INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES

International Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities Review

Vol.2 No.4

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES AND HUMANITIES REVIEW

Fourth Publication 2011 www.ijsshr.com Copyright Oteh Chukwuemeka O. Department of Sociology/Anthropology Ebonyi State University Abakaliki Ebonyi State - Nigeria. ISSN 0781 – 3232 Published by Ebonyi University Press Abakaliki

VOL.2 NO.4 OCTOBER 2011.

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Guidelines for Submission of Articles  Authors are to submit clear copies of manuscripts type-written, double spaced on A4 paper with margin on both sides not more than 15-20 pages in length including abstract and references.  The title pages of Articles should carry the authors names, status, addresses, place of work e-mail address and phone numbers and abstract about 250 words (with at least five key words).  Manuscripts are received on the understanding that they are original and unpublished works of authors not considered for publication else where  Current APA style of referencing should be maintained.  Figures, tables, charts and drawing should be clearly drawn and the position marked in the text.  All manuscripts and other editorial materials should be directed to the: Editor-in-chief Dr. Oteh, Chukwuemeka Okpo Department of Sociology/Anthropology Ebonyi State University Abakaliki, Ebonyi State e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] Phone: +2348034356286 OR Dr. E.B.J Iheriohanma Directorate of General Studies Federal University of Technology, P.M.B 1526 Owerri, Imo State Nigeria. e-mail: [email protected]

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All online submission of Articles should be forwarded to: [email protected]

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EDITORIAL BOARD EDITOR-IN-CHIEF: DR. OTEH CHUKWUEMEKA OKPO Department of Sociology/Anthropology Ebonyi State University- Abakaliki e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] CONSULTANT EDITORS: PROF. I.V.O. MODO Department of Sociology/Anthropology University of Uyo Akwa Ibom State PROF. NTUNDE FLORA Department of Sociology/Anthropology Enugu State University of Sciences & Technology ESUT PROF E.B.J. IHERIOHANMA Directorate of General Studies Federal University of Technology, P.M.B 1526 Owerri, Imo State Nigeria e-mail: [email protected] DR. LIONEL E. UKOKA Department of General Studies Akwa Ibom State Polytechnic Ikot Osurua, Ikot Ekpene DR. C.I. ANAH Directorate of General Studies Federal University of Technology, Owerri Imo State Nigeria DR. WALTER MBOTO Department of Sociology/ Anthropology University of Calabar Cross-Rivers State DR. EDET ABU SOLOMON Department of Sociology/Anthropology Ebonyi State University Abakaliki, Ebonyi State. DR. NNAMDI TOBECHUKWU EKEANYANWU Head, Department of Mass Communication Covenant University, Ota, Nigeria. Email: [email protected] [email protected] DR. OKOLO, N. C. Sociology Department Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto Sokoto State, Nigeria. E-mail [email protected]

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CONTENTS 1. THE COPING MECHANISM OF WOMEN IN CONFLICT TIMES: A CASE STUDY OF INTERETHNIC CONFLICT IN NORTHERN GHANA BETWEEN GONJA ON ONE HAND AND NAWURI AND KONKOMBA ON THE OTHER IN THE EAST GONJA DISTRICT IN 1991 - AHMED BABA YAHAYA 1 2. DISPOSITION OF SENIOR SECONDARY SCHOOL STUDENTS TOWARDS CAREER IN SOCIOLOGY - AJIBADE DAVID 11 3. HOME-BASED FEMALE SEX WORKERS AND EXPOSURE TO HIV IN SUBURB OF CITIES IN NIGERIA - AMOO EMMANUEL OLAGUNJU 17 4. AGENDA SETTING, FRAMING AND MASS MEDIA COVERAGE OF OBASANJO/ATIKU FEUD - NWABUEZE, CHINENYE (Ph.D), UGWONNO CHINEDU & NGONSO, BLESSED -

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5. AN ANALYSIS OF TEMPORAL PATTERN OF DAILY ACTIVITIES IN A TRADITIONAL AFRICAN CITY AND ITS IMPLICATION FOR URBAN INFRASTRUCTURAL PLANNING: A STUDY OF ILORIN, NIGERIA - ADEDOKUN, OLUTOYIN MOSES (Ph.D) 36 6. HARNESSING TRADOTRONIC MEDIA POTENTIALS FOR CONFLICT RESOLUTION IN NIGERIA’S NIGER DELTA - KONKWO, DEDE E. J. (Ph.D) 47 7. CHALLENGES OF GENDER STUDIES IN AN AFRICAN SOCIETY: THE NIGERIAN EXPERIENCE - BAMMEKE, FUNMI (Ph.D) -

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8. INTERMEDIARIES IN STAPLE FOODSTUFF DISTRIBUTION AND FOOD SECURITY IN THE BENIN REGION - IKELEGBE, O. O. (Ph.D) 68

9. THE CRISIS OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT FINANCE IN NIGERIA - JUMARE, BASHIR -

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10. COMMUNITY CONFLICTS AND MASS MEDIA RESPONSIBILITY IN SUSTAINABLE PEACE BUILDING IN NIGERIA: A PRESCRIPTIVE DISCOURSE - KUR, JUDE TERNA (Ph.D) & OBIORAH, COLLINS CHIDOZIE 85 11. EMERGING YOUTH LEADERSHIP IN PANCHAYAT OF GUJARAT, INDIA - MAKWANA, RAMESH H. (Ph.D) -

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12. FINANCIAL REFORMS AND FINANCIAL SECTOR DEVELOPMENT IN NIGERIA: DOES THE MCKINNON – SHAW HYPOTHESIS HOLD - YAQUB JAMEELAH O. (Ph.D) -

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13. EFFECTS OF STRATEGIES ON THREE MEASURES OF SECONDARY SCHOOL STUDENTS MEMORY PERFORMANCE - OKEREKE, CHINWE (Ph.D) 111

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14. THE ROLE OF HUMAN RESOURCES MANAGEMENT IN MITIGATING THE GLOBAL FINANCIAL CRISIS - IGBOKWE-IBETO, CHINYEAKA JUSTINE 115 15. AN OVERVIEW OF AFRICAN MEDIA IN THE FACE OF THE NEW INFORMATION AND COMMUNICATION TECHNOLOGIES - LAMIDI, KAMORUDEEN I. -

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16. GLASS CHARACTERS IN J.D. SALINGER’S “A PERFECT DAY FOR BANANAFISH”: A PSYCHOANALYTICAL STUDY - HABIBI NESAMI MORTEZA, MONTASHERY IRAJ & SHAHBAZI MOGHADAM MASOOMEH 135 17. WOMEN, GENDER EQUALITY AND HEALTH IN THE CONTEXT OF CLIMATE CHANGE - OKE, OLUBUKOLA A. -

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18. STABLE DEMOCRACY AND AFRICAN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT: AN EMPIRICAL STUDY OF SELECTED AFRICAN COUNTRIES - ABUBAKAR, SALISU 148 19. DEMOCRACY AND INTERNAL SECURITY IN NIGERIA: AN EXAMPLE OF 2011 POST ELECTION VIOLENCE - DAHIRU, UMAR 159 20. THE DIMENSIONS OF SECURITY DILEMMA IN SOUTH ASIA - SUJIT KUMAR DATTA & NATASHA ISRAT KABIR

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THE COPING MECHANISM OF WOMEN IN CONFLICT TIMES: A CASE STUDY OF INTERETHNIC CONFLICT IN NORTHERN GHANA BETWEEN GONJA ON ONE HAND AND NAWURI AND KONKOMBA ON THE OTHER IN THE EAST GONJA DISTRICT IN 1991

AHMED BABA YAHAYA Department of Sociology & Anthropology University of Cape Coast Cape Coast, Ghana. [email protected] ABSTACT This study discusses the efforts made by women to cope up with the difficult situation of war in seeking for livelihood and survival for themselves and other members of the community in war times using the interethnic conflict between Gonja on one hand and the Konkomba and Nawuri on the other in 1991 in the East Gonja District of Northern Ghana. Armed conflict decimates sources of livelihood and necessities of live resulting into difficulty for the vulnerable women to survive. This is a descriptive study therefore the qualitative method of study was used to collect data and analysed. The study revealed that women exploit several new survival strategies in addition to what they were used to in the pre conflict era. Some of the women falsely migrated to the southern cities of Ghana and other places to work for income. Women become the sole bread winners in conflict times as men are engaged in fighting. Keywords: East Gonja, conflict, women, survival, bread winners Background to the study Violent conflict has the tendency of destroying the limited available sources of livelihood causing hunger and starvations to the communities affected by conflict. This is a problem as survival in any given situation is significant. According to Rehn and Sirleaf (2002), local economies are sustained on a day-to-day basis, by women’s participation in petty trade in local communities where conflict happens. It is worth noting that some women occasionally extend their activities to involving themselves in male-dominated areas of trade such as agricultural produce. This effort of women helps to provide income for the family and helps the communities to sustain the economy or serves as mainstay of local economy during depressed conditions. Petty trade seems to be an appropriate alternative opportunity for women because it does not stop them from carrying out their traditional roles such as childcare and provisioning roles within the family. Also trading may be less risky for women than for men. This is because conflict perhaps opens opportunities for women traders in the sense that they could cross enemy lines and undertake long-distance travel more safely than men. They could also easily transport and sell commodities at a time when the usual marketing systems have broken down. Women could also act as a money transfer facility serving as “mobile banks” (El-Bushra and Lopez 2003). According to a World Bank report (1998), conflict affects societies in a variety of profound and farreaching ways that weaken their ability to complete the transition from war to a sustainable peace. DateBah et al (2001), are of the view that insufficient gender analysis in the emergency relief and programmes may sometimes create systems for delivery and distribution of aid that deprive women of access to assistance, increase women’s dependence and expose them to sexual exploitation. This may be the case, for example, when men are exclusive aid distributors or where the family’s eligibility for aid is based on the registered male heads of households in a post-war situation with an increased number of female-headed households. Statement of the problem According to Baden (1997), conflicts have an enormous human, social and economic impact. In terms of death, disability, displacement and trauma suffered by the population. Violent conflicts break down the underpinnings of the economy and undermine positive predictability and confidence in the future. Conflict also disrupts markets distribution networks, and banking and credit systems. Displacement denies access to previous livelihoods and to basic services. Social organization and group reciprocal support system are

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also frustrated (World Bank 1998). In the absence of all these facilities life becomes unbearable for the society at large but women face the consequences more than men because of cultural roles assign to them. Women often become the only remaining breadwinners, because their men are either involved in fighting or have been killed, displaced or wounded. In view of this, women may be forced to adopt several survival strategies to enhance their conditions in society and provide basic necessities of life to sustain the family including the combatants exerting enormous pressure on them. The conflict in East Gonja was not exceptional in terms of destroying the sources of livelihood causing hunger and starvation to the inhabitants of the conflict areas especially women who are more vulnerable in times of wars. Objective of the study The focus of this study is to examine the survival strategies of women during the conflict. Men are mostly the combatants in war situation leaving women to fend for themselves, children, aged, disadvantaged in the absence of sources of livelihood and pervasiveness of insecurity. This renders life unbearable for women as sole breadwinners of the households. The main aim of this work is to find out how women are able to seek for means of survival in the conflict times among the conflict groups. Source of data and method Data for this study were sought from two main sources. The first was through library research which constitutes the secondary data. The other source of data was obtained from the field. In-depth interview and Focus Group Discussions were conducted to solicit for information. These two methods were used because of descriptive nature of the study. Three communities engaged in the conflict were visited to interview the women and also discussed with them their experiences during the conflict with regard to their coping strategies. The respondents were all illiterates except the queen mother of Kpandai a Nawuri community who is a professional teacher and could speak English. In view of this local languages were used to solicit for information after which the responses were transcribed into English for processing. A total of fifteen women were interviewed purposively that is only women who experienced the conflict and were ready to be interviewed were considered. 8 women participated in each Focus Group Discussions. The field work was undertaken in 2004 when the when I was undertaking a graduate programme. Women’s survival strategies in conflict situations According to Rehn and Sirleaf (2002), women use many different coping mechanisms which enable them to survive in times of crisis. This section examines the literature on women’s survival strategies in conflict situations. Adaptations of harsh environment A first coping or survival mechanism that women embark upon in their environment according to DateBah (2003), is to make adaptations to their existing roles and activities. They often have to cope with the scarcity of social basic services such as health and school education facilities and necessities of life: food, water, and shelter, access to information and support networks. Consequently, women may have to walk over long distances to collect water, whilst they are at the same time responsible for providing health care to the ill, old and wounded family, and community members under circumstances of increasing communicable diseases and higher risks of epidemics. They also provide home schooling to their children thus limiting their time to undertake other tasks that will earn them income (Date-Bah, 2003). Migration as a coping mechanism Meertens and Clark (2001), observe that another coping mechanism employed by women is migration. Migration is associated with many disadvantages including separation from sources of income such as land, the community’s reciprocal labour, the community network for support and protection, adopting a new lifestyle, building up new skills and expertise to generate income and making daily activities such as collecting firewood, cooking and medical care extremely difficult. Women have been able to exhibit remarkable resilience in adapting to these new surroundings and livelihoods than men (Meertens and Clark, 2001:133-144). Women are able to show a level of continuity in their household chores during migration, while relying on familiar forms of informal networking. On the other hand, they tend to be lost and disoriented without their usual employment and public roles to play.

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According to Lindsey (2000), women eventually become household heads taking over tasks previously carried out by men. They undertake alternative livelihood activities for which they are untrained or underequipped. This means that they are overstretched in their daily activities. They are exposed to serious risks because they are in a strange environment or away from their traditional community (Lindsey, 2000). Bouta and Frerks (2002), argue that in this situation, women lack access to wage labour, they cannot get traditional work groups, which are destroyed as a result of displacement, divorce, separation or death (Bouta and Frerks 2002). Women living on their own labour for survival in conflict situation Another aspect of survival is getting help. Family networks, friends and persons born in the same locality are of equal importance for women. However, their support generally is of short duration. Women get work more easily than men. This means that they initiate all kinds of survival activities such as street vending, washing of clothes or other kinds of domestic service. These activities give them a certain guarantee of survival, no matter how dangerous they are. These strategies have the positive impact of increasing women’s economic independence and ability to provide for their families. In addition, women are likely to be more vocal and active in community decision making in an effort to take advantage of the new opportunities. However, in some cases, these changes have long-term negative consequences. Women who provide the resources to keep their families alive continue going to the fields to cultivate, to the forest to make charcoal, or to markets to trade their goods even though doing so puts them at risk of sexual violence (Akidiende 2002). Commercial sex as a means of livelihood for women during conflict times For some women, commercial work is used as one way in which to provide for their families. In addition, some women whose husbands had died or migrated may engage in exploitative relationships such as prostitution probably because they need economic or social security. In the long-term these women may be exposed to sexually transmitted diseases including AIDS. The engagement of women in paid work indicates “empowering experiences as they generally gain greater autonomy, decision-making and access to the public sphere than before the conflict” (Date-Bah 2003:123). According to Bop (2001), Women may also engage in more dangerous occupations such as smuggling and sale of prohibited goods and services such as illegal drugs. For example, in Senegal women partisans of the Movement of Democratic Forces of Casamance were selling cannabis to fund the rebellion. Women are perceived to be less threatening or less likely to be involved in any form of illegal business, and therefore it is usually easier for them to cross the borders. Involvement of women in distress work in conflict situations Another coping mechanism used by women in conflicts is to take up activities that are not only new but may be socially unacceptable, such as working outside the home (in societies where women are kept indoors and only men go out and work to bring food home), petty crime, illegal trade, engagement in prostitution, which, due to the absence of other sources of income and the availability of potential clients such as male combatants or international peace-keepers, become a viable method of income – generation (El-Bushra and Lopez, 1993:27). These latter forms of coping are categorised as distress coping mechanisms. It is difficult to link or relate specific coping mechanisms to the pre-conflict, actual conflict or post-conflict phase. However, women tend to continue with their normal life as long as possible. They increasingly have to adapt with coping mechanisms, starting with relatively simple forms of coping but gradually tending to forms of distress coping. Once conflict is declining, women are among the first to contribute to rehabilitation efforts, often particularly paying attention to the rehabilitation of effective health and education services, in order to take up their normal daily activities again (El-Bushra and Lopez, 1993). Acceptance of badly remunerated work by women Women are also compelled to accept badly remunerated work in the informal sector which tends to expand rapidly in conflict situations as formal structures cease to function. In the post-conflict phase, women also mainly find employment in the informal sector because this sector resumes almost immediately, whereas investments in formal and larger enterprises are delayed as investors wait for political stability, peace and

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order before they become active. Women get involved in small-scale trading in markets and door-to door sales (Date-Bah 2003) as it is extremely difficult for women to secure employment opportunities in the formal sector. The collapse of the state and the closure of private companies may lead to a general loss of employment during conflict. On the other hand, the loosening of traditional labour relations and the increase in war-related sectors, such as arms manufacture and trade, may broaden women’s involvement in the formal employment sector. In relation to the post-conflict phase, when combatants return to civilian life during the early phases of post-conflict transition, female workers in the organised sector, regardless of their education, were generally first to lose their jobs (International Alert, 2002). There is a recurrence of traditional divisions of labour, which tends to limit women’s chances for formal employment. However, the post-conflict phase may provide an opening to build on the progress made by women. Women who become the sole providers of income after the conflict become frustrated because labour laws in most cases do not protect women’s full and equal access to employment. Their wages are sometimes only half of their male counterparts, and problems of leave allowances and forced early retirement are exacerbated in conflict situations. Some of these impediments are the result of neo-liberal economic policies imposed by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank (International Alert, 2002). Transformation of women's domestic skills into profit venture in conflict times According to Date-Bah (2003), the absence of male income support and labour may necessitate women’s entry into wage work and assumption of male tasks that constitute more fundamental changes in gender relations and societal norms. Some changes might not be drastic. It is easy for women to transform their domestic skills into profitable ones such as catering; engaging in petty trade is also common among women. Women also engage in production and sale of handicrafts and other goods. Agricultural tasks that are performed by men such as clearing are also assumed by women, which give them greater access to and control over income and surpluses. Some women also work as domestic helpers. These strategies have the positive impacts of increasing women’s economic independence and ability to provide for their families (Date-Bah, 2003:123). According to the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) (1998), the most common obstacle of women is their limited land and property rights besides having difficulties in having access to important training programmes, which can equip them with the expertise and knowledge to take up their new tasks in conflict situations. It is extremely difficult for women to gain access to private or community farms as combatants often destroy them as a means of warfare or because mines have made it too dangerous to use such lands. However, the major cause preventing women to own land in some countries such as Bosnia-Herzegovina is that under modern systems of customary law, women are prohibited from owning, renting or inheriting land, property and housing in their own names, and access to and control over land rests completely with male relatives. (International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) 2001:94). El-Bushra and Lopez (1993) argue that on a more advantageous note, in conflict situations, there is general breakdown of traditional systems and the traditional division of tasks, and that women are regularly granted access to land for farming to ensure their own survival and that of their family. However, the accessibility to land and property does not give the same title and safeguard as ownership. Husbands and male relatives return home after conflict and restore the traditional divisions of tasks and roles. They take over activities outside the home, which during conflict were undertaken by women. Also, women are forced to take up their roles in the household again when men start generating income anew. The restoration of traditional divisions of tasks and (inheritance) systems in the post-conflict era has a negative impact on widows and female-headed households. Whereas they may be allowed access to land and property during conflict probably because men are engaged in warfare and have no peace to think of property, this may change after conflict, in the sense that, women’s legally recognised rights to inherit land from deceased male relatives are lacking or ignored. For instance, in Bosnia-Herzegovina, women returnees and widows in particular were disadvantaged by gender inequality. Observations from the literature review The review of the literature shows that women undertake many forms of survival strategies in conflict times in order to survive. These include making adaptations to their existing roles and activities such as petty trading and domestic services for economic reward. Other women also get involved in illicit work like prostitution and petty crimes. The literature also highlighted that conflict has serious socio-political

