to learn what career guidance is and h o w it should operate in school. T h e policy that the Ministry of Education, Culture and Sciences has taken, that is, that every teacher should be a counsellor, began to be challenged by teachers

and administrators w h o realized the necessity of professionalizing the counsellor in order to help students effectively. Based on the concept of career development, the Teacher's Manual for Career Guidance provided by the Ministry of Education, Culture and Sciences, recommends those w h o are in charge of career guidance to help every student to develop decision-making skills and a lifeplanning ability for self-actualization. Further, influenced by the notion of 'career guidance' developed in the United States, it is stated that 'intentional and systematic career guidance should be provided as an integral part of all educational activities in school'. In accordance with this direction, it is suggested that all teachers should provide their students with assistance and guidance in setting out their future course, through educational activities based on their academic specialities. There are few schools that have begun to develop threeyear continuous and developmental curricula for all students. T h e majority of them are still experimental schools set up by the government. T h e central task of career-guidance teachers is information dissemination, job placement, or orientation towards higher education. It is rather an ordinary system in secondary schools to divide career guidance section into educational and occupational subdivisions. In the upper secondary school, for example, the former deals with assisting college boundstudents in selecting higher-education institutions to which they m a y apply, and the latter assist other students in their selection of an occupation or a future work-place. T h e main guiding principle is basically the same in both subdivisions. T h e student's academic record tends to be the main component for decisionmaking. Therefore, those students with high academic achievement and definite future aspirations have wide freedom to choose their future course. O n the other hand, those students whose academic records are evaluated by teachers to be inadequate in terms of their aspirations are advised by their teachers to select a more appropriate goal. In these circumstances, undecided or indecisive students,

Vocational guidance in Japan

regardless of the quality of their academic records, have few opportunities for assistance in schools. Since various levels of higher education institutions exist and the number of job possibilities per person is still 1.8 for newly graduated upper-secondary-school students, they can find places and easily make the transition from school to college or work-place immediately after graduation so long as they have decisionmaking skills and knowledge. However, in spite of having rather broader freedom of choice, both qualitatively and quantitatively, Japanese young people have been experiencing difficulties in choosing their careers in the transitional periods. Increased turnover among young workers and various psycho-pathological problems indicate that this is a difficult period. These phenomena also suggest that the present practice of career guidance in schools is not only insufficient but inappropriate to help students' choice and transition and to respond to their real needs (Yoshitani, 1988).

Current trends among Japanese youth E M P L O Y M E N T SITUATION Current trends among Japanese youth make innovation in career guidance a necessity. There is a particular need to focus on those youngsters w h o are in the transitional period between school and the world of work. In the first half of the 1960s there were 500,000 to 700,000 graduates of both lowerand upper-secondary schools employed and, in the latter half of the 1960s there was a decrease of lower-secondary school (compulsory education) graduates w h o took u p employment (from 600,000 to 300,000) while the increase of upper-secondary (700,000 to 900,000) as well as college (200,000 to 300,000) graduates became noticeable. T h e 1970s was the period in which college graduates entering the labour market rapidly increased. Conversely, with the so-called baby-boom group gone, the number of upper-secondary school graduates bottomed

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out and stabilized (at about 600,000) with college graduates close behind them, exceeding the 400,000 level. All three groups appeared to be levelling off in the early half of the 1980s and, in 1987, there were 60,000 young people w h o entered the world of work immediately after completion of compulsory education (3 per cent of all graduates) 600,000 upper-secondary school graduates (37 per cent of total) and 450,000 college graduates (77 per cent of total). T h e employment ratio of different groups to the total labour force are 6 per cent, 54 per cent, and 40 per cent respectively. Concerning labour-market conditions, Japanese youth have been in a favourable situation even with the low economic growth, in c o m parison with older Japanese workers as well as with their counterparts in other industrialized countries. T h e latest statistics show that the opening-to-application ratios were 1.5 in 1987 and 1.8 in M a r c h 1988 for those w h o graduated from upper-secondary school in M a r c h 1977 and 1978 respectively. While this ratio shows a gradual downward trend in comparison with those of the 1970s (3.94 to 2.02), there is still some freedom of choice quantitatively speaking (Japan, 1988). However, the surveys on employment conducted annually by the Ministry of Labour indicate a clear trend towards a rapid increase of the unemployment rate among young workers between 15 and 19 years of age and of the gradual increase among those in their early twenties (Management and Co-operation Agency, 1987). A m a y a (1988) analyses and characterizes this current phenomenon of youth unemployment. T h e reason for such unemployment does not appear to be due to the shortage of job openings, rather it seems to be rooted in lack of motivation and future planning, as well as insufficient readiness or poor preparation for working life. It was found that the young unemployed consist of those w h o were unemployed as a result of frequently changing jobs voluntarily, and those w h o could not find desirable job after graduation; some 40 per cent of this group had temporary or part-time jobs and 9 per cent were totally unemployed (Japan, 1986).

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Referring to the survey results on attitude of vocational choice of upper-secondary students, Yoshitani (1988) points out the following problems: 30 to 40 per cent of students in their senior year are unable to identify the kind of job(s) they want after graduation; and jobs desired by students do not match the reality of labour market. While office work is desired by more students than actual demand can absorb, the numbers of students desiring technical and manufacturing work or service work are m u c h fewer than demands by the industries concerned. Similar problems are found among seniors in colleges. Problems observed by careerguidance workers in four-year colleges are: (a) inability to identify what kind of jobs students want; (b) lack of self-knowledge; (c) lack of job-seeking motivation; (d) lack of decision-making skills; and (e) lack of knowledge about jobs and the labour market ( N I E V R , 1984). Increase with the turnover rate among young workers between 18 and 25 years of age is itself not a problem. In fact, among young workers w h o experienced job change, about 80 per cent of them answered that their change was successful and they were satisfied with their new job. Compared with unsatisfied workers, an apparent difference was found in their planning process. They spent three to six months before giving u p their present job to consider what they really wanted to pursue in their o w n work life and make concrete plans based on realistic self-evaluation and the prospects of a future career. In general, changing one's job or workplace is no longer regarded as unacceptable behaviour in Japanese society. T h e important issue is not the job change itself but h o w it occurs. T h e experience depends on decisionmaking skills and the individual's future perspective. Considering the rapid and unpredictable changes occurring in the industrial sector, labour economists consider that it is almost impossible to expect to obtain a job straight after graduation, in which one can stay for one's entire working life.

CHARACTERISTIC TRENDS A M O N G YOUNG JAPANESE WORKERS

T h e National Institute of Employment and V o cational Research ( N I E V R ) conducted the c o m parative study on vocational behaviour among young workers in Japan, the United Kingdom and the United States in 1986. O n e thousand people (500 m e n and 500 w o m e n ) between the ages of 25 and 29 w h o were randomly sampled in each of three countries were interviewed for this study. T h e need for a new direction for vocational guidance comes out of this study. Its findings are summarized below. A clear difference was found between the three groups concerning the period w h e n job search began: six to three months before graduating (or leaving) school in the Japanese group; three months to immediately before graduation in the British group and immediately after to three months after graduation in the American group. In terms of sex differences, in the Japanese group, m e n tend to begin their job search a little earlier than w o m e n , while no sex difference was noted in either the British or the American counterparts. Further, the three groups showed a similar trend in that highereducation graduates begin job-seeking earlier than secondary-education graduates. This trend is most clear in the Japanese case. T h e three groups also responded very differently in terms of the means that they used for first-job search. This difference might reflect the uniqueness of the vocational guidance system as well as the employment management system of each country. (They were allowed to select more than one means.) 62 per cent of Japanese responded that they found employment through their schools or universities. In the case of the American group, only 21 per cent found jobs through schools or university and 40 to 50 per cent responded that their jobs were found through family or relatives, friends or acquaintance or an advertised job. O n the other hand, the British group showed rather diversified responses: 51 per cent of them found jobs through advertisements, 42 per cent found them


through school or university, and 36 per cent stated that they were assisted by friends or relatives. One of the main reasons that the majority of the Japanese young workers used schools for theirfirst-jobsearch could be found in the system of the employment exchange service available to n e w graduates of lower and upper secondary schools, under the provisions of the Employment Security L a w of 1947. That is, every employer w h o intends to employ n e w school graduates must notify their requirements to the local Public Employment Security Office (PESO) and get confirmation from the Chief, by a certain date (usually 1 July). Those job requirements taken by the P E S O are sent to schools either by each employer or by P E S O which lists them all in one form. Therefore, school becomes the place that can provide the most secure and quantitatively best source of job applications for students expected to graduate.

EARLY EMPLOYMENT EXPERIENCES T h e findings of this survey with respect to changing jobs reveal that the difference between the Japanese sample and the other two groups is far greater than that noted between the American and British samples. For example, the m a x i m u m number of times that someone had switched jobs is eight in the Japanese group, and thirteen in both the American and British counterparts. T h e average number of times a person left his or her o w n job is 0.8 in the Japanese sample, 2.6 in the American case, and 2.2 in the British sample. W o m e n leave employment more frequently than m e n in all three countries. This phenomenon seems closely related to the 'child birth and rearing' issue. A sex difference in the average period of unemployment is less clear in both the American and British groups than in the Japanese group (0.5 for m e n , 1.1 for w o m e n ) . O n the other hand, in terms of the relationship between unemployment rate and educational level of workers, all three groups reveal a c o m m o n trend. T h e average period of unemploy-

6l

ment is apparently lower for graduates of higher education than that of secondary-school graduates. T h e Japanese group also differs from the other two groups in terms of reason for the first job change. A m o n g Japanese workers, 89 per cent of those w h o had switched their first job gave a personal reason, while in the American and British groups, the rates are 66 and 53 per cent respectively. T h e length of unemployment among Japanese workers is also different than that of the other two groups. Very few Japanese have remained unemployed for more than four months, while one out of two workers have experienced longer periods in both the A m e r ican and British groups. However, in comparison with those w h o have switched jobs in the past, only 61 per cent of Japanese workers have ever experienced long-term unemployment (lasting more than four months). Thisfigureis almost equal to 62.5 per cent in the British group. In the case of the American group, 48.8 per cent have experienced long-term unemployment. It is commonly noted in the three countries that long-term unemployment is lower among graduates of higher education than among secondary-school graduates. It is also lower among m e n than w o m e n . Another aspect which is found to be typical among Japanese workers is a low rate of re-enrolment in educational institutions after starting work. It was found through analysis of educational and occupational histories of each sample that in the American group, about a quarter of the sample left their jobs in order to re-enrol in school as full-time students. O n the other hand, thisfigurefor the Japanese group is less than 1 per cent, and 7 per cent for the British group. This m a y indicate that the career path of Japanese workers is a single irreversible track direct from school to work. T h e Americans' career experience can be plural and reversible, and people have the possibility to repeat or to pursue more than one career at once.

Mieko Waîanabe

OPINIONS ON WORKING LIFE IN GENERAL

In order to clarify attitudinal aspects of young Japanese workers, the three groups were asked to express their opinions o n some non-traditional trends or behaviour observed recently a m o n g the younger generation in Japan. Part-time employment as a young person appealed most to the American group (44 per cent) while only 6 per cent in both the British and Japanese group responded as positively to less than full-time employment as a way of life. Those w h o have vague anxiety about 'losing their job' accounted for 20 per cent in the British, 18 per cent in the Japanese, and 9 per cent in the American groups. In terms of'true fulfilment of life', very little difference was found between the three groups. That is, 50 per cent of the British group and 58 per cent of the American group replied that they found fulfilment not in work but in family life and/or leisure activities, and 41 per cent in the Japanese group did so. These findings on Japanese youth coincide with other observations of a changing value-system. Younger Japanese workers tend to pursue more of a family- or leisure-oriented life-style than in the past. F r o m this survey it can be concluded that as an overall trend Japanese and American groups are placed at opposite poles of one continuum, while the British group is in between them in various aspects. In terms of attitudinal aspects the Japanese were more similar to their British counterparts than to the A m e r ican group. It is very interesting and noteworthy that these relations were found in the vocational behaviour of the three groups, in spite of the fact that m a n y dissimilarities have been observed in environments surrounding young workers in Japan and the United Kingd o m such as the unemployment rate, economic conditions, and the school system. O n the other hand, m a n y similarities have been pointed out in general between Japan and the United States in such aspects as general behavioural trends

of the younger generation, the school system, the industrial structure, and so on.

Current tasks and some new programmes IN-DEPTH CHANGES

As mentioned earlier, a demand for innovation of vocational guidance in schools seems to have been brought initially by people outside education (for instance, executives and personnel managers of enterprises). T h e latter have already experienced drastic changes in the world of work, such as changes in occupational and industrial structures. There is a shift away from management systems traditionally based on seniority and life-long employment. There is also a demographic shift towards an ageing population. Indicating the impact of those changes on individual career formation, O t o m e (1988), w h o is the personnel manager of a Japanese textile company, mentioned that since careers of Japanese workers used to be formed by the company and society after entry into the world of work, the most critical issue during a worker's career was the choice of company, which tended to take responsibility for future career training. Companies have begun to attach importance to the guarantee of job quality and efficiency in order to survive. Enterprises tend to recruit people w h o establish their o w n individuality, have specific skills and can cope with a changing environment, rather than those w h o have simply high academic achievement. Further, since enterprises no longer take care of the 'career formation' of employees, individuals have to equip themselves with some occupational knowledge and skills, decision-making, and coping skills as well as self-esteem. O t o m e emphasizes that vocational guidance as well as general education should recognize these trends occurring in society and develop students' individualism. His observation is supported by the current trends of young workers discussed earlier in this article. It further suggests the n e w direction career guidance specialists should


take in order to guarantee and expand individuals' freedom of choice (Herr and Cramer, 1988). Another task proposed by teachers and administrators is the need to give professional status to guidance counsellors. Systematic training in counselling for those w h o will deal with guidance is needed urgently. Although m a n y local school districts have begun to provide shortterm (three days to one week) seminars on career guidance, those contents concentrate on concepts or theories and are all given through didactic lectures. Therefore most teachers have difficulty in implementing them in daily practice. The third task proposed by career-guidance specialists is the integration of educational and occupational divisions currently operating independently in schools into one guidance system to help each student gain a holistic view of personal and career development. It is apparent that emotional problems are increasing among students. Suicide, dropping out, juvenile delinquency and apathy might be caused by the intense pressure of constant competition or a sense of failure in academic achievement. In addition, some teachers observe a need for career guidance and counselling that can stimulate all students to make connections between their school life and their future and to develop strength and skills to survive in the midst of further change (Watanabe and Herr, 1983).

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grammes for guidance teachers lead teachers to expand their knowledge of work through experiencing jobs other than teaching. A one-credit core course called 'Basics of Vocation' for firstyear students and junior years of secondary school are offered to develop skills regarding vocational choices. It has been found that the students who were exposed to these programmes became interested in the world of work and in their future as well as developing selfknowledge. However, the programmes are still heavily dependent on the personal efforts of some teachers and are not systematized as yet. In order to innovate in career guidance and develop practical programmes in Japanese schools, it is suggested that central and local government as well as guidance specialists should appreciate these isolated efforts and integrate them into an official programme. •

References A M A Y A , T . 1988. The Increase of Young Unemployed and the Need for Career Guidance. Hihon Keizai Shinbun, September. F U J I M O T O , G . K . Educational and Vocational Guidance in Japan. Vocational Guidance Quarterly, Vol. 24, N o . 4, 1976, pp. 349-56H E R S , E . L . ; C R A M E R , S. 1988. Career Guidance and Counselling through the Life-span: Systematic Approaches, 3rd ed. Glenview, 111., Scott, Foresman. IRISAWA, M . 1915. Current Education. Tokyo, Koudokan. M A N A G E M E N T AND

C O - O P E R A T I O N A G E N C Y , 1987. Labour

Force Survey, 1970-1986. Tokyo, Management and Co-operation Agency.

SOME EXAMPLES OF NEW

PROGRAMMES

There are some schools and guidance teachers who have been trying out n e w programmes based on a 'career' model, as a result of their recognition of the inefficiency of guidance which depends on the traditional 'person-job (or college) matching' model. For example, there are open days at vocational high schools where lower-secondary-school students can experience high-school life and the curricula offered. Work-experience programmes during s u m m e r vacation expose students to service jobs and the work environnent. Work-experience pro-

N I E V R ( N A T I O N A L INSTITUTE O F E M P L O Y M E N T A N D

VO-

CATIONAL RESEARCH). 1987. A Survey on Vocational Guidance and Usage of Occupational Information. Tokyo, NIEVR. O T O M E , K . 1988. Life-long Career Formation and Guidance Service in Changing Society. Paper presented at the International Seminar on Career Guidance, Tokyo, October. JAPAN. M I N I S T R Y OF L A B O U R , 1986. A Survey on Employ-

ment Mobility. Tokyo, Ministry of Labour. . 1988. A Survey on Placement and Separation of Jobs among New Graduates. Tokyo, Ministry of Labour. W A T A N A B E , A . M . ; H E R R , E . L . 1983. Guidance and

Counselling in Japan, The Personnel and Guidance Journal, Vol. 61. YosHiTANi, J. 1988. Career Choice through the Life-span and Its Assistance. Paper presented at the International Seminar on Career Guidance, Tokyo, October.

Vocational guidance in Nigeria Babatunde Ipaye

T h e choice of an occupation is one of the most important decisions an individual has to make, since it affects virtually every aspea of his or her life. T h e youth, right from his or her school days, particularly at the secondary level, needs guidance in areas of planning for and in eventually entering into 'work'. This is because it is n o w well k n o w n that children's activity interests, likes and preferences in primary school and their interests in and preferences for subjects in secondary school have vocational implications. T h u s , schools in most countries of the world today play a major role in providing vocationalguidance services. O n e of the functions of vocational guidance in schools is to facilitate individuals' clearer understanding of the self and the roles which they have to play in the world of work. Vocational guidance in schools in the United States is not n e w and though w e cannot go into its history here, it is worth pointing out that its origin is relevant to our understanding of current needs in Nigeria because of the similarities of earlier conditions there and present conditions in Nigeria. For example, Nigeria is struggling to become industrialized, to transfer technology and possibly initiate its o w n technological base. Its schools, however, still fall

far short of providing the type of education, in terms of attitudes and skills acquisition, that prepares youth to cope with the demands of an industrial and technological society. Vocational guidance took such an early and deep root in American schools because of, a m o n g other things, their structure. W h e n British schools started to go comprehensive (Daws, 1976), particularly w h e n the schools as units and as a system started to grow beyond the confines of pastoral locales, pastoral care had to be replaced by guidance and counselling. Such a realization has dawned on the Nigerian school system. This article, therefore, discusses in a critical manner the status of vocational guidance in Nigerian schools. In doing so, w e shall cover, very briefly: traditional approaches to vocational guidance in the community; colonial education and vocational guidance, the post-independence educational system and vocational guidance in schools; the National Policy on Education; and current practices in vocational guidance in Nigerian schools.

Traditional approaches to vocational guidance

W o r k is a highly valued aspect of a traditional Nigerian's life. ' W o r k ' here, means any worthwhile job, occupation, vocation or career. Amongst the Yoruba, there is the belief that Babatunde Ipaye (Nigeria). Professor in the Depart- there is a predestined occupation, one already ment of Guidance and Counselling, University ofllorin, selected by one's ori. Nigeria. Chairman of the National Committee on T h e concept of ori in Yoruba mythology and Education of the Gifted/Talented Children. Current in fact in Yoruba belief is as important as it is research on illiteracy and aspects of education of the central. Ori is a very important matter to every gifted. Author of publications on counselling and eduh u m a n being and it has a pervasive influence cational psychology. Prospects, Vol. X I X , N o . 1, 1989

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on an individual throughout life. For example 'it represents a plan of the life that he will live on earth, not a vague directive but a detailed blueprint which m a y not be altered' (McClelland, 1982, p. 28). E m b e d d e d in this blueprint is the work that the individual will do in life and from which he will derive m a x i m u m success, and self-actualization, that is, becoming the best the ort has chosen he possibly could become. After his birth, the individual retains no consciousness of the content and knows nothing of the nature of this blueprint. It thus becomes necessary at each m o m e n t of choice for h i m to seek guidance. T h e traditional helper to consult is the babalawo, described in ethnographic terms as an Ifa priest by McClelland (1982). Beyond being an Ifa priest, the babalawo performs m a n y psychological helping services as described by Makinde (1977) and Ipaye (in press). According to McClelland (1982, p. 87): T h e balalawo's o w n attitude to the nature of his office and his responsibilities rises from the teaching he receives on the central fact of the cult; the communication between a m a n and Ifa. T h e priest is a trained and dedicated intermediary in the cult observances. H e is a link between two worlds, the ephemeral and the eternal, the material and the spiritual, his work is crucial and his mystique very powerful . . . his help is sought in m a n y ways as his influence extends into all phases of life.

T h e adolescent/client often goes to the 'counsellor' in the company of his parents or other adult in the extended family group. Alternatively, the parents could do the consultation for the client by proxy. T h e babalawo interviews his client and finds out, strictly in a manner m u c h like that later used by Parson, details about the individual: family background, the type of occupation in the family, his interests, goals in life, alternative jobs the individual has in mind, any tentative choices, and so forth. A Westerntrained school counsellor is bound to conclude, or at least have the impression, that the traditional helper is doing a person-job match, but this is not quite the case. H e eventually has to consult the Ifa, w h o is regarded as all-knowing,

'the wisest of all deities, the most trusted m e m b e r of the pantheon on the chief counsellor of the supreme deity' (McClelland, 1982, p. 9) and then, the verses that deal with work and occupational choice are selected, recited or sung. In the process, the babalawo, with the wisdom of the Ifa, is symbolically reading and interpreting that part of the blueprint needed to help the client. T h e client is however not left passive; he has to answer questions, follow statements, comments and reactions, especially non-verbal cues, intelligently. Proverbs, idioms, adages, analogies and wise sayings are all intricately used as the babalawo interprets what the Ifa says to the client, and the client or any adult w h o accompanies him is left to tease out the meanings in a w a y that would facilitate readiness for choice or readiness to develop a plan or decision. Such vocational guidance and its variants permeate the Nigerian traditional community and in fact, most of West Africa. It is integrated into traditional indigenous educations. Although from a very tender age, children m a y follow their parents to their places of work, get involved in occupational exploration by means of direct participation, discussions and observation, yet at the point of choice, the necessary consultation has to be done. It must be added, though, that in some of the cases where the family is convinced of the prospects of the child's choice, the consultation with the babalawo is usually for confirmatory purposes and sometimes to inquire as to the propitiations/ divinations that are required before going fully into the profession. Again, to the Westernoriented mind, the issues of job satisfaction and career success involved in this m a y be lacking.

Colonial education and vocational guidance T h efirstChristian missionaries arrived on the western shores of Nigeria in 1842. As they came in, one denomination after the other, they established schools in their missions. Later, the colonial administrators took an interest in edu-

Vocational guidance in Nigeria

cation and started to fund it by giving grantsin-aid to the mission schools. Both in the primary and secondary schools, the subjects on offer were few and narrow and every child in a given class was put through the same curriculum. In the upper classes of the primary school as well as in the secondary schools, there was no formal vocational guidance. There were few educated people; there were also m a n y job openings—in schools as teachers, in the church as catechists, in government and the trading companies as clerks. It was a case of jobs chasing people. Under such circumstances there seemed to be no need for vocational guidance. T h e British authorities knew nothing of vocational guidance in their o w n schools back h o m e , and thus were not able to introduce what they themselves did not k n o w or have. However, there was an informal pastoral care system in the school. This flowed over from the church to the school since the school was seen as an extension of the church and the priest was the 'father' of the school. T h e school was divided into 'houses', under the supervision of housemasters. T h e vertical organizational structure was used. Our investigation showed that some informal vocational guidance took place a m o n g the final-year students through informal discussions and interactions with house-masters, classmates and among the group. T h e focus of such discussions and interactions was however not on the world of work or the role of the individual therein as such, but on whether to go into teaching, into the church or work as a clerk in a company or in government. T h e conditions of service or the remuneration in the various sectors formed the strongest factor for consideration and not the requirements of the job as related to the individual's characteristics. O f course, the qualifications required were mainly literacy and numeracy, ability to speak English and in the case of church work to translate the Bible and explain its content to the people. Also, the world of work for secondary-school leavers at that time did not extend beyond those four areas. In terms of preparation for higher education, the most popular courses were those that prepared individuals for

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work at a higher level in teaching as principals or graduate teachers mainly in the companies. Careers in law later became popular. A n important aspect of the non-formal vocational guidance of the period was information provided by students in higher classes and in higher institutions (tertiary institutions in the United K i n g d o m and at Foural Bay College, Sierra Leone) on courses and related opportunities. W e also found out that while on vacation, some students at higher institutions, including those in Yaba Technical College, the highest educational institution in Nigeria u p to 1948, usually provided vocational and educational guidance talks to secondary-school students in their localities or in their churches. It should be pointed out that vocational guidance was not an issue in schools in the colonial period. While government, after it started establishing schools from 1909, emphasized intellectualism for government service, politics and mercantile establishments, the missions emphasized spirituality. Teachers were regarded as spiritual agents, not as professionals, with the priesthood their ultimate goal, not secular jobs. For this reason, salaries were so regulated that teachers were the lowest paid (£1.105. per month) and priests the highest paid (approximately £7 per month). Other conditions of service were equally graded so as to make the priesthood attractive to prospective school-leavers. In fact, w h e n secondary schools began to take root in Nigeria, the missionaries saw that 'these schools were serving no evangelistic purpose . . . it was clear that the best students concentrated on the secular subjects with the hope of ending up with a career other than that of the church' (Ayandele, 1965, p. 293). T o curb this interest in secular professions, the missions decided to open training colleges located deep in the interior of the country. T h e first of such was St Andrew's College, opened in 1896 in O y o by the Church Missionary Society. For a long period, the college 'did not produce professional teachers but amateurs w h o looked to the priesthood as their ultimate profession' (Ayandele, 1965, p. 293). B y 1900, however, according to Ayandele

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(1965), professionals such as clerks, technicians, lawyers, doctors, ministers of religion and educated traders were already well represented in Lagos society. B y a logical extension, one would expect this development to have influenced the school curriculum, but that was not the case. O n e issue that would have precipitated the introduction of vocational guidance into schools in the colonial period was that of 'vocational and technical education', described by Ayandele (1965) as 'industrial education'. T h e missions tried to introduce industrial education but the efforts were not sustained and as Ayandele (1965, p. 296) puts it 'the prospect of such education flourishing in the circumstances of Nigeria was very remote indeed'. W h a t was more, apart from the H o p e Waddell Institute, no attempt was m a d e to integrate technical subjects into the curriculum of the entire school. Even the H o p e Waddell Institute was structured in such a way that it had m a n y departments (industrial, teacher-training and secondary) which were distinct and separate, and lacked an integrated curriculum. Entry into any of the departments therefore meant training for specific professions, again inhibiting the need for vocational guidance. If the curriculum had been integrated, necessitating the need to choose subjects, the need to plan for a future career and to study and understand the demands of various occupations, then the system would have been forced to introduce means by which these goals could be met. A s it was, the curriculum was only a strait-jacket, with no bifurcations and no areas of choice, since there was no need for a job search. W h a t sense, then, can w e make of the above? Vocational guidance was non-existent in schools during the colonial period, but this was not entirely the fault of the colonial authorities. V o cational guidance in schools itself is a twentiethcentury phenomenon. T h e United Kingdom, itself, did not accept school counselling until the mid-1960s and, in fact, vocational guidance in the United K i n g d o m is still largely a government, not a school, affair. In Nigeria the narrow curriculum on offer, coupled with a rather restricted job market and the fact that there were

always more jobs than applicants, taken, with the fact that Christian missions challenged the conscience of their students to look towards the church/school for employment, regarding those w h o did otherwise as biting the hand that fed them, kept vocational guidance out of the school for the entire colonial period. Pastoral, or teachers', care helped to a large extent to keep schools in shape and forced children to follow a career in the church, in teaching or in whitecollar jobs depending on the will of the priest, the church or that of parents and family. M o r e over, pastoral care was effective in an age w h e n religion still 'mattered', a time w h e n religious leaders practised what they preached and taught and there was co-operation and understanding between the church and the h o m e and there was still agreement between the church and the school. It was effective w h e n the social fabric was still firm and w h e n the child still took his work seriously and to be described as not serious was almost a stigma, both in the school and outside it. It was effective w h e n the extended family still had its grip on the individual and children acquired the family subculture and knew what the family stood for; w h e n the opinion of elders was still respected; w h e n conformity to group norms and desires to meet societal expectations were still high. It was effective when the African child was meant to be seen and not heard and w h e n it was u n pardonable to challenge the views or opinions of adults; w h e n education was still highly prized by parents and their children for what it was worth; w h e n teaching has a pride and teachers kept this pride. Pastoral care was effective when morality, devotion to duty, punctuality, hard work and other work-related virtues were not only respected but practised by the teacher; w h e n the mass media, that 'corrupter of youth' in spite of all its advantages, had not arrived to corrupt and adulterate societal virtues. It was effective in an age w h e n parents still respected the teacher and w h e n the child, in addition, both respected and feared the teacher.


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obtaining and filling in application forms and organizing career talks at scheduled periods during the school year. It would be difficult to assess the impact of the career master on the vocational knowledge and vocational planning, T h e Ashby Report (Ashby, i960) released on job entry and career choice of the students. A the eve of independence was a veritable water- few schools allotted one period per week to shed in the history and development of edu- vocational guidance in the senior (final-year) cation in Nigeria. Shortly before independence class, while others merely allowed students to in 1960, and immediately thereafter, especially consult the career master as and w h e n they with the issues focused upon by Sir Eric Ashby, wished. With career masters however, career schools expanded. Developments in the society days/week/talks became a mere regular aspect also led to a phenomenal increase in job op- of school activity. portunities beyond the conventional avenues. It is not too certain yet w h e n thefirsttrained M a n y teachers became concerned about the counsellors appeared in Nigerian schools. W h a t lack of educational and occupational infor- is certain is that the two comprehensive schools mation, leading invariably to a lack of awareness which emerged after independence had trained about the world of education and the working counsellors, some of them as technical aids world in the schools. Such concerns led to the from the United States. (See Ipaye, in press, for first organized vocational guidance effort in more details.) Nigeria when some Catholic Reverend Sisters T h e emphasis of the counsellors in such c o m at St Theresa's College, Ibadan, in 1959 organ- prehensive schools was on subject selection, in ized a careers week forfinal-yearstudents in- vocational guidance, the focus was on purveying viting resource persons from all walks of life. information and on general career talks. T h e success of this exercise motivated other schools and gradually it became a national T h e National Policy on Education phenomenon. Soon, the Ibadan Careers Council (later named the Nigeria Careers Council) was inaugurated, which ran workshops, seminars, T h e National Policy on Education, first pubsymposia, and in-service training courses for lished in 1977 and revised in 1981, carried the experienced teachers to help them learn more first officially widely documented governmental about the world of work with a view to using interest in counselling in this country. F r o m the such knowledge to help their students. Again, first chapter of the document, it was clear that the need for individuals knowledgeable about guidance and counselling was to be an importthe world of work within the school was be- ant aspect of the national educational philoscoming felt. With such personnel, the career ophy. T h e idea gradually built u p until in week could change from being an annual event Chapter 10, the government categorically stated to becoming an organized and formal aspect of that 'in view of the apparent ignorance of m a n y the functions of the school to its students. Thus young people about career prospects and in the concept and the 'appointment' of career view of personality maladjustment among school masters in schools emerged. children career officers and counsellors will be T h e work of these career masters w h o had appointed in post-primary institution' (Federal no other guidance training beyond the seminars Republic of Nigeria, 1977, p. 30). and workshops organized for them by the F r o m the beginning also, it was clear that the Nigeria Careers Council, varied from school to emphasis was to be on vocational guidance esschool. Mainly, they were required to provide pecially in the secondary schools. This e m p h a occupational information for their students, ad- sis is understandable if w e note that the twovise them on subject selection, help them with tier secondary-school system is pre-vocational

T h e post-independence education system and vocational guidance in schools

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in thefirsttier, that is, at the junior secondary level while it is vocational in some sections of the senior secondary school. T h e promise and potential shown by children at the end of junior secondary school taken along with vocational interests and aspirations and a number of other variables and factors will determine both the subject combination and the type of post-junior secondary institutions the students will attend (Ipaye, 1988; Ipaye, in press). Vocational guidance thus has become an integral part of the n e w education system because, a m o n g other things, subject choice and combination invariably lead to vocational choice and, often, job entry. For example, the senior secondary school has six core subjects and about thirty électives. Particular combinations of électives with particular core subjects lead gradually away from certain university courses and therefore from certain vocations and career options; they also lead definitely into and or away from certain professional training. It is worth mentioning that most parents and their children still see the secondary school as preparatory ground for entry into universities, polytechnics, colleges of education or professional training institutions in that order. It is therefore not surprising that most secondary-school students in Nigeria d e m onstrate behaviour and attitudes analogous to Super and Overstreet's (i960) description of the vocationally immature. T h e y thus need vocational guidance to help them to develop vocational maturity.

tem. Second, there are very few trained counsellors in Nigeria. Thirds not all school principals currently value the roles that counsellors play in schools. Fourthly, m a n y states of the federation complain of lack of funds to employ regular school counsellors. Less than 1.5 per cent of the schools have full-time counsellors, another 7-10 per cent have teacher counsellors (who carry teaching loads along with guidance services), another 10-12 per cent have paracounsellors/career masters w h o have no formal training in guidance but w h o have attended some workshops, seminars or short in-training service in guidance and counselling. Again, w e have to hint that statisticalfigureschange more rapidly than the weather in Nigeria. Interestingly, some Federal Government colleges have two full-time counsellors each. With such diversity in availability and training, experience and expertise, provision of vocational guidance services vary a great deal. O n the average, however, the following are the discernable current practices in m a n y Nigerian schools: (a) use of individual and group guidance; (b) career days and conventions; (c) career exploration experiences; (d) site visits and stayons; (e) career exhibitions; and (f) vocational education in schools. S o m e schools use one or more of these, depending on a number of factors. W e shall n o w describe a few of these.