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and economic effects ranging from death, disability, displacement and psychological trauma suffered by the population. It also destroys social amenities such as health posts, schools, bridges, railways and energy facilities which facilitate women's work. There may be insignificant difference in terms of negative consequences of armed conflict between large scale and small scale conflicts and methods of survival strategies adopted by women in the aftermath of conflict. In view of this the literature review will help the researcher to find out in the field ways and means used by the women to survive after their means of livelihood had been destroyed by the combatants. Theoretical underpinning of the study Lindsey (2003:13), makes a proposition that “women experience armed conflicts in a multitude of ways”. According to Lindsey (2003), this includes participation of women in conflict as combatants, adoption of unfamiliar roles, strengthening of existing coping skills and the development and adoption of new ones. Lindsey further states that the unavailability of men’s income support and labour may necessitate the engagement of women into waged work and assumption of male tasks that constitute more fundamental changes in gender relations and cultural norms. Some changes may not be completely dramatic. Rehn and Sirleaf (2002:43) postulate that: In every society women bear the responsibility of the burden of caring for those who are ill. This does not alter when women are in the midst of war; they still try to protect and care for their children and the elderly and they also offer support for husbands, their siblings and their parents (Rehn and Sirleaf, 2002:43). The responsibility of care for others is so embedded in women’s psychology that even in the most desperate condition, women still endeavour to take care of every person around them in the community. This might mean that the social responsibility of caring for the ill or disabled adds heavily to the workload of women in conflict times. Rehn and Sirleaf further observe that other roles women play in conflict times to take care of themselves include carrying and smuggling weapons, providing intelligence of the whereabouts of munitions and also ensuring that the daily household survival strategies are assured. Rehn and Sirleaf (2002:43) further argue that: given that many conflicts arise out of social and economic inequality, it is not surprising that women take sides in an effort to better their lives, or to protect themselves and their families. However, this can put them at even greater risk if they are caught by the opposing side. The link between theoretical underpinning and the study The gender analysis takes care of the objective of the study; finding out the survival strategies of the women in conflict times. Violent conflict has the tendency of destroying the limited available sources of livelihood causing hunger and starvations to the communities affected by conflict. This is a problem because to survive in any given situation is significant. The proposition of Lindsey (2003) reveals some of the ways and means women adopt during difficult times of conflict to survive. For instance it is not impossible for women to transform their domestic skills into profit making ventures such as catering. The women’s responses on coping and survival strategies during the conflict conform to Lindsey’s proposition. THE WOMEN’S VOICES: SOURCES OF LIVELIHOOD FOR WOMEN DURING THE TIME OF THE CONFLICT The following are the responses of women interviewed during the field work. The women’s voices revealed how they struggled to get food to feed themselves, children, husbands, aged, and injured combatants during the times of the conflict. Survival strategies of women during the conflict Respondents were interviewed or asked of what they were doing to earn a living during the time of the conflict. A woman in Kito had this to say: After our home was destroyed, I was virtually left with nothing. I started going to the Battor community (fishing community) to buy fish, smoke it and sell to support my family (quotations from a respondent in Kito). A responded at Kito also narrated that: I fled to Salaga and I was idling there. People were helping me once in a while with food, money and clothing (quotation from a respondent in Kito).

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This respondent solely depended on charity and aid in Salaga in order to survive. The respondent further said when she was asked whether she received aid: I personally had only two bars of soap and that was all. I can’t best tell the source of the aid (quotation from a respondent in Kito). Another respondent at Kuwani also narrated that: My husband was bringing food to the house and I was responsible for bringing money which I got from my fish business. Considering our plight the Government brought us rice, beans, maize and oil. The church also gave me second–hand clothing (quotation from a respondent at Kuwani). A respondent in Kpandai also narrated that: I got aid from the Government in the form of oil, second hand cloth, rice and sorghum. The church also gave me milk powder, maize and sorghum (quotation from a respondent in Kpandai). Another respondent from Kito lamented that: I was doing nothing. People were supporting me. I also got support from Government and NGOs (quotation from a respondent in Kito). The Queen Mother in Kpandai also expressed her view in the following: I was fortunate that the NGOs and the church came to my aid and gave me food items (quotation from a respondent in Kito). During Focus Group Discussions (FGDs) at Kpandai, respondents were of the view that: The chief of Lungi provided us with shelter, and water. The church also gave us second hand clothes, wheat and soap for bathing and washing of our dresses. The Government however was discriminative providing assistance only to our enemies and forgetting of us (quotation from respondents during FGDs at Kpandai). It is possible to see these activities adopted by the respondents being executed by both men and women beyond the research areas in Ghana. However, what makes these activities undertaken by the respondents worth mentioning is that prior to the conflict, the majority of the respondents claimed that they were involved in agriculture as a main occupation. This means that agriculture was the dominant occupation of the women. Prior to the conflict, the respondents were not used to some kinds of jobs such as “kayayoo”, asking for charity and involvement in domestic work for reward. This indicates that conflict has the ability and capability of changing means of livelihood or survival mechanism of a social group or individuals as it had happened in East Gonja District. Conflict could also change a social status of social group either by elevating them or relegating them to the background. Here, the women’s honour, dignity and integrity was reduced as some of them had become house helps, a service they might not had offered if conflict had not happened in their communities. Another implication may be that conflict could forcefully change occupation of people. The respondents deserted the land and involved themselves in other means of livelihood in order to survive which were hitherto not common to them. The In-depth Interview and FGDs confirm that another aspect of survival strategy for women in conflict times is relying on charity. The majority of respondents stated that they were getting help from their men and grown –up children who survived the violent conflict. They also mentioned their sources of help to be from individuals or neighbours in the communities they emigrated to as well as Government and religious organizations. This help was in the form of money and basic petty goods that could help recipients in their daily lives. However the help was short-lived. The women had to fend for themselves after some time when the help ceased. Employment in the informal sector A respondent at Kpandai was interviewed about what she did to survive and she said that: I was doing abawa (working as a servant) work and also involved in hard labour –working on people’s farms and getting money to help my family (quotation from a respondent in Kpandai). The Queen Mother at Kpandai commented that: I am a professional teacher. During the conflict, the schools in Kpandai were closed down as a result of insecurity. I stayed at Lungi (village )for many months without work and salary. I could not travel to Salaga, the town of our enemy to collect my salary amidst the

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conflict. I had to help people on their farms before I could get food to eat (quotation from a Queen Mother at Kpandai). A respondent at Kito explained that: I fled to Kumasi and was doing kayayoo (head porter) in order to get money to support my family back home (quotation from a respondent at Kito). The FGDs at Kito revealed that the respondents were involved in: Burning of charcoal and chopping firewood to get fuel wood to sell. We also became domestic helpers in Salaga. Some of us were washing clothing of people in exchange for basic needs and money. Our elderly women acted as baby sitters for people who had trust in them that they are not witches before they could get food to survive (quotation from respondents at Kito). Also in Kuwani the FGDs revealed that the respondents were involved mainly in farming during their stay in the bush. A few of them were involved in pito brewing, which gave them insignificant amounts of money to enable them buy commodities such as salt and matches. The responses of the respondents above buttress the views of Date- Bah (2003), that women mainly find employment in the informal economy because job opportunities in the formal sector are scarce due to break down of law and order which characterises conflict zones where public and privately owned enterprises would not be ready to operate. Date- Bah (2003), further argued that women in most cases lack skills required for formal employment in addition to their willingness to engage in any kind of work available that will secure the survival of their families. These jobs are often gender–stereotyped extensions of women’s household duties such as sewing, cooking, washing of clothing (laundry), which is low paid but offer women opportunities. It can be observed from the responses that apart from teaching there was complete absence of formal job opportunities for women. The teachers deserted the communities because of insecurity. The situation at Kito was however different because all the respondents emigrated to Salaga and almost all of them became dependents in the Salaga community. The FGDs at Kito reveal that the respondents did not trade. However, few of them mentioned that they were involved in: Burning of charcoal, domestic work as house helpers and washing of people’s clothing in order to get food and money to support their families (quotation from respondents at Kito). In Kpandai a respondent explained that: I was processing gari and sending it to Accra to sell. I got a lot of money out of it but I was not able to make any savings. I used the money to take care of my families and also sponsored the war by buying bullets for our men to fight our enemies (quotation from a respondent at Kpandai). Another respondent at Kpandai explained that: I was preparing food and selling. I was not making profit because of some of our people did not have money and were always begging to eat. I was satisfied with that situation because my family was also depending on me for their livelihood (quotation from a respondent at Kpandai). FGDs in Kpandai revealed that the respondents were involved in a variety of income generating activities to support themselves. These include processing of gari, working on the farms of their neighbours and begging for basic materials such as utensils, food, water and clothing in order to live averagely. Respondents explained that the petty trading in most cases was some kind of barter system where exchange of goods and services took place without the use of physical cash. A respondent at Kuwani says: There was no money during the conflict times. Those of us selling petty goods had to exchange with other people’s goods in order to get what we did not have. One cannot get money to buy salt so you have to use farm produce to exchange for salt (quotation from a respondent at Kuwani).

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The informal sector is always available that was why some of the women undertook petty trade as a means of survival. The information gathered on the field buttresses the view of International Alert (2002) that women find it difficult to secure employment opportunities in the formal sector. But the informal sector is always available either in war or in peacetime. Migration One of the survival strategies of the women was migration. The majority of the respondents and even all of them were internally displaced and this made them flee from the conflict-affected areas to other areas as migrants. A respondent at Kito responded that: “I have run to Salaga to escape death”. During the FGDs the above statement was confirmed by all respondents that they emigrated to Salaga. They spent three days and nights in the bush. They narrated the following: On Saturday early morning we were in our rooms when we were stoned out of the rooms and our houses destroyed. We the women were all gathered under a big tree. Our men also shot guns but they run out of bullets because they were not prepared for the war. Most of them were killed and the few who were lucky managed to escape. After that they (Konkomba) told us (women) to get up and go away. We told them that we could not go because we were afraid of being killed on the way to Salaga. They later stopped us and were searching us, because they thought some male babies were with us. Our baby boys were seized and killed. We could not withstand the atrocities, therefore we ran into the bush. Some of us spent three days and three nights in the bush before we finally got to Salaga. In Salaga, some of us did not have relatives; therefore we entered people’s houses unannounced seeking for accommodation, protection and security. It was indeed a sad event (quotation from respondents at Kito). In Kuwani the respondents did not migrate to any place. They rather fled to the bush to hide. The respondents revealed the following during FGDs: Some of us (women) were afraid and weak and could not fight. We ran into the bush with our children and the disabled people among us. We were only suffering at that time. We lost all our belongings as they were burnt. It is only unfortunate that human beings do not eat grass otherwise that was what we would have depended on in the bush. We ate raw cassava because we had no cooking utensils to cook. We did not have matches to use to help us roast the cassava. We also ate all the yam seedlings of our men and they could not get some to farm during farming season. Some of us (women) were beaten by snakes and stung by scorpions. Reptiles also worried us a lot because we were sleeping with them in the bush (quotation from respondents at Kuwani). In Kpandai the FGDs revealed that respondents emigrated to Lungi because of general insecurity in their native land. We (women) took our children to the bush for several days before we emigrated to Lungi (a village near Kpandai) with the permission and invitation of their chief. Even though we were readily welcomed by the people, the situation was unbearable for us. The people shared their accommodation, food and clothing with us for a short period of time and we had to fend for ourselves afterwards. Some of us further emigrated to other places such as Bimbila and Tamale. We did all kinds of manual work as refugees in order to survive. The salary earners among us especially the men agreed to share their monies with us so that we could afford to buy basic necessities such as salt, kerosene and matches. We stayed in Lungi for about three months before we moved to Kpandai after our men conquered the town (quotation from respondents at Kpandai). The women suffered a setback during the period of migration. According to International Alert (2002), women in situations of migration cannot get access to wage labour and traditional work groups because of false separation, divorce and death. Because they were foreign in the new environment, it became very difficult for them to adapt and that was why they returned to their communities as soon as relative peace was installed. The respondents in Kito commented that: We could not pay our rent, light bills and water bills in Salaga that was why we are back to Kito to live with Konkombas. If we could survive in Salaga better we would not have returned to this place (quotation from respondents at Kito).

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Reliance on grown-up daughters for livelihood A respondent at Kito has this to say on the role played by her daughter to keep the family surviving when she was asked to mention her source of livelihood. I lost my husband during the conflict and it was morally wrong to instantly enter into relationship with another man who would provide me with my basic needs. I have two grown-up daughters who were befriended by young men in Salaga and they were providing us with money and other material gifts (quotation from respondent at Kito). The above response reveals an aspect of culture of the people in Kito. According to the women, widows could not marry after the death of their husbands for at least four months. It is a taboo for a woman to immediately or instantly remarry after her husband’s death. FGDs in Kito and Kpandai revealed that: It was difficult for our men to marry because of lack of money. Therefore, some of the girls entered into relationships with soldiers, police officers and town young men who were giving us assistance. Prostitution is a taboo in our society but there was nothing we could do to stop our daughters because there was no job for them to do during the time of the conflict. Some of the girls traveled further south to look for work. The girls in some cases became our source of livelihood (quotation from respondents at Kito). The attitude of the girls who entered into relationships with Government officials in order to get money confirmed the view of Date- Bah (2003) that illicit work was one of the ways women adapt in order to obtain food for their families during conflict times. She added that those women could be exposed to sexually transmitted diseases including HIV/ ADIS, in the long–term. Reliance on male children for livelihood Respondents explained that some of the women relied on their male children for food to survive. A respondent at Kuwani says: My grown-up male child used to ride a bicycle in the night to search and collect water for us to use. It was difficult for us (women) to search for water as a result of general insecurity. I was afraid that enemies would attack me in the process of looking for water (quotation from respondent at Kuwani). Another respondent in the same community expressed her appreciation to her son in the following: He was responsible for going to my husband’s farm in the night to bring food to our settlement. He also helped in bringing fuel wood for me to roast cassava for the young ones (quotation from respondent at Kuwani). FGDs at Kito and Kpandai confirmed that the grown-ups males were helpful to the women. The young men served as security for the women, after the latter lost their husbands and other male relations in the conflict. Major findings The study reveals that women are not just always dependents solely on others for survival in adversity; women rather continue to work assiduously in difficult situations to fend for themselves. The women were involved in numerous and varied forms of survival strategies and coping mechanisms. Some of the women got involved in domestic work, or became migrant head porters in the southern cities of Ghana (Accra and Kumasi). Others also depended on NGOs, religious bodies, and benevolent individuals for charity. These were new survival strategies adopted by the women which hitherto were uncommon to them. Limitations of the study The limitation of this work is that there had been conflict in many districts of Ghana destroying sources of livelihood rendering women in a state of unbearable situation of fending for themselves and other members of the community. However, this study takes care of only East Gonja District making it difficult to generalize the findings. To make a generalization of the finding of the study, it is appropriate to take a sample of women of all the conflict areas in Ghana and undertake a similar study. Summary and conclusions The study seeks to investigate the survival strategies of women during the inter ethnic conflict between Gonjas on one hand and the Konkomba and Nawuri on the other in the East Gonja District of Northern Ghana. The study revealed that sources of livelihood such as farms have been destroyed. Also the men were mostly engaged into fighting desserting women to fend for themselves and other disadvantaged social

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groups in the community. The women coped up with this situation by engaging into several new survival strategies in addition to the traditional ones they are used to during peace times. Some of the women transformed the cultural domestic work such as childbearing into commercial ventures as they were involved in babysitting during the period of migration in order to survive. It is a descriptive study hence the qualitative method of data collection and analysis were used to undertake the study.

References Akidiende, O. (2002). West Africa. (4351). Post – conflict Mozambique: women’s special situation, Baden, S. (1997). population issues and gender perspectives and the integration of these concerns in skills and employment promotion. Unpublished. Bop, C (2001). Women in Conflicts, Their Gains and Their Losses in Meinjes S.; Pillay A.; Turshen M., The Aftermath-Women in Post-Conflict Transformation. London: Zed Books. Conflict Resolution and Bouta, T, and Frerks, G. (2002). Women’s Roles in Conflict Prevention, Post Conflict Reconstruction. Hague: Netherlands Institute of International Relations Cliengendael. Date-Bah, E (2001). Crises and Decent Work: A Collection of Essays. Geneva: ILO. Date-Bah, E. (2003). Jobs After War. A Critical Challenge in the Peace and Reconstruction Puzzle. Geneva:International Labour Organisation. El-Bushra, J and Piza-Lopez, E. (1993). Gender Related Violence: Its Scope and Relevance in H.O’ Connell (ed). Women and Conflict, Oxfam Focus on Gender: 1(2) 1-9. International Alert (2002). The Sharing Know-How Workshop. Oxford: International Alert. Lindsey, C. (2000). Women and War. Geneva: ICRC. Lindsey, C. (2002). Women Facing War. Geneva: International Committee On the Red Cross. Meertens, D. (2001).The Nostalgic Future –Colombia, in Moser, C..O and Clark F.C Gender, Armed Conflict and Political violence. London: Zed Books. Rehn, E and Sirleaf, E. J. (2002). Women, War and Peace: The Independent Experts’ Assessment on the Impact of Armed Conflict on Women and Women’s Role in Peace-building. New York: UNIFEM. United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) (1998), Yahaya, A. B (2007). The Implications of the Konkomba-Nawuri-Gonja armed conflict of 1991 For The lives of Women in East Gonja District of Ghana. Unpublished M.Phil. Thesis, Department of Sociology and Anthropolgy. University of Cape Coast, Cape Coast. World Bank (1998). Post-Conflict Reconstruction: The Role of the World Bank. Washington DC: World Bank.