VOCATIONAL EDUCATION IN SCHOOLS

Prior to the launching of the junior secondary system nationwide in 1982, agricultural science and h o m e economics were the only vocational subjects on the syllabus of most schools. T h e two were taught in a stereotyped manner: boys Nigerian schools are entering into the phase of registered for agricultural science and girls for active participation in the provision of guidance h o m e economics. services. In the discussion that follows, the Also, agricultural science was taught as a reader is cautioned not to generalize across the theoretic science subject not as a vocational subnation for a number of reasons. First, guidance ject. There were a few technical/commercial services are relatively n e w in our school system. secondary schools which accepted so-called less There are over 7,250 secondary schools in the academically able children. T h e National Policy twenty-one states of Nigeria, all n o w running on Education ( N P E ) changed this stereotyped the junior/senior, two-tier secondary-school sys- teaching and m a d e h o m e economics and agriVocational guidance: current school and out-of-school practices in Nigeria


71

cultural science available to both boys and girls in junior secondary school. In addition to the two subjects, the N P E included introductory technology, technical drawing and a few other pre-vocational subjects. In senior secondary school, vocational subjects such as metalwork and woodwork were included in the curriculum. Rather than teach these subjects theoretically, there is n o w more emphasis on the job market, on preparing children for self-employment and for employment-generation. T h u s , through vocational education, vocational guidance is provided to students.

school to give talks or to participate in symposia, workshops, and so forth. Such career days also include a display of various occupationally related materials and pictures. S o m e of these events last for just one day; some go on for a week, depending on h o w m u c h the school can afford. S o m e of these conventions include a career exhibition, various employers and organization being asked to put on display things related to actual work situations. Children visit each shed taking note of various work-tasks involved and asking questions. This is more c o m m o n in schools in the urban areas.

INDIVIDUAL AND GROUP GUIDANCE

CAREER EXPLORATION AND CAREER MENTORS

S o m e schools n o w allot periods in the timetable for guidance work and a number of counsellors use these for individual and group guidance, to provide needed occupational information and related vocational guidance activities for their students. Children explore varieties of relevant information, issues and matters about the world of work and are helped to relate them to themselves vis-à-vis their o w n personal characteristics and the requirements/demands of various occupations. Also, resource persons from various walks of life in the world of work are invited from time to time to talk to the students about their profession either in small groups in the class or in larger groups. A recent group guidance activity I witnessed included bringing unemployed youth, workers w h o had been m a d e redundant and youth about to complete their National Youth Service to relate their experiences to the students. W e reckoned that if adolescents still at school listened to u n e m ployed youngsters like themselves relate their experiences and recount their emotional state, they might take their vocational planning more seriously.

S o m e schools form 'professional clubs' or groups, for example, those w h o aspire to become engineers, doctors or architects. Professionals in these areas are invited to the school on a continuous basis to interact with the specific groups, giving them opportunities to discuss and explore, through questioning and brainstorming, aspects of the working day of the professional. In some cases, the group is allowed to go to see the professional at work. A recent example was a group offifteenadolescents w h o spent one week of their holidays working with and observing a civil engineering group constructing a bridge. A n interesting aspect of the experience was that all the students became more motivated to improve their English, mathematics and physics at the end of the holiday period.

Other vocational guidance practices include site visits and work experience. W o r k experience has become a compulsory aspect of vocational education at the post-secondary level. T h e Industrial Training F u n d (ITF) is a national parastatal charged with the responsibility of funding such work-experience and attachment programmes. Most trainees are CAREER DAYS AND CONVENTIONS obliged to be on attachment for a m i n i m u m of six months and m a n y have to stay on for a Most counsellors organize career days or career m i n i m u m of one year before returning to conventions. They invite professionals to the school to complete their course.

Babatunde Ipaye

72

OUT-OF-SCHOOL PRACTICES

E M P L O Y M E N T CREATION SCHEMES

A number of government-sponsored programmes aimed at orienting youth vocationally are n o w available for out-of-school youth. T h e programmes have a multi-focused purpose. They provide vocational guidance in terms of re-educating, re-orienting youth to certain vocational areas they had not hitherto considered. This way, the programmes help in aspects of career decision-making (no matter h o w tentative). They also help in job placement. It must be emphasized thaï some of these programmes constitute part of the government's response to mass youth unemployment in the country. T h e vocational guidance components of the programmes become evident when w e r e m e m ber that these programmes are also aimed at retirees and employees w h o have been m a d e redundant w h o are trying to make a 'fresh' re-entry into the labour market and the working world.

A number of youngsters w h o took vocational courses like engineering, architecture, fine arts, industrial design, or advertising, have been encouraged by the government to accept loans with which to set up their o w n businesses. They use their certificates as collaterals after their feasibility surveys have been adequately evaluated. S o m e of them are encouraged to form consortiums. After taking off" either on an individual basis or as consortiums, they would be in a position to employ others, thereby creating employment.

YOUTH-EMPLOYMENT TRAINING SCHEME

T h e government has also initiated programmes whereby youth are taken in for short-duration training for specific career placement. Such jobs for which they are trained in most cases bear no relationship whatsoever to their areas of SELF-EMPLOYMENT GENERATION SCHEMES specialization in post-secondary institutions or university. For example, the graduate drivers M a n y young people leave school and are unable scheme by the Lagos State Government whereby to find jobs. T h e government thus initiated fresh graduates specializing in different fields the self-employment scheme to re-orient youth were taken in for short-duration training as particularly to agriculture and related jobs. T h e drivers. O n completion, they were employed youngsters where provided with loans, financial as municipal bus-drivers. and material aids, plots of land for farming, and so forth, and were encouraged to start on their APPRENTICESHIP P R O G R A M M E o w n . S o m e of them were encouraged to go into poultry or rabbit farming, fishing, animal husbandry, or crop production. Tractors were This scheme, under the newly created Direcprovided, as well as technical advice, at govern- torate for Rural Infrastructure and Employment ment expense. Included in this programme (DIFRI) provides training for secondary-school were the graduate farmers' scheme for univer- leavers in various vocational areas including sity graduates and the school-to-land scheme interior decoration, carpentry, masonry, plumbfor secondary-school leavers. Re-orientation and ing, etc. T h e training period is not yet too vocational re-focusing come in here, as a high clearly defined since the scheme has only just percentage of those involved did not study begun. agriculture or had even intended to go into such vocational areas. T h e majority of them are becoming involved in thefieldthough some of them, after the initial euphoria, dropped out.


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PRIVATE V O C A T I O N A L S C H O O L S

References There are m a n y private vocational schools in Nigeria particularly in the urban centres. T h e y prepare students for a variety of vocations and careers at the middle-level manpower status. There are private vocational schools in virtually every vocational area. These schools vary in quality as well as in the level and background of the students they admit. T o many, however, the schools serve the useful purpose of providing them the opportunity to train in a given area of interest. T h e future of vocational guidance in Nigerian schools is promising. T h e Federal Government in the past two years has started a vigorous crusade to ensure that all states of the federation employ and install counsellors in secondary schools. Both administrative andfinancialsupport by the Federal Government is available to a degree never before realized, because, with the n e w education system and the emphasis on vocational courses, the government recognizes that vocational development should be an integral part of the total development of the individual. 'Vocational guidance has not and cannot be divorced from the social milieu in which it exists' (Miller, 1964). Traditional approaches to vocational guidance in Nigeria emphasized making the optimally correct choice, though it incorporated 'procedures' and behaviours that would lead ultimately to the development of a satisfactory and satisfied worker w h o would not become a burden on the family, the community and the society. It seems to m e that vocational guidance in Nigerian schools is emerging as a movement. N o group or individual can lay claim to having conceived it. It evolves around a need and gathered m o m e n t u m , propelled by the changing circumstances and the changes in the school system and society. It will continue to grow, to be reshaped and moulded to fit the changing cultural, technological and particularly economic milieu. •

A S H B Y , Sir Eric. i960. Investment in Education. Report of Government Investigation into Secondary Schools in Nigeria. A Y A N D E L E , E . A . 1965. Missionary Impact on Modern Nigeria. London, Congruence. D A W S , P. P. 1976. Pupil Counselling. Leicester, British Psychological Society, Division of Education and Child Psychology. (Occasional papers.) FEDERAL R E P U B L I C OF NIGERIA. 1981. National Policy on Education. Lagos, Government Press. IPAYE, Babatunde. 1988. Use of Tests in Transition from Junior to Senior Secondary School. The Nigerian Journal of Guidance and Counselling, Vol. 3, N o . 1/2. IPAYE, Tunde. In press. Guidance and Counselling in Nigerian Schools. London, George Allen & Unwin. M A K I N D E , Olu. 1977. Current Trends and Future Perspectives on Counselling in Nigeria. Paper presented at the thirty-fifth Annual Convention of the International Council of Psychologists, San Francisco. M C C L E L L A N D , E . M . 1982. The Cult of Ifa Among the Yoruba. London, Ethnographica. M I L L E R , C . H . 1964. Vocational Guidance in the Perspective of Cultural Change. In: Henry Borrow (ed.), Man in a World of Work. Boston, Houghton Mifflin. S U P E R , D . E . ; O V E R S T R E E T , P. L . 1960. The

Vocational

Maturity of Ninth-Grade Boys. N e w York, Bureau of Publications, Teachers College, Columbia University.

Current trends in vocational guidance in N e w Zealand Beryl Hesketh and Jocelyn Grainger

Background Vocational guidance in N e w Zealand has been the subject of continued debate about whose responsibility it is, labour or education? Despite this, a highly qualified and motivated professional group has remained active through several major policy changes, and it is thanks to their commitment to the ideals of vocational guidance that a strong and active service has survived in N e w Zealand. T h e early approach to vocational guidance in N e w Zealand was primarily influenced by developments in the United Kingdom and the United States. M o r e recently the influence of Canadian approaches can be seen. Visits to Canada by several senior staff from the Department of Labour, and Canadian visitors to N e w Zealand, have been responsiblefor this influence.

Despite physical proximity, the Australian influence has been limited. Although overseas ideas have been adopted, vocational guidance in N e w Zealand has its o w n distinctive flavour, partly because of the need to cater for a large Maori and Polynesian clientele. T h efirstfull-time vocational guidance officer was appointed in N e w Zealand in 1933. Development of the service occurred under the influence of an active N e w Zealand Vocational Guidance Association with involvement from the Department of Education and Labour w h o , even at this early stage, both had interests in vocational guidance. Following a special review in 1940, M c Q u e e n (cited in Winterbourn, 1974) recommended that the service should come under the control of the Department of Education, a recommendation that was i m plemented in 1943. In 1947 the governement of the day approved the appointment of careers advisers in all secondary schools (Winterbourn, 1974)-

T h e next major change arose from the Beryl Hesketh (Australia, New Zealand). Senior lecturer in psychology at the University of New South appointment of guidance counsellors to schools Wales, Australia, with research interests in applied (Department of Education, 1971) to provide psychology generally including career decision-making. personal, educational and vocational guidance Formerly lecturer in psychology at Massey University, to pupils. Schools also had the responsibility New Zealand (1976—85), where she was responsiblefor for including an occupational orientation in university courses in vocational psychology. their curriculum. With the appointment of Jocelyn Grainger (New Zealand). Tutor in the Department of Psychology at Massey University in Palmerston North. She teaches a course in vocational psychology and career development and has a particular interest in career development of women.

school-based guidance counsellors it was assumed that there would be a diminished role for vocational-guidance officers in education. Hence, in 1976, the service was moved from the Department of Education to the Depart-

Prospects, Vol. X I X , N o . 1,1989

76

Beryl Hesketh and Jocelyn Grainger

ment of Labour, where they were located with employment officers in an Employment and Vocational Guidance Service. Unfortunately, as Small (1973) predicted, school-based guidance counsellors have become swamped by the more immediately demanding personal counselling which has often been undertaken at the expense of attention to careers work. Small (1973) was not arguing that personal problems were unimportant, but merely that they were not more important than vocational problems. Although their role in schools was diminished, vocationalguidance counsellors from the Department of Labour continued to provide assistance. Over the last ten years, the Employment and Vocational Guidance Service of the Department of Labour has responded to the diverse challenges arising from high levels of unemployment and an expanded role in youth training. Vocational-guidance counsellors added to their general career-counselling role, the provision of unemployment counselling, consultancy to various community groups, and the planning and oversight of special training programmes for the unemployed. Following a major review of the functions of the Department of Labour in 1988, roles and responsibilities of the E m ployment and Vocational Guidance service are to alter somewhat, as will be discussed below. Within the schools, careers education is often included in a more comprehensive guidance package, with involvement from the general teaching staff. T h e aims of these career education programmes have often been based on those outlined by Watts and Herr (1976), namely increasing self-awareness, increasing opportunity-awareness, developing decisionmaking skills, and assisting in the transition to work. O n e further aim is implicit in those outlined by Watts and Herr (1976), namely, helping clients to achieve a sense of identity so that they can process information about themselves and opportunities more effectively (Hesketh et al., in press). Issues of identity cannot be addressed in isolation from general education and culture. For young Maori youth, the recent emphasis which the government has placed on im-

plementing the principles of the Treaty of W a i tangi, a contract entered into by Maori leaders of the day with the British in 1840, can only serve to increase their sense of identity. Recent court decisions have emphasized the terms of the treaty which provided safeguards for traditional Maori fishing grounds. Although the implications of these court decisions have angered some sections of the community, there is a greater public awareness of Maori issues and the Maori people n o w have an increased economic basis from which to negotiate. Fishing in N e w Zealand has become a multimillion-dollar industry, and companies must n o w come to an accommodation with the Maori people. Maori is an official language, and media broadcasts n o w contain more Maori input than they did in the past. These changes, and an official requirement that government departments cater for, and show an appreciation of, the Maori perspective, should contribute to an improved sense of identity on the part of young Maoris. Whether these changes will translate into real economic advantages and employment opportunities for Maori people remains open. A s in m a n y other countries, unemployment is high (over 8 per cent) while among the Maori c o m munity this figure is several times higher. W o r k exploration, work experience and special careers courses, which involve input from a wide range of teachers, employers, vocational counsellors and m a n y other personnel often provide an opportunity for further development of identity, self-awareness and information about opportunities. Careers information, located in the Department of Labour provides an excellent service to schools, tertiary institutions, employment and vocational-guidance centres, and private organizations. Placement services offered by private employment consultants contribute to the overall provision of vocational help, albeit primarily in relation to the implementation/transition stage. Although the network of people contributing to vocational guidance in N e w Zealand is widespread, the task of providing comprehensive help with careers rests with particular occupational groups. T h e following section

Current trends in vocational

provides an overview of the roles, entry qualifications and training requirements for each of these major occupational groups.

Roles and training of personnel providing vocational guidance in N e w Zealand SCHOOL-BASED GUIDANCE COUNSELLORS

CAREERS ADVISERS

It was originally intended that these positions would be abandoned following the appointment of guidance counsellors. However, because of the role demands placed on most guidance counsellors, continued input from careers advisers was retained. Careers advisers are teachers, seconded for part of the week to give careers help. Although they are not required to do a course in guidance and counselling, several of the careers advisers have enrolled in the vocational psychology and career-development course which is offered by correspondence. Attendance at short in-service training courses provided by staff in the Department of Labour is required. T h e quality of the service provided by careers advisers is variable.

Most secondary schools have full-time guidance counsellors, with larger schools employing more than one. Guidance counsellors are drawn from the teaching population, but are required to complete a postgraduate university prog r a m m e in guidance and counselling, which includes a compulsory course in vocational psychology and career development. Unlike in VOCATIONAL Australia, a degree in psychology is not an entry GUIDANCE COUNSELLORS requirement for school guidance counsellors. Although officially guidance counsellors have the major responsibility for vocational coun- These staff, employed by the Department of selling in their schools, the demands upon their Labour, were predominantly social science time are such that in m a n y schools more graduates w h o undertook postgraduate univeremphasis is placed on personal and social coun- sity study, either full time on a seconded basis selling. It is for this reason that the Department or part-time by correspondence. Courses inof Labour has retained some influence in the cluded vocational psychology and career develschools with respect to vocational guidance and opment, psychological assessment, counselling careers education. and industrial and organizational psychology S o m e schools offer exemplary careers help, together with options in a wide range of areas with well-planned and integrated careers edu- such as industrial relations, Maori studies, etc. In cation programmes. Several larger schools have recruiting staff, emphasis was given to an underappointed guidance counsellors with specialist graduate degree which included psychology. responsibility for vocational guidance. This University courses were supplemented by inovercomes the tendency for careers problems service training provided by vocational guidto be seen as less important than more pressing ance staff in the Department of Labour. Courses personal problems. T h e major difficulties tend covered issues such as advanced counselling to exist in m e d i u m and smaller schools, often skills, counselling the unemployed, consulin rural areas, where specialist expertise is tation and assessment. limited. Several courses have been held in Maraes, Maori meeting houses, where formal Maori protocol must be followed. Aiarae-based courses provide a unique opportunity for counsellors to become more aware of Maori culture and hence facilitate communication needed between the

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Maori community, schools, the Department of Labour, Group Employment Liaison Service ( G E L S ) officers, and other such groups. Prior to the most recent changes outlined below, vocational guidance counsellors provided direct vocational counselling to any members of the general public and both direct and indirect (consultancy and training) service to schools, voluntary groups, Maori organizations, and other special groups. T h e professional and educational background of vocational guidance counsellors equipped them well to accept responsibility for newer roles in unemployment counselling as well as planning, administering and evaluating (see Robbins, 1984) youth training programmes.

counsellors. T h e educational qualifications and training requirements for this occupational group remain to be specified. Failure to require a degree for entry into these positions and subsequent postgraduate qualifications would pose a major threat to the future quality of governmentbased vocational guidance in N e w Zealand. Employment counsellors will so longer have the responsibility for administering and overseeing youth training programmes. T h e administration of these programmes will be continued temporarily by a division of the Department of Labour, but with a view to transferring the responsibility to an appropriate educational authority. The review team argued that the responsibility for adequate vocational guidance and careers advice to schools should lie with the E M P L O Y M E N T OFFICERS Department of Education, but that in the interim specialists within the Department of Employment officers within the Department of Labour would retain input. In these most Labour were responsible for the screening and recent changes w e again see the confusion beplacement of clients w h o registered with the tween the Departments of Labour and E d u Employment and Vocational Guidance Service. cation with respect to w h o should provide these T h e y also assisted in administering training services. Perhaps there is merit in a supercourses. Although a small number of employ- ministry such as has been formed at a C o m m o n ment officers had university degrees, the position wealth level in Australia where employment, did not formally specify such qualifications, nor training and education are grouped together. were employment officers required to obtain tertiary education once employed. It is anticiGROUP E M P L O Y M E N T pated and hoped that this will change with LIAISON SERVICE OFFICERS the n e w proposed occupational class, the employment counsellor. The work carried out by this group is a specialized variety of the work which is carried out by E M P L O Y M E N T COUNSELLORS employment counsellors. Group Employment Liaison Service ( G E L S ) officers are field Changes introduced during 1988 following the workers, paid on a contract basis by the D e Review by the Department of Labour (1988) partment of Labour, but with a responsibility for stressed the continued importance of coun- facilitating access to, and the use of, education, selling. T h e Review was of the opinion that, employment and training programmes and other than highly specialized services, coun- services of the various government departments. selling should be one of the options provided to They work with disadvantaged groups, gangs, clients in the employment and vocational guid- ex-offenders and those w h o are often placed in ance service. T h e title 'employment counsellor', the 'too-hard basket'. N o formal qualifications a Canadian concept, was favoured. The new class are required for these positions, but personal of employment counsellors comprise existing qualities are of utmost importance. G E L S offiemployment officers and vocational guidance cers are given almost complete freedom to carry

Current trends in vocational guidance in N e w Zealand

out their function in a manner most likely to reach the particular groups. T h e continued role for these officers following the 1988 review attests to the value of their work. This value is not seen exclusively in terms of labour market outcomes, but also the reduced offending, less imprisonment and less domestic violence (Department of Labour, 1988).

COUNSELLORS ATTACHED TO TERTIARY INSTITUTIONS

Most universities, technical institutes and teacher-training colleges employ counsellors w h o also have a role in the provision of careers help. These appointments tend to be m a d e by the institutions concerned, and although basic counselling training is seen as a prerequisite, special skills in careers counselling are not necessarily required. In several teachers' colleges the counsellors have expertise in vocational guidance, and opportunities exist for the inclusion of concepts relevant to careers guidance in the teacher-training curriculum.

PRIVATE CAREERS CONSULTANCY SERVICES

Traditionally in N e w Zealand vocationalguidance and career counselling have been primarily a government activity. However, the role of management consultancies and employment agencies in the provision of placement counselling has always existed. Inevitably, with the moves toward privatization and userfinancing philosophies, more private vocational counselling and career development opportunities are arising. T h e possibility exists that government departments could provide subsidies to private practitioners (Department of Labour, 1988), though such a m o v e seems unlikely in the short term. With the increased emphasis on lifelong career planning and the need for constant upgrading of skills in the face of changing work requirements, careers help is required

79

throughout life. Examples include redeployment following redundancy, w o m e n returning to work and mid-career change. Assistance for these groups m a y increasingly be provided by private consultants. In recognition ofthe ongoing career development in organizations, business schools have become interested in career planning and relevant courses are offered through business faculties.

MAORI C O M M U N I T Y GROUPINGS

Recent changes in government structures have given increased responsibility to Maori c o m munities for special functions. Included in this is the running of Maori youth training programmes and vocational training. A n important part of such programmes is the provision of vocational help in a more general sense. E m ployment counsellors provide a consultancy role to such community groups, in implementing vocational-related programmes for the Maori people.

PARENTS, TEACHERS AND OTHER HELPING PROFESSIONALS

T h e provision of careers help has never been the exclusive province of professional counsellors. T h e family plays a vital role (Palmer and Cochran, 1988) as do other professionals. T h e better educated the general public and other helping professions become in the procedures involved in career planning, the more they will be able to help young people plan careers, assist injured patients in their return to work or facilitate the upgrading of employees' skills in the face of technological change. There appears to be a high level of interest in gaining expertise in vocational psychology and career development a m o n g a wide variety of people as is evidenced by the cross-section of the community w h o avail themselves of the opportunity to study relevant courses. For example, at Massey University, the course offered in vocational psychology and career de-

8o


velopment is always over-subscribed, and attracts a diverse enrolment. Apart from the vocational-guidance and school-guidance counsellors w h o have taken the course as part of their professional qualification, the paper has proved relevant to psychologists, social workers, personnel officers, and ministers of religion, to n a m e only a few.

Research and future roles

which include mention of careers-related activities (Hermansson, 1981). T h e emphasis on accountability will require an increase in research aimed at evaluating existing vocational guidance programmes and improving vocational guidance services generally.

COMMENTS ON FUTURE ROLES FOR VOCATIONAL GUIDANCE

CURRENT STATE OF RESEARCH

Several factors combine to create a situation of constant change in work opportunities. M o r e Unfortunately comparatively little vocational than ever, the notion of a job for life is becomresearch carried out in N e w Zealand has been ing a myth. Even well-qualified professionals published in major international journals. M u c h cannot rely upon the level of demand for their of the research that has been undertaken tends skills in future years. to be found in departmental reports or specialIn N e w Zealand, as in m a n y other countries, purpose publications or in the New Zealand there is an accelerated pace of change resulting Journal of Educational Studies, the New Zealand from several factors. Free-market forces have Journal of Guidance and Counselling and oc- been introduced into the N e w Zealand econcasionally in the New Zealand Journal of In- o m y extremely rapidly. For example, agriculdustrial Relations. S o m e research has been pub- tural subsidies have been substantially reduced lished internationally. Keeling and Tuck (1978) and in m a n y instances completely removed and and T u c k and Keeling (1980) m a d e a major the exchange rate is no longer controlled. T h e contribution through their research on Self D i - government has radically altered the structure rected Search in the Netherlands and its adap- of the public service, and traditional job tation to N e w Zealand. Brook (1979,1986) used security no longer exists. Redundancies are bethe repertory grid approach to examine students' coming increasingly c o m m o n as companies fall perceptions of vocational counselling roles. prey to international take-overs resulting from Hesketh (1982) examined the career decision the global economy. Furthermore, the introstyle and the implementation of choices of high- duction of computer-based technologies such as school leavers, and discussed the need for a numerical-control machine tools and word proconceptual framework in vocational psychology cessors requires the acquisition of n e w skills (Hesketh, 1985). Henderson et al. (1987) re- and constant upgrading of these skills as n e w port the results of a major study testing models are introduced into the workplace. Gottfredson's (1981) theory of career circum- Clients need to beflexibleand adaptable to cope scription. with the changes occurring at work. With the reduced employment opportunities in the 1980s several studies examining u n e m ployment and its consequences were undertaken. M a c k y (1987) provides a review of unemployment research while Inkson (1987) reviews research related to industrial and organizational psychology undertaken in N e w Zealand. Several publications have appeared covering guidance services generally in schools, m a n y of

In providing careers help to clients, counsellors must also help convey the importance of flexible skills and discuss and demonstrate ways of developing these. Vocational counsellors need to be aware of the recent literature on training for generalizable andflexibleskills (Annett and Sparrow, 1986; D o w n s , 1985; Hesketh et al., 1988) and approaches to developing learning skills (Downs and Perry, 1982, 1984).

Current trends in vocational guidance in N e w Zealand

Interestingly, the D o w n s Developing Learning Skills Programme (Downs and Perry, 1984), widely used in the Youth Training Scheme in the United Kingdom, has been particularly well received in N e w Zealand. T w o vocationalguidance counsellors were seconded by the Department of Labour to introduce the D e veloping Learning Skills programme to supervisors in various youth training programmes. In its report (Department of Labour, 1988), the Department of Labour Activities review team identified this type of function as one which should be undertaken by education authorities. T h e ideas embodied in this approach warrant inclusion in traditional training courses, w h o over has responsibility for them. T h e ability of the vocational guidance counsellors to identify and implement suitable programmes for unemployed youth in addition to their traditional counselling role is in part a function of the high level of postgraduate education of this particular professional group. Occupational groups with responsibility for careers help will need to demonstrate a similar adaptability to future changes, a task for which they will require more, not less, education and training. •

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. 1984. Developing Learning Skills. Journal of European Industrial Training, Vol. 8, pp. 21-6. GoTTFREDSON, L . 1981. Circumscription and Compromise: A Developmental Theory of Occupational Aspirations. Journal of Counselling Psychology, Vol. 28, PP- 545-79HENDERSON,

S.; H E S K E T H , B . ; T O T F I N , K . 1988. A Test

of Gottfredson's Theory of Circumscription. Journal of Vocational Behavior, Vol. 32, pp. 37-48. H E R M A N S S O N , G . L . (ed.). 1981. Guidance in New Zealand Secondary Schools: Issues and Programmes. Palmerston North, N e w Zealand Counselling and Guidance Association. H E S K E T H , B . 1982. Decision-making Style and Career Decision-making Behaviors among School Leavers. Journal of Vocational Behavior, Vol. 20. pp. 223-34. . 1985. In Search of a Conceptual Framework for Vocational Psychology. Journal of Counselling and Development, Vol. 64, pp. 26-30. H E S K E T H , B . ; A N D R E W S , S.; C H A N D L E R , P. 1988. T h e Role

of Examples and Schema in Developing Transferable Skills. (Unpublished M S . ) H E S K E T H , B.J G L E I T Z M A N , M . ; P R Y O R , R . In press. Tail-

oring Computerised Interventions to Client Needs. British Journal of Guidance and Counselling. I N K S O N , J. H . K . 1987. Organizational Behaviour: A Review of N e w Zealand Research. New Zealand Journal of Psychology, Vol. 16, pp. 9-27K E E L I N G , B.; T U C K , B . F. 1978. Raw Scores Versus Same Sex Normed Scores: A n Experimental Study of the Validity of Holland's Self-Directed Search with Adolescents of Both Sexes. Journal of Vocational Behavior, Vol. 13, pp. 263-71. M A C K Y , K . A . 1987. Psychological Aspects of U n e m ployment: A Review of the N e w Zealand Literature. Community Mental Health in New Zealand, Vol. 3, N o . 3, pp. 18-32.

References

PALMER,

S.; C O C H R A N , L . 1988. Parents as Agents of

Career Development. Journal of Counselling Psychology, A N N E T T , J.; S P A R R O W , J. 1986. Transfer of Training: Vol. 35, pp. 71-6. A Review of Research and Practical Implications. RoBBiNS, M . 1984. A n Evaluation of the Young Persons Programmed Learning and Educational Technology, Training Programme Basic Engineering Courses. The Vol. 22, pp. 116-24. New Zealand Counselling and Guidance Association B R O O K , J. A . 1979. A Repertory Grid Analysis of PercepJournal, Vol. 6, pp. 23-9. tions of Vocational Counselling Roles. Journal of S M A L L , J. J. 1973. In Defence of Vocational Guidance. Vocational Behavior, Vol. 15, pp. 25-35. New Zealand Journal of Educational Studies, Vol. 8, . 1986. Research Applications of the Repertory Grid pp. 1-11. Technique. International Review of Applied Psychology, T U C K , B . ; K E E L I N G , B . 1980. Sex and Cultural Differences Vol. 35, pp. 489-500. in the Factorial Structure of the S D S . Journal of VoD E P A R T M E N T OF E D U C A T I O N .

1971. Guidance in Secondary

Schools. Wellington, N e w Zealand Department of Education.

cational Behavior, Vol. 16, pp. 105-14. WATTS,

A . G . ; H E R R , E . L . 1976. Career(s) Education

in Britain and the U . S . A . : Contrasts and C o m m o n D E P A R T M E N T O F L A B O U R . 1988. Review of Department of Problems. British Journal of Guidance and Counselling, Labour Activities: Report of the Review Team. Welling-Vol. 4, pp. 129-42. ton, Department of Labour. W I N T E R B O U R N , R . 1974. Guidance Services in New Zealand D O W N S , S. 1985. Retraining for N e w Skills. Ergonomics, Education. Wellington, N e w Zealand Council for EduVol. 28, pp. 1205-11. cational Research. D O W N S , S.; P E R R Y , P . 1982. H o w D o I Learn? Journal of

European Industrial Training, Vol. 6, pp. 27-32.

Work-oriented programmes at the secondary level in Australia Peter Cole

Public criticism of schooling over the last two decades or so has tended to focus on the concern that young people are leaving school ill-prepared for the demands of the workplace. This concern has also been expressed by young people, m a n y of w h o m claim that their schooling experiences failed to give them an adequate understanding of work, of h o w the economy is shaped, of the roles of various groups within society and of their o w n capacity to assume socially responsible roles. Such concerns have led to a range of workoriented programmes being introduced into secondary schools. This article describes several of these programmes, highlighting their organzational features and identifying key distinc-

tions between the apparent intent of such programmes. 1 In order to indicate the distinctions between several programmes, the article adopts a typology that classifies programmes into three distinct orientations. This device has been used, as m a n y of the programmes that have been introduced to schools as a means of familiarizing students with working life lay claim to a similar range of intentions and purposes w h e n in fact their practice is quite dissimilar, and distinctions between programmes of a similar type, but with a different operational emphasis, are ill-defined and not widely perceived.2 T h e first class of programmes are achievement-oriented programmes, which aim to give students experience in making important decisions, exercising responsibility and being accountable for their actions. T h e second class of programmes are experience-oriented proPeter J. Cole (Australia). Manager, Curriculum and Projects, Western Metropolitan Region, Victorian grammes, which attempt to give students some Ministry of Education, Australia. Has had extensive early warning of what the contemporary workexperience in the area of school-to-work curriculum place is like. Such programmes m a y be vodevelopment, promotion and management. Has helped cational (helping them to choose their career to pioneer work-experience programmes in Victorian path by experience of work in that area) or schools and, through his various publications and general (experiencing those aspects of work public speaking, has promoted other programmes. which are fundamentally c o m m o n to all jobs). Recent publications include: Technology a n d Social T h e third class of programmes are enquiryC h a n g e , Revealing W o r k : S o m e Program Possibilities oriented programmes, designed to develop in and Reorienting W o r k Experience: Theoretical students a critical view of the workplace. NeedPerspectives and Practical Possibilities. Prospects, Vol, X I X . N o . i, 1989

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less to say, any given programme m a y well contain elements of two or all three of these programme orientations.

Achievement-oriented programmes It is generally agreed that schools are a crucial 'mediator' for young people, and can, if properly structured, serve to prepare young people for full participation in social life. O n e aspect of this preparation is to equip youngsters with the skills and capacities to organize their time, to work with others and to m a k e informed decisions. Such capacities are not generally encouraged by typical classroom environments and learning strategies designed to enhance individual achievement. Consequently, m a n y schools have introduced student programmes designed to heighten students' involvement in important decision-making roles and requiring them to exercise responsibility and be accountable for their actions. Programmes that are consistent with these objectives include studentparticipation programmes, mini-enterprises and negotiated work experience.

STUDENT-PARTICIPATION PROGRAMMES

Student participation programmes attempt: (a) to provide students with opportunities to develop and demonstrate capacities to function as participants with adults in the planning of activities or resolution of problems in school and community settings; (b) to learn the processes of debate, negotiation and decisionmaking in group structures; and (c) to link academic content and learning in order to initiate and plan human-service activities or deal with important social issues. Projects that exemplify activities undertaken under the mantle of student participation include: (a) student-managed restaurants or catering services; (b) cross-age tutoring by students; (c) student publishing ventures (such as a student-produced newspaper or book); (d) student-run radio programmes; (e) student

theatre groups; (f) student-organized conferences and seminars; (g) student community work (for example, maintaining community vegetable gardens, assisting the elderly to shop and prepare meals); and (h) students undertaking research activities for welfare agencies, local government and local business or c o m munity groups. Such activities m a y have been developed by the school or co-sponsored by an agency beyond the school and m a y have a relatively short lifespan or continue throughout a school semester or year. In order to encourage significant student interaction, ensure that activities address issues of significance and are challenging, schools generally insist that student projects be undertaken by a group (for example, four to six students), based on co-operation (that is, group goalsetting and decision-making) and aim to benefit others (a client group must be identified). S o m e schools have formalized the processes to be followed and instituted a project 'contract', which requires students to describe key tasks and timelines and the 'usefulness' of the project for the client and the student group. Other devices used by schools to help students to clarify their goals and monitor the progress of projects include the use of student diaries, regular student management sessions, progress reports from clients and client surveys (for example, surveying students about the performance of their student tutor or surveying subscribers to a school newspaper about its quality). Naturally, the nature of the programme (including its duration and focus) and the age of the students involved will influence the kinds of support and monitoring likely to be required. T h e structural arrangements for incorporating student-participation programmes within schools vary. S o m e students are given opportunities to be involved in student-participation programmes either as a unit within a particular course or as an activities programme within the school week or year, other arrangements, such as a class being specifically designated as a studentparticipation project group, are not unusual.

Work-oriented programmes at the secondary level in Australia

Similarly, a range of ways of instigating a project have occurred. For example, a prog r a m m e m a y be a co-operative arrangement rim jointly by the school and a community group. It m a y be initiated by an agency or individual outside the school and operate within the school (for example, an anti-smoking project), by the community (a community newspaper project) or be initiated and run by students on terms they negotiate with the teacher. A s the project examples referred to above indicate, m a n y of the community or school needs that young people m a y deal with are often those not addressed by other agencies, or are not among the priorities that the community or society is willing, or feels able, to pay for. M a n y of the activities m a y involve students in tasks that would be tedious or low-paying as careers, but still provide them with rewarding short-term experiences. T h u s , it can be valid for students to experience seemingly menial tasks in the context of an action-oriented group activity as the processes through which the various tasks emerge, are developed and brought to a conclusion (for example, joint planning, action and review) generally prove to be most rewarding.

MINI-ENTERPRISES

T h e emphasis within student participation programmes tends to be on students' planning and managing an activity that addresses an area of need. T h u s it is often only incidental that these programmes provide an experience that tends to reflect the structures and processes adopted in industry and gives insights into the economic considerations associated with running a business. Consequently, m a n y schools have established programmes that are designed to reflect more closely the processes and purposes of industry and to give students experience in what is required in order to establish and maintain a business. These programmes m a y stem from the same general concerns that have been articulated to support the development of student-

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participation programmes in schools. Usually, however, they arise from the concern that students need to k n o w h o w industry and c o m merce is organized, about the process of wealth creation and experience a challenging, small group tasks that results in a saleable service or good producing a profit. O n e such programmes is the mini-enterprise. Teachers running these programmes typically report that their goals are to assist students to plan, organize and co-operate in a c o m m o n task and to understand various concepts associated with establishing and running a business (such as market research, raining capital, cash flow). T h e y also aim: (a) to provide students with the opportunity to manage others; (b) to interact with adult advisers from industry; (c) to improve their confidence and ability to solve problems; and (d) to promote the attitude that the establishing of a small business is an option that is open to them. Mini-enterprises in schools are usually based on organizational approaches typically adopted by small businesses. Students are expected to identify a product or service, evaluate the economic potential of their decisions, raise funds to finance their venture and decide on an operating structure that enables them to produce their goods or deliver their services in a manner similar to that of a 'real' enterprise. Each of the stages, from the initiation to the running of the mini-enterprise, provides opportunities for students to participate in a range of valuable learning experiences that are consistent with an achievement-oriented approach. For example, the processes schools adopt to establish mini-enterprise projects generally ensure that: (a) students are thoroughly briefed about the objectives of the activity and their role within it; (b) adequate resources and facilities are available for students' use; (c) clear processes for resolving conflicts and making decisions are established; and (d) students are actively engaged in the planning, management and evaluation of their project. In addition to setting the parameters of the activity, schools generally provide students with access to sources of 'expert' advice; encourage all students to be

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active in decision-making forums and enable them to experience both high- and low-status positions within the enterprise. It has to be observed that w h e n the yardstick for measuring the success of mini-enterprises becomes the amount of profit generated, the educational merits of such schemes become less clear. This is because an emphasis on profits shifts the focus away from the question of what learning students should experience to what students have done in order to maximize profits. Indeed, such a focus tends to result in a lessening of opportunities for all students to experience a range of roles, for joint planning and collaborative decision-making, and for individuals to assume positions of responsibility. In contrast, an emphasis on providing students with significant planning and decisionmaking opportunities means that such projects need not, and in m a n y cases should not, reflect all aspects of community enterprises. Schools do attempt, however, to involve adults other than teachers in these projects (for example, local employers w h o act as advisers or negotiators to a project team) and encourage students to meet deadlines, monitor processes, behave ethically and deal sensitively with other students and adults. A s with student participation programmes, mini-enterprises vary somewhat in the opportunities they provide for students to exercise responsibility and make significant decisions. Nevertheless, interest in incorporating programmes of this nature into school curricula seems to be increasing as it appears that m a n y teachers feel the experiences to which students are exposed can be better monitored in these programmes than they can in community-based programmes. Typically, however, mini-enterprises are a supplement to, rather than a replacement for, work experience undertaken within the local community.

NEGOTIATED W O R K EXPERIENCE

T h e negotiated work experience model attempts to overcome the limitations of a vocational work

experience programme that often only enables students to experience menial and time-filling tasks within a work environment. T w o key elements of the negotiated approach to work experience are planning visits and discussions prior to student placement in the work environment, and negotiations between teacher, student and employer. These negotiations are designed to achieve an agreed workexperience contract which details a particular project that students will be expected to manage and complete within the duration of their placement, as well as those work tasks they will be expected to perform as part of their day-to-day responsibilities. T h e process of negotiating a work project that is both challenging and manageable and that enables students to exercise an appropriate level of responsibility, and be held accountable for outcomes, requires close interaction between the school and the work-place. T o assist employers, students and teachers in this task, schools have adopted strategies such as forwarding details of student interests, abilities and prior work experience to employers and arranging for the employer to interview the student or for the student to interview the employer prior to the drafting of the workexperience contract. Although initially schools, employers and students often have difficulty with this approach to work experience, those employers and teachers w h o have persevered with this model have found that as it enables all parties to define in advance the tasks students will be required to perform w h e n they take up their placements, it is an excellent vehicle for enhancing student learning. This prior knowledge enables students to undertake necessary planning tasks associated with their negotiated work project before taking u p their placement. It also clarifies for employers the tasks that a student hopes to achieve and enables them to assign and briet work advisers whose task will be to act as a point of reference for the student and provide advice about, or react to, the way he or she is managing the negotiated project tasks.


Several schools that have been using this programme approach have produced handbooks for students and employers. These handbooks, based on the accumulated experience of students within the programme, list a range of possible student work-tasks. For example, one handbook indicates that as well as performing the normal work-tasks associated with their placement students have undertaken projects which required them to: (a) write articles for an industrial journal; (b) prepare a visitor's guide to a factory; (c) speak to community groups about their work location; (d) act as guides to and manage visiting school groups; (e) prepare reports about improving the utilization of office space and car-parking facilities; and (f ) m a k e r e c o m m e n dations about improving staff communications and workflows. Negotiated work experience enables students to gain experience in: task negotiation; the drafting of project proposals; project management (including setting and reviewing timelines and priorities and co-ordinating diverse activities); collaborative decision-making; and resource management. It also enables students to gain the knowledge that they are able to perform tasks that are valued within the adult work environment. A s with student-participation a n d minienterprise programmes, the negotiated workexperience programme consciously sets out to provide students with the opportunities to develop and display their competence in making decisions and performing significant tasks. This orientation m a y not always be at odds with the typical vocational work-experience p r o g r a m m e (which primarily seeks to provide a jobsampling experience), however generally the two orientations do not coincide as negotiated work-experience students select their work placement according to whether or not a valued work project can be negotiated and not because they wish to b e placed in a situation where they can try out a possible future work role.

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Experience-oriented programmes Experience-oriented programmes are those that are particularly designed to provide students with general insights into what it is like to be an employee or specific insights into their capacity to meet the d e m a n d of a preferred occupation, work environment or job role. T h e p r o g r a m m e emphasis within this orientation is o n enabling students to experience a real or simulated work situation. T w o programmes that schools have instituted to provide the kinds of experiences outlined here are vocationally oriented work experience and work-simulation programmes.

VOCATIONAL WORK EXPERIENCE Increasingly over the last decade, vocationally oriented work-experience programmes have become part of the curriculum offered to most middle-level students in secondary schools throughout Australia. A s the rationale for student participation in programmes of this kind tends to be job testing and job sampling, students select work placements according to their future occupational aspirations and are given tasks to perform that are similar to those of a recently hired employee. Students choosing to experience working in an area in which teachers believe they are unlikely to gain future employment are generally advised to select an occupation that better reflects their employment capacities. O n e consequence of this orientation is that students tend to b e channelled into workexperience occupations that are stereotyped according to gender roles, qualification streams and entry prerequisites. T h u s , these prog r a m m e s , rather than opening u p avenues for students to explore in relation to future career prospects, tend to reinforce allegiances to traditional, stratified work-force patterns. In addition, few students are given the opportunity to perform any decision-making role with

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regard to programme administration and to the role they will be expected to perform within the workplace. N o r are students expected to examine broad social, political and economic questions associated with the work environment in which they are to be placed. Inquiry tends to be restricted to such matters as entry prerequisites, levels of pay and opportunities for advancement. Despite these programme limitations, h o w ever, it needs to be acknowledged that student testimonies typically emphasize the satisfaction they derived from participation in a vocational work-experience programme. Indeed, it appears that most students speak enthusiastically about being accepted into an adult-oriented environment and being respected and trusted by adults while gaining work experience. However, it needs to be emphasized that m a n y vocational work-experience programmes offer students little more than the opportunity to enter a structured adult environment. T h e potential for significant learning that these programmes offer often being minimized, as involvement is typically restricted to five working days; the work performed by students tends to be menial and repetitive and social interaction between students and other adult workers tends to be superficial. These concerns, albeit not necessarily intrinsic to vocational work experience programmes, indicate areas for programme improvement.

W O R K SIMULATIONS

Several of the programmes described above require a great deal of liaison between schools and the broader community in order to i m plement them effectively. Because of the additional burdens of the various organizational requirements associated with out-of-school initiatives, an increasing n u m b e r of schools are choosing to run work-simulation activities as an adjunct or alternative to a work-experience programme, believing that a well-managed simulation provides ample opportunities for students to gain understanding about aspects

of industry and the organization of the workplace. These simulations m a y be for a relatively short period (several hours) or extend for a week and beyond. T h e goal of teachers organizing such programmes is generally to establish a simulated environment that illustrates as closely as possible the roles, relationships and organizational approaches within commerce and industry and enables students to assume various roles that are consistent with those in the work-place. In this regard a work simulation is similar to a mini-enterprise. However, instead of the accent being on the production of a good or service (with management structures being designed to promote efficient production) the accent is on understanding management structures as they typically exist today in any m e d i u m to-large organization. A review of various simulation programmes reveals that a n u m b e r of strategies have been adopted in order to m a k e the simulation as realistic as possible. For example, employers and other adults have been called upon to assist with: (a) the planning of the activity; (b) the induction of students into the various roles to be performed within the simulation; (c) the injection of n e w elements into the activity (for example, a work and safety officer m a y declare that work practices are unsafe or too stressful); (d) the provision of expert advice; and (e) the running of evaluation and debriefing sessions following the simulation. In addition, m a n y schools have adopted the practice of issuing job descriptions for each of the roles to be simulated and have required students to apply and be interviewed for positions. Successful applicants are then issued work contracts detailing their duties and rights. A few schools have insisted that students engaged in work simulations commence and finish work and take breaks in accordance with industrial time schedules (for example: start at 8.15 a . m . ; finish at 4.36 p . m . ) . Others have provided financial or token rewards for work performed. These additional elements of the simulation providing the basis for student


discussions of such matters as overtime, wage differentials and equal pay. Finally, schools have devised ways of raising such issues as: (a) worker discrimination (through the w a y jobs are advertised or b y having a worker register a complaint); (b) redundancy (by introducing ' n e w technology' that only a few students are given licences to operate); (c) industrial sabotage; (d) transport strikes; and (e) organizational restructure. T h e solving of the dilemmas raised by these interventions often requires students to call upon expert advice from simulation advisers such as employers and trade unionists. T h e success, or otherwise, of industry simulations appears to depend to a large degree on the participants being clear about their roles, o n the work environment providing sufficient complexity and authenticity to challenge students and on the analysis of the activity that takes place in the debriefing sessions. At their best, industry simulations provide a valid learning experience for students, as they enable them to undertake roles (such as union organizer or supervisor) and be exposed to m a n y industrial and ethical issues that they are unlikely to experience through other workoriented programmes. Simulations are relatively easy to organize within a school; they can be repeated in various forms and have the potential actively to involve students in performing and reflecting on workplace roles. This is particularly true if industry-based adults are able to contribute their knowledge throughout the planning, running and debriefing of the activity and if students are able to visit work-places after the activity to enable them to contrast their simulated experiences with those experienced by actual workers in industry.

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experience a job of their choice, the focus is on researching social, moral, political and economic questions associated with the work-place or on analysing the various roles performed by individuals within the work-place. T w o programmes that schools have devised to enable students to research the work-place are research-oriented work experience and work shadowing. 3 In the first programme, students assume the role of worker/researcher and in the latter, their role is that of observer/interviewer.

RESEARCH WORK EXPERIENCE

A particular re-orientation of the typical vocationally focused work-experience programme has been achieved through the recognition by schools that the opportunity of placing students into work or community settings provides them with an excellent environment in which to undertake research about a range of issues. Consequently, a small number of schools have shifted their concerns away from the vocational sampling potential offered by a work placement to the research potential offered. These schools base their programme management around inquiry-oriented goals and select their student placements with reference to their suitability to generate useful data about an issue which has either been identified by the class or has been referred to the class from a group within the school or community and which the class agrees is worthy of direct investigation. A typical m o d e of operation within this model of work experience is for a class to identify and then prioritize a variety of work-related topics that they are interested in investigating further within the work-place. Students are then provided with lessons, readings or seminars in order to build up their knowledge about the Inquiry-oriented programmes issues to be researched (for example, the effects of information technologies on employment in A n inquiry-oriented programme places students financial institutions) and if necessary, assisted within the work-place but instead of the focus to develop appropriate research instruments and being on producing a valued good or service or skills so that they are equipped to assume a on providing students with opportunities to worker/researcher role within the work-place.

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Once the research tasks are clarified and appropriate skills developed, students are assigned to work-experience placements which are chosen on the basis of the richness of the research data that could be gathered by the students. Under this model the placement need not but could still be a venue that the student would choose if he or she was engaged primarily in a vocational sampling activity. A s a consequence, placements are less likely to reflect sex-role stereotyping and social-class or ethnic biases which tends to occur w h e n students select placements strictly in terms of their vocational aspirations. Schools that have adopted this workexperience model have found it necessary to clarify the goals of their programme with employers and others w h o will be accepting students, and have indicated that as well as performing work tasks, students will be undertaking research tasks about a range of issues. They have also asked employers to consider whether there are issues they would like students to research for them. W h e r e possible, students have been assigned in pairs or groups and been given a clearly defined area of responsibility within the work-place or agency. Agreement also needs to be reached about varying the duration of the experience students are to engage in. S o m e issues and venues m a y warrant a two-week stay, others a stay of only a few days. Consequently, some students m a y undertake all their research in one location while others m a y spend a short time gathering data and working in a variety of locations. T h e research work-experience approach provides a model for linking work experience with, and having work experience emerge from, the curricular concerns of the classroom, a connection often missing in the vocational workexperience model.

WORK

SHADOWING

Work-shadowing programmes organized b y schools are designed to enable students to observe an individual at work and the work-

role he or she performs. Students participating in such programmes m a y also blend their role of observer with that of interviewer and worker and extend their focus of inquiry to include finding out about the roles of other workers with w h o m the worker they are shadowing makes contact in the course of his or her work. T h e key focus however is the worker they are shadowing and not the performance of particular work-tasks or the investigation of the workplace. Thus work shadowing dirfers from vocational work experience where the emphasis tends to be on students performing a job for a period of time rather than 'merely watching'. Indeed m a n y schools have tended to view work shadowing as an inferior form of work experience, whereas others see it as a valid alternative strategy that can provide opportunities for students to gain insights into adult working life that involvement in a work-experience programme m a y not or cannot provide. W o r k shadowing also differs from work visits where the emphasis tends to be on observing the work processes within the work-place as a whole and explaining the various stages in the production of a good or service. In contrast, work shadowing enables students to learn about the tasks in which the worker engages, the work processes of the organization and the environment of the work-place as a whole. Schools running work-shadowing programmes report that they have found that such programmes have m a n y organizational features that make them superior to m a n y of the other work-place-based programmes. They argue that work shadowing is relatively easy to incorporate into the curriculum because it tends to be research based and is economical in terms of the time required to carry out the observation tasks. This enables students to visit more than one work location, including those in which they do not have a particular vocational interest, and it offers them access to occupations that tend to be unsuited to a workexperience placement because of the skills and knowledge required of workers (such as in senior management). It is also argued that


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these programmes are less likely to be sex, This article has described a range of school prorace or class stereotyped as the task is one of grammes designed to support career-guidance observation and interaction rather than of and personal-development curricula in A u s working. Consequently, programmes can be tralian secondary schools and identified key used to promote positive role models for girls distinctions between such programmes. In genby giving them access to successful female eral, these programmes are largely confined to professionals, something that tends to be more the middle years of schooling, and vocational difficult to arrange within a vocational work- work experience is the most popular prog r a m m e . However, as students are remaining experience programme. F r o m the students' perspective, these pro- at school for longer periods and as government grammes can be quite an intense experience policy is being altered by the need to improve because of their focus on the role, values, feel- Australia's economic performance, the current ings and perspectives of workers rather than on programme pattern is likely to undergo change. Indeed, reviews of the current situation which students performing tasks that often only are at present being undertaken are likely to require low-level skills. In order to help prepare students for their result in a greater diversity of programmes with shadowing experience, schools have arranged mini-enterprises, work shadowing and research for students to undertake a preliminary visit to work experience being more widely adopted, the work-place to meet the employer/employee and aspects of these programmes becoming a they will be shadowing. This has helped both compulsory element of the curricula in the the shadower and the shadowee to establish senior years. Whether these changes will be what is required of each other and to consider such that mixtures of part-time work and partthe kinds of information they should seek or time schooling will become a feature of the senior secondary years remains to be seen. divulge. Students also tend to be involved in class- Should this be the case, the opportunities for room-based preparation work. This work is de- schools to draw on experiences related directly signed to help them consider the kinds of to the work-place will be greatly enhanced as questions they will ask, to build their confidence will the prominence given to the various proabout their role as 'shadow' (for example, by grammes instituted by schools to help young role-play sessions, developing research guides people bridge the perceived gap between school • or questionnaires, practising interviewing other and working life. students and so on). During the work-shadowing period it is generally u p to students and workers to work out the best arrangements to enable students to Notes gain the information they want. Generally this will be a combination of watching, listening, 1. This article has confined discussion of work-oriented programmes in Australian schools to those programmes questioning, being shown and doing tasks. that are at present relatively widespread and those W o r k shadowing, through its focus on the that appear very likely to become more widespread in the near future. Judgements in the latter case being worker and his or her understandings, offers based on the knowledge that work on policy papers, the potential for students to gain information research proposals and pilot projects has been c o m that reveals more about what it really means to missioned or supported by various state or national work than they might discern from programmes government agencies. such as work experience and work visits. A s 2. O n e example of this lack of clarity is provided by work-experience programmes. These programmes are such, it can complement and extend the goals typically schemes that enable students to leave school of other work-oriented programmes. for a short period of time to undertake work within their community. T h e underlying philosophy, the purpose and consequently the organization of work-

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experience programmes however can vary greatly. O n e programme can emphasize job sampling, another critical research; one can promote dependency, another independence; one can reinforce job stereotypes, another provide counters to job stereotyping, and so forth. 3. A further inquiry-oriented programme initiative not described in this article is that of having teams of students undertake research within their community. O n e example of a student research programme is provided by the Youth Affairs Division of the Department of Labour in Victoria, which has established a project that will use teams of students to identify and research emerging areas of work in order for them then to design and produce curriculum modules and develop methods for conveying vocational information about identified emerging occupations to other students in the district.

The transition from school to the world of work in the German Democratic Republic Wolfgang Rudolph

In all countries of the world, success and satisfaction in the world of work are decisive factors in shaping people's lives. For this reason Unesco, though of course not alone in this, has always paid keen attention to the preparation of young people for their future work. O n e example of its efforts to encourage the general application of the base results available in this field and to make recommendations meeting the needs of all states was the First Unesco International Congress on the Development and Improvement of Technical and V o cational Training, held in East Berlin in 1987. T h e discussions at this Congress also showed that there are considerable disparities between individual countries where the transition from school to the world of work is concerned. These relate to the level of general education and participation on rates, access to vocational training

Wolfgang Rudolf (German Democratic Republic). Director of the Central Institute for Vocational Education of the German Democratic Republic. He is a corresponding member of the Academy of Pedagogical Sciences of the German Democratic Republic; chairman of the Scientific Council of Vocational Pedagogics; head of team of authors of the book Berufspädagogik [Professional Education], 1987. Author andjor coauthor of various books and studies in his field of competence.

for young people, the quality of career counselling, job security, opportunities for further training and other questions. M a n y countries face considerable problems in this respect, because of their historical development and/or their present economic difficulties. A Unesco report based on answers from more than forty M e m b e r States regarding the application of 'Revised Recommendations concerning Technical and Vocational Training' drew attention to the fact that, in terms of enrolment in vocational training schemes and the level of youth unemployment, developing countries are a long way behind the industrialized countries (Unesco, 1987). O n e of the Congress's most pressing concerns was to indicate ways of solving and overcoming these problems, drawing on the experience of the advanced countries. Special reference was m a d e to the G e r m a n Democratic Republic as setting an example in this field. This article, therefore, describes some of the experiments carried out and results obtained there and the social environment in which they have taken place. In a growth-oriented society, every individual is needed, and such a society therefore also provides each individual with the best possible opportunity of development as a person. Central to this is the training of young people for

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skilled participation in the process of social reproduction (Rudolphetal., 1987). T h e G e r m a n Democratic Republic has enjoyed full employment for decades, so that young people are never faced with the question of whether they will get an apprenticeship leading to vocational training for a skilled trade or a place in an institution of higher or technical education. F r o m an early age they are guided towards finding the right profession or trade, that is, one in which they can develop according to their o w n inclinations and aptitudes, which gives them personal satisfaction and in which they make a useful contribution to society. T h e unbroken education and training policy followed for m a n y years by the G e r m a n D e m o cratic Republic has m a d e possible a significant heightening of the level of skill of the country's labour force (see Fig. 1). This high skill level has m a d e a not inconsiderable contribution to the continuous growth—4-5 per cent per ann u m — i n the level of economic performance. T h e G e r m a n Democratic Republic has a unified socialist education system characterized by uniform objectives, reciprocal co-ordination of education content between the various levels,

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T h e education system in the German Democratic Republic All education and training is aimed at preparing children and young people for an active life, work and involvement in all social activities. It is therefore a principle of education policy to promote and encourage all the aptitudes that people have and, at the same time, to leave nobody behind. In all areas the principle of rewarding performance, a characteristic of socialist society, is applied: achievement at school has a considerable effect on choice of profession, performance in the course of vocational training or at university affects the kind of job obtained and achievement in one's job governs the level of pay, career development, prospects, etc. T h e application of this principle of rewarding performance is only possible because all children have the same opportunities at the start, and be-

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cause historically conditioned social inequalities have been removed. There is no discrimination according to sex, attitudes or the social position of parents—a fundamental point. Social policy, through social benefits, special assistance and other measures, is designed to ensure that each child and young person is able to develop to the m a x i m u m . Those with physical or psychological disabilities are given special help (Rudolph, 1988a). T h e majority (about 80 per cent) of schoolleavers take what are usually two-year v o cational courses to qualify as skilled workers. About 11,000 other school-leavers each year win places on special three-year courses enabling them both to qualify as skilled workers and win entry to university (Abitur). T h e remainder either go to technical college or prepare for entry to higher education at extended secondary schools. These proportions match what the national economy needs in skills and qualifications. T h e variety of educational and training paths ensures that it is m a d e possible for every young person to enter working life with the necessary professional or vocational training.

W o r k training at general secondary school In quite a few countries in the world the problem arises in that young people are only confronted with the working world w h e n they leave school and have to decide what profession or trade to train for or what job to take without having been trained for it. In the G e r m a n Democratic Republic, children are prepared for this step and familiarized with the demands of the world of work on a continuous basis, starting very early in life. Already in kindergarten, attended at the present time by some 93 per cent of all children aged between 3 and 6, a unified state of education and training programme gives children elementary knowledge of various occupations. They learn to appreciate the value of work and gain an insight into the working world through the trades and professions of

their parents and by contact with other people already in jobs. A prominent feature of the ten-grade general secondary school, obligatory for all children since 1959, is its polytechnical character (Neuner et al., 1987). It operates basically in two ways. O n the one hand, the natural sciences, technology, economics, production and productive work are firmly integrated in the concept of general education and the full development of the personality. Polytechnical training is thus a principle of school policy, a basic characteristic of general education and a product of the whole of education and training in the secondary schools of the G e r m a n Democratic Republic. It is the principle of teaching in all subjects. T h e curricula and textbooks are based on it, and the teachers are equipped to apply the principle by means of training and further training. O n the other hand, polytechnical education and training is implemented in special subjects which were introduced in the G e r m a n D e m o cratic Republic in 1958 and have developed as a part of education and training that has n o w established its o w n traditions and standards of efficiency to the point that n o w , general education cannot be imagined without it. In the lower and middle grades these subjects are handicrafts and school garden, and in the senior grades they are introduction to socialist production, technical drawing and productive work (see Table 1). A major advantage, in terms of familiarizing pupils with the real world of work is that polytechnical instruction for Grades 7 to 10 is given on the premises of enterprises in industry, agriculture, building, transport and the service sector. Enterprises have set u p polytechnical centres, polytechnical offices and jobs that p u pils can do in the production facilities for this purpose. It is however not the school's task at this stage to communicate professional knowledge and skills to the pupils. O r course there is no firm dividing line between general education and vocational training; m u c h in the way of basic knowledge, ability and skills can be applied, for example, in the various skilled workers'

97

T h e transition from school to the world of work in the G e r m a n Democratic Republic

T A B L E I. Number of lessons per week in polytechnical subjects

Grade

3

4

5

6

I

I

2

2

2

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School subject

i

2

Handicrafts School garden Introduction to socialist production Technical drawing Productive work

i i

trades (e.g. technical drawing). In basic terms, the secondary school gives all pupils alike a general and fundamental education and training unrelated to any future occupation. But this does lead to the acquisition of basic polytechnical knowledge and skills (in woodwork and metal-work, for example) which used to be part of the first stage of vocational training. Co-ordination of curricula as between secondary school and vocational training makes it possible to decide which polytechnical elements should be handled within general school education and which belong to the general and specialized fundamentals of vocational training. With the introduction of n e w curricula for polytechnical courses in 1984 (part of the plan to introduce a n e w set of syllabuses throughout secondary education by 1990), there is increased emphasis on introducing pupils to the most modern technology. In co-ordination with the gradual introduction of n e w teaching programmes for all the skilled trades from 1986 onwards (these including n e w syllabuses for the basic courses in the general technical field), an overall strategy was also devised to give pupils and apprentices an introduction to basic computer science (Rudolph, 1987).