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DISPOSITION OF SENIOR SECONDARY SCHOOL STUDENTS TOWARDS CAREER IN SOCIOLOGY AJIBADE, DAVID Department of Sociology Kogi State University P.M.B 1008 Anyigba, Kogi State, Nigeria. [email protected] ABSTRACT This study examined the disposition of Senior Secondary School Students towards career in Sociology. A total of four hundred (400) respondents were randomly selected from eight (8) public secondary schools in Abeokuta metropolis. Data were generated through the use of both questionnaire and oral interviews. Data generated through questionnaire were analyzed using descriptive technique such as frequency counts and percentage while the data obtained through interviews were content analyzed. The study revealed among others that majority of the respondents intend to enroll for tertiary educational degree/diploma after completion of their secondary school education. Despite this, it was revealed that many of the respondents were ignorant of the discipline of sociology and this accounted for its low preference among the respondents as only 35.5 percent showed positive disposition towards career in sociology while 63.7 percent preferred studying other courses and the remaining 0.8 percent were neutral. The study concludes with a set of recommendations which will help to popularize the course as well as arouse the interest of students in the discipline of sociology. Keywords: Disposition, Sociology, Students, Career, Abeokuta. INTRODUCTION Since the word sociology was coined by Auguste Comte (1798 – 1857), it has become widely accepted not only in Europe but also in United States of America, Japan, Canada and in other parts of the world as an academic discipline and as a tool for analyzing and understanding society. But what is sociology? Several scholars such as Kornblum (1994); Ross and Haag (1961); Wilmot (1985); Henslin (1997); Lindsay and Beach (2003); etc have explained the meaning of sociology. For instance, Kornblum (1994) defined sociology as the scientific study of human societies and of human behaviour in the groups that make up a society. It is concerned with how social conditions influence our lives and individuals. Ross and Haag (1961) on their own defined sociology as the study of the formation and transformation of groups and the relationship of groups and group members with one another. To Wilmot (1985) sociology is a science of human companionship, fellowship, association and interaction. While all these definitions may be accurate/correct, however, in this study, Smelser (1994) definition was adopted. He defined sociology as the scientific study of social relations, institutions and societies. Although not all sociologists accepted the scientific status of the discipline (Tukura, 2004; Haralambos and Holborn, 2004) but it is accurate to characterize the discipline as a scientific one given the very strong emphasis placed on empirical investigation and systematic explanation according to the scientific method. Most importantly, it utilizes a set of procedures that minimizes the personal bias of researcher while at the same time maximizes precise measurement (Isiugo-Abanihe, Isamah and Adesina, 2002). Sociology is an important discipline in faculties of social sciences in Nigeria universities. The social sciences are academic disciplines that deal with people in their social and cultural context (Otite and Oginwo, 2006). Other disciplines in the social sciences include Anthropology, Psychology, Political Science and Economics. Some faculties of the social sciences include other disciplines such as Demography, Geography, Social Work, and Accounting. But what distinguishes Sociology from the other social science disciplines is that as each of these social science disciplines study an aspect of the society, sociology is interested in all aspects of the society. Also, sociology has a unique way of analyzing reality which has been referred to by scholars such as Hess, Markson and Stein (1996) as the sociological perspective or way of seeing.

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A major in sociology gives one distinct skills to look beyond the often neglected and taken-for-granted aspects of our social environment and examine them in fresh and creative ways (Berger, 1963; James and Zanden, 1996). People trained in sociology work in a wide range of interesting jobs, in the public, corporate and community sectors. Sociologists work in neighbourhood and community development, in ageing, urban, youth or women’s services in health program evaluation or program management. They work in media, not-for-profit organizations and many works as researchers in areas from family life to educational change. They are found in large corporations, community groups, and the three levels of government i.e. Federal, State and Local (Huber, 1984; American Sociological Association, 1984). Inspite of many job opportunities available for sociologists, information from literature (Nworah, 1997; Iheanacho, 2000; Joshua, 2003) indicate that many secondary school students always aspire to study courses such as Medicine, Accounting, Pharmacy, Business Administration, Engineering and Law without a single thought on course like Sociology. This phenomenon is a threat as it has implication for planning the recruitment into the sociology profession in Nigeria. Hence, this study was conceived to find out how far such finding hold for the generality of senior secondary school students in Abeokuta metropolis. In pursuance of this, attempts were made to provide answers to the following research questions: (i) what are the career goals/intention of students after secondary school education? (ii) who influences their career choices? (iii) are they aware of the discipline of Sociology? (iv) would they like to choose sociology as a course to study in tertiary institution after their secondary school education?. The result of this study will contribute to a better understanding of the disposition of senior secondary school students in Abeokuta towards career in sociology. The finding will also go a long way in making an empirical contribution to the literature on career education and sociology in Nigeria. AREA OF STUDY AND METHODOLOGY This study was carried out in Abeokuta, a city in South Western Nigeria. Abeokuta is the capital of Ogun State. It is located between latitude 7o00W – 7o30N and longitude 3o00E – 3o30E, and it hosts two local government areas namely Abeokuta South and Abeokuta North. Most of the inhabitants of Abeokuta are Egba, a subgroup of the Yoruba people. Other Nigerians from other parts of the country as well as expatriates are also living in the city. Abeokuta has over twenty public secondary schools. The study population consists of the final year senior secondary school commercial class students in Abeokuta metropolis. The science and art oriented students were excluded because of their subject combinations which cannot permit/allow them to study sociology in any Nigerian university. As regards selection of sample, a total of eight (8) public secondary schools were selected using random sampling technique. The schools selected were African Church Grammar School, Abeokuta; Gateway Secondary School, Abeokuta; Lisabi Grammar School, Abeokuta; Unity High School, Abeokuta; Premier Grammar School, Abeokuta; Olumo High School, Abeokuta; Abeokuta Girls’ Grammar School, Abeokuta; and Baptist Boys High School, Abeokuta. Selection of sample of students was done through the use of simple random sampling technique. A total of fifty (50) students were chosen from each of the eight (8) selected schools to give 400. Equal numbers of students were selected in order to ensure equitable representation and reduce bias. Data for the study were collected through the use of both questionnaire and oral interviews. The questionnaire revolved around the (i) respondents social background (ii) other issues raised in the research questions of the study. Oral interviews were also held with some of the respondents in order to have indepth information on some of the issues raised in the research questions. However, before administering the questionnaire, the permission of the selected school authorities was sought and obtained after introduction of the study. The verbal consent of the respondents were also sought and obtained. The researcher personally administered the questionnaire to all the respondents in their various schools during the school hours to ensure maximum return of the instrument. In all, 100 percent return rate was achieved. Data collected through questionnaire were analysed using descriptive techniques such as frequency counts and percentage while the data obtained through interviews were content analyzed.

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RESULTS AND DISCUSSION TABLE 1: SOCIO-DEMOGRAPHIC PROFILE OF THE RESPONDENTS VARIABLES CATEGORIES FREQUENCY PERCENT Sex Male 201 50.3 Female 199 49.7 Total 400 100.0 Current age of the 0-10 respondents (years) 11-12 13-14 02 0.5 15-16 137 34.2 17-18 142 35.5 >18 119 29.8 Total 400 100.0 Respondents position First born 99 24.8 in the family Second born 110 27.5 Third born 121 30.2 Others 70 17.5 Total 400 100.0 Fathers’ educational No formal educational 42 10.5 level Primary school certificate 100 25.0 Secondary/technical school 130 32.5 certificate 128 32.0 Tertiary certificate Others 400 100.0 Total Mothers’ educational No formal educational 60 15.0 level Primary school certificate 140 35.0 Secondary/technical school 125 31.3 certificate 75 18.7 Tertiary certificate Others 400 100.0 Total Source: Field Survey, 2010 Table 1 shows the demographic profile of the respondents. From the table, a little more than half (50.3 percent) of the respondents were male while the remaining (49.7 percent) were female. The high figure of male respondents is an indication that more male than female enrolled in secondary schools in the study area. Currents age of the respondents shows that about 35.5 percent fell within age 17-18 years, 34.2 percent were within age 15-16 years while 29.8 percent were age 18 years and above. The high proportion of those whose age ranges between 17-18 years is an indication that most of the respondents began their educational career at the national official age of six years. Respondents position in the family shows that about 30.2 percent were third born, 27.5 percent were second born while the remaining others were17.5 percent. Education level of the respondents father show that about 32.5 percent had secondary/technical school certificate, 32.0 percent had tertiary school certificate while 25.0 percent had primary school certificate. This finding implies that the respondents father were fairly literate. Respondents mothers’ educational level show that about 35.0 percent had primary school certificate, 31.3 percent had secondary/technical education certificate, 18.7 percent hold tertiary education certificate while the remaining (15.0 percent) respondents never attended school. This result also indicates that the mothers of the respondents were equally fairly literate. TABLE 2: RESPONDENTS CAREER GOALS/INTENTION AFTER SECONDARY SCHOOL EDUCATION CAREER GOALS/INTENTION

NUMBER OF RESPONDENTS

PERCENTAGE (%)

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Enroll for tertiary educational degree/diploma Work immediately after completion of Secondary school education and later enroll for tertiary educational degree/diploma Enroll for short term vocational training No response TOTAL Source: Field Survey, 2010

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236

59.0

81

20.3

66 17 400

16.4 4.3 100.0

Table 2 shows the intention of the respondents after leaving secondary school. Majority (59.0 percent) of the respondents intend to enroll for tertiary education degree /diploma. About 20.3 percent intend to work for some time and later enroll for tertiary educational degree/diploma; 16.4 percent intend to enroll for vocational training in either tailoring, carpentary, painting, hairdressing, barbing saloon, etc, while the remaining (4.3 percent) respondents did not respond. A situation where more than half of the respondents intend to enroll for tertiary educational degree/diploma could be as a result of the role of education in the enlightening and liberation of man from the vagaries of nature. It enables man to be self sufficient materially and philosophically (Martin, 2003). Furthermore it is the most potent weapon of political influence and power (Amingo,2003). Also, in a country (like Nigeria) of over 400 language groups (Otite, 2000) higher education seems the sole open sesame to elite status (Amingo,2003). TABLE 3: INFLUENCE ON RESPONDENTS CAREER CHOICE INFLUENCE ON CAREER CHOICE NUMBER OF RESPONDENTS Teacher 62 Career guidance 47 Parents 251 Peers 34 Others 06 Total 400 Source: Field Survey, 2010

PERCENTAGE (%) 15.5 11.7 62.8 8.5 1.5 100.0

Table 3 shows influence on respondents career choices. From the table, more than half (62.8 percent) of the respondents rated their parents as the most important influence on their career choice while teachers (15.5 percent) were the next followed by career guidance (11.7 percent) peers (8.5 percent) and others (1.5 percent). By and large, a situation were more than half of the respondents rated their parents as the influence on their career choices indicates that parents are the most significant individuals influencing career choices of their children in the study area. This finding conforms to that of Breakwell, etal, 1998; Dick and Rallis, 1991; Ferry, 2006; Agarwala, 2008. These scholars in their various studies unanimously found parents to have important influence on children career choice. TABLE 4: RESPONDENTS AWARENESS OF THE DISCIPLINE OF SCIOLOGY AWARENESS OF THE DISCIPLINE NUMBER OF PERCENTAGE RESPONDENTS (%) Yes 57 14.3 No 339 84.7 No response 04 1.0 Total 400 100.0 Source: Field Survey, 2010 Table 4 shows the respondents awareness as regards the discipline of sociology. Majorities (84.7 percent) of the respondents were ignorant of the discipline of sociology; about 14.3 percent knew of the discipline of sociology while the remaining (1.0 percent) did not respond. It is unfortunate that as much as 84.7 percent of the respondents were ignorant of the discipline of sociology. Ignorance about the existence of the discipline of sociology and what it entail is likely to be a key factor responsible for its low level

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popularity. This is unlike the case of other courses such as Medicine, Pharmacy, Engineering, Law, Accountancy, and Business administration where awareness of and interest among students is very high before they are ready for tertiary level education. Respondents who claimed the awareness of the discipline of sociology were asked the source of their information. Majority of them claimed to know of the discipline through the Unified Tertiary Matriculation Examination/Joint Admissions and Matriculation Board (UTME/JAMB) brochure while the remaining had knowledge of the discipline through their school teachers. TABLE 5: RESPONDENTS DISPOSITION TOWARDS CAREER IN SOCIOLOGY CAREER IN SOCIOLOGY NUMBER OF PERCENTAGE RESPONDENTS (%) Yes 142 35.5 No 255 63.7 No response 03 0.8 Total 400 100.0 Source: Field Survey, 2010 Table 5 shows the respondents view towards career in sociology. Majorities (63.7 percent) of the respondents signify no; about 35.5 percent indicates yes, while the remaining (0.8 percent) did not respond. The result of the interviews equally corroborates this finding as many of the interviewees show unfavorable disposition towards career in sociology. Majority of the respondents perceived sociology as unprestigious course that cannot fetch them good income, high social status and respect. They however preferred career in accountancy, banking and finance and business administration. They perceived these courses as the one that can enhance their social status as well as prospects of securing high paying job in the banking, oils and gas, shipping, insurance and manufacturing industries. In the words of one of the interviewees: I would like to be addressed by people either as an Accountant or Banker than sociologist. The unfavourable disposition of majority of the respondents could be attributed to their ignorance of the essence, utility and career prospects of the discipline of sociology. In sum, this finding indicate that majority of the respondents have negative disposition towards career in sociology. This however partly confirmed the finding of scholars such as Nworah, 1997; Iheanacho, 2000; and Joshua, 2003. For instance, Nworah in his work titled “Factors Influencing Career Choice among Secondary School Students in Onitsha Zone” found out that students preferred reading courses such as law, accounting, banking and finance, medicine and geology. Similarly, Joshua (2003) in his work titled “Aspiration Pattern of Senior Secondary School Students in Calabar Municipality” found greater numbers of students aspiring to read medicine, law, accountancy, and business administration. CONCLUSION This study examined the disposition of senior secondary school students towards career in Sociology. The finding revealed among others that majority of the respondents intend to pursue tertiary educational degree/diploma after their secondary school education. Despite this, it was revealed that many of the respondents were ignorant of the discipline of sociology. This ignorance makes the courses to be largely unpopular in the study area and thus accounted for its low preference as only 35.5 percents intended to study sociology while 63.7 percent preferred studying other courses such as Accountancy, Banking and Finance, etc and the remaining (0.8 percent) were neutral. Based on the findings of this study one can conclude that senior secondary school students in Abeokuta metropolis have negative disposition towards career in Sociology after leaving secondary school. RECOMMENDATION In view of the forgoing findings and conclusion, it is hereby recommended that: (1) Adequate and sustained publicity especially among the students in the secondary schools should be made by the Nigerian Sociological Association in order to increase awareness on the benefits of the discipline of Sociology to society and to popularize the course. (2) Government through Ministry of Education should provide schools with career guidance counselor who will be enlightening students on the career prospect of the discipline of Sociology. (3) Parents being most important influence on career decision of their children should be enlightened by the Nigeria Sociological Association on the essence, utility and career prospects of the discipline of Sociology.

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Accomplished sociologists should take up responsibilities in organising and sponsoring mass publicity programmes on the discipline of Sociology. Apart from its obvious advantage of wider outreach, this strategy will help to bring great public awareness about the course among a wider audience.

REFERENCES Agarwala. .T (2008) “Factors Influencing Career Choices of Management Students in India” Career Development International, Vol. 13, Iss.4: 362-376 Amingo, 1 (2003) “Higher Education and Development in Nigeria” in S.B Nwideeduh (ed) Trends and Issues in Managing Universities in Nigeria, Owerri: Spring Field Publisher Ltd. Pp 90-105 American Sociological Association (1984) Careers in Sociology, Washington DC: American Sociological Association. Berger, P.L (1963) Invitation to Sociology: A Humanist Perspective, Garden City, N.Y: Anchor Books. Breakwell, G.M; Fife-schaw, C and Devereux, J (1988) “Parental Influence in Teenagers Motivation to Train for Technological Jobs” Journal of Occupational Psychology,61:79-88 Dick, T.P and Rallis, S.F (1991) “Factors and Influences on High School Students Career Choices” Journal of Research in Mathematics Education, 22: 281-292 Ferry, N.M (2006) “Factors Influencing Career of Adolescents and Young adults in Rural Pennysylvania” Journal of Extension, Vol 44, No. 3:1-4 Haralambos, M and Holborn, M (2004) Sociology: Themes and Perspectives. 6th ed. Hammersmith, London: HarperCollins Publisher Ltd. Henslin, J.M (1994) Sociology: A Down to Earth Approach, 3rd ed, Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Hess, B; Markson, E and Sten, P (1996 )Sociology, Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Huber, B.J (1984) Career Possibilities for Sociology Graduates, Washington DC: American Sociological Association. Iheanacho, R.A.E (2000) “Comparative Preference for Professional Training in University of Calabar: Implications for Universal Basic Education” The counselor, 18, 1:77-83. Isiugo-Abanihe, U.C, Austin, N and Adesina, J.O (eds) (2002) Current and Perspective in Sociology. Lagos: Malthouse Press Limited. James, W and Zenden. V (1996) Sociology: The Core, 4th ed, USA: McGraw-Hill Inc Joshua, M.T (2003) “Aspiration Pattern of Senior School Students in Calabar Municipality” Olumo Journal of Education, Vol .2 No 1:65-76. Lindsay, L and Beach, S (2003) Essentials of Sociology, U.S.A.: Printice Hall. Martin, 1 (2003) “Women: Education and Empowerment in Nigeria-An overview” in S.B Nwideeduh (ed) Trends and Issues in Managing Universities in Nigeria, Owerri: Springfield Publishers Ltd. Pp 189-202. Nworah, O.M. (1997) “Factors Influencing Career Choice among Secondary School Students in Onitsha Zone” The counselor, Vol.15 (1&2): 89-96. Otite, O (2000) Ethnic pluralism, Ethnicity and Ethnic conflicts in Nigeria, 2nd ed, Ibadan: Shaneson. Otite, O and Ogionwo, W (2006) An Introduction to Sociological Studies, Ibadan: Heineman Educational Books (Nigeria) Plc. Ross, R and Haag, E.V.D (1961) The Fabric of Society: An Introduction to Social Science, New York: Harcourt Brace. Smelser, N (1994) Sociology, Cambridge: Blackwell. Tukura, D.W (2004) What is Sociology? Groundworks of Sociology Monographs, Vol. 1, No1, Jos: Mt Tabor University Book. Wilmot P.F (1985) Sociology: A New Introduction, Zaria: Asekome Academic.