7

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their choice of career and at the same time for deciding the most suitable path for training in the respective trade or profession (as skilled worker or in the technical or higher education fields). T h e aim is that, at the end of school education, the young person should be able to make an independent and enlightened decision on which trade or profession to go into in which personal interests, inclinations and aptitudes marry u p with the requirements of society (Gericke et al., 1984). T h e national economy constantly sets objectively determined demands as to the qualitative structure of the social labour potential. Naturally the target skill levels are influenced by the social aims and conditions of development of the country concerned. In the G e r m a n D e m o cratic Republic, the occupation of skilled worker, following completion of the tenth grade of the general polytechnical secondary school, is the basic vocational qualification for workers in industry and farming and for craftsmen (German Democratic Republic, 1985e). T h e distribution of the workforce a m o n g the various sectors of the economy and the breakdown of the labour potential by occupation are always dependent on economic objectives. Given the socialist planning of the economy, including five-year forward planning of the Planned evolution of occupation occupation and skill structure in all combines and skill structure and enterprises, young people at school can be informed well in advance of the objective needs In association with their work training and of the national economy in the way of specific polytechnical education as a whole, young skills. Preparing young people for these objecpeople in the G e r m a n Democratic Republic are tive conditions in good time meets one of their given a continuous long-term preparation for most vital needs. W e r e this not done before

98

Wolfgang Rudolph

choosing a trade or profession and the corresponding training, the inevitable result would be either a job not matching the vocation or skill, or else the need for further or re-training. In the G e r m a n Democratic Republic, however, everybody is guaranteed a job. So the consequences of a wrong choice of career are not as serious as in m a n y other countries, where young people whose chosen vocation does not match the needs of the labour market often enough find no job to go to after completing their training. So, clearly, economic planning and educating young people to choose an occupation that tallies with the needs of society in no w a y implies any restraint on personal freedom. Every school leaver is free to pick any one of the available choice of skilled occupations to train for. With 300 skilled occupations involving 98 basic trades and 392 specialistfields,there are altogether some 650 training opportunities available (see Table 2). As about one-third of all apprentices in the G e r m a n Democratic Republic live in hostels, the conditions for learning a trade outside the immediate h o m e environment are good. W h e n an enterprise signs its contract with an apprentice it guarantees subsequent e m ployment. W h e n actually choosing an occupation, the young person is therefore sure of being able tofinda job in the trade of his choice. T A B L E 2. Vocational training opportunities in the G e r m a n Democratic Republic, 1984

Occupations Skilled occupations requiring completion of tenth grade Without specialization With specialization S o m e rare craft occupations Skilled occupations requiring completion of eighth grade Skilled occupations for which only adult training provided Total of skilled occupation Total training opportunities

Training

238 140 98 47

140 392 47

62

62

8

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308

Source: German Democratic Republc, 1985a

649

T h e continuous and long-term process of vocational guidance Equipping all pupils to make the right decision on their future trade or profession in accordance with social needs is no simple task. In order to be able to perform it successfully year after year, a system of vocational counselling was created involving a large number of institutions and organizations. Helping pupils in this w a y in their choice of occupation is an ongoing process spanning several years (Gericke et al., 1984). It starts in kindergarten and lower and intermediate grades of general secondary school, where it primarily involves informing children about the working world and the occupations it comprises. At the second stage, from the sixth grade on, the process acquires a systematic character with the e m phasis on ascertaining the real occupational needs of the region concerned and the training opportunities for, and requirements of, individual occupations. T h e children are then trained in realistically assessing their o w n p o tential. A s the school years go by counselling focuses more and more on deciding what trade or profession to train for. A s an aid to the process the career wishes of the students are registered and analysed from the seventh grade on, and this information is updated each year. At the third stage the decision on trade or profession is taken and application m a d e for a apprenticeship to a skilled trade, a place at a technical college or entry to an institution geared to the university entrance certificate {Abitur). Appropriate legislation and its strict observance guarantee equality of opportunity for all applicants. T h e decisive criteria are their achievement at school and their physical and psychological condition. N o later than the start of the final school year each pupil already has in his hands confirmation of his acceptance on a course of training or study. In 1988 some 85 per cent of all school-leavers were successful with theirfirstapplication for a place on a training course for the desired occu-

The transition from school to the world of work in the German Democratic Republic

99

carry out individual counselling and run vocational-guidance functions for school groups. In particular they assist pupils w h o have difficulty in choosing a career, including those w h o are handicapped physically, psychologically or as a result of chronic illness. Educationists and psychologists w h o have received special initial and further training also work at the vocational guidance centres. At the present time tests on the use of computers to improve the effectiveness of vocational guidance are being carried out at several of these centres. In spite of all the success so far achieved a constant effort is being m a d e to improve the level of vocational guidance. This includes ways of ensuring schoolchildren arrive at a more realistic assessment in their choice of occupation and their aptitude for it, awakening the interest of pupils in less attractive occupations, raising the relative n u m b e r of girls in technical trades and professions above the present level and intensifying contacts with parents. T h e 1986 Regulation on Vocational GuidT h e general polytechnical secondary schools have essential duties to perform regarding vo- ance, which supersedes an earlier regulation cational counselling. Teaching pupils h o w to going back to 1970 and embodies the fruit of choose their future occupation is an important useful experience over a n u m b e r of years, spells educational objective, which is reflected in all out duties and responsibilities in detail, its the instruction given and also in the pupils' main thrust being the tapping of those reserves extra-curricular activities such as study groups, already referred to and others as a way of raising the level of vocational guidance. vocational interest groups, clubs and so on. It is not presented as a specific subject in its o w n right. All teachers and all departments have Vocational training for all their particular contribution to m a k e in the performance of this ongoing task. Classroom teachers have a special responsibility, for which Those school-leavers w h o do not go on to special instruction is given as part of their in- higher-level education institutions (see Fig. 2) service training. all receive apprenticeships for skilled-trade voT h efirstvocational guidance centres in the cational training. T h e ten-grade general secG e r m a n Democratic Republic were set u p about ondary school followed by a two-year vocational twenty years ago and for some time n o w each training course constitutes the typical education district (the smallest administrative division in path for the majority of young people in the the country) has had its o w n . These centres, G e r m a n Democratic Republic. over 220 in all, are educational units that c o m e In the G e r m a n Democratic Republic skilled under the district councils (which are govern- worker is an honourable status highly respected ment bodies). These units have two roles: by society. Research has shown that the advent (a) they co-ordinate the entire vocational guid- of modern technologies has not devalued it. O n ance activity in the area and lend support to the contrary, a high level of qualification as enterprises and schools, and (b) they themselves a skilled worker is a basic requirement for the

pation in the enterprise of their choice. This is evidence of the remarkable effectiveness of the guidance that went before. T h e main responsibility here rests on the combines and enterprises which have to secure the flow of future skilled workers and are making increasing use of the polytechnical instruction of schoolchildren, co-operation with secondary schools under contractual agreements and the links which school classes have with m a n y work collectives (brigades). M o r e than 100 enterprises have set u p vocational counselling offices. T h e n u m b e r of these is increasing all the time as, too, are the quantity and range of information material and career-guidance functions organized for schoolchildren. There are still untapped reserves to be explored, above all in the w a y of influencing parents w h o are members of enterprises or agricultural production co-operatives and w h o ought—for the sake of family traditions apart from anything else—to encourage their children to work there too.

100

Wolfgang Rudolph

efficient use of n e w technologies and production resources, for the quality and continuity of production and for competitiveness on the international markets. That being so, the Germ a n Democratic Republic devotes m u c h attention to the further development of skilled trades. Between 1986 and 1990, n e w training documents (job descriptions, time-tables and syllabuses) are being introduced for all skilled trades. In the year 1988/89, these n e w syllabuses are already being used for 248 trades accounting for 92 per cent of all apprentices. T h e educational and training content of these syllabuses is based on a thorough analysis of present and future requirements of skilled workers in thefieldsconcerned (Lorenz et al., 1985). In the G e r m a n Democratic Republic there is a 'board' for every skilled trade whose m e m b e r s are experienced educationists, skilled workers and supervisors in thefieldsconcerned, engineers and technologists, specialists in labour science and other matters, and trade union representatives all serving in an honorary capacity. Because these boards are directly responsible to industrial combines and other organs of industrial management, and because experienced experts work on them, the practical nature of the training is already ensured in the syllabuses themselves.

and combine facilities for theoretical training (classrooms, laboratories, etc.) with those for practical training (apprentice workshops, training equipment, trainee jobs in production, and so on). In most cases such vocational schools have one or more apprentice hostels. Apprentices whose training enterprise does not have its o w n training school receive their theoretical training in a communal vocational school. About two-thirds of all vocational training is devoted to practical training (Heinze et al., 1984). Research has confirmed beyond doubt that a narrowly specialized extension of theoretical knowledge is not the only requirement in modern technologies; instead thefirstthing they require in order to be applied effectively is sound practical ability and skill on the part of the workers concerned (Guder and Schneider, 1984). This is w h y the continuous raising of the level of pratical training is also a central concern both for the state and all levels of management. A tried-and-tested principle in practical vocational training is that, at all stages, this training be associated closely with the achievement of the enterprise's real production targets. T h u s apprentice output will include the enterprise's main product(s), consumer goods, rationalization equipment, industrial buildings and housAltogether it is the combines and other entering, services for the population and other outprises which bear the greatest responsibility for puts which are a part of the 'plan' of the entertraining future skilled workers. T h e general prise. These are all produced in the training principle is for the vocational training of appren- workshops (Geuther, 1985), in departments of tices to be based on a contract entered into by the enterprise run by the apprentices under the young person, his or her parents and the supervision, on building sites (apprentice proenterprise. This contract is a legal contract of jects) or by trainees in the production line. employment, in other words the apprentice is Substantial parts of their training are done a worker and a m e m b e r of the staff of the enter- by the apprentices directly in the actual proprise with the same rights and duties as all duction process. In that case they join specially the others, from the very beginning of his selected work teams and are looked after by vocational training. This socio-economic pos- experienced 'instructor-workers'. This system ition of the apprentice has a positive effect as is used more particularly towards the end of regards both training and integration into the training. In all skilled trades the last forty to daily life of the enterprise. seventy days are devoted to job familiarization. T h e main type of centre for vocational trainFor each trade the training includes basic ing in the G e r m a n Democratic Republic is the general and vocational training, and specialized enterprise vocational school. These state train- vocational training (see Table 3). ing institutions form part of large enterprises T h e proportions ensure that apprentices

T h e transition from school to the world of work in the German Democratic Republic

T A B L E 3. C o m p o n e n t s of vocational training a n d their percentage of the total training period

Approximate percentage of total training period

IOI

Job security

W h e n an apprentice is given a training contract, the enterprise thereby guarantees that there will be a job in which the skill to be acquired can be NonSpecialized used. Under the Labour Code, the enterprise specialized trades Components of training course trades is under an obligation, six months before the end of the vocational training, to offer each Basic general training 15 15 apprentice a suitable employment contract. Basic vocational training 25 45 T h e apprentice, however, is not obliged to Special vocational training 60 40 accept. H e has like all other workpeople—the right to a free choice of job. However in practice nearly all apprentices stay on in the enterprise acquire all the main skills required in their that has trained them, evidence of the strong trade and a knowledge of the plant and machin- ties which develop between apprentice and ery involved. T h e training is designed so that enterprise during vocational training or m a y by the end of it, apprentices are capable of indeed result from experience gained during consistent performance as skilled workers, ready school polytechnical training. to be assigned a skilled job immediately and As vocational training is closely associated fully able to meet all its demands. These criteria with the production process, young skilled are met by 95 per cent of all apprentices every workers become familiar with the main proyear. ductive activity of the enterprise and in most At the same time, considerable importance is cases get to k n o w the particular job they will attached in the training to achieving a high do during their time as apprentices. Often degree of vocational versatility (Guder, 1986), they stay in the collective where they have whereby the future skilled worker acquires the received the final part of their training. A s a ability to respond actively and responsibly to result they have a thorough knowledge of the the gathering pace of development and change various activities required, are familiar with the in skill requirements generated by the scientific atmosphere in the work unit concerned and and technological revolution. T h e broad struc- are thus able to pull their full weight alongside ture of general basic technical training, largely their fellow workers from the veryfirstday. the same for all skilled trades, makes a consider- T h e y also receive the same rates of pay based able contribution to this versatility. Since 1986 on performance. one of the subjects has been 'foundations of T h e dynamic growth of the national economy automation', largely taught by means of experbecause of the broad application of n e w techiments and the solving of problems by autonologies, the mounting rate of innovation in mation within the enterprise. It also includes production, and the structural changes caused basic computer instruction. Computer rooms, by rationalization, investment and other develeach containing ten microcomputers, have been opments, demands continuous further training. provided in about 700 vocational schools so far Notwithstanding the modern content of vofor the purpose of this basic training and also cational training, even young skilled workers for the computer training for specific trades. today have to be prepared 'to go back to school', a need reflected both in national regulations and in the comprehensive facilities organized in all combines and enterprises. Even w h e n such circumstances m a k e it necessary for a worker to change his kind of work and type of job,

102

Wolfgang Rudolph

security of employment is guaranteed. In every case, whatever is done has to have the agreement of the worker and the trade union, and all the costs of retraining are met by the enterprise. T h e acquisition of the necessary skills, in the context of the present scientific and technological revolution, is only possible through the co-ordination of training and further training (Rudolph, 1988&). T o s u m up, it m a y be said that in the G e r m a n Democratic Republic the transition from school to work is a very long-term, continuous and systematic process. Step by step each child and young person is guided by society towards his or her trade or profession. T h e socio-economic security and equality of opportunity experienced during the training do m u c h to form the trainee's attitude to society. T h e approach taken in thisfieldhas proved its worth over a long period of time. T h e whole policy of the German Democratic Republic is designed to ensure that this approach, by continually perfecting its content and improving its quality, continues to offer all young persons secure prospects for their future life (Weidemann, 1987, 1988). •

H E I N Z E , K . , et al. 1984. Der Unterrichtsprozess in der Berufsausbildung. Berlin, Volk und Wissen Volkseigener Verlag. L O R E N Z , P.; SCHNEIDER,

G . , et

al.

1985.

Socialistische

Berufsbildung-Facharbeiterberufe-Lehrplanwerk. Volk und Wissen Volkseigener Verlag.

N E U N E R , G . , et al. 1987. Allgemeinbildung und Lehrplaniverk. Berlin, Volk und Wissen Volkseigener Verlag. R U D O L P H , W . , 1987. Zielgerichtete Befähigung der Lehrlinge und Facharbeiter für die Informationsverarbeitungstechnik. Berufsbildung (Berlin), N o . 7/8, pp. 307-13.

. 1988a. Die Auswirkungen des wissenschaftlichtechnischen Fortschritts auf die berufliche Rehabilitation. Vocational Rehabilitation. Equality and Fu Participation (Proceedings of the Fourth European Regional Conference from Rehabilitation International). Berlin, Verlag Volk und Gesundheit, pp. 93-102. . 19886. Berufliche Qualifikation für Gegenwart und Zukunft. Einheit (Berlin), N o . 5, pp. 398-403. R U D O L P H , W . , et al. 1987. Berufspädagogik. Berlin, Volk und Wissen Volkseigener Verlag. U N E S C O . 1987. Major Trends in Technical and Vocational Education. Paris, Unesco. (Document E D - 8 7 / C O N F . 401 / R E F . 4.) W E I D E M A N N , B . 1987. The Contribution of Technical and Vocational Education for the Democratization of Education and Social Progress. Documents of the First International Congress on the Development and I m provement of Technical and Vocational Education, West Berlin, 22 June to 1 July 1987. Paris, Unesco.

. 1988. Durch die Berufsbildung einen noch wirksameren Beitrag zur Entwicklung des gesellschaftlichen Arbeitsvermögens und zur sozialistischen Persönlichkeitsentwicklung leisten [A More Effective ContriReferences bution to the Development of the Labour Force of the G E R I C K E , B . , et al. 1984. Zur Theorie und Praxis der Society and the Development of the Socialist PerBerufsberatung. Berlin, Volk und Wissen Volkseigener sonality]. Berufsbildung (Berlin), N o . 4, pp. 154-66. Verlag. GERMAN

D E M O C R A T I C REPUBLIC,

1985a. Systematik der

Facharbeiterberufe, 21 December Part I, N o . 4 , pp. 28 et seq.

1984. Gesetzblatt,

. 19856. Verordnung über die Facharbeiterberufe, 21 D e cember 1984. Gesetzblatt, Part I, N o . 4, pp. 25 et seq. . 1986. Verordnung über die Berufsberatung, 6 D e cember 1986. Gesetzblatt, Part I, N o . 38, pp. 497 et seq. G E U T H E R , Edgar, 1985. Training Apprentices in Industrial Training Workshops. Paris, Unesco. (Studies in Technical and Vocational Education, 23.) G U D E R , M . , 1986. Disponibilität—Eine zwingende K o n sequenz der Anforderrungen des wissenschaftlichtechnischen Fortschritts an die Bildung und Qualifikation der Facharbeiter. Dresden, Technische Universität. (Unpublished thesis.) GUDER,

M . J SCHNEIDER,

G . , 1984. Auswirkungen

der

Hauptrichtungen des wissenschaftlich-technischen Fortschritts auf die beruflichen Anforderungen und an die Weiterentwicklung des Inhalts der Facharbeiter-berufe. Berufsbildung (Berlin), N o . 7/8, pp. 318 et seq.

Berl

TRENDS AND CASES

Reverse educational discrimination in Malaysian education Seth Spaulding and Shuib Bin Hussain

During the past several decades, most newly independent countries have had to cope with problems of democratization of the education system. In some cases, this has meant simply expanding and extending educational facilities in an attempt to make education available to all. Elsewhere, there have been quota schemes, remedial programmes and other devices designed to assist children from groups perceived as disadvantaged to proceed in the education system. In some cases, the efforts have concentrated on regionalizing education so as to eliminate concentration of opportunity in the provinces or regions traditionally advantaged. In other cases, efforts have concentrated o n racial, tribal or ethnic groups which have traditionally not been represented in the schools and universities in the same numbers as others (Spaulding, 1988). A n unusually interesting case is that of Malaysia. Although politically in power since independence, the ethnic Malays and the natives

of Sabah and Sarawak (the 'Bumiputera', or 'princely sons of the soil') have not fared as well either economically or educationally as non-Malay minorities, especially ethnic Chinese and, to a lesser degree, ethnic Indians. Following the end of British colonial rule, the Malays, w h o formed a political majority, did not consider draconian measures such as those taken in some countries (for instance, in B u r m a and Uganda) either to expel those considered recent immigrants or to nationalize their properties in an effort to correct perceived imbalances in social or economic power. Indeed, the major political alliance is between parties representing ethnic Malays, Chinese and Indians. Although the three major groups within the alliance do not always agree, and there have beeen periods of high tension, they have consistently worked together in trying to resolve inequity issues.

T h e approach taken by the Malays has been one of attempting to equalize educational and economic opportunity over time by various kinds of reverse-discrimination approaches. Seth Spaulding (United States). Professor of Inter- This article deals primarily with the efforts to national and Development Education in the Department equalize educational opportunity over the years of Administrative and Policy Studies of the University and the apparent effects of the policies to date. It of Pittsburgh. Former Director of the International is timely to do so n o w since the N e w Economic Bureau of Education of Unesco in Geneva. Author of Policy, announced in 1970, was intended to numerous publications in international and comparative equalize economic and educational particieducation as well as in thefieldsof literacy, educationalpation by 1990. At that time, the policies reform and planning. favouring reverse discrimination are to be reassessed and possibly abolished or at least Shuib Bin Hussain (Malaysia). Educator, specialist modified. in linguistics and education for development. Prospects, Vol. XIX, N o . 1, 1989

io6

Seth Spaulding and Shuib Bin Hussain

cent Indians, and 0.6 per cent others (Government of Malaysia, 1986, p . 129). A large m a jority of the Bumiputera live in the rural areas and have been left out of the mainstream of development. T h e Malaysian Chinese have generally been on the highest rung of the socioeconomic ladder, and, historically, Chinese children have had a better education (De Tray, 1984). There has been, and still is, an economic imbalance between the Bumiputera and the nonBumiputera. N o n e the less, the Bumiputera T h e context have political power and are assured a certain status by Article 153 of the Constitution. Reverse discrimination suggests 'giving special A m o n g other provisions which allow certain or preferred treatment to persons w h o are priorities and quotas for the Bumiputera in the members of racial or religious, or ethnic groups economic sphere. Article 153 allows for reseror a sex against whose membership generally vation of spaces in educational institutions in unjust discrimination was or is being practised' the event that there are not enough spaces for (Gross, 1977). Disadvantaged groups are given all qualified applicants (Suffian et al., 1978). preferential treatment for three of several T h e special privileges accorded the B u m i reasons (Wang, 1983). First, the group m a y have putera are not entirely accepted by the other been discriminated against in the past, and so- ethnic groups. Politicians have often exploited ciety wishes to make restitution for this injustice. that resentment and events such as a major Second, the group m a y have special rights in racial riot on 13 M a y 1969 have encouraged the the society by virtue of certain historical events Malaysian government to undergo considerable or constitutional provisions. Third, in the change as it continued to try to redress what it interest of political integration of a pluralistic sees as inequities in the Malaysian social order. society, policy-makers m a y wish to alter the T h e government continues to give preferential lines of economic and educational inequality so treatment to the Bumiputera in school adthat they cut across rather than coincide with mission, hiring and promotion. racial or ethnic lines. In Malaysia, preferential treatment given to the Bumiputera is seen as based on certain constitutional group rights T h e colonial education legacy and also on the need to make a society less divided and therefore politically more stable. T h e education system during the colonial T h e Malaysian population includes the period was similar to the British school sysMalays, w h o are indigenous to peninsular tem, but adapted to local conditions. T h e basic Malaysia, Sabah and Sarawak, and the ethnic educational structure consisted of six years of Chinese and Indians w h o were brought in large primary schooling, three years of lower secnumbers by the British during thefirstfour dec- ondary, two years of upper secondary, and two ades of this century as entrepreneurs, workers years of pre-university classes. T h e system and government officials. T h e population of included schools teaching in four different Malaysia in 1985 was 15,791,000 and in Penin- languages, Malay, English, Chinese, and Tamil sular Malaysia alone (not including Sabah and (Indian). Malay, Chinese and Indian vernacuSarawak) the population was 12,968,000. T h e lar schools were usually attended by students latter includes 56.5 per cent Malays and other whose mother tongue was the same as the Bumiputera, 32.8 per cent Chinese, 10.1 per language of instruction. T h e Chinese system,

In order to understand the issues, w e shall explore briefly the historical, political and economic background which gave rise to preferential treatment policies for the Bumiputera. W e shall then examine the reverse discrimination as practised in the education system and its apparent results. W e shall then suggest possible modifications of current policies in order to take into account possible problems which have arisen.

Reverse educational discrimination in Malaysian education

which was largely sponsored by the community itself, served the cultural needs of the Chinese community, and the Tamil system existed primarily on the rubber estates and provided an elementary Indian-oriented schooling. E n g lish-language schools were mostly in the urban areas and generally had a racially mixed student population. Before independence in 1957, there were only English and Chinese secondary schools, and most of these were in the urban areas. T h e Chinese and the Indians had a better chance of being educated since the majority of the schools built by the British were in the urban areas. Advanced educational opportunities for Malays were essentially limited to upperclass children w h o could later be recruited into the British administration. For the c o m m o n people, particularly children of peasants, the opportunities were limited. G o o d schools generally were not built in the rural areas and those that existed were usually at the primary level. Rural education goals were basic literacy (reading, writing and simple calculations), essentially those basic skills deemed necessary in rural everyday life (Husin, 1982). It was stated that the goal of village Malay schooling was to make the son of the fisherman or peasant a more intelligent fisherman or peasant than his father had been (Gullick, 1969).

107

mobility because of other constraints in the society and the economy. While alternative channels of advancement in commerce and other ethnic institutions have existed for the Chinese and Indians, the Malays have relied almost totally upon government service and the professions for which English-language education has been the primary qualification. A drop-out study finding in the early 1970s showed that Malays express higher levels of motivation and will to succeed in education, as compared with other ethnic groups in Malaysia (Murad, 1973).

Preferential treatment policies in education

In trying to address the problems of inequalities in the educational opportunities of the rural people, the Malaysian government has for some years given preference to students from rural areas in the provision of scholarships and in admissions to residential schools. Provision of scholarships and subsidies to students from the lower-income groups, which favours the Malays more than the non-Malays, is based on the assumption that there is a relationship between income, enrolment and achievement. All else being equal, students from the upper income T h e objective of the colonial education sys- groups have a greater opportunity of access and tem was not to encourage social and economic success than those from the low-income groups. change so m u c h as to make the existing social It has been the practice of the Ministry of structure a little more efficient. For the most Education of Malaysia to give preferential treatpart, development in the colonial period was ment to students from the lower income groups focused on export commodities. T h e opening of in awarding scholarships, starting from the first rubber estates and tin mines was more economi- year of secondary school. cally beneficial to the colonial interests than S o m e 80 per cent of the total scholarships improving the conditions of agriculture in the are awarded to the Malays and the remainder rural areas (Husin, 1982). These economic to non-Malays. This allocations is in line interests, in turn, affected the goals of the with the provision of Article 153 of the Malayeducation system. T h e role of the urban sian Constitution and also in line with the English-language schools accordingly, was to provision of helping those w h o are economically provide clerks for the bureaucracy (Wang, deprived. However, it has been found that, 1964). within the Malay group, the poorest families There is a considerable support for the view have not benefited to the extent of the Malay that the Malays have been exceptionally depen- élite. This is especially true in higher education, dent on education as a means of upward social since there are more students from wealthier

io8


families w h o stay in the education system until the higher levels. A second strategy for improving the academic achievement of rural students has been the establishment of fully residential science schools and more hostel facilities in day schools. All these schools emphasize science-related subjects, presumably to increase the number of Malays w h o qualify for university entrance in these areas. These n e w educational opportunities were intended to help bring about the restructuring of society foreseen in the N e w Economic Policy announced in the early 1970s (Government of Malaysia, 1971). B y 1986, there were nineteen fully residential schools, including ten secondary science schools. It has become clear, however, that these schools have not admitted rural students in the n u m bers necessary to redress in any significant way the educational urban-rural imbalance. In 1983 the Ministry of Education revised its selection criteria for intake into the schools to cater for the needs of the rural students. It decreed that 70 per cent of the places available would go to bright rural students and 30 per cent to urban students. Since 1983, rural students w h o obtain only two or three As in the Standard Five Assessment Examination still stand a good chance of being chosen, whereas the urban students have to score five A s . T h e Ministry also takes into consideration the locality and the types of schools the students came from as well as the socio-economic status of the parents (Malaysia, 1986). Finally, the government is providing better facilities in rural schools. N e w schools with hostel facilities are being constructed, and sub-standard schools are being replaced or improved, and all are supplied with laboratory and workshop equipment (Government of Malaysia, 1979). Residential schools increasingly are fully equipped, usually have a small class size, fewer teaching hours for the teachers and more personal supervision of the students' work. Outof-class contact with teachers is more frequent, which is a further stimulus to the students. It has been shown that rural students in spite of their lower entry qualification, can do as

well as students from the urban areas. A 1982 study by the Educational Planning and Research Division of the Ministry of Education o n the relationship between socio-economic background and achievement included a sample of 1,624 students representing the fully and semiresidential schools. T h e study showed that 94.3 per cent in such schools obtained good grades on the Lower Certificate Examination (Form 3/Grade 9) in 1981 (Ministry of E d u cation, 1982). N o n e the less, on the whole, it has been found that Malays continue to perform less well than non-Malays in the national examinations. A study of the Malaysian Certificate of Examination (Form 5/Grade 11) results from 1974 to 1983 by the Educational Planning and Research Division of the Ministry of E d u cation showed that the non-Malays obtained better grades than the Malays (Ministry of Education, 1985). Several reasons have been suggested for the poorer results of the Malays. In general, it is the students from the rural schools w h o performed less well than students in the urban areas. In the urban areas the Malay students performed as well as the nonMalay students. T h e m e a n educational attainment for the Malays in urban areas is approximately the same as for the Chinese and the Indians. Hirschman (1972) similarly found that, in the underdeveloped states of Malaysia, the grade averages for the Malays were significantly lower than elsewhere. Educational facilities at that time (late 1960s) were m u c h more accessible to the essentially urban Chinese and Indians, according to Hirschman, while educational facilities for the essentially rural Malays, were m u c h less accessible. S o m e suggest that quota systems used to encourage more Malay participation m a y cause differences in achievement scores (Wang, 1977). In order to increase the number of Malays in the science-related stream, a lowered achievement criterion on qualifying examinations has been used for some time. In order to achieve a balanced ethnic distribution among the variousfieldsof studies at this level, the govern-

IO9


ment assigns the better students from each ethnic group to science and technical streams on the basis of predetermined ethnic quotas. Quotas are deemed necessary because of the assumed negative effects on Malay examination performance of factors such as an educationally poor family environment, rural schools illequipped to teach science, and the late development of Malay-language secondary education.

ments to the Malaysian Constitution in 1971, mentioned above, the Paramount Ruler was given the authority to direct any university or college or post-secondary educational institution to reserve for Malays and other indigenous groups a certain proportion of places in selected courses of study. In addition, Section 34 of the University of Malaya Constitution indicated that any students qualifying for and receiving a state scholarship or other financial support 'shall not be refused admission if they satisfy such requirements' (quoted Higher education quota policies in Selvaratnam, 1988). Although the situation is improving, the According to Watson (1980, p. 154), 'the most Malays have always been, and still are, understriking educational discrimination in favor of represented in higher education and in prothe Malays has taken place at tertiary level'. fessional jobs. A s can be seen from Table 1 of Preferential treatment has essentially consisted a total of 359first-yearstudents enrolled in of a quota system which enables the policy- the various faculties at the University of Malaya makers to define the proportion of different in 1960/61, only 77 were Malays. In the late groups to be represented at a given level or in a 1960s the Malaysian Government began to type of schooling. In Malaysia, through a m e n d - make a special effort to increase the number of

T A B L E I. Ethnic composition offirst-yearclass by faculty, University of Malaya

Academic year Faculty

Ethnic composition

1960/61

Malays Non-Malays

18

Malays Non-Malays

Engineering

1965/66

1969/70

21 26

25 70

66 140

294

722

359

505

Malays Non-Malays

3 63

3 98

5 109

Science

Malays Non-Malays

7 61

13 169

79 228

Pre-medical

Malays Non-Malays

11

26

—

31

14

4 31

24

—

197 308

Agriculture

Arts

Medicine

Economics and administration Source: Vasil, 1985, p . 207.

1

Malays Non-Malays

—

Malays Non-Malays

—

14

no


Malay students. However, the significant increase that took place in that decade was reflected largely in admissions of Malays to the arts faculty in 1969/70 (Vasil, 1985). T h e small number of Malays at the tertiary level in the 1960s reflects the lack of opportunities available to the Malays at the time. T h e government embarked, in the 1970s, on a programme to increase the number of Malays in institutions of higher learning. Between 1970 and 1980, the total increase of Bumiputera (Malay and other indigenous peoples) intake into the universities was significant. In 1970, Bumiputera m a d e u p 35.6 per cent of the 7,677 students in degree courses; by 1980 this had increased to an estimated 66.7 per cent of the 20,764 students. Preferential recruitment had resulted in a decrease in the absolute number of Chinese recruited, but generally the increase in Bumiputera enrolment in the universities was achieved through rapid expansion of total intake rather than through displacement of other ethnic groups. This preferential recruitment was also intended to offset the existing number of non-Malay students overseas. In 1980, of an estimated 29,731 students in higher-education institutions abroad, 75 per cent were non-Malays and 88 per cent of the 10,060 students in local private institutions were non-Malays (Government of Malaysia, 1981). A study carried out by M e h m e t and Hoong (1983) of students infiveuniversities in Malaysia in 1982/83 found that almost four out of five government scholarships were awarded to Malay graduates. T h e Chinese share was only 14.4 per cent, while the Indian share was 4.3 per cent. T h e value of the scholarships for the Malays was also somewhat higher than the nonMalays. T h e policy has also resulted in increased enrolment of Malays in medicine, science and engineering courses, subjects previously dominated by non-Malays. However, the number is still small, as compared with the non-Malays. In the University of Malaya, during the 1976/77 session there were 21.9 percent Malays, 67.9 per cent Chinese and 10.2 per cent Indians in the science faculty; 13.4 per cent Malays, 81.3 per cent Chinese and 5.3 per cent Indians in the

engineering faculty; and 3.36 per cent Malays, 56.1 percent Chinese and 10.3 per cent Indians in the medicine faculty (Government of Malaysia, 1981). Table 2 compares enrolmentfiguresin 1980 and 1985 at various levels of education. At the post-secondary certificate (non-degree) levels, during this period there was a significant increase in science and technology enrolment on the part of the Bumiputera, apparently at the expense of the ethnic Indians and Chinese. O n the other hand, at the degree level, there was a significant gain, percentagewise, of the ethnic Indians and Chinese in scientific and technological enrolment, apparently at the expanse of the Bumiputera. Table 3 shows the dramatic growth between 1980 and 1985 in enrolment in Malaysia's institutions of higher education and in study abroad. Except for the predominantly Chinese T u n k u Abdul R a h m a n College, the Bumiputera dramatically increased their enrolment in higher education institutions, but so did the Chinese and Indian communities. Especially notable is the fact that the Chinese continue to send twice as m a n y students abroad as the Bumiputera do. T h u s , one wonders whether, in the long run, the Chinese are not maintaining their position at the élite end of the educational scale, simply by sending more young people abroad for prestige degrees than the Bumiputera can send. Social science and arts courses are very m u c h preferred by the Malays of the degree level of higher education (Table 2), probably because they are seen as less demanding than the sciencerelated subjects; also qualified Malays in these fields m a y feel that they have better chances of being employed in the public service. T h e nonMalays are well aware of the greater opportunities for them in the growing private sector and are eagerly competing for places in science, technicalfieldsas self-employed professionals, business executives and industry-related personnel, including engineers and technicians (Tai, 1982). T h e Malays, in turn, increasingly are choosing scientific and technological postsecondary courses at below degree level (Table 2).

II


T A B L E 2. Educational participation by ethnic group (Malaysian institutions), 1980 and 1985

Percentage Bumip utera

Enrolments

Percentage Chinese

1980

1985

7.6

1-7

1-7

5-7

1.2

1.8

6.0

0.7

6.8

0.8

0.7 0.8

4-9

0.7

0.7

1-9 2.3

0.3 0.1

0.4

5-8

1.0

7-5

0.7

0.9 1.0

6.0

4-9

1.2

0.7

3-7 0

3.2

0.4

0.5

21.6

5-2

0

15

35.6

23.8

3.8

6.1

0.3

1.4

63.0

31.2

29.7

5-7

6.5

I.I

0.8

57-4

36.4

30.1

4-4

11.4

0.5

2.7

51-9

29.8

32.6

1-9

12.8

0.5

2.7

Level

1980

198s

1980

198s

1980

198s

1980

Primary

2 008 587

2 191 676

58.4

61.0

32.2

29.7

7-7

809406

914 434

60.3

65.2

30.0

27-3

8.5

Total

246971

329 950

66.3

68.1

27.0

25.2

6.0

Arts

146 529

215 067

69.3

71.0

23.1

21.4

6.8

Science

82397

94548

57.0

56.7

5 438 12607

6694

82.5

37-7 12.3

0.2

13 641

84.8

85.4 89.0

37-3 17.0

5.0

Technical

Total

27 071

43849

61.4

56.9

32.9

36.4

Arts

15 143 II 874

27 745 16 104

76.4

71-7

19.8

4-7 3.8

42.2

75-2

19.1 50.6

19.2

2603

6878

61.1

65.8

34.8

30.5

53

983

71-7

0

2550

5895

60.3

68.7

Total

21944

37838

62.0

Arts

11 512

20357

58.3

10432

17 481

57-8

Lower secondary

Percentage others

Percentage Indian 1985

Upper secondary

Vocational

II.I

8.5

4.0

0.2

Post-secondary

Science Certificate Total Arts

IOO

Science and technology Degree

Science and technology

Source: Government of Malaysia, 1986 p- 493.

A study done by Bee-Lan Chan W a n g (quoted in W a n g , 1977) in 1972, on the comparison of inter-ethnic educational selection, among F o r m 5 students in Penang, Malaysia, showed that Malay university students preferred artsrelated subjects to science. She concluded that the preferential recruitment of Malays into all levels of government and quasi-government services means that the Malay arts graduates have an easier timefindingjobs than their nonMalay counterparts. Currentfiguresindicate that the situation has improved since 1972 in terms of Bumiputera enrolment in science and technology courses, but the 1980-85 comparison (Table 2) seems to show a slight lessening of interest by the Malays in these fields at the degree level. Chinese and Indians (the latter dramatically), in turn, have increased their enrolment in science and technology degree courses, at the expense of the Bumiputera.

During the Fourth Malaysia Plan, enrolment in tertiary education increased from about 36,600 in 1980 to 69,700 in 1985. In addition, about 5,280 students were pursuing preparatory courses to assist them to gain entry into diplomaand degree-level courses in institutions of higher education in Malaysia and overseas (Government of Malaysia, 1986). Despite dramatic higher education expansion in recent years, there is still a shortage of places in the local universities, and ever-increasing numbers of Malaysian students of various ethnic groups are studying overseas. In 1985, there were about 60,000 students overseas, of which 49,200 were registered with the Malaysian Students Departments attached to Malaysian embassies. O f the total, 10,300 were in Australia, 2,700 in Canada, 1,100 in N e w Zealand, 13,500 in the United States, and 3,400 in the United Kingdom. It is estimated that 20,000 were pur-

112


T A B L E 3. Enrolment in degree-level higher-education institutions by ethnic group, 1980 and 1985

Chinese

Bumiputera Institutions

19S0

1980

198s

Others

Indian 1980

198s

1985

1980

Total

1985

1980

1985

T u n k u Abdul R a h m a n College

2099

59

42

0

2

1752

2 146

0

0

0

0

0

0

725

1 560

5041

3 124

3 374

667

84t

181

126

8045

9 382

I 612

3996

1073

2509

195

659

17

45

2897

7207

4896

6454

628

1 914

189

468

13

64

5726

8 900

I 431

3652

221

603

88

253

12

17

1752

4 525

877

2 284

"5

567

44

154

11

26

1047

3031

0

363

0

14

0

14

0

0

0

391

0

488

0

161

0

44

0

3

0

696

6034

"533

13 406

2 676

3 108

107

136

19 510

22 684

341

419

41454

60 522

0.8

0.7

6

3

725

i 560

4063

1687

M A R A Institute of Technology University of Malaya University of Science National University of Malaysia Agricultural University University of Technology International Islamic University Northern University of Malaysia Institutions overseas TOTAL Percentage of total

5 194 18 804 45-4

29875

18 381

24647

44-3

40.7

49-4

3 929 9-5

5581 9.2

Source: Government of Malaysia,[986, pp. 490--1.

suing courses atfirst-degreelevel. Efforts are gradually being m a d e to reduce the number of students overseas by expanding facilities for higher education in local institutions and in order to shorten overseas stay, pre-university courses, including foreign languages, are offered locally for government-sponsored students intending to study abroad (Government of Malaysia, 1986). T h e participation of Bumiputera in degreelevel courses in local public higher education institutions during the period 1980-85 increased from 62 per cent in 1980 to 63 per cent in 1985, as shown in Table 2. T h e participation rate of non-Bumiputera decreased from 38 to 37 per cent. In absolute terms Bumiputera enrolment increased from 13,000 to 23,000, and non-Bumiputera from 8,300 to 14,000 (Government of Malaysia, 1986).

W h a t has been the effect? T h e N e w Economic Policy ( N E P ) and the government's policies of preferential treatment, both in education and in the economic sector, have been criticized as being discriminatory, favouring one ethnic group over the other. T h e N E P is seen by some to have failed in its goal of eradicating poverty and restructuring society along more equitable lines. A strong critic of the government's policy of giving special treatment to the Bumiputera has been the Democratic Action Party leader L i m Kit Siang. According to Siang, the government has violated the cardinal pledge that the N E P would be implemented in such a way as to ensure that no particular group would experience any loss or feel any sense of deprivation in the process (Lim, 1986). H e has suggested


that an entire generation of young n o n Burniputera Malaysians are growing up feeling deprived of educational, economic, political, cultural and citizenship rights. At the same time, there is the growing fear among Malay political leaders that the Malays are becoming complacent because of the politicization of education selection and job recruitment. T h e Malays and the indigenous groups m a y continue to regard educational and economic progress as something to be obtained by legislative action favouring their ethnic group. This could lead to dependence and a subsidyoriented society (Anon,, 1987). In addition, although it is clear that the N e w Economic Policy has reduced to some extent inter-ethnic differences, intra-ethnic differences have widened. T h e Bumiputera have benefited from the preferential policies, and there have been created not a few Malay 'instant millionaires'. But the problem of poverty among the Malays and non-Malays is far from solved (Lim, 1986). A s of the mid-1980s, the Bumiputera still o w n only 18 per cent of the total commercial and industrial assets of the economy (Anon., 1987), and this ownership is undoubtedly concentrated within the Malay élite. There is no doubt that in trying to correct one type of inequality, new types of inequalities have been created. A m o n g the poorer Chinese and Indian communities, there m a y be, in fact, somewhat reduced opportunities as compared with the past. These groups have been unable to compete on an even footing with those from the high-status Bumiputera and wealthier Chinese and Indian families (Mukherjee and Sarjit, 1985). A study of graduates from Malaysian universities in 1983 by Ozay M e y m e t and Yip Yat Hoong (cited in Selvaratnam, 1988, p. 192) shows that the poor Bumiputera as well as the poor Chinese and Indians had a far lesser chance of obtaining a scholarship or a degree than the wealthier of each group. Certainly, the evidence is clear that the system of Bumiputera preferences has eroded the 'identification of vocation with ethnicity' in that there are more Bumiputera in all pro-

II3

fessions than there were in the 1970s (Salvaratn a m , 1988, p. 196). There is, however, increasing unemployment and underemployment and little clear evidence that inter- and intraethnic inequalities have been dramatically reduced. This increase has not been without ethnic conflict. T h e use of quotas is generally resented in the non-Malay community. T h e non-Malays see it as a deprivation of their educational rights w h e n less qualified candidates are being admitted. S o m e qualified Malays also resent the preferential treatment because most non-Malays often assume that a Malay is normally being admitted to a selective educational institution or recruited for a job through exercise of these privileges rather than through open competition. W h e n quotas are being used in higher education, this usually involves lowering of the achievement levels needed by the targeted groups for admission (Wang, 1983). There are, however, two kinds of m i n i m u m admission criteria that can be used: (a) a m i n i m u m defined by the availability of spaces and the cut-off of examination scores appropriate tofillthose spaces, and (b) a m i n i m u m defined in terms of academic competences needed for any given course of study. Students admitted under a quota system might score below the cut-off point in a straight competitive entrance examination for a course of limited spaces, but still have more than the m i n i m u m competences to pursue that course successfully. A crucial question concerns the effect of the preferential treatment policies on national unity. T h e promotion of national integration and unity has been one of the objectives of the education system in Malaysia and it is the main tenet of the 'Rukunegara' (national ideology), which suggests that Malaysia is 'dedicated to achieving a greater unity of all her people' (Government of Malaysia, 1981). But the preferential treatment towards the Malays has caused resentment among non-Malays. T h e restructuring policies of the government have also alienated the poor and middle-class non-Malays w h o have benefited least from these policies (Tai, 1982). T h e emphasis on income equalization

114


alone will not automatically achieve national unity, even if successful in achieving its economic goals. T h e question of national unity is more complex, involving not only economic considerations but also social, political and cultural considerations (Lim, 1971). At the same time, economic questions exacerbate divisions within Malaysian society. With the present limited resources and unemployment due to recession, m a n y non-Malays are pessimistic about their future. Educated non-Malays w h o have difficulty in finding employment, and w h o have limited opportunities for higher education, m a y have the perception of being underprivileged (Mukherjee and Sarjit, 1985). T h e growing fear among all Malaysians is that racial tensions m a y build u p because the once advantaged groups n o w see themselves as deprived. Racial polarization is a c o m m o n phenomenon in local universities. This has caused enough governmental concern that the Deputy Prime Minister, participated in a three-day seminar organized in October 1987 for the vicechancellors of local universities to discuss racial polarization among undergraduates. R e ports of the meeting indicated that the vice chancellors felt that racial polarization is subsiding on campuses, but that polarization within political parties should be of concern to the government (Moses, 1987). T h e dilemma faced by all Malaysians is whether or not these preferential-treatment policies should continue and, if so, in what form and for h o w long? Will they be continued after 1990, the targeted date for the Malays to achieve the goal of the N e w Economic Policy? T h e fear among non-Malays is that the preferential treatment will continue but it m a y take a different form. T h e Deputy Prime Minister has said that c w e will review the policy in 1990 so that w e maintain racial unity' (Moses, 1987, p. 1). T o what degree should the present generation of non-Malays be expected to continue to be the targets of compensatory discrimination because of the sacrifices of the Malays in the past? T o what degree should reverse-discrimination policies be targeted at

the poor, whatever their ethnic background, rather than at specific ethnic groups? Policy recommendations T h e N e w Economic Policy has been in effect for about a generation. Notwithstanding a number of problems which are unresolved, as noted above, there is clearly m u c h more Bumiputera participation in all aspects of the economy and at all levels of the education system. T h e full effect of the changes will not be known for another generation or two, or more. However, it is clear that the simple provision of economic and educational preferences to the Bumiputera has not resolved intra-ethnic differences, nor has it encouraged the priority goal of national unity. If anything, the policies continue to be divisive, not only between ethnic groups, but between economic levels within each ethnic group. W e suggest, therefore, that any preferential policies in the future be geared more towards the poor and disadvantaged of all ethnic groups, and that educational policies emphasize not only the provision of scholarships and other special provisions for such disadvantaged, but also emphasize educational improvement, especially in rural and poor urban areas where the economically disadvantaged are most often located. Within the spirit of this global policy, w e suggest the following. First, there should be continued emphasis on improving the quality of rural primary and secondary schools and such schools in lowincome urban areas. Attention should continue to be given to providing these schools with scientific and technical equipment, and there should be special programmes for preparing teachers for service in these schools. Second, the effect of improving rural schools and those in poor urban areas will be not be maximized if the economic status of rural and urban poor families are not, at the same time, improved. Most Malays in the rural areas live below the poverty line, as do a number of urban families, and it is recommended that


rural and urban development plans be intensified to take into account these segments of the population. Third, the practice of providing free textbooks, food-subsidy programmes and scholarships to poor children should continue. A s suming that economic conditions in rural areas gradually improve, and assuming the strengthening of the schools, the conditions should be right for a higher staying-on rate for children in school and for greater success rate in c o m peting with children from wealthier segments of the community. Fourth, ethnic quotas at all educational levels probably should be eliminated as soon as possible. Only in cases where Bumiputera are dramatically under-represented should any kind of quota system be continued, and then only for a fixed period, not indefinitely. T h e award of scholarships and other preferences at all levels, including higher education, ultimately should be based on a combination of merit and socioeconomic factors, exclusive of ethnicity. Fifth, in order to encourage more Bumiputera to enter professional, scientific and technical fields, it is suggested that the government consider reducing the number of places and scholarships for courses in humanities and social sciences and increase the places and scholarships in scientific and technical fields. Also, if more government posts included scientific and technical qualifications, this would encourage the Bumiputera to take degree courses in these areas. Sixth, estimates vary, but it is clear that there are about as m a n y Malaysian students studying in universities abroad as there are in higher-education institutions in Malaysia. It would seem sensible to construct more highereducation facilities in Malaysia and to encourage young people to attend facilities at h o m e , thus saving considerable foreign exchange. With expanded facilities at h o m e , there would be less need for giving Bumiputera preferential treatment, further fostering the goal of national unity. Finally, in order to encourage the goal of national unity further, the present school

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curriculum and text materials should be revised with an eye towards achieving a fair and balanced representation of the history and accomplishments of each ethnic group. In addition, extracurricular activities should be arranged to encourage inter-ethnic participation. Programmes of value formation might also be considered as a part of the curriculum. Reverse discrimination is usually considered necessary w h e n one competitor 'is in shackles and the other unencumbered' (Silverman, 1975, p. 118). It is not just the Bumiputera w h o are in shackles in Malaysia; there are disadvantaged in all ethnic groups. T h e constitutional provisions giving special privilege to the Bumiputera should be used sparingly in the future, especially the goal of national unity is to be achieved. Preferential treatment for the Bumiputera to date, it can be argued, has been necessary in a period of transition. Development policies, however, must n o w be concerned with income distribution in general and with appropriate participation of all ethnic groups in developmental efforts. T h e conditions which m a d e artificial intervention necessary in the past still, to a large degree, exist, and attention should be directed to removing the causes so that such intervention will be needed less in the future. T h e lively political discussion of the issues to date suggests that intelligent compromises will evolve, and that the goal of national unity, in the long run, will, indeed, be achieved. •

References A N O N . 1987. Bumiputera Struggle Not Over, Says Ghafar, New Straits Times, 19 October, p. 5. D E T R A Y , D . 1984. Schooling in Malaysia, Historical Trends and Recent Enrollments. Leucadia, Calif., Rand. G O V E R N M E N T O F M A L A Y S I A . 1971. Second Malaysia Plan, 1970-1975. Kuala Lumpur, Government Printers. . 1979. Mid-term Review of the Third Malaysia Plan, 1976-1980. Kuala Lumpur, Government Printers. . 1981. Fourth Malaysia Plan, 1981-1986. Kuala Lumpur, Government Printers. . 1986. Fifth Malaysia Plan, 1986-1990. Kuala L u m pur, National Printing Department.

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G R O S S , B . R . 1977. Reverse Discrimination. Buffalo, N . Y . , . 1983. Positive Discrimination in Education: A Prometheus Books. Comparative Investigation of its Bases, Forms, and Outcomes. Comparative Education Review, Vol. 27, G U I X I C K , J. M . 1969. Malaysia, rev. ed. N e w York, Praeger. N o . 2, pp. 191-203. W A N G , G . 1964. Malaysia, A Survey. N e w York, Praeger. H I R S C H M A N , C . 1972. Educational Pattern in Colonial Malaya. Comparative Education Review, Vol. 16, pp. 486-W A T S O N , J. K . P. 1980. Education and Cultural Pluralism 502. in South East Asia, With Special Reference to Peninsular H U S I N , S. A . 1982. The Malays, Their Problems and Malaysia. Comparative Education, Vol. 16, N o . 2, Future. Kuala Lumpur, Heinemann Asia. pp. 139-58. LlM, K . S. 1986. Malaysia Crisis of Identity. Kuala L u m pur, D A P Publications. M A L A Y S I A . 1986. Information Malaysia Yearbook, 1986. Kuala Lumpur, Berita Publishing House. MEHMET,

O.J H O O N G ,

Y . T . 1983.

Technical Scientific

and High-level Manpower Development in the Malaysian University System: The Role of Public Scholarship Policy. Paper presented at the International Symposium, Technology, Culture and Development. University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. MINISTRY OFEDUCATION.

1982.

Pengaruh latarbelakang

socio-ekonomi terhadap pencapaian pelajar asrama penuh dan harían. [Influence of Socio-economic Background on Students' Performance in Fully and Semi-residential Schools.] Kuala Lumpur, Educational Planning and Research Division, Ministry of Education. . 1985. Kajian menilai kebersanan pelaksanaan DEB dalam program pelajaran. Laporan dalam bentuk grafik. [An Evaluation of the Effectiveness of the N e w Economic Policy in Education. A Graphic Presentation.] Kuala Lumpur, Educational Planning and Research Division, Ministry of Education. M O S E S , B . 1987. Ghafar and Anwar to Meet V - C s . Tackling Race Problem in Varsities. The New Straits Times, 26 September, p. 1. M U K H E R J E E , H . ; SARJIT, J. S. 1985. Education and Social

Policy: The Malaysian Case. Prospects, Vol. X V , N o . 2, pp. 289-300. M U R A D , M . N . 1973. Dropout Report. Kuala Lumpur, Government Printers. S E L V A R A T N A M , V . 1988. Ethnicity, Inequality, and Higher Education in Malaysia, Comparative Education Review, Vol. 32, N o . 2, pp. 173-96. S I L V E R M A N , B . I. 1975. Reverse Discrimination. Peabody Journal of Education, Vol. 52, pp. 117-21. S P A U L D I N G , S. 1988. Prescriptions for Educational Reform: Dilemmas of the Real World, Comparative Education, Vol. 24, N o . 1, pp. 3-17. SUFFIAN,

M . ; L E E , H . P.; T R I N D A D E ,

F. A . 1978.

The

Constitution of Malaysia. Its Development, 19S7-1977. Kuala Lumpur, Oxford University Press. T A I , Y . L . 1982. Inter-ethnic Restructuring in Malaysia, 1970-1980; The Employment Perspective. South East Asian Journal of Social Science, Vol. 1, N o . 2, pp. 33-47. VASIL, R . K . 1985. Politics in Bi-racial Societies: The Third World Experience. N e w Delhi, Vikas Publishing House. W A N G , B . L . C . 1977. Government Intervention in Ethnic Stratification: Effects on the Distribution of Students among Fields of Study. Comparative Education Review, Vol. 21, N o . 1, pp. 111-23.

PROFILES O F E D U C A T O R S

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I

ANDRÉS BELLO

(1781-1865)

Andrés Bello, an exemplary figure in the history of Latin American culture, was one of Latin America's most outstanding educators in the nineteenth century and is generally acknowledged to be its greatest humanist. His robust personality and austere, scholarly way of life m a d e h i m the embodiment of the maestro, a Spanish term signifying a person of outstanding merit w h o is recognized as a supreme example worthy of the highest honours. Andrés Bello epitomized all these qualities: his wide-ranging activities, whose effects have been long-lasting, show his concern both for primary education and particularly higher education, in addition to his work as a grammarian, jurist, philosopher and politician. H e was born in Venezuela, but the course of events in Latin America in the early decades of the last century caused him to stay for nearly twenty years in L o n d o n , from whence he went to Chile. His extensive work and lasting influence have given him international stature and the rare distinction of being claimed today as a leader by all Spanish-speakers. So great is his authority that even international educational and cultural agreements bear his n a m e . 1

HIS LIFE IN VENEZUELA Andrés Bello was b o m in Caracas on 29 N o v ember 1781. His childhood and youth were spent in relatively comfortable and cultivated surroundings in which, from an early age, he took pleasure in reading. His studies brought him into contact first with French and later English. His formal education was marked by the award on 9 M a y 1800 of the degree of Bachelor of Arts. But other information relating to that time is perhaps even more important. A few months earlier he m a d e the acquaintance of a foreigner whose presence in the city had an enormous impact and m a d e an indelible impression on the still young and timid student w h o approached him. This was Alexander von Humboldt, already renowned for his outstanding work as a naturalist, and above all for the vast range of his scientific inquiries. T o eke out his slender income Bello began tutoring in his o w n h o m e for a group of adolescents which included Simón Bolívar, w h o was destined to scale the heights of history. Decades later the scene was to be repeated in Santiago de Chile, w h e n he i m parted his knowledge from a desk laden with books on every imaginable subject to other equally inquiring young people, a small band of w h o m were to take their place in history. F r o m the testimony of his

Prospects, Vol. X I X , 1.1,1989

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students over the years w e k n o w of his extraordinary educational and h u m a n gifts. Shortly afterwards he improved hisfinancialsituation by joining the staff of the colonial administration, where even as a n e w recruit his hard work, initiative and knowledge of languages m a d e h i m invaluable for translating the at times alarming news arriving from Europe. Events in the Old World were beginning to impinge on the N e w , and the most i m portant information was not always conveyed in Spanish, which seems to have been the only official language. During this period his intellectual interests were coming to the fore, and he began writing for the Caracas Gazeta, thefirstnewspaper of his native city. Vigorous articles were even at that early stage associating the n a m e of Bello with the first production ventures of the local press. H e was the author of the booklet entitled Calendario manual y guía universal de forastero en Venezuela para el año de 1810 and also of the Resumen de historia de Venezuela, in which Mariano Picón Salas discerns traces of the ideas of H u m b o l d t . Bello'sfirstpoetic outpourings also date from that time. E . Rodriguez Monegal notes in the poetry of the Caracas period 'the mastery and ease with which the young poet handles the neoclassical style; his application of the humanistic vision of the eighteenth century to the American world, a vision already partaking of a continental view; and in certain passages, unmistakable signs of the direct contemplation of nature, expressed in neoclassical style but with genuine American feeling'. W e have here the burgeoning work of the m a n of letters w h o throughout his life was to contribute so m u c h to the intellectual emancipation of Latin America—an aspect whose paramount importance cannot be overemphasized. His duties, experience, background and, as w e have said, knowledge of languages ideally suited h i m to take part in the mission that the conservative junta was sending to L o n d o n for negotiations, the delegates being S i m ó n Bolivar and Luis López M é n d e z . A long-standing friendship, despite occasional setbacks, was to link h i m to his pupil Bolivar. In a letter from Quito dated 27 April 1829, Bolivar wrote to José Fernandez Madrid, then in L o n d o n , expressing his serious concern at the wretchedfinancialsituation of the legation, which is forcing m y worthy friend Bello to leave it to avoid starving. . . . Try to persuade Bello that what is least evil in America is Colombia, and that if he wants to be e m ployed in this country, let him say so and he will be given a good position. His native region should come before everything; and he is worthy of occupying a very important post in it. I know the superior nature of this contemporary of mine from Caracas. H e was m y teacher, though w e were the same age, and I loved and respected him. While his aloofness has kept us apart to some extent, I wish to be reconciled with him and to win him over for Colombia.

T h e message was sent too late, however, for Bello had already left L o n d o n for Chile. A m o n g all the influencing factors of the time, I have sought to focus here only o n his relationships with H u m b o l d t and Bolivar, owing to the significant influence that both were to exert o n his life. T o complete this biographical sketch I refer in advance to considerations which will be examined later in greater detail, by alluding to two traits of Bello's personality that are not always fully understood. T h e first is his h u m a n i s m which, contrary to general belief, has nothing to d o with the 'arid scholarship' of the seventeenth century, caught u p in Latin of all types and periods and encumbered by imperfectly mastered Greek. T h e second trait is the conservatism for which he has also been criticized. T o clarify the question of h u m a n i s m w e need go no further than the simple and striking description by Angel Rosenblat: Andrés Bello was without doubt thefirsthumanist of our America, a kind of Hispano-American Goethe, at a time when humanism was still the father of science and the humanist was not only philosopher but also historian and poet, jurist and grammarian, and sought to encompass both spiritual life and the mysteries of nature. T o this w e m a y add that Bello was a humanist in history, not outside it. T h e conservative yet modernizing thought of Bello—poles apart from any idea of traditionalism or opposition to progress—indisputably owes m u c h to his impressions of life in England as compared with events in continental Europe. During his long stay in England he witnessed a gigantic effort of institutional readjustment to the profound economic and social changes brought about b y the agricultural and industrial revolution, which in turn emphasized the importance of science and technology in building the future. Furthermore, he was necessarily m u c h concerned at the role played by Great Britain in the n e w precarious balance of international relations, which had its effect on the course of events in the N e w World. Constantly concerned with the destiny of Latin America, torn apart and impoverished by prolonged civil wars that were beginning to threaten its very survival, h e must have seen the unique English experiment as providing a possible formula for n e w states to channel teeming energies and harness them to their o w n interests. It was therefore his view that the aim should not be to overthrow an order which was threatened but rather to restore it as soon as possible, making use of education, legislation and trade as the best instruments for that purpose. His ideas were of course not always shared by m a n y of his contemporaries, w h o opposed h i m fiercely yet respectfully. W h a t was at issue were different philosophies of history and life. T h e subsequent

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course of events m a d e it self-evident, however, that his contribution can be deemed to have been of exceptional value. In any case, w e do not believe that these were the decisive factors in making him famous; his fame stems deservedly from his natural genius, and is founded upon his vast and enduring written work and his personal prestige and influence.

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(for example, the Argentine Government sent h i m £150 on one occasion with a promise to repeat the payment annually, which subsequent events prevented it from keeping. H e eked out his scant income with private lessons or editing work (he once revised a Spanish version of the Bible), but the s u m of his resources barely provided h i m with the decencies of life. In any case, he lived with intensity a very special HIS LIFE IN E N G L A N D time in the transformation of the Old World, and W h e n he landed at Portsmouth on 11 July 1810, above all of Great Britain. In the brief space available Andres Bello, w h o came, as w e have just seen, as an it is only possible to list summarily a n u m b e r of attaché with the mission headed by Simón Bolívar factors, protagonists and events of varying importand Luis López M é n d e z , could never have imagined ance which coincided with Bello's stay in London. that circumstances would force h i m to remain in These included news of thefluctuatingfortunes of Great Britain for nearly two decades, a period marked the emancipation movement in Latin America, by discouragement and financial hardship but also declarations of independence, restorations, the filled with stimuli for the maturing of his talent. Battle of Ayacucho, the Congress of Panama and the Vicente Llorens Castillo, in Liberales y románticos. recognition of some countries by the United States. Una emigración española en Inglaterra, provides a In Europe there were the Congress of Vienna, well-documented account of the life of the liberal romanticism, and more particularly in Great Britain, émigrés from the Iberian peninsula at that time, w h o whose population had then topped the 20-million were condemned to long years of 'poverty and mark, there was the production of 8 million tons of obscurity, hopes and disappointments'. This was coal and a merchant fleet of some 2.5 million tons also certainly true of the m a n y Latin Americans w h o , which already included steamships. T h e metallurgical like Bello, faced a similar situation, their ties with and textile industries were expanding at an u n their native land severed by fate, without resources precedented rate; and the industrialization process and submerged by an uncertain future that was to be necessarily began to extend to the press. Within a few m a d e even more threatening by the constitution of years there was a spate of daily newspapers and restoration movements. However, from the intellec- reviews with increased print runs and lower prices, tual point of view—setting aside the suspicions such as The Times, the Manchester Guardian, the which undermined any community feeling a m o n g all Sunday Times, the Evening Standard and the Westthose uprooted persons—the climate proved stimu- minster Review. L o n d o n became thefirstcity of over lating and fertile for those w h o were willing, and a million inhabitants, and from 1812 onwards sufficiently humble, to undergo a difficult political astonished Londoners and foreigners alike, saw its and cultural learning process in another environment streets become safer thoroughfares as a result of the and another language. T h e number of gifted and marvel of marvels represented by gas lighting. important people in that situation was becoming Authors, ideas and books were discussed; Humboldt, considerable, and Bello was to establish lasting ties the young genius w h o m Bello had k n o w n in Caracas, with m a n y of them, as is borne out by numerous Goethe, Byron, Shelley, Malthus and Ricardo were direct or indirect testimonies that have come d o w n news; the issues of authority, democracy and liberto us. H e came to k n o w Francisco de Miranda, José alism were debated; news from the Continent de San Martin, José María Blanco White, Bartolomé suggested that the principle of nationality was José Gallardo, Antonio José de Irisarri, Fray prevailing over that of legitimacy. Servando Teresa de Mier, José Joaquín de O l m e d o , Despite the difficulties involved, and without disVicente Rocafuerte and a great m a n y others the mere regarding the events great and small taking place mention of whose names is highly evocative. around him, Bello set to work single-handed or with In the publication Cartas a Bello en Londres. a few assistants on lofty cultural undertakings which 1810-1829, by Sergio Fernández Larraín, there are have left a lasting mark. With Juan Garcia del some interesting and at times moving testimonies Rio he produced the Biblioteca Americana (1823), which constituted, in the words of Rafael Caldera in from that period. W e also k n o w of Bello's relations with James Mill, w h o at one point was able to help the Foreword to the facsimile reprint used by the preBellofinanciallyby entrusting him with the difficult sent author, 'thefirstand most ambitious "eminently task of deciphering the manuscripts of Bentham. T h e American" cultural work ever embarked upon from homesick Bello was certainly not able to subsist on Europe'. Brought out by a small group of people eduthe meagre and very irregular payments he received cated in the N e w World, it was intended for all the as secretary to some Latin American diplomatic sister peoples of America, with the aim of contributing missions or as a subsidy from particular countries to 'dissemination of the true and sound benefits arising

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from enlightenment and rational freedom'. A quick perusal suffices to establish the broad spectrum of the concerns of its valiant editors: literature, the arts, science, techniques, historical material, and so forth, and the words w e have cited are an adequate reflection of the spirit underlying an enterprise that was little short of heroic. T h efirstinstalment was headed by the 'Alocución a la poesía' (Address to Poetry), by Bello himself, which features today in all anthologies. A variety of other articles included CE1 repertoro americano' (The American Directory) of 1826/27. O n e notes with admiration that, despite the struggle to earn his living, Bello was always willing to give m u c h of his time to activities directly or indirectly connected with the intellectual emancipation of the N e w World. Against this background, and this is perhaps one of his outstanding traits, he lived with intensity in an atmosphere of ferment in which ideas and initiatives germinated, and investigations and discoveries were disseminated. Here he formed his personality, accumulated an impressive stock of knowledge, improved his methods, sharpened his sensibility, discovered, prepared, and dreamt. Possessing a profound interior life, he felt that he was gradually building u p an innermost store of wisdom, at once vigorous and refined, on which he might one day draw in the service of his country. A brief reference to some of the m a n y components of his substantial culture should include his interest in English empirical and utilitarian thought: also in the radicalism that he came to k n o w during his long stay by the banks of the T h a m e s , not only through his frequent visits as an avid reader to the British M u s e u m and through his reading of periodicals, but also, above all, directly through his relations with such thinkers as James Mill. Those schools of thought were little k n o w n at the time a m o n g Latin Americans, whose philosophical interests had shifted, almost imperceptibly, from enlightenment to ideology, while retaining a backdrop of traditional thinking. These relations m a y partly explain his lasting interest in the physical and natural sciences, topical subjects due to the dynamic spread of the agricultural and industrial revolution which was bringing about major changes in the living conditions and habits of town- and country-dwellers alike. These changes m a y well have stimulated h i m later to write his Cosmografía and numerous articles such as those collected together in Volume X X of his Obras completas; also some very early articles showing his enthusiastic interest in the work of Humboldt, which was to be lifelong, and which were published in the Repertorio americano (American Directory). Bello subsequently contributed m a n y articles to El Araucano (see the issues of 16 and 30 August 1831 and 21 January 1832). In one of these he observes, for instance, that 'a course of physics is essential in order to round off preparatory education, because without

any notions of what nature is, previously acquired knowledge amounts to very little'. Incidentally, it is m y view that Bello's scientific interests constitute a relatively neglected but crucial aspect for a full understanding of his education and the significance of his educational activity. A n d of course these philosophical influences, together with others such as the Eclectic and Scottish schools, are present in his Filosofía del entendimiento on which w e cannot dwell here. Suffice it to recall the authoritative opinion of José Gaos that 'it is without doubt the most important work of its kind in American literature'. U p to that period the uncertainty of his situation was like a leitmotif which followed him as inexorably as his o w n shadow. H e m a d e repeated attempts to return to the N e w World, with representations to authorities and friends in the Rio de la Plata and N e w Granada, explaining his hardships and difficulties; but for m a n y years it was all to no avail. His relations with Mariano de Egana, slow to develop because of some initial misunderstandings, eventually became a sincere friendship. Convinced of the potential benefits to Chile of a m a n of the capacity and experience of the humble legation secretary, de Egana proposed to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of his country that Bello be given an appointment. Once his transfer to South America had been agreed upon, Bello prepared to leave for his n e w post in a country in which he had never lived. His mixed feelings are admirably expressed in a fragment of a letter written on the eve of his departure and cited by Emir Rodriguez Monegal: 'I a m impatiently awaiting daybreak and m y departure from this city, which is hateful to m e on so m a n y scores and so m a n y others worthy of m y love.' After the long sea crossing he reached Santiago accompanied by his family and belongings, of which books formed the bulk. At close on 50, Bello was beginning a n e w life. HIS LIFE IN CHILE W h e n Andrés Bello arrived at Valparaiso from Europe on 25 June 1829 Chile was at a critical juncture of its history, with far-reaching changes in its socioeconomic, political and institutional structures, in addition to substantial modifications on the cultural and educational scheme. Major expansion was then taking place in the mining industry, which was energizing the economy. This unhoped-for wealth helped to restore a climate of greater stability, which soon resulted in a fresh balance between the various interest groups, both rural and commercial. T h e Battle of Lircay completed a cycle of events: with the liberals {pipiólos) defeated by the conservatives (pelucones), General Joaquin Prieto came to power, appointing Diego Portales as chief minister with a programme basically involving

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the restoration of order and authority. T h e centralist 1833 Constitution, based on limited suffrage, was a marked departure from the previous more democratic one. It favoured the traditional conservative sectors but, as already noted, its rigour was also of benefit to all the productive sectors, since the advent of an authoritarian republic o n firm presidential lines served to consolidate order, organize public finances and discipline the army, at that time a destabilizing influence. T h e successful war against the Peruvian-Bolivian Confederation (initiated by Portales, w h o was assassinated on the eve of the hostilities) was a n e w factor helping to strengthen Chile's institutions. Peace ushered in a period of prosperity, and gradually relative liberalization m a d e it possible to modernize institutions in addition to offering a more favourable climate to attract intellectuals and scientists (Andrés Bello, José Joaquín de M o r a , Guillermo A . Blest, Leopoldo Sazie, and others). Stability and security attracted m a n y political exiles from various places, but above all from the bordering countries (Juan Garcia del Rio, Juan Carlos G ó m e z , D o m i n g o F . Sarmiento, Vicente F . López, Juan B . Alberdi, etc.), w h o played an outstandingly fruitful role in education and journalism. T o understand the events that followed, w e have to take account of various lines of ideological influence and go back, in the area of education, to the existence of the Instituto Nacional, which dispensed higher vocational education; to the old University of San Felipe, in the last stages of decline; and at the secondary level, to the Liceo, imbued with the liberal spirit of its principal, J. J. de M o r a , and the more conservative Colegio de Santiago directed by Andrés Bello. All these produced a stimulating climate for the exiles, a profusion of publications and hotly debated issues, and attempts at intellectual modernization reflected in numerous initiatives.