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HOME-BASED FEMALE SEX WORKERS AND EXPOSURE TO HIV IN SUBURB OF CITIES IN NIGERIA

AMOO EMMANUEL OLAGUNJU Demography and Social Statistics Program, Department of Economics and Development Studies, School of Social Sciences, Covenant University, Canaanland, Ota, Ogun State, Nigeria. [email protected] +234 8035520849 Abstract Sex workers are widely present around the globe but yet publicly acknowledged by none. The covert activity of their trade is a catalyst for plausible spread of HIV/AIDS. The study examined the knowledge and sexual behaviour of home-based-sex-workers (HBSW) and their exposure to the risk of HIV. Data were generated via a face-to-face structured interview with 94 identified female homeworking prostitutes in two suburb communities around Lagos and Abuja using non-probability informant sampling technique. Data were analyzed using only univariate and multivariate statistical analysis. The study revealed that most respondents are young literate females in age group 30-39 year. Knowledge about HIV is very high (79.2%), however, it does not significantly reflect in their practice. 79.8% would concede the use of condom if the client is ready to pay higher money while only 11.7% knows their HIV status. All mechanisms against HIV are self-medicated/prescription. The business’ peak period is festival/holiday/weekends and charges varied depending on the client status. The paper recommends sexual health education (SHE) outreaches and occupational rehabilitation for female sex workers. Key words: Home-based-sex-workers, sexual education, HIV, prostitution, etc. Statement of the problem Sex is sacrosanct and prostitution is surrounded by myths. Round the globe, sex workers are widely present everywhere but yet publicly accepted or acknowledged by none. The presence but covert activity of this trade is a catalyst for the silent spread of HIV/AIDS among the sub-populations that are vulnerably high-risk for sexually transmitted infections. Despite the effort of governments` and international agencies in tackling the menace of HIV/AIDS with a focus on the conspicuously street and professional prostitutes, the preponderance of women who use their homes or apartments for the illicit acts of exchanging sex for money calls for serious concern. Commercialisation of sex remains an illegally professional in Nigeria and some other countries of the world, however, the operation of homeworking prostitution cannot be deniable. In spite of all programs and provisions, the challenge does not only remain but could be regarded as a demographic, socio and political affronts. The potency of hitherto efforts cannot be doubted except that it could be considered as ‘horizontal-approaches’ at reducing the risk of HIV/AIDS. Till date, sparser efforts have been devoted to the examination of the magnitude and impact of home-based prostitutes. Specifically, streetworking prostitutions have been the cynosure of the public interventions, societies permissiveness of exchange of sex for money within and in the neighbourhood might be a formidable hindrance to manifestation of the gains of most interventions on HIV (Hor et al, 2008). The sub-group of population concern is a hidden population. The clout of secret over them and their activities make them more exposed to numerous adverse sexual hazards including STIs. Home based prostitute is shielded from any form of societal pressures, stigma, and discrimination as experienced by streetworking prostitutes. However, with the kind of social changes that Nigeria like other transiting economies is experiencing coupled with the recent globalisation, the societal condition and attitude towards obscene or illicit act of homeworking prostitute is expected to be improving. Thus, there is need to examine the societal attitude towards this clandestine act as a way of curbing the spread of HIV in the society. It is also expedient to unearth the module operandi of homeworking prostitutions and probable effects on the incidence of sexual transmitted diseases.

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Objectives of the study While this study is not a mapping of homeworking prostitutes or census exercise, it is instituted to assess the operation of homeworking sex workers and examine their knowledge and precautionary mechanisms they are adopting to reduce their being infected with HIV/AIDS. Efforts were specifically devoted to identification of home-based female sex workers and modus operandi. The overriding objective is to provide recommendations for effective prevention strategies towards the incidence of HIV/AIDS in Nigeria. It is strongly believed that findings will be useful for planning, implementation and evaluation of HIV/AIDS intervention programs in at least Nigeria and other parts of sub-Sahara Africa. Literatures Review Commercial sex workers have been everywhere since the time immemorial, though there are no record to show where commercial sex first started in any country neither is there documentation of the category of home-based prostitutions. Also, the desire to measure, define and keep statistics on sexuality or sexual comportment and gender is a relatively new phenomenon in human history (Neil and Barnard, 1997). Not until recent times, the terms heterosexual, HIV/AIDS, safer sex and a host of others were non-existence but now in vogue due to the advent of ‘modern socialisation’ (Eleanor et al, 2007). In ancient times, sanctity of sex and limited sexual partners are sacrosanct in this part of region but the emerging new societies have created categories for sexual orientation and gender without observable control over emergence sexual behavior especially among women. These unchecked behaviours have covertly or overtly created catalogue of sexual deviancies with disregard towards existence of HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS, 2002; WHO, 2010). Sex work activity is conceptualized in this context as sexual activity performed for the purpose of receiving compensation especially financial benefit from the buyer. It is regarded as a business-like service adopted as means of livelihood by the suppliers (women in this regard) whereby the women made herself available for the opposite sex exclusively for sexual activity. While the open operation of this trade is known as prostitution and believed to be at variance with social and religious dictates, its clandestine practice is seemingly unchallenged in the society. Also, it is known fact that the trade is frown at by the federal constitution, and deceitfully abhorred, the buyers and the sellers live within the community. However, this paper is not intended to contest the legitimacy of the trade but to examine the risk factors inherent in business of disguised transactional sexual activity among women in their usual residential homes within the community. There is limited statistics on prostitution and there is known know literature that confirm their total number in Nigeria. However, the HIV/AIDS statistics both at global and national levels are awesomely frightening. A total of 33.4 million people were living with HIV/AIDS in 2008 in the world all over (WHO, 1989; UNAIDS, 2002; WHO, 2010; Federal Ministry of Health (FMOH), 2005 and 2007). Estimated number for women living with the disease in 2008 was 15.7 million, and children living constituted with it 2008 were 2.1 million in number. In addition, more than 25 million people have died of AIDS since 1981. Africa has over 14 million AIDS orphans. A disturbing revelation showing that at end of 2008, women accounted for 50% of all adults living with HIV worldwide. In developing and transitional countries, 9.5 million people are in immediate need of life-saving AIDS drugs; of these, only 4 million (42%) are receiving the drugs and the proportion is very much on the increase. Despite the efforts towards curbing the menace of HIV, the number of people living with HIV has risen from around 8 million in 1990 to 33 million today, and is not yet abated (UNAIDS, 2002; UNAIDS 2009; WHO, 2010). Two-thirds of all people infected with HIV live in sub-Saharan Africa, although this region contains little more than 10% of the world’s population. AIDS has caused immense human suffering in the African continent. During 2008 alone, an estimated 1.4 million adults and children died as a result of AIDS in subSaharan Africa. Since the inception of the disease, over 15 million Africans have died from AIDS epidemic. Recent reports also highlighted that fewer than half of Africans who need treatment are privileged to have access to them (WHO/UNAIDS/UNICEF 2009; UNAIDS 2009; UNAIDS 2008). Going by the world data, HIV/AIDS is a ravaging disease and sub-Saharan Africa has been the hardest-hit by it. Over 6,000 young people are infected with HIV daily in sub-Saharan African region and 62 percent of the people living with HIV/AIDS are young women (Population Council and United Nations Population

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Fund (UNFPA), 2002; UNAIDS, 2002; National Population Commission (NPC) and Federal Ministry of Health (FMOH), 2004). The prevalence of HIV is alarming in Nigeria and sub-Saharan region in general. The disease was first discovered 24 years ago in Nigeria with a prevalence rate of 1.8 percent in the year 1991. This figure rose to 3.8 percent in 1993, 4.5 percent in 1995 and 5.2 percent in 2007 (Federal Ministry of Health (FMOH), 2007). The current prevalence rate of HIV/AIDS in Nigeria is 4.4 percent that covers both rural (3.9 percent) and urban (3.9 percent) (FMOH, 2005; FMOH, 2007). Till date, there is general yearning for a decline in incidence of this terminal disease in all nooks and crannies of the nation. Since its first discovery in Nigeria in 1986 and until 1991 there was no intervention assessment by the Nigerian government (Amoo et al, 2010). Several campaigns, initiatives and other interventions have been on the increase but the disease is still with us today. In Ethiopia, the incidence of HIV was regarded as worrisome between 1988 and 1991 with about 20% in urban centers and up to 50% in some other towns within the country (Mehret, 1990; Workineh, 1990). Programs were instituted like venereal diseases (VD) control program which examined sex workers and waitresses working in hotels, bars, restaurants on a monthly basis for sexually transmitted infections (STI) and other communicable diseases at government health centers and clinics between 1960 and 70s. The economic downturn and cost of living have been ascribed to be the widening factors of prostitution in Pakistan despite its illegal pronouncement. Every Nigerian today has seemingly smattering knowledge that transmission of HIV/AIDS is through multiple sexual partners however this knowledge is inversely related to extramarital affairs and indecent sexual comportment (Isiugo-Abanihe, 1994; Amoo et al, 2010). There is great difference between knowledge and the actual behaviour. Thus, it is exigent to have well-well-articulated studies that could inform, cause wariness and inject decent sexual comportment among the youth and the public as a whole. Every study that could delve into the whys of continue exposure of adolescent, the youth and the general public to sexual hazards should be encouraged. There is urgent need for modification and radical change in premarital, extramarital and sex working if the aspiration for millennium development goals and vision 202020 are anything to go by. Unsafe sexual behavior is an important challenge associated with the spread of HIV/AIDS especially among Africans. Sexual studies have associated HIV/AIDS as a health problem associated with poor sexual habits, cultural and gross negligence among health personnel. With level of heterosexually transmission and women having a high population of the infection, which implies faster spread due to multiple partners and sex trade. Status of HIV/AIDS calls for a realistic re-engineering of the current strategies in order to ensure a reduction in the spread by enhancing preventive measures such as high use of condom and changing the quest for sex trade. Sex industry is characterized by unsafe sexual practices such as sex without condom, use of drugs and poor health seeking behavior. The economic impacts of HIV/AIDS are enormous. For example, HIV/AIDS unlike most other infectious diseases, strikes the working-age adults during what should be their most productive working years. The mortality component is the loss of lives that suppose to be contributing to economic growth. In addition, the morbidity associated with HIV/AIDS lead workers to be less productive coupled with the fact that other AIDSrelated diseases increases absenteeism from work (Fox et al, 2004). The paper therefore investigates homeworking prostitution and their perceptions concerning HIV/AIDS, knowledge of prevention and willingness to quit the sex work. Despite the challenges inherent in describing the gamut of circumstances of sex workers and the reasons for indulging in the trade as encountered in this study, the author is confident on all assertions indicated in this paper. Research Methods The technique of quantitative research approach was employed for data gathering. Data were collected using survey that was aided by semi-structured questionnaires in a face-to-face interview with only 94 identified homeworking prostitutes in the suburbs of Lagos and Abuja cities. All respondents were literates and could speak pidgin fluently. The sampling procedure was non-probability informant technique since there is known sampling distribution for the group involved. The choice of the study areas was also subjective. Data analyses were a combination of univariate and multivariate analytical techniques. The univariate segment comprises of descriptive statistics such as frequencies, to assess the socio-demographic

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characteristics of the respondents, inter-dependent association amongst identified variables vis-a-vis indulgence in scanty dressing habit. Linear regression analytic procedure was also employed as the third level of analysis principally to test hypotheses formulated. It was adopted because it can provide the line of best fit which explains how the typical value of the dependent variable changes when any one of the independent variables is varied assuming other independent variables are held constant (Hughes and Grawoig, 1971; Sykes, 1993). Results and Discussion Socio-Demographic Characteristics of the Respondents The study was carried out in two Suburbs of Lagos and the federal capital city Abuja Nigeria. Which were purposively selected for the study. The target population was female sex workers who reside and operate within their homes and not in brothel, hotels or other places known or acclaimed for such business. They were identified with the assistant of key informants who are regular residents of the community where they operate. The result among other things revealed that the mean age group of the target population is 30-39 year indicating they are adult individuals who could make informed decision about their lives. About 52.1 percent of them belong to the Christian faith while 38.3 percent are Muslims while only 9.6 percent claimed to be traditionalists. 36.2 percent of the target population has never married; 34 percent are currently married but are not living with their husbands as at the time of survey. About 25.5 are divorced or separated while 4.3 percent are widowed. Generally, this observation revealed that the group involved either have no spouse or are not living with one. Among this group of people, only one out of every five of them desire to marry or re-marry as the case may be while about 66 percent would not want to marry or re-marry. About 13.8 percent could not respond to the question whether they have intention to marry or re-marry. Among the reasons cited for not wanting to marry/remarry ranges from inability to found a suitable suitor to being tired of relationship having being jilted several times. The occupational status indicates that larger proportions (about 61 percent) have no other regular means of livelihood while only 39 percent claimed they have a regular job. This implies that more than half of the respondents interviewed depend exclusively on sex trade for their means of livelihood. For the latter category that engages in other work, majority of them claimed to be traders, civil servant and health practitioners. More than half of the respondents have attained secondary level of education. 18.1 percent have had primary education about 18.1 have attained above secondary level of education while only 6.4 percent have never attended any regular school. However, all the respondents could communicate effectively with Pidgin English (a rudimentary English grammar and vocabulary widely used for communication in Nigeria). This report is a reminiscence of women’s illiterate level in Nigerian that is estimated as 24.4 percent (National Population Commission, 2010). In terms of the income, estimated mean income from the sex trade is between N10,000 and N15,000 per week, while the average weekly income from other business is also in the same range (i.e. N10,000-15,000). This finding suggests existence of equal opportunity for this group of women in both sex trade and conventional occupation and that the choice of sex trade is contingent upon other reason apart from income.

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Table 1: Socio-demographic profile of the respondents Socio-Demographic Variables Gender Female Age Group 10-19 years 20-29 years 30-39 years 40-49 years

Frequency

Percent

94

100.0

4 38 44 8

4.3 40.4 46.8 8.5

Educational attainment No Schooling Up to Pry level Up to 2ndary level Other higher school Up to university

6 17 54 13 4

6.4 18.1 57.4 13.8 4.3

Religion Affiliations Christianity Islam Traditional

49 36 9

52.1 38.3 9.6

Marital Status Never Married Married but not with husband Separated / Divorced Widowed

34 32 24 4

36.2 34.0 25.5 4.3

Working status Currently engaged in other jobs Not currently engaged in any other jobs

37 57

39.4 60.6

Average Income (per month) Less than N5,000 N5,000- N9,999 N10,000- N14,999 N15,000- N19,999 N20,000 & above Total

9 32 12 15 26 94

9.6 34.0 12.8 16.0 27.7 100.0

Income from other jobs Less than N5,000 N5,000 - N9,999 N10,000 - N14,999 N15,000 - N19,999 Above N29,999

5 9 13 8 2

13.5 24.3 35.1 21.6 5.4

37

24.5

Total Source: Field Survey 2010

Exposure to the risk of HIV Cursory observations were into the operation of the sex trade among the target population and their clientele. It was reported that a sex worker receives up to four clients per week. 57 percent of those interviewed indicated that they get between three and four men within seven day and that Fridays and Sundays are the peak period. Much could not be achieved in the investigation of their modality for

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soliciting clients, however, the illustration from the few respondents pointed to ‘snowballing word-ofmouth invitation technique’, where one client informs and describe the place to another and so on. The sex workers are observed to be blunt in soliciting for clients in and around their vicinity and indirectly ignored neighbours and passerby while transacting “business” with a prospective client. A sex worker believe that several things are at stake such as bills to pay and you need to be engrossed with each client otherwise, you lose the business”. Further inquiry shows that each service could be rounded up in a jiffy and the next client turns in as the last client is ‘smuggled out’ through other exit where available. According to few of them, “smarter lady doesn’t allow the guys to meet themselves in your house at the same time”. You need to thoroughly plan you schedule and ensure it is one at a time. Each man believes you are exclusively servicing his needs” and “that is why they could afford to pay even for your rent and feeding as long as you keep them”. It was also observed that home-based female sex workers dress in normal house clothing, normal business dress and in most cases join in the uniform dresses where and when celebration (i.e. party) is going on. This makes them to be unsuspected within the community. Few of them confirmed that at times when the business is down, they are always tempted to go to public places and request if anyone (man) want to “brush” (desire to have sexual intercourse). This practice, in most cases, succeeds more often especially among those men that could pick the signal. However, it is appalling that only 11.7 percent of the sex workers interviewed know their HIV status while 88.3 percent have never gone for HIV test. In addition, the result of the analysis shows that 83 percent of respondents have never attended any program on HIV/AIDS while 31.9 percent have been treated for one form of sexual transmitted diseases (STDs) or the other in the last 9 months as indicated in table 2. Further analysis also shows that more than half of the respondents do not use condom while only 40.4 percent does. The use of oral pills is higher at 42.6 percent coupled with 14.9 percent that uses local rings or concoction. This revelation directly points to the level of exposure to sexually transmitted diseases including the HIV. Again, considering the level of indiscriminate sexual relationships attested to by the ‘modul operandi’ observed among the subjects and the absence or low level of prevention, this behavior seems like overt invitation to disasters which requires urgent attention notwithstanding the number of such sex-workers identified in the society. The discussion with the respondents also shows that the respondent yields or agrees with customer who refuses to use condom only if he’s ready to pay higher money. Table 2: Sexual behaviour and the risk of HIV Exposure to HIV/STDs How many clients do you received per week? 1-2 Clients 3-4 Clients 5 and above No Response Ever attended program on HIV/AIDS Yes No Do you mandate your client to use condom Yes No Do you use Condoms? Yes No Total Ever got pregnant since started this job Yes No Was the pregnancy carried to term Yes No No Response/Not applicable

Frequency

Percent

13 53 23 5

13.8 56.4 24.5 5.3

13 81

13.8 86.2

19 75

20.2 79.8

38 56 94

40.4 59.6 100.0

23 71

24.5 75.5

12 14 68

12.8 14.9 72.3

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Ever contacted health personnel in the last 3 months Yes No Do you know your HIV status? Yes No Ever treated for STDs in the last 9 months Yes No No Response Total Source: Field survey 2010

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43 51

45.7 54.3

11 83

11.7 88.3

30 35 28 94

31.9 38.3 29.8 100.0

Incidence of sicknesses among the respondents While the paper is not to establish a causal relationship between the sex trade and sicknesses or HIV, the findings highlight the preponderances of certain diseases among sex workers interviewed. The experiences of certain diseases were rated on a linkert four-scale of (1) very often, (2) often, (3) not often and (4) not at all. The result shows that higher proportion of respondents experiences the following sicknesses often and very often: malaria (51.1%), severe pain (58.5%), cough (42.6%) and gonorrhea (18.1%). Although, medical evidences were not available to confirm these claims, information supplied was taking at face-value. Notwithstanding, the findings portend caution and urgent action might be necessary for this category of respondents to avert epidemic and massive incidence of HIV should these claims are real. Table 3: Rate of sickness among the respondents Rate of sickness Very often How often do you experience Freq 7 gonorrhea % 7.4 Frequency of coughing Freq 4 % 4.3 Frequency of malaria Freq 19 % 25.5 Frequency of severe pain Freq 25 % 26.6 Source: Field survey 2010

Often

Not Often

Not at all

Total

10 10.6 36 38.3 29 30.9 30 31.9

17 18.1 16 17.0 31 33.0 27 28.7

60 63.8 38 40.4 15 10.6 12 12.8

94 100.0 94 100.0 94 100.0 94 100.0

Regression Analysis Results Only one hypothesis was tested to confirm the significant relationship between selected socio-demographic variables and ever attended any program on HIV/AIDS. The idea is to find out why vulnerable group studied would not want to know their HIV status taking into consideration their plausible exposure to HIV infection. The result shows that religious affiliation, marital status, re-marriage intention, and family size are negatively related to attending program on HIV or checking status. Out of these predictors only family size and re-marriage intention are significantly related. In addition, education attainment and income level are positively associated with attending HIV program or confirming status. This is closer to real life situation considering the fact that most centers for testing HIV status are located in urban areas. On the other hand, the type of respondent’s physician, having future plan, the rate of sickness are significant predictors of attendance in HIV/AIDS program at p-values of 0.000, 0.002, 0.000 respectively as indicated in table 4. It could be inferred from this analysis that religious affiliation, educational attainment and occupation are not panacea to the menace of HIV though they could only assist perhaps in conjunction with other variables to exert influence on the sex trading and HIV reduction in general. The result also shows that age is significantly positively related to attending program on HIV/AIDS.