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of Understanding), to cite only a few basic works from various disciplines, quite apart from his outstanding literary contributions as a critic and creative writer. The University In pursuance of Articles 153 and 154 of the 1833 Constitution, and by virtue of the law of 19 N o v ember 1842, the University of Chile was founded o n centralist lines following the model generally called Napoleonic, that is, as the body responsible for all educational activities at all levels, a kind of ministry of public instruction, or education as w e say today. In this w a y the foundations were laid of the state as educator. It should be stressed that elevated to this position, the University became the higher body which established policies and organized institutions. A particular feature of the University was that it did not perform a direct teaching function but was confined to the supervision and appointment of teachers. T h e old University of San Felipe was closing d o w n after a process that it would be out of place to recount here in detail, and it was replaced by the University, inaugurated in a splendid formal ceremony o n 17 September 1843. Contrary to the c o m m o n l y held view, there was little continuity between the two institutions despite superficial appearances (incorporation of the professors from San Felipe in their respective faculties in the n e w university; presence of the former rector of San Felipe, Juan Francisco Meneses, on the n e w university council, etc.). A clean break was m a d e , with a fresh start, as can be easily inferred from the functions, organization and objectives of the newly founded university, and above all from the spirit which pervaded it. Andrés Bello, whose participation was decisive in the whole operation, was appointed rector and at the same time a m e m b e r of the Faculties of L a w and Political Sciences and of Philosophy and the Arts.

Briefly, it m a y be said that the Venezuelan Andrés Bello gradually gravitated into a place of everO f outstanding importance was the inaugural adincreasing importance in Chilean society. T h e fact dress delivered by Bello at the University of Chile. that he was formidably well-versed in a variety of It contains a statement of m u c h of his ideas o n edudisciplines, coupled above all with a very sound cation, particularly higher education, of a lofty wideeducation, enabled h i m to play an outstanding role ranging theoretical nature to be expected from a in political and institutional life, as a senator and humanist of his calibre but at the same time revealing senior official at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In his urgent reflection o n the social implications and journalism he distinguished himself as a constant specific problems of the university as he saw it at contributor to the combative press of the time, par- that time and in that setting, that is, firmly rooted ticularly to El Araucano. A s regards the important in reality. S o m e passages can only be fully underfield of education and culture, he was Rector of the stood in the light of the contemporary situation, as University and the author of works of lasting and an implicit response to intuitive concerns and quescontinent-wide value, such as his Gramática de la tionings. For example: lengua castellana destinada al uso de los americanos ( G r a m m a r of the Spanish language for Latin Ameri- The question is whether universities and literary bodies cans), Principios de derecho internacional (Principles ofare suitable instruments for the spreading of enlightenInternational L a w ) , Proyecto de código CK>J7 (Draft Civil ment. I can hardly conceive of any doubt about this, in an age that is, par excellence, one of association and repCode), Filosofía del entendimiento (The Philosophy resentation; in an age marked by the proliferation of

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societies concerned with agriculture, commerce, industry and public welfare; in a age of representative government. Europe, and the United States of America, our models in so m a n y respects, give us the answer to this question. H e w a s thus replying to those w h o , as recalled b y M i g u e l Luis A m u n á t e g u i , were at that time still advocates of the strange theory that 'instruction d e praves instead of improving the soul, a n d fosters fanciful a n d pernicious pretentions, instead of e n couraging people to get d o w n to quiet honest w o r k ' . Bello goes o n : If the spread of knowledge is one of the most important prerequisites, because without it the arts would do no more than offer a few scattered points of light in the enshrouding darkness, the bodies to which w e are mainly indebted for the speed of literary communication are of vital benefit to enlightenment and to mankind as a whole. A s soon as a n e w truth germinates in the mind of a single individual, it becomes the property of the literary community as a whole. T h e scholars of Germany, France and the United States appreciate its worth, its consequences and its applications. In this dissemination of knowledge, academies and universities all become depositaries continually accumulating all the latest scientific findings, which then spread out more easily from them to reach the various classes of society. T h e University of Chile has been founded for this special purpose. If it achieves the ends sought by the law that has given it its n e w form, and fulfils the desires of our government, it will be an outstanding centre of communication and dissemination. But this foremost concern with higher or university education did not in his view imply any disregard for the primary level: I a m certainly among those w h o regard general instruction the education of the people, as one of the most important and priority purposes to which the government should direct its attention; as a prime and urgent necessity; as the basis of any sound progress; as the essential cement of republican institutions. . . . I do not say that the cultivation of the arts and the sciences necessarily carries in its wake the spread of elementary education; there is h o w ever no doubt that the sciences and the arts possess a natural tendency to spread w h e n no artificial obstacles are placed in their path. . . . But the law, in re-establishing the University, seeks not only to rely on the natural tendency of knowledge to spread, n o w that the press provides it with unprecedented coverage; the law has also closely linked the two kinds of education, giving one section of the University special responsibility for primary education, supervising its operation, helping to expand it, and contributing to its progress. H a v i n g explained these assumptions a n d the w o r k ings of the proposed n e w system, h e goes o n to clarify the basis of his philosophy: T h e University will also study the special features of Chilean society from the economic standpoint, which presents vast problems calling for bold solutions. T h e University will examine the findings of Chilean statistics

and help to compile them, and will use them to interpret our material needs. For in this, as in other branches, the programme of the University is entirely Chilean. If it borrows scientific deductions from Europe, it is in order to apply them in Chile. All the paths along which it is proposed to direct research by its members, and the courses taught, converge on one point, our native l a n d . . . . Similarly, medical science will investigate the specific modifications that give the Chileans their climate, their customs and their diet; it will lay d o w n rules for hygiene and public health; it will seek to identify the secret causes of epidemics and their ravages; and it will do its utmost to ensure that knowledge of simple means of preserving and restoring health spreads throughout the country. There is no need for m e to list the positive uses of the mathematical and physical sciences, their applications to a nascent industry barely equipped with a few rudimentary skills, lacking properly understood methods, lacking m a chines and even the most c o m m o n tools; their applications to a mineral-bearing land criss-crossed by veins of metal, to a soilrichin plant resources and nutritious substances, to a soil on which science has scarcely yet cast a glance. H o w e v e r , practical applications should not be confused with 'the gropings of blind empiricism', since only 'general knowledge gives clarity and precision to special knowledge'. A s a humanist, Bello early emphasized the value of the formative disciplines, a m o n g which the study of our language seems to m e to be of the utmost importance. I shall never advocate an excessive purism that condemns anything n e w in the matter of language. O n the contrary I believe that the geat number of new ideas constantly passing from literary usage to general circulation call for n e w ways of expressing them. . . . Language can be extended and enriched, and it can be adapted to all the needs of society and even those of fashion, which exerts an unquestioned sway over literature without adulterating it, without vitiating its constructions and without violating its intrinsic spirit. Bello h a d also previously pointed to the political responsibility of the University in consolidating institutions a n d in the preliminary remedial action to be taken: ' W e m u s t cleanse it of the blemishes it acquired under the evil influence of despotism.' T h e s e few fragments from Bello's historic speech require n o further c o m m e n t but it m u s t be acknowledged that they project something quite distinct from the conventional, mistaken image of a Bello m o r e a friend of the arts than of the sciences, m o r e interested in ideas a n d theories than in their practical applications, a n d m o r e concerned with higher than with popular education. A b o v e all, they contrast with the c o m m o n view of a rigid 'conservative' in matters of language. If w e disregard the historical context in which certain ideas are expressed, w e m a y miss their significance, particularly where they were being e m bodied in the theoretical panoply of the philosophers of education, a n d might even at times s e e m 'natural'.

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Tliis is well illustrated in the speech delivered b y Other educational concerns Diego Barros Arana on the occasion of the fiftieth Bello did not overlook secondary education. Indeed, anniversary of the University: he had a very m o d e r n conception of it, as evidenced Some believed that, by proclaiming freedom of debate, the by his warning that it should not be regarded as 'a University was going to endanger the survival of the mere preparation for professional careers or as a traditional ideas that were regarded as the very basis of means of reaching university, but as a n end in the social order. Others maintained that the n e w insti- itself'. tution, in imposing its doctrines, was going to clip the A n exhaustive account of Bello's educational philwings of thought and become, more or less openly, the osophy would require a description—too long to be mainstay of the old intellectual regime that the political given here—of: (a) his concern with an education and social revolution of 1810 had not succeeded in m o d that was South American in character; (b) its linkifying. Andrés Bello was at pains to demonstrate that between those extreme tendencies lay a vastfieldof action age with the idea of work; (c) his interest in the for the University, and he set the University movement on subject-matter of education and methods of i m the only course then reconcilable with the embryonic parting it; (d) the preparation of textbooks for all state of our intellectual culture. His work was one of levels of the education system; (e) his concern with initiation, paving the way for firmer and more sustained what w e would today call scientific popularization; progress. and so forth. But above all there w a s his notion of education as a right, and its links with production, Primary education in order to promote the continuing democratization T h e interest taken by Bello in elementary education of society. T h e following passages put thigs in a was of long standing. Brief reference m a y be m a d e nutshell and speak for themselves: to an article cited by J. C . Jobet {El Araucano, 5 and 12 August 1836), which w e consider illustrates the Republican governments are no more than the representatives and the agents of the national will. Being obliged point very well: as such to follow the trends of that will, they cannot opt T h e right of governments in a matter of such importance out of the responsibility to achieve the grand design of can never be excessive. Promoting public institutions for making individuals useful to themselves and others through education. Furthermore, the democratic representative only a small proportion of the population is not promoting education, because it does not suffice to produce competent system empowers its members to take a more or less direct part in affairs; and peoples will not be able to people for the professions. It is necessary to educate useful citizens and to improve society, and this cannot be done progress along the political path unless education becomes sufficiently widespread to give all individuals the true without opening up thefieldof progress to the bulk of the people. What good would it do us to have orators, awareness of their obligations and their rights without jurists and statesmen if the great mass of the people live which it is impossible to discharge the former or to plunged in darkest ignorance, deprived of their due share accord to the latter the value which prompts us to concern of trade and wealth, and unable to accede to the well- ourselves with preserving them. being which the people are entitled to expect of a state? Failure to pay attention to the most suitable means of Elsewhere he emphasizes the need to bring education educating the people would be tantamount to taking no within the reach of all young people, whatever their interest in national prosperity. circumstances and way of life; to encourage them to This concern, whose breadth of view w a s clearly acquire it; and to facilitate its acquisition by increasing reflected in a great m a n y instances. T o take just one, the number of institutions and by standardizing methods, as effective means of giving to education the impetus most a competition was held to reward the best work o n conducive to national prosperity. the following themes: (a) the influence of primary education o n customs, public morality, industry and Angel Rosenblat writes that 'for Bello, language is the general development of national prosperity; the instrument of cultural training'. This explains (b) the w a y in which it should be organized, in the role ascribed by the author of Alocución a la view of the country's needs; and (c) the best funding poesía to the teaching of language at all levels of the system. T h e result of the competition is well k n o w n , education system. W h e n Bello proposed the creation and has been extensively covered b y the present of a chair of Spanish g r a m m a r distinct from the writer o n another occasion. T h e first prize went to existing chair of Latin g r a m m a r , he w a s taking a Miguel Luis and Gregorio Víctor Amunátegui for rationalist stand against those w h o , while considering their work De la instrucción primaria: lo que es, lo que it legitimate to study the language of Virgil, were debería ser (Primary Education: W h a t It Is and W h a t opposed to the same being done for that of Cervantes, It Ought to Be), and the second to D o m i n g o F . Sar- arguing that the mother-tongue was learnt 'naturally', miento for Educación común (Education for All), thus precluding the need for rules and n o r m s . (Latin works which greatly influenced the subsequent de- and memorizing did not suffice, in Bello's view at velopment of primary education in Chile. least, to consolidate a good m o d e r n education.) B y giving autonomy to the teaching of Spanish and

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legislating for the use of n e w scientific methods to replace the old 'natural' or routine ones, he secured for Spanish thatflexibilityand grace which it could not otherwise have attained through continued subjection to Latin, or by being 'left to its o w n devices'. Bello's ideas o n the subject helped to emancipate the Latin American m e d i u m of communication. W e should remember, however, that emancipation to him implied not a break but a retrieval, o n another plane, of a creative continuity. His Gramática, which was then m o r e advanced than that of the A c a d e m y itself, adequately illustrates this view. It would not be appropriate to pursue the matter here, or to consider such themes as his permanent concern at the risk of the linguistic fragmentation of Spanish, or to dwell o n his very extensive work as philologist, grammarian and critic (contained in several volumes of his Obras completas), all of which work is well k n o w n and has been aptly studied at length by generations of specialists. N o r is it appropriate to deal here with his substantial contributions in thefieldof law, a full understanding of which requires them to be related to his conception of the world and of culture. In this regard his juridical work served, as recalled by Pablo Lira Urquieta, to give a modern appearance to the notions of authority and order which were still expressed in verbose colonial language. Without breaking with tradition, he instilled a love of progress and carried it forward with measured step. H e helped to institute respect for the law, giving the country that political stability without which all other action is enfeebled or comes to an end. T h e profound political significance of his ideas is already to be noted in s o m e of his early works, which otherwise might seem of limited interest. In 1830, on the subject of public trials, he rapidly proceeds to a statement of general principles: The lack of harmony between n e w institutions and old establishments means that any complication will worsen our situation by the mere fact of substituting one system for another; that the best remedy for the ailments of a constitution which has not yet had time to become consolidated is to maintain it at all costs, improve it gradually and, above all, make room in it for the other parts of our political organization. W e clearly have here—to quote once more P . Lira Urquieta—'in embryo, the main lines of the conception of Portales: to establish a strong government in Chile which will be a kind of prolongation of a m o n archy, but with republican forms'. M u c h could also be said about Bello's historical ideas, repeatedly set forth in numerous works and often confronted with those of his disciples José Victorino Latarria, Francisco Bilbao and others, to w h o m social romanticism held out n e w horizons. A n y addition to the various aspects covered above,

such as his participation in the controversies of the age (on romanticism, language and spelling), s o m e of them memorable o n account both of the persons involved and the level of theory attained, would divert us from the essential purpose of this biographical sketch, which is to s h o w the role played b y the educational ideas of Bello in his time, and consequently to review their currency today. Andrés Bello died in Santiago de Chile o n 15 O c tober 1865. Gregorio W E I N B E R G

Honorary Professor of the University of Buenos Aires and Vice-President of the Argentine National Council of Scientific and Technological Research

Note 1. W e are fortunate enough to have a magnificent edition of the complete works of Andrés Bello, published from 1952 onwards by the Venezuelan Ministry of Education (Obras completas). It consists of twentyfour volumes, some of them in two parts, for example Volume XVIII, on 'Educational Themes'. T h e texts are well annotated and copiously indexed, and in particular appear to have been very soundly researched in advance. The abundant bibliography of Bello's work (reeditions of his most important books; anthologies; essays on all or part of his work, etc.) was considerably added to in 1981, in connection with the bicentenary of his birth. Brief reference should be made to collected works in: Bello y Caracas (1 volume); Bello y Londres (2 volumes); and Bello y la America Latina (1 volume). Several hundred contributions go to make up this literature of over 3,000 pages (published by the Fundación Casa de Bello, Caracas), providing an update of research on his written production and influence throughout Latin America. The present article is a conceptual and critical reelaboration of various studies carried out by the author on the subject since 1949.

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transition in personal lives and national history. Change, whether externally initiated or self instigated, usually means choice. N E W PERSPECTIVES Education and work are two domains of h u m a n ON CAREER TRANSITION DECISIONS experience and endeavour in which most people m a k e decisions that have m a n y implications for themselves and others. O n the personal level, indiVocationalizing Education: viduals m a y face any number of crucial decisions An International Perspective associated with transitions between education and J. L A U G L O and K . L I L L I S (eds.) work and also with transitions within education and Oxford, Pergamon, 1988 work. M o r e generally, major decisions about education and work, and the nexus between them, also Paving Pathways to Work: Comparative Perspectives have to be m a d e in the context of policy formulation on the Transition from School to Work and implementation. Therefore, in light of the p o E . D . D R O O G L E E V E R FORTUIJN, tential impact of such decision-making it is not W . H . M . L . H O P P E R S and M . M O R G A N (eds.) surprising that investigators have sought answers to questions such as: H o w are transition decisions The Hague, Centre for the Study of Education made? W h a t factors influence such decisions? W h a t in Developing Countries (CESO), 1987 sorts of ramifications flow from what kinds of dePsychology and Work: cisions? H o w do past and present decisions influence each other and together impact on subsequent deProductivity, Change, and Employment cisions? H o w are decisions translated into action? M . S. P A L L A K and R . PERLOFF (eds.) W h a t are the best ways to provide the most useful Washington, D . C . , assistance for various kinds of decisions? American Psychological Association, 1986 T h e six publications listed above from several difCareer Development: fering perspectives try to address some of these sorts A Life-Span Development Approach of questions as they relate to education and work. T h u s Lauglo and Lillis's book examines decisionF. W . VONDRACEK, R. M . LERNER making related to the formulation and implementation and J. E. SCHULENBERG of policies aimed at increasing the vocational orienHillsdale, N . J . , Erlbaum, 1986 tation of secondary-education curricula. In Droogleever Fortuijn, Hoppers and Morgan's work, various Making Vocational Choices: writers investigate policy and practical issues influA Theory of Vocational Personalities encing decisions about the transition of youth from and Work Environments school to work. T h e five authors represented in J. L. H O L L A N D the volume by Pallak and Perloff focus on the Englewood Cliffs, N . J . , ways in which decisions influence and are influenced by the impact of work on people's lives and experiPrentice-Hall, 2nd ed., 1985 ences—their work efficiency and life/job satisfaction. Career Decision Making A s a challenge to some existing conceptualizations of career development, Vondracek, Lerner and W . B . W A L S H and S. H . O S I P O W (eds.) Schulenberg outline a framework which places career Hillsdale, N.J., Erlbaum, 1988 decision-making in a life-span perspective e m p h a sizing multidimensional change. J. L . Holland's view is more circumscribed and concentrates on the There is an old joke in vocational psychology to the issues and practicalities of the immediate career effect: CI was just offered a job as a high-level decisiondecision-making context. Covering a broader range maker for a large multinational company . . . but I of issues as they impact on individuals, the contribucan't decide whether to take it or not.' Most people tors to Walsh and Osipow's work concentrate on spend m u c h of their lives seeking opportunities to h o w career decisions are m a d e and facilitated. make, making or avoiding making decisions the vast majority of these decisions are m u n d a n e and are circumscribed in both scope and available options. THE CONTENT AND APPROACH For the most part they have limited benefits and OF EACH PUBLICATION restricted disadvantages. However, there are some more or less frequent times in most lives, w h e n T h e first publication listed, by Lauglo and Lillis, people have to m a k e choices that have, or m a y have, had its origins at a conference on the vocationalization very significant repercussions for themselves and of education held at the University of L o n d o n others. Such decisions typically occur at times of Institute of Education in 1986. T h e seventeen

B O O K REVIEWS

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selected contributions are divided into four topic areas: (a) goals and justifications; (b) the context of policy formation; (c) policy implementation; and (d) empirical evaluation studies. T h e contributions detail perspectives from a wide range of countries. F r o m this diversity of opinions and experiences a n u m b e r of general conclusions about the diversification of secondary-school curricula to establish a closer link between education and work seem to emerge. These are that the vocationalization of education: (a) has both a skills and an attitude component; (b) is frequently initiated for political and ideological reasons; (c) does not and cannot achieve such aims; (d) has little evidence to support its labour market benefits; (e) is expensive and difficult to implement; and (f) is a defensible extension of secondary education. T h e strengths of this volume are the generally high standard of scholarship of the contributions, a comprehensive coverage of theoretical and practical issues, the confronting of issues of significance to the field and the integration of the major topic areas covered. If this collection has a weakness as a c o m p e n d i u m it m a y well be the editors' confidence in the viability of vocational curricula. In light of the negative evidence and costs, their continued support for vocationalizing education m a y warrant a m o r e substantial defence. O n e is reminded of Fitzgerald's (1986) two pithy conclusions about vocational education: (a) that the bulk of the research data suggest n o work-related benefits over academic curricula; (b) that hardly anyone is prepared to accept (a). T h e second publication, by Droogleever Fortuijn, Hoppers and M o r g a n , also derived from a conference organized b y the Centre for the Study of Education in Developing Countries ( C E S O ) o n the theme 'Youth Programmes and the Transition from School to W o r k ' . This volume contains twenty-nine contributions representing, in general, a wide variety of developing countries. T h e book's scope is broader than that of Lauglo and Lillis in that it covers work-oriented education and training within and outside secondary-education systems. A m o n g the general topics addressed are: macropolicies for transition programmes; innovations in general education; programmes and schemes—non-formal, selfemployment and work-based; comparative and theoretical perspectives. S o m e of the m o r e general conclusions to emerge from the contributions are that transition prog r a m m e s are: (a) frequently inhibited by the poor communication between administrators, practitioners, researchers and donor agency officials; (b) often expected to redress political and economic problems; (c) rarely meet these expectations; and (d) require for implementation, answers to the strategic issues of p r o g r a m m e goals, target groups, the status of the

p r o g r a m m e in the education/training domain, the kind of institution responsible for financial support and/or implementation, the breadth of the prog r a m m e , the curriculum structure and training regime and the method of assessment or certification. Considering the n u m b e r and range of the contributions included in this volume, the editors have striven to provide an integrated structure to the material. T h e y provide both introductory and concluding essays as well as synthesizing introductions to each of the book's sections. This is very helpful and goes a long w a y to rendering coherent the diversity of the material collected. This volume represents a wide sample of theoretical and practical issues associated with transition programmes in (predominantly) developing countries. It could be described as a cstate-of-play' publication. Therefore, one should not expect to be offered definitive answers to the issues raised. N o n e are given. Although s o m e of the articles address historical, sociological and/or administrative change as policy implementation issues, the issue of training for change in work and the work context appears by comparison to be neglected (Fitzgerald, 1986). T h e third book, b y Pallak and Perloff, is a collection of five contributions o n the topic 'Psychology and W o r k ' which originated in the American Psychological Association's annual Master Lectures series. T h e intention of the collection is to traverse 'core issues' and to 'develop a sophisticated perspective o n (these) issues' (page 3). T h e topics covered are work as a h u m a n context (Moos), technological change and the structure of work (Tornatzky), self-management in organizations (Hackman) life-span career issues (Osipow) and work, family and the child (Hoffman). S o m e of the general conclusions about the relationships between people and work are: (a) the need for holistic approaches that incorporate a wide range of variables; (b) the importance of the physical and technological aspects of the work environment; (c) the mutual and reciprocal influence of the person and the work context; (d) the need to study individual differences and to account for them; (e) the need to be able to account for and incorporate change in the person, work and wider contexts. It seems reasonable to expect that in such a publication, the contributions would draw together a wide range of relevant studies and to organize them around particular issues and to offer some n e w perspectives. This is a worthwhile activity and in general, it is achieved. T h e only limitation could be that the range of topics covered is restricted by the space available to each author and that in s o m e instances the selection of the most vital issues is debatable. For example, in m y view, Osipow devotes too m u c h space to false assumptions about careers, which are already well rehearsed elsewhere, thereby

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limiting his treatment of issues such as career decision-making on which his more detailed reflections m a y have been far more valuable.

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supporting material. T h e wide range of data n o w available relating to the theory is brought together and summarized by specific theoretical propositions. This theory is quite simply the most useful and most used in vocational psychology. T h e major limitation of the presentation of the theory is Holland's reluctance to extend systematically its scope beyond vocational choice.

T h e fourth volume, b y Vondracek, Lerner and Schulenberg, can be understood to have arisen out of the authors' concern that the study of career development needs to be reoriented. Accordingly they lambast m u c h previous theory and research as being static, segmental, mechanistic, conceptually inadequate, methodologically flawed, incapable of dealing with change and failing to incorporate the social milieu into their explanations. T h e authors see their work as setting a n e w theoretical and empirical agenda for the study of career development characterized by a life-span, multidisciplinary, contextual and dynamic interactional perspective. This perspective they seek to apply to conceptual issues, the personenvironmentfit,the study of adolescence, the career development of w o m e n , health and work, research designs and vocational interventions.

T h e sixth publication, by Walsh and Osipow, deals with career decision-making. T h e five contributions cover the history, theory and current state of assessment of career development and decision-making, career-planning systems and a theory of leisure. T h e volume overviews a wide range of assessment and planning techniques and materials. It places career decision-making in the context of previous and current theoretical formulations. Individual differences are also highlighted b y the adumbration of various classifications of decision-making styles and strategies.

This volume is valuable because it presents a challenge to re-examine concepts that have been taken for granted without serious analysis in m u c h career-development writing, for suggesting the introduction of research techniques that are likely to yield more interpretable empirical data on developmental issues and for daring readers to broaden their theoretical, research and programme horizons beyond the circumscribed bounds of most current discussion. Whether the theoretical and methodological scenarios outlined can be translated into major contributions to the career-development field, remains an open question.

This book provides a helpful introduction to career decision-making for the research novice or the counselling neophyte. M u c h of the book is devoted to what amounts to reviews of research and counselling scales and programmes. I could not escape the impression however, that there was insufficient material on actual decision-making to warrant this volume. For example, whatever its other merits, the Tinsley and Tinsley theory of leisure experience appeared to have precious little to do with career decision-making, and the authors appear to have done little to bridge the gap or to introduce decisionmaking from the other areas of psychology.

T h e fifth volume, by J. L . Holland, is a systematic presentation of a theory of career choice and the evidence to support it. Fundamentally, the theory states that the closer the match between the personality orientation of the person with the environmental orientation of the work, the more satisfactory that choice will be. This book covers topics such as personality types, environmental models, people in environments, occupational classification, research evidence and practical applications. In this account of his theory, Holland tries to address some broader issues (such as variables moderating matching, trait stability and the origins of personality types), and to suggest links between his formulation and those of others such as social learning theory. M o r e attention is also given to environmental models in this work—what they are, h o w they develop and h o w they can be measured.

SOME GENERAL THEMES

T h e strengths of the theory are evident in this book. Variables are defined and h o w they can be measured and used are specified. Hypotheses are outlined which can be tested. T h e famous Holland Occupational Classification is presented along with

Unemployment It is almost commonplace for politicians, policymakers and employers to attribute m u c h of the blame for youth unemployment to the irrelevance of the content of the existing education and training curricula. T h e solution touted with remarkable regularity and ubiquity is the vocationalization of secondary or post-secondary education, which, so the reasoning goes, will result in both a better trained and more 'trainable' pool of youth w h o will with greater facility be assimilated into the workforce. T h e basic problem with this position is that most of the quite considerable evidence on the issue indicates that diversifying curricula vocationally gives the recipients little if any advantage in obtaining or progressing in employment. Moreover indications are that employers in general are hard pressed to specify the exact skill m i x they require because the actual relationships between education and work are typically broad, imprecise and arbitrary. Vocational and transition education is in fact being expected to

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solve problems that are the consequences of economic, political and labour-market decisions and developments. In some limited circumstances work-oriented training m a y support other solutions to the youth unemployment situation but by itself it has little if any effect. T h e widespread acceptance and support for vocational education in the United States for example, for over seventy years despite the lack of evidence about being able to achieve its stated goals m a y be a consequence of the ideology of the 'American dream'. A characteristic of this individualistic philosophy is that anyone w h o wants to, through hard work, individual effort and determination, can become materially successful. B y the provision of vocational training policy-makers can trade on this 'dream' to demonstrate that they are helping people help themselves without really having to address the underlying causes of unemployment which require political, and work-force restructuring solutions. This m a y partially account for the fact that virtually none of the American writers o n career, represented in the volumes under review, m a k e any substantive mention of unemployment (Holland's two hypotheses o n page 31 being a minor exception). This is so despite the fact that the most accepted current definitions of the concept, 'career' include the idea of a series of non-occupational and occupational positions or roles that a person enters or assumes. This, one would have expected, should include being unemployed but most of the American writers give scant attention to this in their formulations. W i t h respect to the contribution that computerbased technology makes to unemployment the situation does not appear to be clear cut. Such technologies are usually introduced into the work-place with the intention of reducing the labour force. Jobs are typically lost or displaced but the rate of such effects is variable. T h e geographical variability seems especially wide. Other factors such as a firm's human-resources policy and the pace of the introduction of the technology are important moderating influences. S o m e suggest that macro-economic policies have m u c h more impact on job loss and displacement than technological change. Contextualism T h e influence of the context in which an intervention or behaviour occurs is a theme running through m a n y of the books reviewed. Events and outcomes are being conceptualized as explicable and able to be evaluated only w h e n they are viewed in the context in which they occur. In terms of career decisionmaking, more emphasis is likely to be given to the situational factors influencing the ways choices are m a d e . In terms of career development, attention is being directed towards regional, political, economic, cultural and social variables. In one sense the

individual's o w n life can be understood in contextual terms, hence the growing interest in seeing career development from a life-span perspective. A systems approach to context in career development e m p h a sizes the person as the basic domain placed in the system of the person's immediate interrelationships with people and the environment. These two systems are in turn embedded in a larger system comprising external systems such as the organizational context which are themselves within the ambit of macrosystems such as culture and international economic conditions. These four systems constantly change, interact and mutually influence one another. In particular, the individual is viewed as an active participant or agent changing and being changed by these other systems, rather than as a puppet of forces totally beyond any influence or control. S o m e have opposed specific aspects of contextualist accounts claiming they attempt to incorporate and explain too m u c h (Gottfredson, 1983) or that it is not necessary since a simple person-work matching model is adequate for most practical purposes (Holland, 1985). However, even a critic such as Holland has begun to 'contextualize' his o w n matching formulation by reference to personality development and by specifying measurable characteristics of the work environment that will moderate the person-environment fit. T h e response of those espousing the contextual perspective is to acknowledge the worth of simple matching models and typologies and to see them as one category of determinants contributing to the work environmental system and the work milieu, along with physical/ architectural, organizational structure and policy categories. However, the 'contextualists' ultimately consider that what is of greatest importance is not the particular contributors to a context but rather the relations between these contributors. In other words, the whole (context) is more than the s u m of its parts (contributors). T h e career development of w o m e n demonstrates the necessity for a perspective that is broader than simply the psychological dimensions of choice. T h e differences across cultures, the social changes within cultures in the last thirty years, the effects of political decisions such as equal pay and anti-discrimination legislation, sex-role stereotypes, family responsibilities and decision-making power structures, socioeconomic status and child-rearing practices are a m o n g the salient factors that need to be considered if w e are to account for female career development. Simplified psychological matching models seem insufficient without reference to contextual variables and perspectives (Brown, 1987). T h e importance of the political and ideological context for vocational and transition education was mentioned above with respect to unemployment. Other political and economic considerations influence

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the level of support and type of content of various I seen as a particular instance of the long-running trait programmes. In Western countries emphasis is often (indeciseveness)/state (indecision) debate in general. placed on the 'relevance' of vocational and transition Despite the proliferation of decision-making and education to national economic and labour-market career-development inventories, the valid and regoals. In countries with a Marxist tradition, the liable measurement of these two concepts does not notion of 'praxis' translates educationally into close appear imminent. Indeed the call for m o r e psycholinks between training and actual production which is metrically adequate measures in career development usually combined with political socialization in the and decision-making echoes throughout the relevant work-place. In Third World countries vocational literature. and transition education is often linked to 'nationO n e of the advantages of comparatively simple building', regional and economic development and theoretical models such as those characterized as attempts to extricate the people psychologically from 'trait/factor'-matching theories is that they employ their colonial past. concepts that are usually closely tied to measurement techniques. B y confining attention to a limited range Measurement and evaluation of specific variables it is easier to construct measures Being able to measure and evaluate anything implies of those concepts and to research their interrelationthat what is to be measured and evaluated is clearly ships. T h e usefulness and widespread usage of k n o w n . However, often those responsible for theories Holland's person-occupation classification (realistic; or programmes in the career transition domain fail investigative; artistic; social; enterprising; convento pay m u c h attention to conceptual basis of what tional) is an obvious example of such a strategy. Such they are doing. In vocational and transitional edu- theories can then be elaborated slowly allowing the cation, the terms 'youth', 'transition' and 'work' are development of measures for each of the n e w concepts used frequently without attention being given to introduced. T h u s personality and environmental what these terms actually m e a n . Insufficient attention types can be measured as can the variables which being paid to conceptual issues can contribute to moderate the match between the t w o such as vomisunderstandings between administrators, prac- cational identity (the degree of clarity of one's selfawareness). titioners and researchers, to misinterpretations of findings and to unsatisfactory evaluation research Perhaps the most crucial issue for the careerdesigns. transition domain is what has been described as the In the career-development domain, attempts are being m a d e to link vocational development with the broaderfieldof h u m a n development through a lifespan perspective. Earlier uses of the terms 'development' and 'stage' have been blamed for not attending to important conceptual and empirical issues associated with such terms. Development is not simply equivalent to change, instead it is more like the progression resulting from the interaction of the person's characteristics with those of the environment. In this sense, then, to study the development of individuals is to investigate 'the continual accumulations of the interacting contributions of nature and nurture' (page 34 of the book by V o n dracek et al.). O u t of this conceptual analysis of development a methodological agenda for research and evaluation can be induced. Such an agenda is characterized by longitudinal research designs, the use of change-sensitive measures and the incorporation of a wide range of variables analysed at various conceptual levels. Implicit in such an agenda is the eschewing of research designs which seek to infer intra-individual changes from inter-individual difference data. That is, that cross-sectional research findings tell us very little about the development of individuals across their life-span. In career decision-making the conceptual distinction between indecisiveness and indecision has recently been widely discussed. T h e distinction can be

'perennial criterion problem'. That is, what are the desirable, valuable and measurable outcomes of a particular intervention? For example, what characterizes a good career decision and h o w can it be measured? Simply because a decision brought about or contributed to a desirable subsequent state of aflairs for an individual is n o guarantee that it w a s a 'good' decision. It m a y have been m a d e on mistaken information and misconceptions, and it was just plain hick that a favourable outcome ensued. Similarly which 'style' of decision-making is most generally desirable? Counsellors tend to think logical/rational styles are best. However, in some cultures or subcultures a compliant style (to the expectations of respected others) is seen as more desirable. Additionally, what are the differences in the characteristics of good short-term, in comparison with good long-term, career decisions? These issues translate into evaluation problems through attempts to establish criterion-validity measures for career decision-making assessment techniques. Correlating instrument scores with an inadequate criterion is a fruitless endeavour. A m o n g the candidates as outcome criteria for career interventions are increased self-awareness; higher vocational maturity; generating viable alternative choices or strategies; improved career decisionmaking; systematic career information seeking; effective implementation of choices or action plans; broadened career horizons (for example, beyond

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class or sex-role stereotypes). Obtaining valid and reliable measures of these outcome criteria has frequently proved difficult. However in these times of service accountability the task has become even more pressing, as those responsible for funding interventions d e m a n d evidence of the benefits derived for the expenditure outlay. Transition education programmes typically enunciate effectiveness criteria such as wage employment, self-employment; survival in the labour market (casual wage employment), useful unemployment (usually some form of activity without payment) and life orientation (preparation for citizenship). A major evaluation criterion problem is that m a n y of these outcomes are also influenced by factors far beyond the purview of transition education. Therefore, for example, a useful transition programme may appear ineffective in wage-employment terms if there is a major regional economic downturn adversely affecting the employment opportunities of the programme's target group. Therefore it is imperative that those designing transition programmes have a clear idea which of these outcomes can be achieved in light of existing labour-market structures and conditions.

single biggest challenge confronting those endeavouring to improve the quality of the career-transition decisions that are made? M y answer would have to be that better careertransition decisions, whether in the education or work context, whether focused on the individual or policy, will be m a d e w h e n they are based on needs rather than demands. For vocational education and transition programmes this would m e a n providing education and training congruent with the realities of the current socio-economic and labour-market contexts in particular regions or countries. It would also m e a n resisting pressure to accede to political and ideological calls for 'relevance', which often, in effect, mask the requirement for major political and economic action. In the context of career development and decision-making, this would m e a n pursuing more systematic, complex, time-demanding and technically sophisticated experimental methodologies and unglamorous psychometric research. It would also m e a n resisting the lure of undertaking ad hoc, simplistic, short-term research on the latest professional literature fad.

Finally, I find myself unable to resist the tempA further difficulty for vocational education and tation to pose the needs-versus-demands dilemma in transition programmes is that of disarticulation. Fre- a characteristically Australian way, namely, do w e quently such programmes are not assimilated into have the guts to be 'fair dinkum' or are we just going the education system's mainstream. A s such they to ' m u c k around'? are viewed as peripheral, temporary, dubious and Robert P R Y O R sometimes even Bohemian. Indeed, some educationN e w South Wales Department of ists seriously question whether these programmes Industrial Relations and Employment can be construed as education at all. A s a result (Australia) vocational education and transition programmes m a y become insulated from other forms of education and assume (or are accorded) the status of a 'pilot enclave'. Such marginalization of these programmes mitigates against their effectiveness but even more References importantly it retards the prospects of their replicability throughout an education system. Specific programmes m a y be evaluated as successful pilot B R O W N , D . 1987. T h e Status of Holland's Theory of Vocational Choice. Career Development Quarterly, projects which owe their positive outcomes as m u c h Vol. 36, pp. 13-23. to the skill, vision and tenacity of a few dedicated FITZGERALD, L . F . 1986. O n the Essential Relations teachers or staff as to the intrinsic effectiveness of between Education and Work. Journal of Vocational the programme itself. However, without wider sysBehaviour (Monograph), Vol. 28, pp. 254-84. temic support, the replication of such 'successes' on GoTTFREDSON, L . S. 1983. Creating and Criticizing Theory. a broader scale frequently fails to materialize. Journal of Vocational Behaviour, Vol. 23, pp. 203-12. CONCLUDING C O M M E N T

A two-dimensional framework can be used to draw together the six publications of this review around the theme of 'career-transition decisions'. T h e first dimension is a content continuum with work at one end and education at the other. The second dimension is a focus continuum with the individual at one pole and policy at the other. Considering all the material covered, w e m a y with some trepidation and even more presumption, ask the question: W h a t is the

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ON H U M A N POTENTIAL AND ITS FULFILMENT Frames of Mind. The Theory of Multiple Intelligences Howard G A R D N E R

N e w York, Basic Books, 1983 Of Human Potential. An Essay in the Philosophy of Education Israel S C H E F F L E R

London, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1985 The Cultural Transition. Experience and Social Transformation in the Third World and Japan Merry I. W H I T E and Susan P O L L A K (eds.) London, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1986

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Human Conditions. The Cultural Basis of Educational Developments

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language neurophysiologist, and worked for m a n y years at the Aphasia and Brain D a m a g e Center of the Veterans Hospital in Boston. But he has also given serious thought to matters that go far beyond the specific framework of his special subject and which, in m y view, represent an important turning-point in the approach to psychological research. T h e scientific co-ordinates of this project do reflect the theory of multiple intelligences. This theory does not follow the path of traditional psychometrics: it is not more of the same. T h e intelligence quotient (IQ), the venerated C G ' factor of general intelligence, tests, or the concept of ability itself seem to be notions to which Professor Gardner is especially attached. His interests lie in quite another direction, linking biology to culture through the intellectual function. H e does not wish to restate outworn psychometric themes but to describe in an intelligible way the links between the brain, the mind and their context. It is in these basic ideas that the theoretical thrust of Gardner's original book and, to a certain extent, that of other research work under the project which confirms and develops it is to be found.

O f course, m a n y other psychologists had challenged the universal validity of the I Q as the numerical expression of a person's intellectual ability, and the author himself describes this process in detail. O n Nearly ten years ago, the Bernard van Leer F o u n - this particular point, it is obvious that the theory of dation, enabled the Harvard Graduate School of multiple intelligences has similarities with other Education to undertake a major project to evaluate theories and especially with the theory of primary the state of scientific knowledge on h u m a n potential mental abilities propounded by the father of multiand its realization. A distinguished group of Harvard variate analysis, Lewis L . Thurstone of Chicago. But scholars, supervised by a committee chaired by although this is true, it is irrelevant. There is no Gerald S. Leser, has conducted the research and, to doubt that in his memorable monograph 'Primary m y knowledge, four books were produced under the Mental Abilities', written in 1938, Thurstone gave a project. Each has its o w n unity and significance and factoral definition of as m a n y as seven primary mental can certainly be read separately to advantage, but abilities—verbal comprehension, spatial visualization, they form part of a single undertaking and so inevi- inductive reasoning, numerical ability, m e m o r y , pertably refer to one another. In the final analysis, ceptual ability and verbal fluency—that partly cotherefore, the reader only has a complete view of the incide with or overlap the seven forms of intelligence that Gardner describes in Frames of Mind, namely project if the four books in the series, as well as works in their o w n right, are seen as steps leading to linguistic and spatial intelligence, mathematical logic, musical, cine-aesthetic, corporal, interpersonal and, the same goal. lastly, intrapersonal intelligence. Although there are concordances, and it could hardly be otherwise as FRAMES OF MIND both cover the same subject, there are also quite significant differences. Thurstone's theory is based T h e first book in the series, Frames of Mind. The on the correlational analysis of intelligence tests Theory of Multiple Intelligences, adopts a psychological fashioned in the image and likeness of the industrial approach. Its author, H o w a r d Gardner, a brilliant civilization, while Gardner's theory is founded on a professor and researcher working with Harvard U n i biological analysis of the problem, with no cultural versity, has studied the development of the ability to differences or Western bias. This, and other elements use symbols in normal and exceptional children, and that are not relevant to this discussion, give one an imits deterioration in adults as a result of brain damage. pression of the theoretical chasm separating Gardner Professor Gardner is not merely highly competent in from Thurstone, and from the other proponents of this special area, well versed in the classics and having multivariate analysis w h o have dealt with the probsolid experience of biocognitive development: he was lem, an example being Spearman, the Englishman a disciple of N o r m a n Geschwind, the eminent Robert A . L E V I N B and Merry I. W H I T E

London, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1986

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w h o invented the C G ' factor, from w h o m he is miles apart. Gardner's pluralism and his theory of the cultural relativity of intelligence clashes somewhat with this catch-all general intelligence factor with its unitary biological basis. This review will not list the differences between Gardner's views and the other major intelligence theories (Piaget's, for example) but will focus on his view that h u m a n intelligence is multiple and is always related to the situation that it serves. Hence its diversity and the observable fact that being intelligent in one situation does not imply being intelligent in all situations. O f course, this idea is not original. Other psychologists have said before that shining in one ability does not necessarily imply brilliance in others. T h e author of Frames of Mind elaborates o n this with a broader statement that encompasses the cultural assessment of the value of intelligence, namely 'an intelligence is the ability to solve a problem or to fashion a product which is valued in one or m o r e cultural settings',1 which means that no intelligence is in itself superior or inferior to another. For example, a person endowed with great mathematical logical intelligence m a y lack, and in fact often does, the interpersonal and intrapersonal skills needed to adapt to a culture in which knowledge serves an inner desire for moral self-perfection rather than material efficiency. M o r e than that, there is no reason to suppose that mathematical logical intelligence is superior, m o r e intelligent, so to speak, than intrapersonal intelligence. This view of things leads to some fairly important conclusions. First, that it is ontologically meaningless to speak of a hierarchy of aptitudes, with the C G ' factor holding the sceptre of intellectual monarchy. Secondly, the usual view of ability as a formal c o m petency or inherited disposition is replaced by a series of acquired problem-solving strategies that are m o r e closely bound u p with culture. This weakens substantially the traditional conception of intelligence in terms of a basic psychological universal defined by Western psychometrics; in fact it strikes at its very roots. In other words, Western intellectual superiority rests o n a n u m b e r of values that are purely optional. Perhaps Gardner comes out too strongly for pluralism and the autonomy of the various types of ability, for most of the abilities that w e are aware of persistently s h o w a positive correlation between them. It must also be said that the attempt to boil intelligence d o w n to a set of acquired problem-solving strategies is still subjudice, and does not yet have all the empirical support that might be wished. Even so, I think that the real interest of Gardner's book does not lie so m u c h in the nature of any divergences from traditional psychometrics and established theories of learning, as in the fact that such divergences have occurred and are n o w making waves in waters that

were in danger of stagnating. All of this is important in itself, and also in the context of the project, for which it is a 'hard core'. W e shall thus consider it in greater depth. In his search for a solid basis for his theory of multiple intelligences, H o w a r d Gardner sets tests and factor analysis on one side; disagrees with Piaget, w h o m he knows well, refuses to share in the optimism engendered by information processing and finally decides to seek the biological roots of the h u m a n ability to deal with symbols, which he views in m o d u lar terms: 'If you could open u p the skull and figure out what it is organized to do, it turns out to be organized to do basically seven things well.'2 In a nutshell, Gardner addresses the issue from the angle of the modular organization of the m i n d and its computational mechanisms, saying that our minds and brains are composed of different modules. These modules are distributed normally between the different population groups, as are the abilities or forms of intelligence that they regulate, and consequently there is a bit of everything in all population groups, though at the individual level, as stated earlier, excellence in one ability does not guarantee perfection in others, as it is not easy to effect transfers from one module to another. O n the other hand, as each culture qualifies as intelligent, those forms of behaviour that aru best at solving the problems to which it gives priority, society strengthens exactly those modules that serve its priorities best and specializes, so to speak, in one particular intelligence which then becomes the general intelligence. In m y opinion, this is an intelligent manner of linking biology to culture and nature to history, and of vindicating the host of different types of intelligence that people the earth rather than trying to force them all into the confines of the I Q . This is h o w I think H o w a r d Gardner generally co-ordinates the modular and biocomputational infrastructure of intelligence with the range of its historical manifestations. This theory gives the clearest explanation for the well-known fact that people w h o are very intelligent in some socio-cultural contexts are not so in others, and by the same token it calls into question the intellectual superiority of some races over others. In keeping with the idea that intelligence is related to its situational effectiveness and its value in a particular context, Gardner flatly asserts that no intellectual activity is intrinsically superior to another. T h e objection could perhaps be raised that cultures themselves could be ranked and that ours, the one that created the tests, would c o m e first. But the author considers this approach unconvincing, and his conclusion is that no intellectual criterion for such ranking would be valid urbi et orbe. In a way this sets the tone for the work produced by the other project researchers. In s u m , the theory of multiple intelligences has a

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solid biological basis but is not reductionist: its author is not one w h o thinks that the issue of intelligence can be settled in natural-science terms exclusively. Viewing the question from his o w n perspective, and this is the key to the paradox, the conclusion would be that in Gardner's view, h u m a n intelligence is historical in nature. Furthermore, some forms of intelligence have biographies. T h e author alleges as an example that if Mozart had been born in Einstein's h o m e and Einstein in Mozart's, it is certain that neither would have been what he was: his learning and forms of intelligence would have been different. Genes on their o w n do not make geniuses, he tells us, nor do they even determine vocations. T h e question could otherwise be put to David Likken, the author of a famous study on monozygotic twin girls brought up apart. T h e girl w h o became an outstanding pianist was precisely the one w h o was brought up by a family w h o did not like music, while the other sister, w h o had been adopted by a piano teacher, never succeeded in playing that instrument. It is not, and this point must be clearly m a d e , that Gardner rejects the value of genetics in psychology or repudiates the validity of tests. This is clearly not his message. W h a t he does is to emphasize the fact, hardly taken into account by classical psychometrics, that education and cultural contents play a decisive role in developing h u m a n potential. This is probably w h y , w h e n giving the reason for the genesis and the functioning of the seven types of intelligence that he identifies, Gardner speaks of a possible vertical organization of faculties in terms of their respective cultural contents: 'Each content, each vertical faculty has its o w n principles of learning, m e m o r y , perception. This is very radical and it hasn't been proved yet, but there are some interesting lines of evidence that point that w a y , particularly in neurological studies.'3 There are grey areas in all of this. T h e theory of multiple intelligences does not, as w e have already noted, fit with the well-established psychometric finding that nearly all mental abilities are positively correlated with one another, providing justification for factors of a second or third order that are quite similar to the ' G ' factor of general intelligence. N o r is the difficulty of transferring the contents of one module to another reflected in the experimental finding of the educational psychologist Karl Josef Klauer of Aquisgrán 4 that the skills governed by one module can, paradoxically, be transferred to the operations controlled by another, and improve performance there. There is still m u c h work to be done on Gardner's audacious theory, m a n y debatable points and m a n y statements that are n o more than hypotheses, such as the statement of the vertical laws of learning, specific to the contents of each module, whereas the traditional horizontal laws of learning

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are held to apply to all the faculties and modules of the intellect. There is thus n o lack of doubts and possible bones of contention. But if w e were to allow ourselves to be bogged d o w n by these considerations, w e would risk missing the main point of this review of the project headed by Gardner, which, in m y opinion, is to prove that h u m a n intelligence is a biological function that is fulfilled only by transcending nature, that is to say, with reference to a specific cultural context. I a m convinced that this is the main issue that psychology will have to address during the next few decades. It is useful that the biological point of view itself should m a k e the point that although the brain is the first requirement for thought, it is history that delimits the scope of what people can think and defines intelligence. W e Western psychologists would do well to ask ourselves whether psychometric tests measure basic intellectual superiority or whether they merely reflect a more or less widely distributed ability that relates to normal living conditions in the West and is therefore not absolute, unless w e believe that the West is the be-all and end-all of history. If any issue is important this one is, and it is discussed in the remaining project volumes in non-psychological terms. H U M A N POTENTIAL Israel Scheffler's monograph, Of Human Potential, considerably shorter than Gardner's book, scrutinizes and refines the age-old question of h u m a n nature and h u m a n potential. Its author, a well-known professor of education and philosophy at Harvard University, is, with reason, concerned that such an apparently speculative and abstract concept as this should exert such a great and sometimes harmful influence on the w a y in which parents, educators and education development planners think and act. In principle, the author believes that the idea of h u m a n potential reflects fairly clearly the central features of the concept of nature, though it is often wrongly or confusingly used by laymen and professionals alike. Professor SchefHer thinks that current usage of the term helps to perpetuate the centuries-old m y t h that such features as stability, harmony and value are part of h u m a n nature, a belief which, in his opinion, has done incalculable social and educational damage. H e therefore proposes in this book to demythologize the concept of h u m a n potential, freeing it of all its accretions by analytically reconstructing its most authentic features, those which are most closely bound up with what he understands by the h u m a n condition. A s w e have indicated, the three myths which the author sets out to demolish are: the m y t h of fixed potential, the m y t h of harmony between each type of potential and, lastly, the m y t h that potential is uniform in value. Schefiier believes that these three

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terms should be replaced by their antonyms, making CULTURAL TRANSITION h u m a n potential no longer fixed but variable; n o longer harmonious but conflicting, as it is in reality,Merry I. White and Susan Pollak, professors at and enabling the real-life mix of vice and virtue to be Boston and Harvard Universities, were responsible reflected through the notion of value. for placing the question of h u m a n potential in a There is no need to follow the ins and outs of this transcultural perspective. T h e y are the editors of the very detailed analysis, which is conducted with some third volume under review, which, tinder the title The Cultural Transition. Human Experience and Social panache, but some of the conclusions reached do Transformation in the Third World and Japan, gives a merit attention. Scheffler rightly insists on the harmfulness of taking at face value, as is so often done, a comparative review of the problem within the framelabel attached to h u m a n ability which reads: 'So far work of the project. and n o further!' Although this artificial setting of O n c e H o w a r d Gardner had defined h u m a n intellimits o n h u m a n potential carries less and less ligence in terms of varying biocultural factors and conviction it is still responsible for a great deal of Israel Scheffler had m a d e symbolic representation very serious educational damage. T h e self-fulfilling the key instrument of h u m a n adaptability this work prophecy mechanism, of which this is one of the of cultural analysis was obviously the next step. For most deplorable examples, exercises its dissuasive if intelligence is related to the cultural context in powers to the full in the uncertain world of education, which it operates, if its activity varies according to in which the stigma of a low I Q has been the cause each society's priorities, in other words, if it involves of so m u c h suffering and error. O n e of the most arrays of problem-solving strategies that are more or devastating cases commented on by the author is the less closely adapted to the problems of each particular widespread attribution of the low marks that the culture, and if the content of symbolic representation black American population usually scores in intel- is also nurtured by the surrounding culture, then it ligence tests to hereditary intellectual defects, which is clear that the h u m a n condition, or at least its ignores the influence of the different socio-cultural psychological relationship the world, must vary subdeficiencies that seriously affect the ability to deal stantially from one context to the other. with symbols. O n e w a y of putting this hypothesis to the test Professor Scheffler very pertinently reminds his obviously involved transcultural research, which is readers of the often forgotten fact that h u m a n action described in this collective volume to which sopresupposes abilities that far exceed those of other ciologists, anthropologists, psycho-analysists, psycreatures. H e reminds us that h u m a n action is not chiatrists, educationists and clinical psychologists physical m o v e m e n t , or biological development or with broad experience and knowledge of life in the different countries of Africa, Latin America and merely a response. First and foremost, it involves symbolic representation, which enables creatures that South-East Asia have contributed. T h e book is full are aware of themselves, that is to say subjects, to have of extremely interesting data on social anthropology, intentions, to consider responses as well as to have the psychology of the h u m a n personality and, in simple reactions, to plan ahead, to remember past particular, the development of a general theory of experience and to set themselves goals. In a nutshell, h u m a n achievement based on the terms outlined h u m a n action tends towards personal achievement, above. T h e decisive role of social factors in h u m a n and this is close to the traditional concept of h u m a n development emerges clearly from the eleven papers nature. T h e author seems to conclude that h u m a n that m a k e u p the volume. T h e cases studied hinge nature, if there is such a thing, is intimately linked to on three types of problems. One-third of the issues the use of symbols, which is rooted in culture and concern the way in which different cultures view the which goes beyond the bounds of nature, making it h u m a n personality and expect it to develop. Another possible to override the dictates of stimuli. Professor third of the papers deal with ideas concerning health, Scheffler w h o recognizes the active inclinations or disease and healing in India and in some African propensities inherent in h u m a n potential, none the communities. T h e rest deal with the different ways less acknowledges the plasticity of h u m a n dynamics, in which the cycle of life and death is confronted in bringing to m i n d Freud's oft-repeated description China, the Punjab, other parts of India and Japan. of our instincts as 'magnificently ill-defined'. This T h e analyses, carried out by experts of recognized magnificent lack of definition is what the author of calibre, are of great anthropological value, above all this volume has tried to restore, successfully in m y in the challenge they offer to accepted Western ideas. opinion, to our view of the h u m a n condition and For example, w e find that while most of our theories h u m a n potential. Scheffler's book is thus the philoon personality endorse the assumption that indisophical complement to the theory of multiple intelviduation and the achievement of autonomy are the ligences expounded in the preceding volume. keys to personal development, Hindu psychology does not take this view. A n interesting study by B . K . R a m a n u j a m o n social change and personal

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crisis in Hindu society shows us that in Hindu culture individual development is viewed very differently, as strengthening the individual's integration in a complex network, formed of ideas, people, influences and values, which is allocentric in e m phasis and invites assessment of the individual's feelings and action in terms of the opinion of other significant individuals and groups. In thefinalanalysis it is other people w h o determine vital goals and share each individual's destiny in a way that is really difficult for a Westerner to understand. There is also a very interesting study along the same lines by Sudhir Kakar, which raises the question of whether approaches to mental health and prescribed therapies can be successfully exported from one culture to another. T h e basic idea of the project is again put to the test here. If health and mental illness were exclusively biological problems, there would be n o problem: the therapies could be exported just like any other technology. But if mental balance is, like intelligence, related to the socio-cultural context, then it is obvious that the application of exported therapies will run into m a n y serious difficulties, which, as described in this study is what actually happens. This volume even calls the universality of m a t h ematical reasoning into question, describing it as dependent on latent cultural factors which act as an empirical archaeological substratum fora priori k n o w ledge. According to this provocative study by Carlos E . Vasco on mathematics as a conditioned cultural process, there are fine cultural differences in the proto-mathematical systems used unconsciously by children and by primitive adults which would call into question the so-called ahistoricity and acultural nature of mathematical reasoning and, incidentally, also cast serious doubts on the supposed inferiority of certain races in mathematics. In conclusion, there is n o doubt that, coming from Harvard, this harsh criticism of the exportability of Western educational paradigms will have an impact and repercussions that it would not have had, had it come from other climes.

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T h e idea is that even though Europeans have tried to export their o w n model of individual and social development to other parts of the world since the sixteenth century, the h u m a n condition is plural, or manifold, just like the living conditions that have nurtured the history of humankind on earth. Westerners thought that by imposing or by spreading their conception of the world and of life they would improve the other peoples' lot. That was probably the intention of m a n y Spanish missionaries w h o went out to evangelize the Americas, and of the famous Frenchmen of the eighteenth century, although it is hard to believe that that was the main aim of so m a n y Conquistadores, settlers and emigrants—some of them Americans to boot—who pushed the indigenous peoples out of their territories, if they did not exterminate or mercilessly exploit them. In short, the m o o d of this volume is one of heightened scepticism regarding the tendency in development to assess everything or practically everything in terms of economic progress and to m a k e prosperity and well-being on the Western model a goal for all mankind. T h e Harvard teams do not seem to place very great faith in the models of this technical and economic progress, which they subject to some very telling criticism, but none the less, the point must be m a d e , everyone hankers after it and no one is willing to renounce it. Needless to say, the authors are right to doubt the ability of the Western formula to guide all peoples towards fulfilment. T h e y are rightly suspicious of universal psychological truths 'made in the West', and with reason, underscore—like Ortega y Gasset, Norbert Elias and others at the beginning of the century—that the h u m a n condition is both singular and plural. This is all well and good, except that this criticism of Western civilization is m a d e from a position of prosperity and advantage that n o one will give u p w h e n they have them both in their grasp. If this point is not m a d e , those people w h o do not yet enjoy such prosperity and advantages m a y think that an attempt is being m a d e here to discourage them.

It is difficult even to measure the individualist concept of personality as understood in the West THE H U M A N CONDITION AND ITS CONDITIONS against equivalent notions in the East, for example the idea oí jen which the Chinese use to refer to a T h e fourth and last volume on the list was written person and his or her immediate surroundings. It is by the anthropologist and educator Robert A . Levine indeed true that Western psychology does not o p (Roy E . Larsen), from Harvard, and Merry I. White, erate from a culturally neutral base—the h u m a n former Director of the Harvard International E d u - sciences cannot be culture-free—but forms part of a cational Center, and entitled Human Conditions. The series of popular, religious and philosophical assumptions that m a k e it simply one of the m a n y Cultural Basis of Educational Development. This is a study of a historical and anthropological nature ethnopsychologies that exist in the world, and not which contains a comparative analysis of educational the sole objective psychology that it claims to be. policy in different countries, and ends with harsh N o n e the less, LeVine and White do not reject all criticism of the imposition of standards and practices claims that Western psychology is objective. T h e y by the West in its educational and cultural assistance remind us that non-Westerners operate on the basis of premises concerning h u m a n behaviour that differ programmes in the rest of the world.