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Table 4: Regression analysis result on the significant relationship between socio-demographic variables and ever attended program on HIV/AIDS Coefficients(a) Unstandardized Standardized t Sig. Coefficients Coefficients Model B Std. Error Beta B Std. Error (Constant) 1.465 .152 9.638 .000 Marital Status -.015 .007 -.056 -2.074 .068 Any intention to marry / re-.298 .022 -.532 -13.520 .000 marry again Other Occupation Engaged in -.001 .001 -.005 -.501 .628 Average income per week .001 .003 .007 .483 .641 Income (per month) from .008 .003 .048 2.781 .021 other job(s) Respondent Educational .000 .003 -.001 -.067 .948 Attainment Age Group of Respondent .054 .007 .142 7.370 .000 Religion Affiliations -.033 .015 -.098 -2.180 .057 Size of family -.025 .003 -.192 -7.667 .000 Sickness rate .280 .012 .629 23.035 .000 Who is your personal .026 .004 .281 7.514 .000 physician On the average, How many .004 .000 .365 13.275 .000 clients do you receive per week What are your future plan .087 .021 .155 4.230 .002 R Square = 0.999 Adjusted R Square = 0.999 a Dependent Variable: Ever attended any program on HIV/AIDS Conclusion and Recommendations The study identified the female who are engaging in “disguised commercial sexual acts” without adequate knowledge about the likely consequences of their behaviour. Indiscriminate sexual work is going under cover with impunity as observed in the study locations. It is been established that the highest level of infection of HIV recorded anywhere in the world have been found among the female prostitutes (Neil and Marina, 1997; Lawrence, 2000). The continuation of this kind of transactional sex without policy guidelines and massive Sexual Health Education (SHE) including sexual health security among the public could be inimical to the achievement of millennium development goal for sub-Saharan Africa nation as especially Nigeria. The continue attention on “public ordained prostitutes” with fragrant closure of attention on those who operates within the neighbourhood but not in notable places should be reversed. This paper thus constitutes an eyes opener to clandestine transactional sex within our neighbourhoods and the need for urgent proactive applicable actions from the government and other stakeholders. It is suggested that safe sexual practice could be possible if the weaker partner (women) are empowered. Female home-based-sex-worker is real and the non-use of condom remains undeniable. The act of exchanging sex for money or gifts appears to be the standard situation for most separated, divorced, young widow or “old” single ladies. However, since there is widespread statistical evidence of a relationship between unsafe sexual behaviors and increased in HIV infection, a new intervention is required to monitor and officially document the rampancy of this new evolving system of home-based prostitution. Finally, while condom use is the only widely acceptable palliative measure against the spread of STDs/HIV/AIDS as at today, it is high time free distribution of condom is re-awakened in nooks and crannies, villages and the suburbs of cities and town when people live. In addition, since the main motive of trading in sex is money, occupation rehabilitation is considered necessary to enhance financial empowerment of this vulnerable group.

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References Amoo Emmanuel and Adeyemi Olugbenga (2010). Scanty Dressing Habit and Sexual Comportment among Adolescent Girls in Metropolitan Lagos: Implications for HIV/AIDS Incidence. Gender and Behaviour. The Ife Center for Psychologia Studies. Ile-Ife. 2010 p2806-2824 Eleanor Maticka-Tyndale, Richmond Tiemoko and Paulina Makinwa-Adebusoye (2007). Human Sexuality in Africa, beyond Reproduction. Action Health Incorporated 2007 Federal Ministry of Health (FMOH) (2005). Technical Report. National HIV/Syphilis Sero-Prevalence HIV Sentinel Survey. Department of Public Health, National AIDS/STI Control Programme. NASCP/FMOH, Abuja. Nigeria. Federal Ministry of Health (FMOH), (2002). National Reproductive Health Strategic Framework and Plan. Federal Ministry of Health Abuja June 2002. Federal Ministry of Health (FMOH), (2007). National Strategic Framework on the Health and Development of Adolescents and Young People in Nigeria. Federal Ministry of Health Nigeria. July 2007. Fox Matthew P, Rosen Sydney, MacLeod William B., Wasunna Monique, Bii Margaret, Foglia Ginamarie and Simon Jonathon L (2004). The impact of HIV/AIDS on labour productivity in Kenya. Tropical Medicine and International Health, Volume 9 No 3 pp 318–324 march 2004 Hor Bun Leng and Tuot Sovannary (2008). Mapping the Pattern of Sex workers, Entertainment Establishments and Men who sex with men in Cambodia. March 2008. Hughes Ann and Grawoig Dennis (1971). Statistics: A Foundation for Analysis. Addison Wesley Publishing Company. 1971 Isiugo-Abanihe, U.C (1994). Extramarital relations and perceptions of HIV/AIDS in Nigeria. Health Transition Review. 1994 Oct; Vol 4 No 2, p111-125. PMID: 10150513. Joint United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) (2002). Report on the Global HIV/AIDS Epidemic 2000. Geneva: UNAIDS. Lawrence M. Salinger (2000). Deviant Behaviour 00/01. Dushkin/McGraw-Hill, Connectcut, 2000 National Population Commission (NPC), (2010). 2006 Population and Housing Census of Federal Republic of Nigeria. Housing Characteristics and Amenities Priority Tables. Vol 2. National Population Commission. March, 2010 Neil McKeganey and Marina Barnard (1997). Sex work on the Streets: Prostitutes and their clients. Open University Press. Marston Book Services Limited Oxford. 1997 Sykes, Alan O. (1993): An Introduction to Regression Analysis. The Inaugural lecture. Chicago Working Paper in Law and Economics. 1993. http://www.law.uchicago.edu/Lawecon/WkngPprs_0125/20.Sykes.Regression.pdf Victor Ulasi (2009). Nigerian prostitutes offers sex freebie. Articlesbase. Dec 12, 2009. http://www.articlesbase.com/journalism-articles/nigerian-prostitutes-offers-sex-freebie1574086.html WHO (2010). Sexual and reproductive health. WHO-convened international technical consultation on sexual health in January 2002. World Health Organisation, 2010 World Health Organisation (WHO), (2010). Ethical Issues, Scientific and Ethical Review Group, Reproductive Health Involving Adolescents. WHO, 2010 World Health Organisation (1989). The Reproductive Health of Adolescents: A strategy for action, A Joint WHO/UNFPA/UNICEF Statement, World Health Organization, Geneva, 1989.

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AGENDA SETTING, FRAMING AND MASS MEDIA COVERAGE OF OBASANJO/ATIKU FEUD

NWABUEZE, CHINENYE (Ph.D) Department of Mass Communication Anambra State University Anambra State, Nigeria. & UGWONNO, CHINEDU CityHill Media Initiative, Onitsha Anambra State, Nigeria. & NGONSO, BLESSED Well Spring University, Benin Edo State, Nigeria. Abstract The media play agenda setting role in the society, determining which issues move from press agenda to public agenda. Framing is a process that sees journalists interpreting and ascribing meanings to news items. This process of news framing could be influenced by political commitments, interests of media stakeholders, and wider relations of power in the society in which the media exist. This study seeks to find out how the Nigerian press covered the Obasanjo/Atiku feud with emphasis on the process of setting and framing the agenda on the issue. It combines quantitative and qualitative analytical techniques in contentanalyzing selected Nigerian newspapers to find out how they covered the Obasanjo/Atiku feud within the period of six months selected for the study. The study found among others that the Nigerian press gave prominence to the issue, and that political commitment, interests of publishers and media stakeholders influenced the Obasanjo/Atiku feud. It recommended that the press should not lose sight of their watchdog role in the society even in the midst of influences that are a product of wider relations of power in the society within which they exist. Keywords: Agenda setting, Framing, Media coverage, Political commitment, Power. Introduction The press play basic roles of information education, and entertainment in any society. They do not just expose us to events in the society but largely shape our understanding of social reality. This is essentially because the media “lie between us and this complex world” (Ndolo, 2005:20). The society relies on the mass media to mirror events to it. The media act as a check not just to abuse of official authority but the abuse of all sources of power in both the public and private realms (Curran, 2005). Mass mediated message is a product of social matrix of communication. This is because the media do not exist in isolation. They coexist with other institutions and units which make up the society. As Udoakah (1993:90) observes, “mass media products are dependent products - products of social, political and economic forces”. Since the media engage other institutions in the society in a mutually interdependent and interactional relationship, the mass communicated message could be influenced by this relationship. In the midst of this relationship, the media set the agenda for the public through priority and frequency of coverage of an issue. They determine what dominates public discuss. The press further determine how the set agenda or topic of discussion should be viewed. This entails framing of news which, according to McQuail (2005: 379), is “a way of giving some overall interpretation to isolated items of fact”. It consists

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of presenting and interpreting facts of an issue such that the audience are not just made aware of an event but are ‘directed’ on how to view the event. News presentation with certain kinds off choices of words or from specific perspectives play vital roles in framing the news. Agenda-setting and framing could largely be influenced by the interplay of forces and interdependent relationship within which the media and media workers exist. The issue of ‘subjective objectivity’ could come to play. This is where a media house reports an event ‘objectively’ but from its perspective or angle of how it thinks the ‘objective’ facts should be compiled and presented, which could differ from another medium’s perception of objectivity . This simply gives credence to existence of influences or forces which shape the mass mediated message. As Curran (2005:126) notes: The media are assumed to be independent, and to owe allegiance only to the public, if they are funded by the consumer and organized through a competitive market. This theory ignores the many other influences which can shape the media, including the political commitments and private interests of media shareholders, the influence exerted through news management and the cultural power of leading groups in society. In short, this extremely simplistic theory fails to take into account the wider relations of power in which the media are situated. In the same vein, while discussing the intricacies of news framing, McQuail (2005:379) avers that “it is almost unavoidable for journalists to do this and in so doing to depart from pure ‘objectivity’ and to introduce some (unintended) biases”. Setting the agenda could be dependent on trend of events in the society, including how these events meet the news values with varying degree of importance. Framing the agenda, however, could be largely dependent on the chain of forces or influences which the media house is a part of. It is against this backdrop that this study explores the nature of coverage of the feud between President Olusegun Obasanjo and Vice President Atiku Abubakar by Nigerian Newspapers. The Obasajo/Atiku Feud at a Glance The face-off between President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo and Vice President Atiku Abubakar could be said to have started filtering into public domain in 2003 during the Presidential primaries of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) held in that year. It was alleged that Obasanjo had planned to drop Atiku as his running mate for the 2003 general elections which ushered in his second tenure in office. Atiku got wind of this plan and used his party machinery to threaten the substitution of Obasanjo by the party for the 2003 general elections. Obasanjo was said to have literally gone on his knees to ensure that the party flag was given to him for his re-election and has since not forgiven Atiku for that act. The sour relationship between these two top citizens of Nigeria which is now commonly referred to as the Obasanjo/ Atiku feud, has unarguably received wide and quick publicity in the Nigerian media. The Vice President said in an interview, that President Obasanjo has never called him and told him his problem with him (Atiku) but that he heard the President is angry with him because he said Atiku had a hand in an attempt to impeach him during his first tenure in office, and that Atiku wanted to run against him in 2003 (The Guardian, November 21, 2006, P.4). Atiku denied these allegations but their relationship continued to get worse, culminating to alleged declaration of the Vice President’s seat vacant, by the Presidency, his alleged indictment for corruption by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), the accusations and counter accusations at the Petroleum Technology Development Fund (PTDF) ad hoc committee hearing in the Senate, exposure of gross corruption in the Presidency, among other related developments. The problem got to its peak shortly before to 2007 general elections when the Vice President was contesting for Presidency, on the platform of Action Congress (AC). This feud with the President haunted him with his “purported” disqualification by the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the indictment of both Atiku and Obasanjo by Senate ad hoc committee on PTDF, a chain of legal battles to support or defend their stands, among others. The Atiku/Obasanjo feud received international attention after the Vice President was alleged to have had a tele-conference with members of the influential U.S Council for Foreign Relations, CFR, following which the presidency sent a team to the U.S to counter the view of Atiku on the Presidency (Akande, the Guardian, January 12, 2007, p.1).

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The Obasanjo/Atiku feud as operationally defined in this work includes all issues that were originated by the face-off between the President and Vice President as covered by the studied newspapers. This includes the Senate ad hoc committee hearing on PTDF, Atiku’s alleged removal by the Presidency, his attempts to fight back in court and through his aides, comments made by Nigerians on this feud, among others. This paper focuses on media coverage of the feud with specific emphasis on how the media set and framed the agenda on this issue. Problem Statement The Obasanjo/Atiku feud was described as a national and international embarrassment to Nigeria following which some public figures called for the removal of these personalities from office (Daily Sun December 21, 2006, P.1; Daily Sun, February 9, 2007, P.1; The Guardian, January 21, 2007, P.1; The Guardian, February 2, 2007). This is apparently because of the public show of shame the two have engaged in through accusations and counter accusations of corruption and abuse of office both at local and international arena. The press played vital role in mirroring this feud to the public. The press are expected to manage crisis in the interest of the society (Mboho, 2004:68). However, political commitments, private interests of media shareholders, the influence exerted through news management, and cultural power of leading groups in the society are among factors that shape the media (and by extension media framing of news) (Curran, 2005). It is against this backdrop that this study seeks to find out the nature of coverage of the Obasanjo/Atiku feud by the Nigeria press, whether the magnitude of coverage was to the extent that it placed the issue as priority agenda. It further seeks to find out the nature of framing of the issue by the press, and whether the extraneous influences such as has been listed above may have shaped the framing of this issue by the press. To this end, the following research questions guided the study: 1. What is the level of coverage of the Obasanjo/Atiku feud by Nigerian press? 2. What is the nature of framing of the Obasanjo/Atiku feud by Nigerian press? 3. Was the framing of the Obasanjo/Atiku feud by the Nigerian press influenced by Ownership factor? The level of coverage here refers to not just the frequency but prominence given to the issue in terms of placement by the press. The nature of framing here refers to not just the direction of coverage but the implication of news representation in the press, i.e. what meaning the audiences would make from the dominant framing or representation of issues that make-up the Obasanjo/Atiku feud. Owner’s interest could influence coverage of issues by the media. This could be as a result of what Curran (2005: 126) described as the “wider relations of power in which the media are situated”. The third research question dwells on ascertaining whether this factor played any role in the coverage of Obasanjo/Atiku feud by the Nigerian press. One hypothesis was tested in this study. The research hypothesis states as follows; H1 The Nigerian press gave prominence to the Obasanjo/Atiku feud. Theoretical Base The press determine for the audience issues to be ranked high in the order of public discuss. They set the agenda for the public as regards what to discuss and to some extent, how to discuss it. The agenda-setting theory posits that by frequently covering and giving prominence to issues, the audience attach importance to those issues more than others. Various communication scholars have through various studies confirmed and independently referred to the agenda-setting function of the media. Pulitzer prize-wining author Walter Lippman observed that the media act as a mediator between “the world outside and the pictures in our head”; Bernard Cohen notes that “The press may not be successful much of the time in telling people what to think, but it is successful in telling its reader what to think about” (in Griffin, 2000:361). McCombs and Shaw (in Griffin, supra) who could be said to have popularized the agenda-setting theory observe that the mass media are able to transfer the salience of items on their news agenda to public agenda, and that the public judge as important what the media judge as important. By giving prominence to an issue in terms of its placement, frequency of coverage, space or time allotment, as the case may be, the media transfer the issue into public agenda. Dearing and Rogers (in McQuail, 2005: 513) while critically analyzing the agenda-setting theory, offer several generalizations about the theory, one of which is that “it is not the absolute significance of an issue that counts but the

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relative strength of forces and people trying to define and promote an issue”. This explains why certain issues move into public agenda faster than others. The Obasanjo/Atiku feud for instance, is the product of power play between prominent personalities, giving it serious focus by the media and by extension, the public. Framing of news consists of giving specific interpretations using specific words in news representation such that the audience do not just understand an event but understand it from a specific perspective. While agenda setting suggests what the audience should think about, agenda framing suggests how they should think about it. Framing consists of “using certain words or phrases, making certain contextual references, choosing certain pictures or film, giving examples as typical, referring to certain sources and so on” (McQuail, 2005:379). It is how “messages are encoded with meaning so that they can be efficiently interpreted in relation to existing beliefs or ideas” (Ike, 2005:88). Framing of an issue largely consists of the way media organizations or their reporters treat news. This may not always be an objective exercise but is based on the reporter’s interpretation of an issue. Studies have shown that framing plays vital role in media coverage of events. Hunt (1996:207) found that elite American press coverage of Africa was negative, focused on trouble spots, wars, and conflicts, and lacked indepth analysis and highly researched background materials. These are factors that influence agenda framing. After a study of how British press covers diplomatic scandal in Nigeria, with the Umaru Dikko affair as a case study, Uche and Ngumoha (1996:225) found that British newspapers gave quiet a good amount of coverage that presented a most negative image of Nigeria to its national and international readers, during the period (the affair took place). It has also been established that framing largely determines public opinion and decision making on an issue. This was particularly expressed in initial public support for the U.S led-war on terror and subsequent invasion of Iraq. According to Entman (2005:254), “Many U.S citizens supported the war on the grounds it made the U.S.A safer from 9/11- style terrorism, based on dominant news framing that emphasized Saddam Hussein’s possession of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMDs) and active assistance to al-Quaida.” Framing of news is largely influenced by a reporter’s idiosyncrasies and perception of social reality. As Oso (2006:68) notes: The way journalists do their work in selecting and processing what becomes news is not a neutral activity as proponents of objectivity will like us to believe…. They bring to their work certain knowledge or cultural maps which in some way, influence the way they conceptualise events and issues. The framing of Obasanjo/Atiku feud could be a product of certain influences one of which is the interest of media owner. Some of the media owner’s political interests may have covertly or overtly influenced the choice of words, phrases and angle of coverage adopted in framing the issues related to the feud either in favour of the parties or simply to stay away from the wrath of one of the parties. This is part of what this study seeks to find out. Methodology Content analysis was adopted in carrying out the study. Both the quantitative and qualitative analysis methods were adopted in the study. The quantitative method was used in measuring the frequency of coverage while the qualitative technique was adopted in determining framing of news by the selected papers. Three national dailies were purposively selected for the study. They are Daily Sun, Daily Champion, and The Guardian. The selection of these three privately owned newspapers was specifically to ascertain whether ownership of media organization has a significant relationship with framing of news. Daily Champion is owned by a business mogul, Chief Emmanuel Iwuanyanwu who is also a strong member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and South East Coordinator of Obasanjo/Atiku Campaign Organization. Daily Sun is published by Chief Orji-Uzor Kalu who decamped from the PDP to Progressive Peoples Alliance (PPA) as the party’s presidential candidate. Kalu who is a former governor of Abia State was noted for vibrantly criticizing Obasanjo’s regime. The Guardian is published by Chief Alex Ibru a business mogul who has no overt political affiliation. Although the Obasanjo/Atiku feud has existed since 2003, the problem could be said to have gotten to its peak in the second half of 2006 with the Vice President’s ordeal in office. A period of six months –

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October 2006 to March 2007 - was selected for the study. This represents the last six months before the general elections in April 2007. All the editions of the selected newspapers for the period of six months were studied. It then follows that 181 editions of each of the newspapers were studied, bringing the grand total to 543 of the three newspapers studied. Only the stories that appeared on the front and back pages of the newspapers were studied. Placement, especially on the front page, is a strong factor in determining priority given to coverage of an issue, and by extension, the possibility of that issue moving into public agenda. Units of Analysis Only the headline of stories was studied. This was used in constructing or operationalizing the units of analysis for this work. They are (i) Main headline: Any headline that leads the front or back page, as the case may be; (ii) Ordinary headline: Any headline that is not the main or lead headline (as determined by size) on the front or back page; (iii) Headline placement: The placement of headline on the front or back page. Only the front and back pages of the selected newspapers were studied. The researcher decided to restrict the study to front and back pages because these two pages play strong roles in agenda setting. Another basic reason for this decision is to find out the degree of importance attached to the Obasanjo/Atiku feud by the Nigerian press, particularly based on placement of the story on the front and back pages. All headline on these two pages were studied, the it is headline of a straight news story, feature, front page comment, or column. Content Categories The content categories were defined based on the direction of framing of headlines. Three categories guided the study; (i) framing in favour of Obasanjo; (ii) framing in favour of Atiku (iii) neutral framing which does not favour Obasanjo or Atiku. These categories were determined based on choice of words, phrases or sentences, as the case may be, used in casting the headlines that were studied. Intercoder Reliability The intercoder reliability for this study was calculated using Holsti’s formular (in Wimmer and Dominick, 2003:157): Reliability = 2M N1 + N2 Where M = number of coding decisions on which two coders agree N1 + N2 = total number of coding decisions by the first and second coder respectively Twenty four coding decisions were taken by two coders (on twenty four manifest items randomly selected from November and December editions of the three newspapers studied). These were based on three content categories for the study. The two coders agreed on 18 decisions i.e. they both agreed that certain specific items were framed in a particular direction. The data were used to calculate the intercoder reliability thus: 2(18) 36 24 + 24 = 48 = .75 With a reliability coefficient of .75, it could be said that the study has an acceptable level of reliability. Findings Table One: Frequency of Headlines on Obasanjo/Atiku feud (on the front and back pages) in selected newspapers Newspaper Frequency % Daily Sun 78 40 The Guardian 65 34

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Daily Champion Total

48 191

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26 100

A total of 78 headlines on the Obasanjo/Atiku feud were carried on the front page of Daily Sun. These were mostly captions in line with the house style of the paper. Seventy of the editions carried these reports (some had two front page captions on the feud). This represents 46 percent of the total editions of Daily Sun studied. Out of the 78 front page reports, 65 percent (n=51) were lead stories. Only six back page reports (analysis by columnists) were carried in this paper during the period of study. The Guardian carried 65 front page reports on the feud during the period of study. These were contained in 58 editions of the paper (representing 38 percent of the total editions of the paper studied). The paper carried 17 back page reports on the feud. Of the 65 front page reports, 35 percent (n=23) are lead stories. The Daily Champion carried 48 front-page stories and one back page report (column discussion). 41 percent (n=20) of the front page stories lead the editions they appeared in. 44 editions of the newspaper carried the front page reports (some editions featured two front page reports on the feud). It then follows that out of 543 editions of the three newspapers studied, 31 percent (n=172) featured 191 front page reports on Obasanjo/Atiku feud, out of which 94 were lead stories. The months of January and February featured the highest number of front page reports, 51 percent (n=98), in the three papers studied. This was the peak of the crisis especially allegations and counter-allegations of fraud being leveled against one another by members of the president’s and vice president’s camp. With reference to framing, some interesting observations were made in the three newspapers studied. Table Two: Framing of Obasanjo/Atiku feud in Daily Sun Newspaper Direction of framing favourable to Atiku favourable to Obasanjo neutral Total

frequency % 52 66 8 10 18 24 78 100

Daily Sun presented the feud from a perspective that showed the presidency as being unfair to the vice president. Table two shows that 66 percent (n=52) of the headlines were framed to favour Atiku, 10 percent (n=8) to favour Obasanjo, while 24 percent (n=18) were neutral framings. The paper made use of words and phrases in most of its captions to make a hero out of Atiku, and present a picture of a corrupt and autocratic presidency being exposed by the courageous moves of Atiku. It captioned and presented its reports from the angles of Atiku’s efforts to escape executive unconstitutionality on him, or Atiku’s exposure of the presidency. Among the captions that shaped this frame are “PTDF: Court clears Atiku for 2007 presidency, declares EFCC report, Admin. Panel reports (on Atiku), gazette, null and void” (Daily Sun, Thursday November 30, 2006 p.1); “Not again … we must not allow a few power drunk individuals to trample on our rights to good governance - Atiku”; (Daily Sun, Wednesday, December 27, 2006, p.1); “Naked Dance: Atiku insists on public probe of PTDF (Tuesday, December 5, 2006, p.1); “Messy: Atiku indicts Obasanjo over PTDF looting” (Wednesday, December 20, 2006, p.1); “Atiku seeks FBI Aid” (Thursday, January 18, 2007, P.1); “AC to OBJ: Stop Atiku, get Another Joker” (January 7, 2007 p.1); “Rough play: Atiku’s security withdrawn again, V.P can’t resume office” (Daily Sun Wednesday, January 24, 2007, p.1), “Watch your tongue: Senate Cautions Obasanjo, why he must be stopped – Atiku” (Daily Sun Friday, February 23, 2007 p.1); “Atiku remains V.P – N’ Assembly” (Friday, February 9, 2007) “No stopping Atiku – Osoba” (Daily Sun, March 28, 2007, p.1). From this kind of captioning which dominated Daily Sun reports on the feud, the impression is created that the battle is being won by Atiku camp. Table Three: Framing of Obasanjo/Atiku feud in Daily Champion Direction of framing frequency % favourable to Atiku 7 15 favourable to Obasanjo 31 65 neutral 10 20

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Total

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100

Daily Champion, on the other hand framed the captions, including lead stories, from the perspective of the presidency spanking Atiku. Table three above shows that 65 percent (n=31) of the headlines were favourable to Obasanjo, 15 percent (n=7) favourable to Atiku, while 20 percent (n=10) were neutral framings. The captions and stories portrayed an Atiku that is stubborn and disobedient to his boss, and is gradually being nailed by the presidency and party (PDP) machinery through the courts and other means. Among the captions that structured this frame are “PTDF: Atiku has case to answer - Presidency” (Daily Champion, Friday, December 1, 2006, p.1); “Atiku remains disqualified - Iwu” (Daily Champion, Tuesday, February 27, 2007, p.1); “You’re the real dictator – Ali tells Atiku, Balarade demands V.Ps apology” (Daily Champion, Wednesday, January 24, 2007, p.1.); “OBJ Chides Atiku over corruption” (Daily Champion, Friday, January, 26 2007, p.1) “V.P risks arrest if … - Maduekwe” (Friday, February 23, 2007, p.1), “Fear of exclusion grips Atiku, others” (February 3, 2007, p.1), “ASO Rock Feud: OBJ warns Atiku” (Daily Champion, Thursday February 1, 2007), “INEC stops Atiku, advises AC to replace him; its unconstitutional - AC” (Daily Champion Sunday, February, 11 2007).

Table Four: Framing of Obasanjo/Atiku feud in The Guardian Newspaper Direction of framing Favourable to Atiku Favourable to Obasanjo Neutral Total

frequency % 6 9 11 17 48 74 65 100

The Guardian presented the feud such that no faction or camp would be seen to be dealing with the other, as the other two papers did. Table four above shows that 74 percent (n=48) of the headlines were neutral, 17 percent (n=11) favourable to Obasanjo, while 9 percent (n=6) were favourable to Atiku. Though the paper reported most of the issues other papers covered, it did not sensationalize words that will show Obasanjo dealing with Atiku, or would show the Vice President dealing with Obasanjo. Some of the captions that indicated this frame are “Court rules on Atiku, PDP suit Oct. 31” (The Guardian, Thursday Oct. 26, 2006, p.1), “Senate panel gets nod to summon Obasanjo, Atiku over PTDF” (The Guardian, Thursday, October 5, 2006, p.1), “Obasanjo, Atiku disagree on court ruling over PTDF” (The Guardian, Thursday November 30, 2006, p.1), “Obasanjo, Atiku file counter suits at Appeal Court” (The Guardian, Thursday, December 28, 2006, p.1), “Supreme court to serve Obasanjo, Atiku hearing notice this week, US leaders express concern over feud” (Monday, January 20, 2007, p.1), “Govt. sends team to counter Atiku’s Campaign in U.S” (The Guardian, Friday January 12, 2007, p.1). Where the three papers report an issue, the language usage and angle of caption would show which frame is neutral and which seems to portray Obasanjo or Atiku as the weaker or favoured party. For instance, an incident occurred in January when Atiku went for INEC screening and was given a petition from PDP seeking his disqualification. Daily Champion captioned it this way: “Screening: Atiku at INEC, served PDP’s petition” (Thursday, January 25, 2007). Daily Sun captioned it thus: “Desperadoes: PDP sends petition to INEC, asks it to disqualify Atiku” (Thursday, January 25, 2007). It first uses the word “Desperadoes” to create an impression about those fighting Atiku. On a similar case, the Guardian used this caption: “Govt. seeks court’s nod to press graft charges against Atiku” (Friday, January 19, 2007). The paper uses “Seek” to provide a neutral frame. While Daily Sun of December 20, 2006 had the front page lead story caption: “MESSY: Atiku indicts Obasanjo over PTDF looting,” The Guardian of the same day (December 20, 2006) simply put it thus: “Govt. asks Atiku to prove claims on PTDF”, with the rider “Daukoru, PTDF, bank chief fault VP’s claims on funds”. While the Guardian presents a picture of debate over fraud allegations, Daily Sun presents a picture of indictment on Obasanjo. The implication of these framing by the studied newspapers would be discussed next. Test of Hypothesis The research hypothesis being tested in this study states thus: H1: The Nigerian press gave prominence to the Obasonjo/Atiku feud.

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The test was done with data on frequency of headlines on the issue as published by the selected newspapers. Table Five: Frequency of headlines on Obasanjo/Atiku feud as placed on front and back pages of selected newspapers. Newspapers Daily Sun The Guardian Daily Champion Total

Frequency 78 (63.66) 65 (63.66) 48 (63.66) 191

The values in parenthesis are expected frequencies. Calculated value of chi-square = 7.1 Table value of chi-square at 2 degrees freedom and probability level of 0.05 = 5.991 Since the calculated value of chi-square (7.1) is greater than the table value of chi-square (5.991), the research hypothesis which states that the Nigerian press gave prominence to the Obasanjo/Atiku feud stands. Discussion The findings show that the press gave a high coverage to the Obasanjo/Atiku feud. The press also gave prominence to the issue. This is in view of the fact that 31 percent (n=172) of 543 editions studies contained stories on Obasanjo/Atiku on the front page. The front page stories on the issue amounted to 191 (some editions contained two front page stories on the issue), 94 of which are lead stories. The fact that the press gave prominence to this issue was also confirmed by the only hypothesis tested in this work. The question of prominence and high level of coverage given to the issue is not in doubt. This shows that press coverage of the Obasanjo/Atiku feud placed the issue in public agenda. Frequency of coverage and placement are two strong variables for actualizing agenda setting function of the press. The postulation by Dearing and Rogers (in McQuail, 2005: 513) that the relative strength of the forces and people trying to define and promote an issue largely contribute in moving an issue from news agenda to public agenda, was played up in the process of placing the Obasanjo/Atiku feud in public agenda. Stories on the feud were woven around such important agencies and bodies as Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), the courts, PDP or AC, which are two strong political parties to which Obasanjo (PDP) and Atiku (AC) belong. They were also developed from interviews granted by renowned personalities in Nigeria and party chieftains. Some of such stories are “SACK THEM: Gani Fawehinmi calls for Obasanjo, Atiku’s impeachment” (Daily Sun, Thursday, December 21, 2006, p.1), “AC to OBJ: Stop Atiku, get Another Joker” (Daily Sun, January 7, 2007, p.1), “Watch your Tongue: Senate cautions Obasanjo” (Daily Sun, Friday, February 23, 2007, p.1), “No Stopping Atiku – Osoba” (Daily Sun, Wednesday, March 28, 2002, p.1) “El-Rufai Shuns Atiku at Nnamani’s book launch,” (The Guardian, Thursday, Nov. 23, 2006, back page), “Vice President’s seat: it’s all over for Atiku – Jibril Aminu; No, I won’t give up- Atiku” (Daily Champion, December 30, 2006, p.1), “IBB wades into OBJ/Atiku rift” (Daily Champion, Wednesday, October 4, 2006, p.1). Such government agencies like INEC, Courts (High Court, Supreme and Appeal Courts), Code of Conduct Bureau, including institutions, political parties and bodies such as National Assembly (Senate and House of Representatives), PDP, AC etc. were among the institutional forces that influenced the agenda setting process of the Obasanjo/Atiku feud. This supports the postulation by Oso (2006: 73), after a study, that “powerful sources sometimes use the news to gain strategic advantage over their opponents”. Similarly, Molotch and Lester (in Oso, supra) opine that news is “a battlefield of actors struggling to generate public experience.” The use of the Obasanjo/Atiku feud by PDP and AC chieftains, including loyalists of Obasanjo and Atiku to trade blames against each other, supports this postulation. The findings show that the framing of news on Obasanjo/ Atiku feud differed. This could be as a result of the owner’s interest, which is tied to political commitments and private interests of media shareholders. As was stated in the findings, Daily Sun framed the news such that Atiku is seen as a hero or an innocent politician trying to survive the unfair treatment by the presidency. Chief Orji Uzor Kalu is the publisher of Daily Sun. As the governor of Abia State, he was known to have openly criticized Obasanjo’s regime. He

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decamped from PDP to Progressive People’s Alliance (PPA) as the party’s presidential candidate. He also has a good relationship with Atiku. These interests may have influenced the framing of Obasanjo/Atiku feud against the ruling PDP. The framing of the issue as depicted in the captions gave away this influence on the newspaper. On the other hand, Chief Emmanuel Iwuanyanwu is the publisher of Daily Champion. He was the South East coordinator of Obasanjo/Atiku campaign and a strong PDP Chieftain. Daily Champion framed the Obasanjo/Atiku feud such that the vice president is seen as a disobedient subordinate facing an ordeal he brought upon himself. The framing did not only seem unfavourable to him but placed him at the receiving end. A good number of the stories on the feud contained in Daily Champion portrayed this picture. The political interests or commitments of the publisher may have play subtle role in this respect. The Guardian took a more neutral posture in the framing of the Obasanjo/Atiku feud. Chief Alex Ibru is the publisher of the newspaper. He does not have any known overt interests in or relationship with the camps of the president and vice president. This may have informed the more neutral framing of the feud which portrayed the two camps as engaged in a tussle for supremacy. The paper plays down the tone of words used in captioning the stories. Where Daily Sun says “Atiku indicts Obasanjo in PTDF Scam”, the Guardian carries a similar story captioned “Atiku camp links Obasanjo’s lawyer, minister to PTDF”. The framing of the issue by the Guardian differed from the framing by Daily Champion and Daily Sun. The political power play which seemingly influenced framing of the Obasanjo/Atiku feud by Daily Champion and Daily Sun gives credence to the postulation by Curran (2005) that political commitments, private interests of media shareholders, the influence exerted through news management, and cultural power of leading groups in the society are among factors that shape the media and by extension, media framing of news. Conclusion The mass media coexist in the society with other institutions and units which engage them in an interactional and interdependent relationship. Mass mediated message is a product of social matrix forces and influences which shape individual journalists and media houses. In the course of news framing, the journalist may not be entirely objective since certain forces and influences which shape his existance could come to play. The press may appear to be objectively playing their watchdog role in the society but are actually acting out a script which is premised on other commitments and private interests. As Curran (2005:126) notes: “Media attacks on official wrongdoing can follow private agendas. ‘Fearless’ feats of investigative journalism, in these circumstances are not necessarily the disinterested acts undertaken on behalf of the public that they appear to be”. The media gave priority coverage to the Obasanjo/Atiku feud with the issue dominating the front page mostly as lead stories, during the period of study. The nature of news framing adopted in covering the issue in such that extraneous forces, influences and political commitments played vital roles in this respect. Political interests and affiliations of owners of two of the studied newspapers played subtle roles in framing of the agenda. It follows that such extraneous considerations, including influence exerted through news management, and consideration of interests of stakeholders in the media (which includes major advertisers in a medium) affect framing of news. The strength, integrity, and credibility of personalities and forces that constitute news sources play significant roles in determining the movement of an issue from press agenda to public agenda. It is not just the interest of media houses or stakeholders that matters but the strength of the sources or personalities being used to project these views, interests and agenda. An issue could receive quick, and easy access into public agenda based on those who constitute the channels through which the media disseminate the issue to the public. News should be framed objectively, to reflect the press as a neutral watchdog and to guide the public in understanding the true picture of events in the society and premising decision-making on such understanding. Entman (2005:252) aptly recommends that the press should adopt “news framing that helps citizens make the right choices and keeps them from supporting leaders who do not maximize the values and interests they want…” The press should not use news framing to fool the public or make them take

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wrong decisions. Framing of the Obasanjo/Atiku feud, for instance, is sensitive because it deals with accountability in government and the character of the nation’s leaders. Giving deceptive framing could be inimical to nation building. A neutral framing which presents issues as they are, should be adopted in such instance, so that the public will be equipped with the right facts and perspective upon which to take the right decisions. The press should insist on objective performance of their watchdog role to the society. Personal interests and political commitments affect objectivity in news representation. This is not an attempt to rule out the fact that the mass mediated message is a product of social matrix. The pressure of allowing the extraneous influences in the social matrix to stifle objectivity should be avoided. There is need to understand the wider relations and interplay of power within which the media exist so as to use such knowledge to the advantage of media operations.