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radically from ours. O n e w a y or the other, all the 'formulate the crucial questions for the future of the authors agree that no allowance has been m a d e for education system in the m e d i u m and long term . . . bearing in mind the international environment and these premises and their consequences, sometimes regrettable, in the West's relations with other peoples, possible changes in the demands m a d e of education and conclude that those assumptions must be con- and in French society itself. The Minister received the completed report at the sidered if we are to understand h o w non-Westerners view the world and life in it, and if w e are to find end of 1987, a few months before the elections which out, in truth and in fact, what could help the other were to lead to a change of government, so it was peoples to achieve fulfilment in their o w n way and not followed u p by any government decisions. T h e same fate had befallen the major reports commissioned thus enrich the fabric of universal culture. by the education ministers of preceding governT o conclude, the message of these more than ments: the Legrand Report (1982) on the collèges; the 1,000 closely-argued pages is not unworthy of Prost Report (1983) on the lycées; the Peretti Report consideration. In the final analysis, it reminds on teacher-training (1983); the Carraz Report (1983) those in the West that each nation on earth has a on educational research; and the proposals by the different internal experience of h u m a n existence, Collège de France on the education of the future and that, consequently, it is most important to (1985). understand the active value of this internal diversity Like several of its predecessors, the Lesourne if impetus is really to be given to development, and report could have a considerable influence on public if the different peoples are to be helped to succeed opinion. It provides information, summarizing and in truly achieving their h u m a n potential and genuine commenting on the extensive documentation confulfilment. S o m e progress has been m a d e in this sulted, and it offers some n e w angles on current direction. Wars begin in the minds of m e n , but so debates in French society. It is significant that all does peace. the political parties emphasized the priority role of José Luis P I N I L L O S education in recent election campaigns, not just to Emeritus Professor at the Complutense win votes but as a subject on which a consensus should be sought. University of Madrid. The various departments of the Ministry of M e m b e r of the Royal Spanish Academy and the Royal A c a d e m y of Moral Education put their documentation at the author's disposal and drafted technical notes to clarify certain and Political Sciences (Spain) points for him. In addition, he recruited a team of a dozen specialists w h o conducted 150 interviews and consulted over 350 books, articles and documents whose titles will be useful to all those interested in comprehensive and succinct information on recent Notes changes in the French education system. The Lesourne report differs in a number of 1. Howard Gardner, 'The Theory of Multiple Intelligences', Annals of Dyslexia (Orton Dyslexia Society), significant ways from previous reports on education. It was commissioned not from an educator, but from Vol. X X X V I I , 1987, p. 25. an economist with a special interest in forecasting. 2. Ibid., p. 30. T h e report on the long-term prospects of the world 3. Ibid., p. 31. economy brought out by Organisation for Economic 4. Karl Josef Klauer, Intelligenztraining im Kindesalter, Co-operation and Development ( O E C D ) within the Basle, Beltz Verlag, 1975. framework of the 'Interfutures' Programme was drafted under his supervision. Secondly, Jacques Lesourne bore sole responsibility for his report, whereas previous ones had been the responsibility of large commissions appointed by the Minister. T h e EDUCATION AND SOCIETY author played the role of rapporteur who tried as far as possible to seek the agreement of all team members. Finally, he was not asked to put forward proposals Éducation et société. Les défis de l'An 2000 for reforms. Public opinion in France has grown Jacques L E S O U R N E weary of 'major educational reforms', which does not Paris, Éditions L a Découverte. 1988, 357 pp. m e a n that it is no longer interested in education. The national protest movements of the last few years have concerned education: private education in 1985, the This book contains the text of the report c o m Savary university reform in 1984, and, most notably, missioned from the author, in April 1987, by the the Devaquet draft university reform in 1987. But it French Minister of Education, w h o asked h i m to

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seems that the political parties, agreeing that education is a priority, are not making it an issue of party politics. Successive ministers n o w promise not to introduce n e w reforms, although each acknowledges that the present system of education is illadapted to present economic and social conditions, not to mention those of the future. T h e y thus concentrate o n seeking a consensus o n changes that should be m a d e , and o n strategies for change that would be acceptable to the broadest spectrum of opinion. This is the context for Lesourne's work, and the likelihood is that his m a i n ideas will be accepted by the present government, particularly as h e has been careful to avoid putting forward specifically political measures, describing his report as a background document to encourage public debate. This approach is consistent with his view of social change. T o quote him: T h e way the education system develops during the coming decades will depend not on the will of one m a n or a small group of m e n , but on the interplay of a large number of interested parties: teachers, pupils, parents, employers, the media, trade unions, and political parties. A n d a great number of changes will only take place if they receive the at least passive support of a sufficiently large proportion of those concerned. A s u m m a r y of the major ideas in the report is followed by a description in its first part of the French system of education, which is qualified as 'bureaucratic' and 'hierarchical'. T h e author uses systems analysis (of which he is one of France's leading exponents) to define the system of education as a 'group of elements linked by a complex network of relationships which is able, through interaction with its environment, to respond, change, learn, and organize itself. While noting the magnitude of the quantitative changes which have taken place over the last fifty years, Jacques Lesourne draws attention to four 'serious inadequacies in the system'. First, assessment of h o w the system works is based o n quantitative indicators (number of pupils, of baccalauréat passes, financial and h u m a n resources devoted to education) and not o n the progress m a d e by pupils in terms of knowledge, skills, and k n o w hows o n the latter only 'fragmentary data' are available. Second, educational reforms are not only 'centrally imposed', they 'are decided o n and implemented without taking account of their consequences in terms of staff, resources, content, teaching methods or organization, and without any attempt to draw u p schedules or determine o n what dates certain activities will have to have been completed'. These harsh words, backed u p b y examples, contrast sharply with previous m o r e complacent descriptions of France's educational planning system and are indicative of the

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change in attitude that followed the economic crisis: 'during the last twenty-five years, though the system has set itself admirable objectives, it has proved incapable of taking change in its stride and has accumulated a heavy backlog of problems'. Third, the explosive increase in school enrolment has not led to the democratization of education. H e r e , Lesourne cites the conclusions of a survey conducted by the historian Antoine Prost ( w h o is also the rapporteur of the Commission o n lycées set u p b y the previous government: until the beginning of the 1960s democratization progressed within an educational structure designed by conservative thinkers . . . whereas the reforms of 1959 [the extension of compulsory schooling from the age of 14 to 16], 1963 [the creation of middle-level educational establishments, the CESs—colleges of secondary education] and 1975 [the merger of the three sections of the C E S by the Haby reform] which were designed to ensure equality of opportunity in schools and the democratization of education in fact organized the recruitment of the educational élite from within the social élite. Fourth, the unitary system of examinations, concours and national diplomas, certificates and degrees is linked to social status and collective agreements a n d is one of the reasons w h y the education system is unable to adapt to the changes and diversifications taking place in its social environment and in training requirements. It has 'extended its control over the past century, spreading its tentacles throughout society [and] in its attempt to repair the d a m a g e of the last crisis [is] laying the foundations for the next'. This no-nonsense diagnosis, which includes a mention of the lowering of teachers' social standing, also draws comparisons whose purpose is to distinguish between 'difficulties specific to France and those which are encountered throughout the developed world'. Although the report mentions w o r k carried out b y Unesco, the European C o m m u n i t y , the Council of Europe, and, above all, O E C D , hasty and sometimes questionable generalizations are an inevitable result of the attempt to outline in a few sentences the strong points and weaknesses of a dozen or so systems of education. T h e attention given to 'lessons to be learnt from foreign countries' is relatively n e w , and reflects an interest, widely shared today in France, in the experience of other countries. Let us hope that this heralds an expansion of work o n comparative education, still all too rare in a country that goes in for particularly intensive international interchanges of students and teachers. A second part, entitled ' T h e Challenges of the Future', puts the problems which the education system will have to face in the m e d i u m and long term in the perspective of the changes taking place in its social environment: the labour market, scientific and technical progress, the growing influence of the

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international and European context, and major ethical ive importance attributed to mathematics in the problems. T h e central idea of the report is that it is French system of education, to the detriment of the in relation to society, and not in relation to the sysexperimental approach and other aspects of persontem of education itself, that its objectives should be ality that need to be developed to m a k e indidefined. viduals 'adaptable, independent and, m a n y of them, creative'. W i t h regard to the relationship between training and work, Lesourne takes issue with the idea that it is Moreover, the increasing internationalization of possible (or even desirable) to match forecasts of economics, the emergence of a 'world culture', and employment by level of education with forecasts of participation in the construction of Europe, are all production of goods and services, which was the important influences which should m a k e the French objective of the planners of the 1960s. H e refers to 'continually adapt themselves not only to long-term the wide range of skills corresponding to a single changes but also to the short- and medium-term level of training, the growing discrepancy between twists and turns of international life'. national education courses and the actual d e m a n d T h e report notes some of the consequences that for professional skills, the changing nature of this these changes have for the system of education, for d e m a n d under the combined effects of the proexample, in regard to the teaching of languages and fessional experience of individuals and the continuous education for h u m a n e world development, the objecsubstitutions taking place between qualifications as a tive being to train 'individuals capable of learning, result of changes in the salary structure, the supply developing, and taking the initiative'. T h e diversity of graduates, technological changes and international of the social origins of pupils and students and of competition. T h e excessive importance attributed to changes to the professional structure (here Lesourne diplomas, certificates and degrees in the labour emphasizes the collapse in the d e m a n d for unskilled market is 'socially unjust and economically inefworkers) should bring about 'a diversification of ficient', as had already been emphasized by the report bodies responsible for training and of places where of the Collège de France in 1985. Lesourne contrasts training is offered'. this dominant model which maintains a rigid link Over and above economic andfinancialconstraints, between training and employment with what is the report examines some social factors that edu' c o m m o n practice in m a n y countries [of the O E C D ] : cational policy should take into account: (a) the gradual selection on the basis of professional percrisis of authority, affecting both teachers and formance in association with increasingly advanced parents; (b) the n e w social status of adolescents; levels of training'. Although these ideas are gradually (c) the threat of a 'dual society' in which an increasgaining ground, and had already been put forward ingly large section of the population is threatened in the reports of the commission for training and with insecurity or permanent exclusion from the employment under the Sixth Plan (1971) and the labour market; (d) the gradual blurring of distinctions Seventh Plan (1976), they are likely to meet with between the different phases in the life-cycle (trainopposition once again from m a n y circles in which it is ing, working life, retirement); (e) the media explosion. taken for granted that a certain type of training In order to adapt to these changes, Lesourne proposes necessarily leads to a certain type of job. For several exploring the possibilities years the authorities have thus been encouraging the universities to establish 'professional' courses which of the paradigm which is gradually emerging, although would correspond to d e m a n d on the labour market. described in different terms, both in the natural and in the social sciences. This paradigm indicates that over and W i t h regard to developments in science and above an analysis identifying separate components of a technology, Lesourne has a distrust of 'technological system and isolating causal relationships, an effort must futurology' which is based o n its past errors of be made to plot the progression from genesis through development to death of natural and man-made sysforecasting. H e limits himself to accepting the tems—the properties of both are determined by the ways hypothesis of an acceleration which would be 'quantitative, in that there would be a larger n u m b e r in which their components interact. of innovations, and qualitative, perhaps involving more far-reaching changes in the economy and in Lesourne also mentions the ethical problems faced society'. T h e emergence of the n e w information by the education system as a result of n e w ways of technologies, in particular, is making for an increas- relating to intelligence (artificial intelligence), the ingly complex society. This should create n e w h u m a n person (genetics), space and the environment, and the survival of humankind. H e concludes his interrelationships between research and production, sketch of social futurology with these words: between pure and applied research, and between different scientific subsystems. In his reflections on a new system of education, using a multiplicity of settings, the management of this explosion of knowledge, Lesourne draws attention to the criticism contained routes, contents, and teachers, able to serve both adults and young people, and to adapt itself to meet the many in the report by the College de France of the excessand various demands made by whole generations, will

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have to emerge from the chrysalis of the present system to serve this new society. . . . This system of education will have to be improvised as we go along.

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of a given age-group (that is, twice the present percentage) to baccalauréat level (a goal which has been accepted both by public opinion and by successive governments since 1985). This additional T h e third part contains a more detailed examin- n u m b e r of pupils would therefore have to be abation of the main educational problems that should be sorbed by the technical schools. dealt with in this context. O n the subject of primary T h e author does not underestimate the considereducation, Lesourne draws attention to cases of able difficulties which will be encountered in effecting pupils repeating theirfirstyear, which affects their the quantitative and qualitative changes necessitated subsequent progress through school. Although it had by such an objective, which is considered unrealistic decreased by half in twenty years, the average rate of by m a n y observers. H e is against making general 14 per cent of repeaters of thefirstyear was closely proposals to be applied to all the m a n y and varied associated with social origin, ranging from 24 per cent technical and vocational courses (short and long for the children of unqualified workers to 2.4 per cent cycles, training, etc.). H e believes that measures for the children of senior executive staff. T o combat should be based o n the type of pupils and students this 'invisible selection process', the report advocates concerned and on local employment opportunities, strengthening and continuing basic learning activi- which means m o r e precise information o n this ties, adopting differentiated teaching methods, re- •emergent nebula', as he calls it. There are two inforcing the policy of establishing priority zones for possible approaches: courses modelled closely o n job education (.zones d'éducation prioritaires), and makingrequirements (though these are constantly changing), pre-primary school education available for all t w o - or broadly based training, enabling changes in the year-olds, with systematic assessment of results. T h e course of a career to be taken in one's stride. Although report deals cautiously with the vexed question of the the second receives more support, it calls for several training of primary-school teachers and the future pre-conditions to be met: of the écoles normales (teacher-training colleges), simply recommending the creation between them (1) identification beyond short-term trends in the labour and the universities of 'networks whose status would market, of the unchanging features of broader professional need to be defined*. contexts; (2) a type of teaching giving pupils w h o are often unresponsive to abstractions practical access to O n the basis of the Legrand report, Lesourne technical culture; (3) the provision of refresher courses for describes the collèges (sixth to ninth years of school- teachers to enable them to make the appropriate changes ing) as the weak link in the system. There is n o to their teaching methods and content. shortage of problems: the different and sometimes contradictory purposes of this cycle, the heterogenT h e key recommendation of this report is therefore eity of the pupils, insufficient provision of educational to 'give individual schools freedom to innovate' by guidance, pupils rebelling against the school as an making them genuinely independent. But this reinstitution. T h e author sees the only solution as quires political will as well as specific administrative being for the teaching staff, under the authority of the and financial decisions broadening the individual head-teacher, collectively to draw u p and implement institution's decision-making powers, a change in the their o w n plan of campaign. But a n u m b e r of behaviour of the central administration, and 'periodconditions wouldfirstneed to be met: ical objective assessment of the performance of the institutions, taking into account the nature of their corporate disagreements between different groups of teachers in the same school would have to be settled; the intake; this assessment should normally result in the resources allocated to heads of institutions would have to encouragement or discouragement of certain a p be increased; teams of teachers would have to be en- proaches by the head of the institution'. couraged to draw up their own courses; scales of assessment Lesourne's approach to higher education is based for the performance of each school would have to be on the conclusions and arguments advanced in most devised; the administrative authorities would have to agree recent reports, books and essays. H e stresses that to different schools adopting different strategies (as long as performance was satisfactory); all schools would have priority should be given to improving thefirsttwo to be given details of successful experiments without the years of study (the 'first cycles' where there is considerable wastage), bearing in m i n d the generally central body imposing a single model. accepted forecast that the student population will O n the basis of the Prost report, he also recommends double by the end of the century. H e subscribes to that lycées operate independently, head-teachers, w h o the widely held view that 'first-cycle collèges' should lead the teams of teachers, 'receiving an overall be established, offering either a transition between budgetary allocation genuinely enabling them to the secondary level and the second cycle of higher decide on their o w n policy'. H e emphasizes the education, or access to the world of work. T h e danger of 'burdening them with even more hetero- C E G E P s of Quebec, which have been operating for some time, might be mentioned in this context. T h e geneous groups of pupils' in order to take 80 per cent

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second and third cycles, and the issues of selection, research policy in education which have been quality, and the duality between universities and the drawn u p over the last few years (the Carraz Report écoles supérieures (the grandes écoles and others) are and the report on the Chevènement symposium dealt with fairly summarily. T h e same is true of of 1985). T h e scarcity of empirical research on eduwhat Lesourne refers to as 'formation continuée' a cation in France should be pointed out and analysed neologism which he prefers to the terms 'formation in any diagnosis of present weaknesses, as it is permanente' or 'formation continue', as a definition of related to the hierarchical centralization of the 'all the training needs of individuals w h o have system. It is because the power of the central adminiscompleted their initial training'. tration predominates in financing, management, T h e last part, of some ten pages, considers strat- regulation, and teaching itself, that research does not seem to form an integral part of educational policy, egies for change which could encourage the gradual evolution of the system of education thanks to a and tends to be forgotten or seen in terms of studies mixture of flexible planning, greater freedom of to be conducted or commissioned by ministerial action for teachers, and re-tuning based on continu- offices. T h e formulation of curricula is the Ministry's ous assessment. This trial-and-error approach should exclusive responsibility, and in the same w a y the operate within the framework of 'five-year pro- assessment of results consists of the monitoring of gramming, requiring a consistent, overall view and teachers by teaching inspectors and of the regulation of national diplomas. In m y opinion, the indepenmaking arbitration offinancialallocations essential'. Its preparation will 'obviously require study and dence of the individual institutions and the assessment of their working and of their educational discussion'. standard, as described by Lesourne, can only be, A s these quotations show, the value of this book progressively, planned and achieved if the critical stems,first,from its systems analysis and forwardexamination of French centralism also focuses closely looking approach, and, second, from its encapsulation on the following sensitive points: research and evaluof a series of works and reflections on the French ation, the role of the inspectorate, and the national system of education to which large sections of French regulation of diplomas. society n o w subscribe. It thus largely reflects changing opinions and attitudes, and should be of interest Michel D E B E A U V A I S to foreign readers on more than one account. Former Director of the International Institute However, a n u m b e r of points seem to be at variance with Lesourne's vigorous criticism of the for Educational Planning (Unesco). hierarchical centralism of the French education Former President system, and with the priority he attaches to changes of the World Council in the attitudes of those involved, to the opening u p of Comparative Education Societies of schools to their environment, and to the measures that the government should take to bring this about. Is this the best way of sparking off a major public debate that would 'involve all the vital forces of the nation and not only the narrow circle of civil servants, teachers, teaching unions and parent-teacher federations [really to] create around the department of evaluation and forecasting in the Ministry of E d u cation, an administrative commission for education planning'? A n d it seems oddly in keeping with the unifying tradition so vigorously denounced elsewhere in the report to prefer (on page 298) 'déconcentration' (that is, the delegation of power to the local repsentatives of the Ministry) to decentralization (which was established in principle by the L a w s of 1982), for the sole reason that 'the high n u m b e r of regions would increase the risk of inconsistency and the danger of politicization'. It is also odd that no mention is m a d e of educational research, either in the diagnostic section or in recommendations for the future. With few exceptions, the numerous references upon which the report is based are accounts and notes prepared at the request of the author. There is n o reference to research work, or even to the two official reports on

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BRAZIL: Fundaçao Getulio Vargas, Servioo del Publicaçôes, Caixa postal 9.052-ZC-05, Praia de Botafogo 188, Rio D E JANEIRO (RJ) 2000; Imagem Latinoamericana, Av. Paulista 750,1 andar, Caixa postal 30455, SÄo P A U L O , C E P 01051. BULGARIA: Hemus, Kantora Literatura, boulevard Rousky 6, SOFIJA. B U R K I N A F A S O : Librairie Attie, B . P . 64, O U A G A -

D O U G O U ; Librairie Catholique 'Jeunesse d'Afrique', OUAGADOUGOU.

B U R M A : Trade Corporation N o . (9), 550-552 Merchant Street, R A N G O O N . C A M E R O O N : Buma Kor & Co., Bilingual Bookshop, Mvog-Ada, B.P. 727, Y A O U N D E ; Le Secrétaire général de la Commission nationale de la République du Cameroun pour l'Unesco, B.P. 1600, Y A O U N D E ; Librairie des Éditions Clé, B.P. 1501, Y A O U N D E ; Librairie Hermès Memento, Face C H U Melen, B.P. 2537, Y A O U N D E ; Centre de diffusion du livre camerounais, B.P. 338, D O U A L A . C A N A D A : Renouf Publishing Company Ltd/Editions Renouf Ltée, 1294 Algoma Road, O T T A W A ,

04 B . P . 541, A B I D J A N 04 P L A T B A U .

C U B A : Ediciones Cubanas, O'Reilly n.° 407, L A HABANA.

CYPRUS:

C

M A M ' , Archbishop Makarios 3rd Avenue,

P . O . Box 1722, NICOSIA.

CZECHOSLOVAKIA: S N T L , Spalena 51, 113-02 P R A H A I; Artia, Ve Smeckach 30, P . O . Box 790, m - 2 7 P R A H A I. Por Slovakia only: Alfa Verlag Publishers, Hurbanovo nam. 6, 893-31 B R A TISLAVA.

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ETHIOPIA: Ethiopian National Agency for Unesco, P . O . Box 2996, A D D I S A B A B A .

F I N L A N D : Akateeminen Kirjakauppa, Keskuskatu 1, SF-00101 HELSINKI 10; Suomalainen Kirjakauppa O Y , Koivuvaarankuja 2,01640 V A N T A A 64. F R A N C E : Librairie de l'Unesco, 7 place de Fontenoy, 75700 PARIS; University bookshops. G A B O N : Librairie Sogalivre (Libreville, Port Gentil and Franceville); Librairie Hachette, B . P . 3923, LIBREVILLE.

G E R M A N D E M O C R A T I C REPUBLIC: Buchexport, Post-

fach 140, Leninstrasse 16, 7010 LEIPZIG. GERMANY,

FEDERAL

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H O N D U R A S : Librería Navarro, 2. a Avenida n.° 201, Comayagüela, TEGUCIGALPA.

MASERU.

LIBERIA: National Bookstore, Mechlin and Carey Streets, P.O. Box 590, M O N R O V I A ; Cole & Yancy

H O N G K O N G : Swindon Book Co., 13-15 Lock Road, Bookshops Ltd, P.O. Box 286, M O N R O V I A . K O W L O O N ; Federal Publications (HK) Ltd, L U X E M B O U R G : Librairie Paul Brück, 22 Grande2d Freder Centre, 68 Sung Wong Toi Road, Rue, L U X E M B O U R G . Periodicals: Messageries Paul Tokwawan, K O W L O O N ; Hong Kong Government Kraus, B.P. 1022, L U X E M B O U R G . Information Services, Publication (Sales) Office, M A D A G A S C A R : Commission nationale de la RéInformation Services Dept, No. I, Battery Path, publique démocratique de Madagascar pour Central, H O N G K O N G . l'Unesco, Boîte postale 331, ANTANANARIVO. H U N G A R Y : Kultura-Buchimport-Abt., P . O . Box r49M A L A W I : Malawi Book Service, Head Office, P.O. Box 30044, Chichiri, BLANTYRE 3. H-1389, BUDAPEST 62. ICELAND: Snaebjörn Jonsson & Co., The English MALAYSIA: University of Malaya Co-operative Bookshop, P.O. Box 1127, 59700 K U A L A L U M P U R . Bookshop, Hafnarstraeti 9, REYKJAVIK. INDIA: Orient Longman Ltd, Kamani Marg, Ballard MALDIVES: Novelty Printers & Publishers, M A L E . Estate, B O M B A Y 400038; 17 Chittaranjan Avenue, M A L I : Librairie populaire du Mali, B.P. 28, B A M A K O . CALCUTTA 13; 36a Anna Salai, Mount Road, M A L T A : Sapienzas, 26 Republic Street, VALLETTA. M A D R A S 2; 80/1 Mahatma Gandhi Road, B A N G A MAURITANIA: G R A . L I . C O . M A . , I rue du Souk X , LORE 560001; 5-9-41/1 Bashir Bagh, H Y D E R A B A D Avenue Kennedy, N O U A K C H O T T ; Société nouvelle 500001 (AP); 3-5-820 Hyderguda, H Y D E R A B A D de diffusion (SONODI), B.P. 55, N O U A K C H O T T . 500001; Oxford Book & Stationery Co., 17 Park MAURITIUS: Nalanda Co. Ltd, 30 Bourbon Street, Street, CALCUTTA 700016; Scindia House, N E W PORT-LOUIS. D E L H I IIOOOI; U B S Publishers Distributors Ltd, M E X I C O : Librería El Correo de la Unesco, Actipán 66 5 Ansari Road, P . O . Box 7015, N E W D E L H I I 10002. (Insurgentes/Manacar), Colonia del Valle, AparINDONESIA: Bhratara Publishers and Booksellers, 29 tado postal 61-164, 06600 M E X I C O D . F . ; Librería Jl, Oto Iskandardinata i n , JAKARTA; Indira P.T., Secur, Local 2-Zona C I C O M , apartado postal Jl, Dr. Sam Ratulangi 37, JAKARTA PUSAT. n.° 422, 86000 ViLLAHERMOSA, Tabasco.

M O R O C C O : Librairie 'Aux belles images', 282 ave- R O M A N I A : A R T E X I M Export-Import, Piata Sciennue M o h a m m e d - V , R A B A T ; Librairie des écoles, teii, N o . 1, P . O . Box 33-16, 70005 BUCAREST. 12 avenue Hassan-II, CASABLANCA; Société chéri- S A I N T V I N C E N T A N D T H E G R E N A D I N E S : Young Workers' fienne de distribution et de presse, S O C H E P R E S S , Creative Organization, Blue Caribbean Building, angle rues de Dinant et St-Saëns, B.P. 13683, 2ndfloor,R o o m 12, K I N G S T O N . C A S A B L A N C A 05.

S A U D I A R A B I A : Dar Al-Watan for Publishing and

M O Z A M B I Q U E : Instituto National do Livro e do Disco (INLD), Avenida 24 de Julho, n.° 1927,

Information, Olaya Main Street, Ibrahim Bin Sulaym Building, P . O . Box 3310, R I Y A D H . r/c, e 1921. i.° andar, M A P U T O . S E N E G A L : Unesco, Bureau régional pour l'Afrique N E P A L : Sajha Prakashan, Polchowk, K A T H M A N O U . ( B R E D A ) , 12 avenue du R o u m e , B . P . 3311, NETHERLANDS: Keesing Boeken B.V., Hogehilweg D A K A R ; Librairie Clairafrique, B.P. 2005, D A K A R ; 13, Postbus n 18, 1000 B C A M S T E R D A M . PerioLibrairie des 4 vents, 91 rue Blanchot, B.P. 1820, dicals: Faxon-Europe, Postbus 197, 1000 A D A M - D A K A R ; Les Nouvelles éditions africaines, 10 rue STERDAM. Amadou Hassan Ndoye, B.P. 260, D A K A R . N E T H E R L A N D S ANTILLES: Van Dorp-Eddine N . V . ,

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SEYCHELLES: National Bookshop, P . O . Box 48, M A H É .

SINGAPORE: Chopmen Publishers, 865, Mountbatten N E W ZEALAND: Government Printing Office, P . O . Road N o . 05-28/29, Kalong Shopping Centre, SINBox 14277, Kilbirnie, W E L L I N G T O N . Retail book- G A P O R E 1543. Por periodicals: Righteous Entershop, 25 Rutland Street {mailorders, 85 Beach Road, prises, P . O . Box 562, Kallang Basin Post Office, Private Bag C . P . O . ) , A U C K L A N D ; reta»/, Ward Street S I N G A P O R E 9133. {mail orders, P . O . Box 857), H A M I L T O N ; retail, S O M A L I A : Modern Book Shop and General, P . O . 159 Hereford Street {mail orders, Private Bag), C H R I S T C H U R C H ; retail, Princes Street {mail orders, Box 951, M O G A D I S C I O . SPAIN: Mundi-Prensa Libros S.A., Apartado 1223, P . O . Box 1104), D U N E D I N . Castelló 37, M A D R I D I; Ediciones Líber, AparN I C A R A G U A : Librería de la Universidad Centrotado 17, Magdalena 8, O N D A R R O A (Vizcaya); americana, Apartado 69, M A N A G U A . Donaire, Ronda de Outeiro 20, Apartado de N I G E R : Librairie Mauclert, B . P . 868, N I A M E Y . correos 341, L A C O R U Ñ A ; Librería Al-Andalus, NIGERIA: The University Bookshop of Ife; The Roldana 1 y 3, SEVILLA 4; Librería Castells, Ronda University Bookshop of Ibadan, P . O . Box 286, Universidad 13 y 15, B A R C E L O N A 7; Librería de la IBADAN; The University Bookshop of Nsukka; Generalität de Catalunya, Palan Moja, Rambla de The University Bookshop of Lagos; The Ahmadu los Estudios 118, 08 002 B A R C E L O N A . Bello University Bookshop of Zaria. N O R W A Y : Tanum-Karl Johan, P . O . Box 1177, Sen- SRI L A N K A : Lake House Bookshop, 100 Sir Chittampalam Gardiner Mawata, P . O . Box 244, C O trum-0107, O S L O I; Akademika A / S , UniverLOMBO 2. sitetsbokhandel, P . O . Box 84, Blindem, 0314, O S L O 3; Narvesen Info Center, P . O . Box 6125, SUDAN: Al-Bashir Bookshop, P.O. Box 1118, K H A R TOUM. Etterstad N 0602, O S L O 6. PAKISTAN: Mirza Book Agency, 65 Shahrah Quaid SURINAME: Suriname National Commission for Unesco, P.O. Box 2943, PARAMARIBO. i-Azam, P . O . Box 729, L A H O R E 3; Unesco Publications Centre, Regional Office for Book Devel- SWEDEN: A/B C. E. Fritzes Kungl. Hovbokhandel, Regeringsgatan 12, Box 16356, S-103 27 S T O C K opment in Asia and the Pacific, P . O . Box 8950, H O L M 16. For 'The Courier': Svenska F N K A R A C H I 29. Förbundet, Skolgränd 2, Box 150 50, S-104 65 P A N A M A : Distribuidora Cultura Internacional, AparS T O C K H O L M . For periodicals only: Wennergrentado 7571, Zona 5, P A N A M A . Williams A B , Nordenflychtsvägen 70, S-104 25 PERU: Librería Studium, Plaza Francia 1164, AparS T O C K H O L M ; Esselte Tidskriftscentralen, Gamla tado 2139, L I M A ; Librería La Familia, Pasaje Brogatan 26, Box 62, S-101 20 S T O C K H O L M . Peñaloza 112, Apartado 4199, L I M A . PHILIPPINES: National Book Store Inc., 701, Rizal S W I T Z E R L A N D : Europa Verlag, Rämistrasse 5, C H 8024 Z Ü R I C H ; Librairies Payot in Geneva, LauAvenue, M A N I L A . Sub-agent: International Book sanne, Basle, Berne, Vevey, Montreux, Neufchâtel, Center (Philippines), 5th Floor, Filipinas Life Zurich; United Nations Bookshop, Palais des Building, Ayala Avenue, Makati, M E T R O M A N I L A . Nations, C H 1211 G E N È V E 10. P O L A N D : ORPAN-Import, Palac Kultury, 00-901 W A R S Z A W A ; Ars Polona-Ruch, Krakowskie Przed- S Y R I A N A R A B R E P U B L I C : Librairie Sayegh, Immeuble miescie no. .7, 00-068 W A R S Z A W A . Diab, rue du Parlement, B.P. 704, D A M A S C U S . P O R T U G A L : Dias & Andrade Ltda, Livraria Portugal, T H A I L A N D : Suksapan Panit, Mansion 9, Rajdamnern rua do Carmo 70-74, 1117 LISBOA. Avenue, B A N G K O K ; Nibondh & C o . Ltd., 40-42 REPUBLIC OF K O R E A : Korean National Commission Charoen Krung Road, Siyaeg Phaya Sri, P . O . for Unesco, P . O . Box Central 64, S E O U L . Box 402, B A N G K O K ; Suksit Siam Company, 1715

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T O G O : Librairie Évangélique, B.P. 378, L O M É ; Librairie du Bon Pasteur, B.P. 1164, L O M É ; Librairie universitaire, B.P. 3481, L O M É ; Les Nouvelles éditions africaines, 239, boulevard Circulaire, B.P. 4862, L O M É . TRINIDAD A N D T O B A G O : Trinidad and Tobago National Commission for Unesco, 18 Alexandra Street, St Clair, P O R T OF SPAIN. TUNISIA: Société tunisienne de diffusion, 5 avenue de Carthage, TUNIS. T U R K E Y : Haset Kitapevi A . S . , Istiklâl Caddesi no. 469, Posta Kutusu 219, Beyoglu, ISTANBUL. U G A N D A : Uganda Bookshop, P . O . Box 7145, K A M PALA.

U S S R : Mezhdunarodnaja Kniga, Ul. Dimitrova 39, M O S K V A , 113095. UNITED

P.O.

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EMIRATES:

Maktabat

al-Maktaba,

Box 15408, Al-Ain, A B U D H A B I .

U N I T E D K I N G D O M : H M S O , P . O . Box 276, L O N D O N

SW8 5 D T ; Government Bookshops: London, Belfast, Birmingham, Bristol, Edinburgh, M a n chester. For scientific maps: McCarta Ltd, 122 King's Cross Road, London W C l X 9DS. UNITED

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sembly Drive, L A N H A M , M D 20706-4391; United Nations Bookshop, N E W Y O R K , N Y 10017. U R U G U A Y : All publications: Ediciones Trecho S.A., Maldonado 1090, M O N T E V I D E O . Books and scientific maps only: Librería Técnica Uruguaya, Colonia n.° 1543, Piso 7, Oficina 702, Casilla de Correos 1518, M O N T E V I D E O ; Instituto Nacional del Libro, Ministerio de Educación y Cultura, San José n 16, M O N T E V I D E O . Bookshops of the Institute: Guayabo i860, M O N T E V I D E O , San José 1116,

MONTEVIDEO,

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VENEZUELA: Librería del Este, Av. Francisco de Miranda, 52, Edificio Galipán, Apartado 60337, CARACAS 1060-A; Oficina de Coordinación Regional de la Unesco para América Latina y el Caribe, quinta 'ISA', 7. a av. de Altamira entre 7. a y 8.a Transversal, Apartado 68394 Altamira, C A RACAS 1062-2.

YUGOSLAVIA: Nolit, Terazije 13/VIII, 11000 B E O GRAD; Cancarjeva Zalozba, Zopitarjeva N o . 2, 61001 LJUBLJANA; Mladost, Ilica 30/11, ZAGREB. ZAIRE: S U C E D Í (Société d'études et d'édition), UNESCO BOOK COUPONS 3440 avenue du Ring-Joli Parc, B . P . 165 69, KINSHASA. Unesco Book Coupons can be used to purchase all ZAMBIA: National Educational Distribution Co. of books and periodicals of an educational, scientific or Zambia Ltd, P . O . Box 2664, L U S A K A . cultural character. For full information please write to: Unesco Coupon Office, 7 place de Fontenoy, Z I M B A B W E : Textbook Sales (PVT) Ltd, 67 Union 75700 Paris (France). [20] Avenue, H A R A R E .

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