REFERENCES Akande, L. (2007). “Govt. Sends Team to Counter Atiku’s Campaign in U.S”, The Guardian, Friday January 12, P.1. “Braithwaite wants Obasanjo, Atiku Impeached before polls,” The Guardian, Friday, February 2, 2007, p.1. Curran, J. (2005). Mediations of Democracy. In J. Curran & M. Gurevitch, (eds), Mass Media and Society, 4th Edition, London; Hodder Education, Pp. 122-149. Entman, R. M. (2005). Media and Democracy Without Party Competition. In J. Curran & M. Gurevitch, (eds), Mass Media and Society, 4th edition, London: Hodder Education, Pp. 251 – 270. Griffin, E. (2000). A First Look at communication theory (Fourth edition), Boston: McGraw Hill. (548 pages). Hunt, G. T. (1996). The Image of Africa as Reflected by the Elite American Press, in Uche, Luke, U. (ed.) North- South Information Culture: Trends in Global Communications and Research Paradigms, Ikeja: longman Pp. 189-209. Ike, N. (2005). Dictionary of Mass Communication, Owerri: Book- Konzult (263 pages). Mboho, M. (2004). A Reappraisal of the Implications of the Agenda Setting Theory and Dearing’s Model of Differential Agenda setting for the Role of the Mass Media in conflict management, in the Nigerian Journal of Communications, Vol. 1, No. 4, August, Pp. 64-71. McQuail, D. (2005). McQuail’s Mass Communication Theory (Fifth edition), London: Sage Publications, (616 pages). “My Problem With Obasanjo, By Atiku,” The Guardian, Tuesday, November 21, 2006. P.4. “National Assembly should save this nation… Sack Obasanjo and Atiku – Olu Falae,” The Gaurdian, Sunday January 21, 2007, P.1. Ndolo, I. S., (2005). Mass Media Systems and Society, Enugu: Rhyce Kerex Publishers. (280 pages). Oso, L. (2006). Framing the Environment: Press Coverage of an Environmental Problem, in the Nigerian Journal of Communications, Vol. 4, No. 1 and 2, Pp. 66-76. “PTDF Scandal: Sack Them; Gani Fawehinmi Calls for Obasanjo, Atiku’s Impeachment”, Daily Sun, Thursday December 21, 2006, P.1. “Security Risk”, Daily Sun, Monday, February 9, 2007, P.1. Uche, L. U., & Ngumoha, U. N. (1996). Anglo-Nigerian Press coverage of a Diplomatic Scandal: The Umaru Dikko Affair, in L.U. Uche, (ed.), North-South Information Culture: Trends in Global Communications and Research Paradigms, Ikeja: Longman. Pp. 210-229. Udoakah, N. (1993). The Anatomy of Mass Communicated Messages, in Journal of Humanities, Vol. 3, September, Pp. 88-93. Wimmer, R., and Dominick. J. (2003). Mass Media Research: An Introduction, Seventh edition, Belmont: Wadsworth.

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AN ANALYSIS OF TEMPORAL PATTERN OF DAILY ACTIVITIES IN A TRADITIONAL AFRICAN CITY AND ITS IMPLICATION FOR URBAN INFRASTRUCTURAL PLANNING: A STUDY OF ILORIN, NIGERIA

ADEDOKUN OLUTOYIN MOSES (Ph.D) Department of Geography Federal College of Education, Zaria Kaduna State, Nigeria [email protected]; [email protected] ABSTRACT This paper analyses the temporal pattern of activities of the people in Ilorin especially the length of time spent on each activity. Data were collected from 500 residents of Ilorin, each of whom completed a time budget diary over one week. Descriptive statistics and analysis of variance were used to summarize the data and to test the research hypotheses. The result shows that the activities were fixed in time and three variables: age, income and occupation were the major determinants of the time spent on the activities. The study also shows clearly that the temporal structure of activity in Ilorin is different from what obtains in Western cities where there is flexibility in the usage of time. Keyword: Pattern, Traditional African, Urban Infrastructural Planning, Occupation, Income.

INTRODUCTION The study of the interaction between population, activities and times is a complex one with many dimensions. These dimensions include the location, timing, duration, sequence and type of activities and or trips. These characteristics of space-time behaviour have made the simultaneous analysis of its many dimensions imperative (Kwan, 2002, 2003). Previous researches have either focused on spatial dimensions or have completely ignored time element as if it is not important (Main, 1982) Although Geographers view places in a two dimensional ways namely space and time (spatio-temporal), they often tend to ignore the time element. This paper, thus, discusses the temporal pattern of activities, that is, the time spent on various categories of activities, the determinants of the time spent and its implication on urban infrastructural planning. The approach of integrating individual spatial behaviour overtime was pioneered by Hãggertrand (1969). He used a simple diagram to illustrate his concept of space-time dimensions (Figure 1) Hãggertrand postulated the geographers’ two-dimensional space on the surface of the earth or on the surface of a map. A line on this surface indicated movement in space but not in time. He suggested a third dimension to signify time.

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Time 9Pm 8Pm 7Pm 6Pm 5Pm 4Pm 3Pm 2Pm 1Pm 12Non 11am 10am 9am 8am 7am 6am

Home

Office

Space

Fig.1 Man’s daily space-time dimensions Source: Adapted from Haggerstrand (1969). Figure1 represents a very simple working day. Solid lines represent the path of all obligatory activities and dotted lines the prism or feasible regions of movement in periods for which there are no fixed activities. The worker is assumed to be effectively fixed at home until 7:30am to 8:00am where he can conveniently sleep and take breakfast. He must then take a direct route to work, where he is obliged to stay until lunchtime. During the lunch hour he has a certain amount of freedom; he must be back in the office exactly an hour. From 2pm until about 5pm he is again expected to stay at work. But after 5pm he has no need to be home until 7pm for supper. In this period, 5-7pm, he can stay on at work or he can go somewhere near or stop off on the way back for a drink or visit. The main feature implicit in this model of daily behaviour is the idea that certain activities are fixed in both space and time. Method of Data analysis The following methods were use to analyse the data: (i) descriptive statistics to summarise the data; (ii) Analysis of variance to determine the structural dimension of daily behaviour of the respondents. The preliminary description of the allocation of time among different types of activity is subdivided into three parts:

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(a) Time spent by respondents on different classes of activity that is on home based, office/work place based and outdoor based activities on daily basis: Day 1 to 7. (b) Spatial allocation of time (mean duration of activity) on each category of activities. (c) Temporal disaggregation of time spent on daily activities. THE STUDY AREA When the present city of Ilorin was founded is not very clear. Indeed, little is known about its pre pre-jihad political development. Ilorin is today the capital of Kwara State. It is located on latitude 80.30N and Longitude 40.35’E. It lies on the southern southern fringes of the savanna region and north of the forest zone. Ilorin is located in the Guinea savanna grassland belt of middle belt region of Nigeria. The main river in Ilorin is the Asa which flows in the south-north north direction. It divides Ilorin into two parts: a western part representing the core or indigenous area and the eastern part where the Government Reservation Area (GRA) is located. Ilorin has experienced a rapid growth in its population over the years. The first population census in 1911 put thee population of Ilorin at 36,343 while the 1953 population census put the town’s population at 40,994. The 1963 and 1991 censuses recorded the population of the town as 208,546 and 532,088 respectively. The projected population of Ilorin in 2005 when this research was carried out was 748,150 based on an assumed annual growth of 3.5 percent.

METHODOLOGY Source of Data The Activity Network Approach (ANA) was adopted for this study. ANA is a micro micro-behavioural, inductive approach that makes ‘predictions about the whole from disaggregate data of the behaviour of individuals using Time Budget Diary (TBD). TBD questionnaire focuses on the socio socio-economic attributes of the individual, types of activities, location of activities, beginning and end time of activ activities, number of participants in each activity, extent to which each activity was arranged and whether an individual could have done: - Anything else at the time of this activity, - This activity at any other time, - This activity elsewhere, where, and whether, - Been anywhere else at the time of his activity is taking place.

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Sampling Procedure The 20 electoral wards in Ilorin formed the spatial framework for primary data collection. The use of these wards was based on the fact that it makes it easier to obtain data on population. The sample size was 500 literate individuals. This number was proportionally distributed among the 20 wards based on their 1991 population projected to 2006, using 3.5 percent annual growth rate. Number of respondents to be interviewed from each ward was randomly selected. This sample is considered adequate for the study of this nature because of the complexity of completing the questionnaire, the time and cost involved in administering the questionnaire, monitoring the respondents, and more importantly, because researches involving Time Budget Diary do not normally accommodate large samples (Timmermanns, 2000; Kwan, 2005). Each respondent was issued seven copies of the TBD questionnaire, one for each day of the week. Research assistants monitored the respondents at home and work places. MAJOR FINDINGS Spatial allocation of time by place of activity and day of the week Table 1 shows the spatial allocation of time to various activities that is, the mean duration of activities in minute from day 1 to day 7. The daily variation in the allocation of time by the location of activities clearly demonstrated that office/workplace based activities had a much greater average duration than the home based activities. Table 1: Spatial allocation of time (mean duration of activity in minutes) Days of Location of Mean time Standard Weeks activities spent Deviation Sunday Home based 544.24 181.90 Office/work place 81.78 89.91 Out door 85.71 .00 Monday Home based 157.38 73.54 Office/work place 704.3 86.04 Tuesday Home based 166.38 80.40 Office/work place 1037.24 104.51 Wednesday Home based 151.0 73.04 Office/work place 1325.12 109.39 Thursday Home based 168.5 47.90 Office/work place 995.4 148.71 Friday Home based 132.04 56.85 Office/work place 1045.52 114.61 Saturday Home based 143.30 53.87 Office/work place 1104.85 133.89 Source: Filed work, 2006.

% of Total sum 56.6 40.6 2.8 39.0 61.0 37.5 62.5 46.6 53.4 42.1 58.0 47.0 53.0 49.6 50.4

Daily Temporal disaggregation of time spent on activities The variation in people’s allocation of time between different periods of the day was obtained from the temporal disaggregation of the time spent on different activities on different day of the week as shown in Table 2 Table2: Variations in People’s Allocation of Time between different periods of the Day ACTIVITY DAY PERIOD HOME OFFICE/WORK OUTDOOR TOTAL BASED PLACE Morning 131 2 133 1 Afternoon 132 132 Evening 43 33 76 Total 306 33 2 341

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Morning Afternoon Evening Total

35 11 7 53

112 161 5 278

147 172 12 331

Morning Afternoon Evening Total

16 105 7 128

82 115 5 202

98 220 12 330

Morning Afternoon Evening Total Morning Afternoon Evening Total Morning 6 Afternoon Evening Total Morning 7 Afternoon Evening Total Source: Field work, 2005.

23 85 1 109 61 52 10 122 21 97 1 118 120 29 15 164

74 140 5 219 49 150 7 266 115 45 11 171 26 50 9 85

97 225 6 328 110 201 17 328 136 142 11 289 146 79 24 249

2

3

4

The summary of the variations in people’s allocation of time between different periods of the day is presented in Table 3. Table 3: Distribution of respondents by time of day and place of activity ACTIVITY PERIOD OF THE DAY MORNING % AFTERNOON % EVENING Home based 57 18.15 73 23.23 12 Office/work 65 20.70 94 29.94 11 place Out door 2 0.6 Total 124 39.50 167 53.18 23 Source: Field work, 2005.

TOTAL

%

% 3.85 3.50

142 170

45.22 54.14

7.96

2 314

0.6 100

Table 5 shows that 39.50 per cent of the respondents undertook their activities in the morning period, out of this 18.15 per cent, 20.70 per cent and 0.64 per cent were spent on home, office/work place and outdoor based activities respectively. While 53.18 per cent undertook their activities in afternoon out of which 29.94 per cent were spent on home based activities and 29.94 per cent on office/work place based activities. Finally 7.32 per cent undertook their activities in the evening with 3.85 per cent on home based activities and 3.30 per cent undertaken in the home and office/work place respectively. It is evident; therefore, that majority of the respondents (50 per cent) undertook their activities in the day time, 92.68 per cent which was in the morning and 39.50 percent in the afternoon. TEMPORAL FIXITY OF ACTIVITIES The concept of fixity implies that some activities are fixed to a certain space and/or time of the day and also that certain spaces are closely associated with certain activities and/or time of the day. To establish the temporal nature (fixity) of activities, respondents were asked whether they could have done anything else at the time they did a particular activity The result shows that 280 (94.59) respondents said they could not do anything else at the time while 16 (5.41%) indicated that they could do something else at the time. This

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result, however, varies with different socio-demographic variables: gender, marital status, religion, age, educational qualification and occupation. Table 4: Temporal fixity and activity location Activity type Could you have done anything else at this time? Yes % No % Total % Home based 14 4.72 112 37.8 126 42.57 Office/work place 2 0.68 166 56.08 168 56.76 Outdoor _ _ 2 0.69 2 0.69 Total 16 5.41 280 94.59 296 100 Source: Field work, 2005. The temporal fixity of activities was further established when it was asked if these activities could be done at some other time as shown in Table 7 Table 5: Activity location and temporal fixity Activity Location Could you have done this at some other time? Yes % No % Home based 21 7.4 119 40.20 Office/work place 1 0.4 153 51.7 Outdoor 2 0.7 _ _ Total 24 8.5 272 91.5 Source: Field work, 2005.

Total 141 153 2 296

% 47.64 51.7 0.7 100

From Table 5 , it is evident that only 8.5% of the respondents do not have their activity fixed in time. This include 7.4%, 0.7% in office/work place activities. On the other hand 91.5% of the respondents could not have done their activities at some other time. This includes 40.0% who are engaged in home based activities, 51.0% in office/work place activity and 0.7% in outdoor activities. DETERMINANTS OF TIME RESPONDENTS SPENT ON ACTIVITIES The determinants of time respondents spent on their activities were analyzed by using the stepwise multiple regression analysis. The choice of this analytical technique is informed by the fact that “it is a search procedure for identifying which independent variables, previously thought to be of some importance actually have the strongest relationship with the dependent variable’ The dependent variables in this study are the amount of time devoted to the activities each day. The independent variables are the socio-economic characteristics of the respondents i.e. the gender, marital status, age in years, religion, educational qualification and occupation of the respondents. It is expected that the variable(s) that have higher score(s) is/are likely to be responsible for people’s time allocation each day. The result of the stepwise regression in shows that only three steps are possible. The criterion for selecting variables in the analysis is set at 0.05 level of significance. The result shows that age estimated annual income and occupation of respondents are significant. The level of significance is as high as 0.001. This implies that apart from age, annual income and occupation, all other variables are not significant in explaining time devoted to activities; although this variables differ vary from day 1 to 7. The age factor is significant in the sense that all the sampled respondents fall within the age group of economically viable or productive segment of the population (i.e. between the age brackets of 18 years to 60 years) in all gender, qualification and occupational groups. On the other hand, annual income as a factor significant in explaining time devoted to activities is due to the fact that majority of the respondents belong to low income group, hence they have to work from morning till evening to make ends meet while those in public service engage in multiple occupations. Finally, occupation as a significant factor explains one of the characteristics of third world cities where people engaged in mostly informal sector and self -owned occupations hence they can afford to spend longer time.

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DA Y 1

2.

3

4

5

Vol.2 No.4

Table 6: Stepwise regression analysis for determinants of amount of time devoted to activities Mode Step Variable B Standar Beta T Significan R R2 Adjuste Standard d R2 Error l Descriptio d of b ce level n 1 1 Age (yrs) 4.403 -479 001 479 .229 .224 526.216 28.502 6.474 4.701 -333 001 .264 2 A Age (yes) 22.792 .000 -234 4.849 004 .524 .274 512.318 B Estimated b -6.13 annual 2.959 income (N) .280 3 A Age yrs 4.682 001 b Estimated 21.695 .000 .364 4.634 004 506.792 -6.03 34.585 046 .542 .295 c Annual c Income 69.772 .230 2.943 Occupatio .145 2.017 n 1 A Estimated 380.816 .000 .000 .562 .315 .311 a Annual 1.112 .562 8.004 b Income 2 .372 .363 366.165 E.04 .000 .001 (N) .610 3.435 .001 b .454 6.137 3 c Estimated 9.09E. .000 Annual 05 3.401 .260 3.514 .390 .376 362.242 Income 26.746 .047 Age (Yrs) 12.069 .624 .448 6.102 c Estimated 8.96E. Annual 05 .225 3.473 Income .134 2.001 Age Yrs 11.811 Occupatio 53.529 n -1.3E- .000 .000 .563 .317 .312 1 A Estimated 380.450 a 04 .563 8.038 Annual .000 .000 2 Income 3.438 .001 b (N) .371 .362 366.470 9.18E.458 6.187 .609 b 05 Estimated .255 3.436 annual 11.813 income (N) Ag (Yrs) 1 Estimated 397.092 .000 .000 .555 .308 .303 a Annual 1.14E.555 7.805 2 a Income 04 .000 .000 (N) b .345 .336 387.592 3.663 .467 6.142 .006 .588 Estimated 9.64Eb annual 05 income .213 2.793 (N) 10.231 Ag (Yrs) 1 A Age (in -5.597 3.003 .065 .181 .033 .011 317.361 a Yrs) .173 1.864 1.782 .000 .168

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Estimated Annual Income (N)

6

1

A

Occupatio n Age (yrs)

7

1

A

Age (yrs)

E-05

.129

1.385

.063

.744

.226 .194

2.587 2.062

23.538 17.522

-7.507

2.902

-6.922

3.357

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.458

.011

.226

.051

.044

326.226

.042

.194

.038

.029

338.251

a a

Source: Authors analysis, 2006 On the day 1 the R value in the first step is 0.479 percent while R2 is 0.229%. This implies that age account for about 23 percent of how people spent their time. In the second step, R value is 0.524 percent and R2 is 0.274%. This implies that estimated annual income account for about 274 percent and on the third step R is 0.543% and R2 is 0.295% which implies that occupation type account for 29.5 percent. In all, the three variables account for about 80 percent of the factors (variables) that explain how people spent their time. The percent change in R2 between first and second step is 0.045 while the difference between first and third step is 0.066. These represent 4.5 percent and 6.6 percent of the explanation. In other words, the difference between the explanation in the first and second step and in the first and third step in the analysis is only 4.5 and 6.6 percent given an average difference of 5.6 percent. On day 2, the R value in the first step is .562 and R2 is 315 while for the second step R is .610 and R2 is .372 and R for third step is .624 and R2 is .390. This result shows that on the second day estimated annual income account for about 31.5 percent, while age in the second step account of about 37 percent and in the third step, occupation type account for 39 percent on the second day. The difference between the contribution of the variables i.e. between first and second step is 5.7 percent while between second and third step is 2 percent given an average difference of 5.1 percent. On days 3 and 4, only two steps are possible. In the first step for day 3 R is .563 and R2 is .317. This shows that estimated annual income account for about 32 percent. On the second step R is .609 and R2 is .371. This result shows that age accounts for about 37 percent of the difference between the first and second step in the analysis of day 3 is 5 percent. On day 4, the first step R is .555 and R2 is .308. This explains that estimated annual income account for about 31 percent in the analysis while in the second step R is .588 and R2 is .345. This result explains that age of respondents account for about 34.5 percent. The difference between the first and second step is just 3.5 percent of the explanation. On day 5, 6 and 7, only one step is possible and the R values for these days are .181, .226 and 194, while Rs is .03, .051 and .038. These explain that age account for 3.3 percent, 5.1 percent and 3.8 percent in the analysis of days 5, 6 and 7 respectively. Furthermore, attempt was made to determine the significance of these three variables (age, income and occupation of the respondents) in explaining time allocation. To achieve this ANOVA test was conducted for the stepwise regression as presented in the Table 7 DAY 1

Table 7: SUMMARY OF ANOVA TEST FOR STEPWISE REGRESSION MODEL Source of Sum of d/f Means F Significance Variation Squares Square 1 Regression 11605539 1 11605539.48 41.912 .0001a Residual 39043392 141 276903.492 Total 50648932 142 2 Regression 13903102 2 6951551.050 26.488 .0001b Residual 36745830 140 262470.213 Total 50648932 142

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3

Regression Residual Total 2 1 Regression Residual Total 2 Regression Residual Total 3 Regression Residual Total 3 1 Regression Residual Total 2 Regression Residual Total 4 1 Regression Residual Total 2 Regression Residual Total 5 1 Regression Residual Total 6 1 Regression Residual Total 7 1 Regression Residual Total Source: Author’s Analysis, 2006.

14948414 35700518 50648932 9290089 20157846 29447935 10945303 18502631 29447935 11470899 17977036 29447935 9351800 20119189 29470989 10937601 18533388 29470989 9605828 21602470 31208298 10777380 20430918 31208298 459942.6 13596965 14056907 712427.82 131196532 13908960 486564.0 1247115 12957679

3 139 142 1 139 140 2 138 140 3 137 140 1 139 140 2 138 140 1 137 138 2 136 138 3 135 138 1 124 125 1 109 110

Vol.2 No.4

4982804.736 256838.257

19.401

.0001c

9290088.503 145020.476

64.061

.0001a

5472651.679 134077.038

40.817

.0001b

3823632.953 131219.239

29.139

.0001c

9351800.432 144742.367

64.610

.0001a

5468800.621 1342999.914

40.721

.0001b

9605827.614 157682.264

60.919

.0001a

5388689.837 150227.339

35.870

.0001a

153314.215 100718.256

1.522

.212a

712417.792 106423.643

6.694

.011a

486564.041 114413.901

4.253

.042a

The result of the ANOVA test shows that all the variables are significant at 0.05 significance level for every day. This indicates that for all variables and at all days, the calculated F values at 0.05 confidence level are greater than the critical table values. Hence we accept that the three variables: age, income and occupation of the respondents are significant in explaining time spent on various activities. The results of the regression, ANOVA show that three variables: age, income and occupation affect time spent on activities. The explanation for this is that, most people are self-employed or they are having multiple occupations/combining many occupations due to lack of formal employment, also most of the people are low-income earners. This is a major characteristic of Africa urban centers. It is an indication of the nature of activities in an emerging nation with a weak industrial base where informal activities dominate urban economic landscape. Also most people are self employed or they own their businesses hence these is no time table for their activities. Furthermore they have no structured work scheduled they work from morning till evening to make ends meet because they are still within the active working age. IMPLICATIONS OF THE FINDINGS Conceptual Implication One important outcome of this work is the concept of Objective Spatial Structure (OSS) defined as “the actual locations of all potential activities and their associated objective levels of attractiveness within an urban area” (Sears, 1971; Bourne and Murdie, 1972; Bourne; 1974, Procos and Harvey, 1977, Cullen and Godson, 1975; Kwan, 2004 and Joh et al 2005). Fig.3 Objective Spatial Structure (OSS)

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Preference

Perception

Vol.2 No.4

Activity

Opportunity

Source: Kwan, 2004. The OSS sets the outer limit of possible individual behaviour and it increases with geographical scale of an urban areas. Enclosed in the OSS are the three limiting sets of: perception, preference and opportunity. The interaction of these elements determines the actual “activity set” of the individual. The preference set consists of these elements of the OSS which the individuals has preference and the perceived set contains both objective and subjective of the systems as they are perceived or seen by individuals. Based on this and an overview of the relationship between three main components of activity, time and space emerge the concept of fixity. This concept forms the basis of the planning implication. The concept of fixity implies that some activities are fixed to a certain space and/or time of the day and also that certain spaces are closely associated with certain activities and/or time of the day. From the data collected and analyzed in the study area, about 89 percent of the respondents had their activities fixed in time because most of the respondents are engaged in informal sector and are selfemployed. These population characteristics and the activity pattern (time) generated mainly home and office/work place based activities which the people have adjusted and accustomed to. The implication of this is that certain spaces would be in greater (or lesser) demand at a particular time. This forms the basis for the proposed model for this study. Urban Population

Urban Centre Urban Activities

Activity Location Time

Space Activity Pattern

Human (Spatio-Temporal) Behaviour Fixed Office/Workplace

Home

Neighbourhood Activity Centres

Figure 4: A Model of Urban Neighbourhood Activity Centers Source: Derived from the author’s findings (2009)

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Given a medium size urban centre with its population, there would emerge various types of urban activity located in different parts of the city. The location of these activities would in turn generate activity pattern with space and time (or spatio-temporal) dimensions. The activity pattern itself would generate human spatio-temporal behavior. In the study area, the human behaviour in space and time was fixed. The fixity in human spatial behaviour is shared between home and office/work place. The urban neighbourhood activity centre model is of the view, therefore, that in planning for a medium size urban centre in developing world; there may be the need to adopt a strategy that would incorporate the behaviour of the people. Instead of strict land use zonation approach, facilities may be located closely to or around neighborhoods where people are fixed to. In this case and as demonstrated, facilities and infrastructures should be located between homes and work places. Obviously, if there is a demonstrable linkage between two activities in time, it makes sense to locate the facilities housing them in the same space so as to eliminate time and energy consuming travel.(Adedokun, 2008, 2009)

References Adedokun, O. M. (2008) A Spatio-Temporal Analysis of Activity Linkages in Ilorin, Kwara-State. Savanna 2,1 pp41-52 Adedokun, O. M. (2009) A Spatio-Temporal Analysis of Urban Activity Linkages: A Case Study of Ilorin, Nigeria. Unpublished Ph.D Dissertation, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. Blalock, H.M. (1964) Causal Inferences in non-experimental Research. London, Chapel Hill. Bourne, L.S. (1976) ‘Monitoring Change and Evaluating Impact of Planning Policy on urban structure: A Markov Chain Experiment’ Plan Canada. Bourne, L.S. and Murdie, R.A. (1972) ‘Interrelationships of Social and Physical Space in the City’ Canadian Geographer, xvi, 3. Cullen, I. and Godson V. (1972) The Structure of Activity Patterns: a bibliography. Research Paper, No 2, Joint Unit for planning research. Haggerstand, T. (1969) What about People in Regional Science. Regional Science Association 24. Joh, G.H., T.A. Arentze and H.J.P. Timmermans (2005) A Utility-based analysis of activity time allocation decisions underlying segmented daily activity-travel patterns Environment and Planning A 37, 11 pp.105-125. Kwan, Mei-Po, (2002) ‘Time, Information Technologies and the Geographies of Everyday Life’ Urban Geography 25, 5, 471-482. Kwan, Mei-Po, (2003a) New Information Technologies, Human Behaviour In Space Time and the Urban Economy Paper Presented at the 82nd Annual Meeting of Transportation Research Board (TRB) Washington D.C. Jan 12-16 Kwan, Mei-Po, (2003b) ‘Geovisualization of Activity Travel Patterns Using 3D Geographical Information Systems’ Paper Presented at 10th International Conference on Travel Behaviour Research. Luierne. Aug. 10-15. Kwan, Mei – Po (2005) Measuring Activity and Action Space/time in Martins E.H.,Lee-Gosselin and T. D. Seen (eds) Integrated Land-Use and Transportation Models: Behavioural Foundaations. Oxford: Pergamon-Elsevier pp 101-132 Main, H.A.C. (1982) Time–Space Study of Daily Activity in Urban Sokoto, Nigeria Unpublished Ph.D Thesis, University of Liverpool, U.K. Olsson, G. (1970) ‘Explanation, Prediction and Meaning of Variance; An Assessment of Distance Interaction Models’ Economic Geography 46, 2 pp.223 – 2333. Procos, D. and Harvey, A.S. (1977) Activity Network: A system approach to urban Modeling Research Paper Institute of Public Affairs. Dalhouise University. Sears, D. (1971) Dynamic Spatial Classification Architectural Design 2,1. Timmermans, H.J.P. (2000) ‘Theories and Models of Activity Patterns’ Albataros pp 6 – 70. Witherill, G.B. (1972), Analysis of Variance; Elementary Statistical Methods. London, Chapman and Hall.

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Vol.2 No.4

HARNESSING TRADOTRONIC MEDIA POTENTIALS FOR CONFLICT RESOLUTION IN NIGERIA’S NIGER DELTA

KONKWO, DEDE E.J. (Ph.D) Associate Professor Department of Mass Communication Imo State University, Owerri Imo State, Nigeria. [email protected] Abstract The paper examines the fusion and deployability of indigenous and electronic media towards the resolution of conflict in Nigeria’s Niger Delta. The study is informed by the strategic importance of oil not only to Nigeria, but also to the rest of the world whose energy needs are satisfied through oil importation from Nigeria. The Niger Delta, comprising nine out of the 36 states of the federation, is where Nigeria’s oil is produced and as a result, is, until today, also where the most environmental devastation and lack of development has taken place. This led to the region becoming a theatre of youth restiveness, constant confrontation between the Niger Delta militants and Nigerian security forces, kidnapping and vandalising of oil production facilities, leading to significant reduction in oil output and therefore to losses in national income, since about 95% of the country’s revenue is derived from oil. The paper discusses the need for peace predicated on justice as the precondition for national development and as being achievable when there is, apart from massive development of the Niger Delta, also a proper and effective fusion of the traditional and electronic (tradotronic) media in the strategic efforts to bring about a resolution of the conflict in the region. Keywords: Militancy, tradotronic, media, conflict, resolution Introduction Owing to its complex and dynamic nature, modern society today is characterised by one form of conflict or another. And it is argued that no government can make any meaningful progress in the midst of conflictive situations. Conflictshave always been known to erupt or be aggravated when the special interests or intentions of the contending forces in society are at variance with one another and when the information about them is either misdirected, misunderstood, misinterpreted or misjudged. Nwabueze (2009: 33) also contends that misunderstanding of information tends to complicate facts and situation reports, leading to (the) outbreak of crisis. This can have very far-reaching negative effects on the political, economic and social life of not only the immediate society, but also the international community. A case in point is the stymied operations of oil exploration, mining and servicing companies in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria as a result of the activities of militant groups and other restive youths, which deplete Nigeria’s Gross Domestic Product as they affect international oil exports. In 2008, Nigeria lost more than $150-billion in oil revenue due to pipeline vandalising, shut-in flow stations, kidnapping of oil workers, etc. For corporate bodies such as the oil companiesto succeed in their activities and be able to contribute their quota to the national and international economy, they should not only engage in corporate social responsibility, but they should also be able to put in place a communication machinery that enables them to manage and resolve conflicts. Traditional and modern forms of (broadcast) communication should also be harnessed, where necessary. To this end, the paper adopts the tradotronic media strategy conceptualised within the context of development support communication as the means through which effective communication can be achieved between the contending forces in the Niger Delta and the Federal Government of Nigeria.

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Literature review Development communication is a holistic communication effort, approach or action designed to mobilise a people towards active participation in programmes aimed at achieving improved physical, socio-cultural, political and economic environments for the benefit of human beings in society (see Nwodu, 2007: 18); Edeani (1993: 30) sees development communication as “the use of all forms of communication in reporting, publicizing and promotion of development at all levels of society”. Quebral (1989: 27) defines development communication as the “art and science of human communication applied to the speedy transformation of a country and the mass of its people”. From these definitions, we can see that development communication concerns itself with: 1. social objectives among development agents; 2. communicating development programme objectives to the programme targets; 3. mobilising development targets for active participation in the programmes; and 4. evaluating programme strategies before, during and after the programme implementation for the purpose of enhancing future delivery. Development communication demands the effective use of various modes of communication media to propagate news and information about social change, such as in the Niger Delta area of Nigeria. As Moemeka (1989: 14) observes, development (which is communication driven) should aim at improving “the human, cultural, socio-economic and political conditions of the individual and, consequently, of society. Linden (1989, cited in Okunna (2002: 293) agrees that development should focus on social change aimed at improving the quality of life of human society, especially that of the underprivileged majority of the population. To facilitate development, Moemeka (1989), and Nwosu (1991) note that in almost all development communication projects, some kind of media mixing or combination seems most desirable, if not imperative. This involves careful and cost-effective integration of the traditional, interpersonal, group and mass media models of communication, for greater results. The effective deployment of some traditional modes of communication, like folk media, market places, village square meetings, age-grades (i.e. persons born within the age range of between 1 – 3 years) and other similar for a in some development communication contexts has also been documented and reported in the African developmental research literature (Nwosu and Megwa, 1993). And such traditional modes of communication can be effectively deployed in the effort to resolve the conflict in Nigeria’s Niger Delta. In this study, we propose the fusion of modern media systems with the traditional (i.e. tradotronic) communication channels in the effort to aid the resolution of crisis in Nigeria’s Niger Delta as well as facilitate the social, economic and political development of the people of that region. The genesis of the Niger Delta oil conflict The extractive industry is the life-blood of the Nigerian economy, and the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) is the country’s major income earner. But strategic as this may be, oil and gas fortunes have sadly brought Nigeria lots of woes and misfortunes. This is to be analyzed and understood within the context of the social, economic and political crises associated with oil and gas, the grand human scale of the politics of oil or what is described as the curse of oil in Nigeria.(The Guardian Jan. 4, 2009). The oil issue is certainly at the heart of the Nigerian question and the theatre for the interplay of associated or contending forces. And the battleground of the dilemma is the Niger Delta, one of the largest wetlands in the world, and clearly the largest in Africa, covering over 20,000 square kilometers (The Guardian, Jan. 4, 2009). It comprises nine out of the 36 states that make up the country, namely: Cross River (often considered a marginal player), Ondo, Imo, Abia Edo, Rivers, Bayelsa, Akwa Ibom and Delta. Of the Niger Delta states, Rivers, Bayelsa, Akwa Ibom and Delta face more peculiar problems. This is because it is in these states that oil exploration, mining and production is pursued most intensively and extensively. Consequently, the most environmental degradation also takes place here, causing unprecedented losses in flora and fauna, depriving the oil-bearing communities of their traditional means of livelihood – fishing and farming – and thereby impoverishing them. The strategic importance of oil as a major source of energy is well known. Whenever and wherever oil is used, in one form or another, there is a linkage to a complex process that involves exploration, refining,

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high-end engineering and technology, human and material resources, the politics of nations and the rights and expectations of human beings. Whereas the core Niger Delta states constitute the treasure base of Nigeria’s economy, a visit to them reveals a baffling paradox: there is widespread poverty, especially in the riverine areas, as there is massive youth unemployment, virtually no healthcare delivery, no schools, no federal government presence and as there are youths without employable skills. Over the years, the people of the Niger Delta region have had to endure the painful reality of seeing other parts of Nigeria, especially Abuja, being constantly developed with the oil revenue derived from their land, while they themselves wallow in abject poverty, want and official neglect. In order to therefore draw the attention of the world to their plight, the youths of the region who have become restive over the years, took up arms against the oil companies and the government. Unfortunately, this otherwise legitimate struggle for self-preservation soon gave way to the criminal activities of hoodlums who latched onto it to unleash mayhem on innocent Nigerians and foreigners alike. Oil was first discovered in Nigeria in 1908 at Iho in Imo State by Shell D’Arcy, but commercial exploration commenced when oil was discovered at Oloibiri (present day Bayelsa State) in 1956. From an initial production of 5000 barrels per day, oil production from Nigeria in over 140 oil fields, over the years, reached as high as 2.4-million barrels per day. The projection for the 2009 budget put it at 2.9-million barrels per day, although instability in the oil producing region, as occurred during the civil war, 1967-70, and in the course of the current insurgency in the Niger Delta can obstruct oil production activities, “again exposing the soft underbelly of Nigeria’s cash cow” (The Guardian Jan 4, 2009). Nigeria is generally referred to as an “important African country” by the West, not necessarily because of its technological or economic development, but mainly owing to the advantages that access to its oil offers, as well as her population, which provides a huge market for Western manufactured products. Nigeria is known to have gas reserves that can last for more than 100 years should all its oil wells dry up today. The crisis in the Middle East has even made it necessary for the industrialised countries to look for other sources of oil supply. It is noted that this is why the United States has been looking for new sources of oil, with its eyes trained on the Gulf of Guinea and Nigeria’s hydrocarbon resources; hence the decision to bring American military presence to the Gulf of Guinea (The Guardian, ibid). As of January 2007, Nigeria’s proven oil resources were estimated at 36.2-billion barrels. And with continuing discovery of new oil wells, it is estimated that by 2010, the nation’s proven oil reserves might increase to about 40-billion barrels. In addition, Nigeria’s gas reserves are estimated to be up to 3.5-million cubic metres (Tell magazine, 2008). The Niger Delta and its off-shore locations are where all these resources are located, yet their people have nothing to show for it. Table 1: Estimated crude oil production and revenue in Nigeria (1958-2006) Year Production (million barrels) Revenue (N million) 1958 1.9 0.2 1959 4.1 3.4 1960 6.4 2.4 1961 16.8 17 1962 24.6 17 1963 27.9 10 1964 44 16 1965 99.4 29.2 1966 152.4 45 1967 116.6 29.6 1968 51.9 Not available 1969 196.3 75.4 1970 395.8 167 1971 558.7 519 1972 655.3 764 1973 719.4 1,016 1974 823.3 3,724 1975 660.1 4,272

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1976 758.1 5,365 1977 766.1 6,081 1978 696.3 4,556 1979 845.5 8,881 1980 760.1 12,354 1981 525.5 8,564 1982 470.6 7,815 1983 450.9 7,253 1984 507.5 8,269 1985 547.1 10,915 1986 535.9 8,107 1987 482.9 19,027 1988 529 20,934 1989 626.7 39,131 1990 660.6 55,216 1991 689.9 60,316 1992 711.3 115,392 1993 695.4 106,192 1994 696.2 160,192 1995 715.4 324,548 1996 681.9 369,190 1997 855 416,811 1998 806.4 289,532 1999 774.7 500,000 2000 828.3 1,340,000 2001 859.6 1,707,600 2002 725.9 1,230,900 2003 844.1 2,074,300 2004 900 3,354,800 2005 923.5 4,762,400 2006 814 6,109,000 2007 880 TOTAL 23,183.9 N29.8 TRILLION Source: Central Bank of Nigeria(CBN)Statistical Bulletin, Vol. 17, 2006 However, despite the fact that Nigeria is ranked as the world’s sixth oil producer, its management of oil revenue has been recorded as poor. At present, not much can be seen to have been done to bring about appreciable development and poverty alleviation, despite the hundreds of billions of dollars earned since the commencement of commercial oil exploration. For instance, the number of poor people in Nigeria rose from 19 million in 1970 to a staggering 90 million in 2000 (Ugolor, 2004). An IMF assessment (2003) indicates that oil, rather than bringing about general human development, has instead hampered economic growth and eroded institutional quality in Nigeria. The report also noted that oil has contributed to civil war, marginalisation and corruption, not to mention heightening regional tensions and conflicts, including the Niger Delta conflict. The Niger Delta region of Nigeria today is synonymous with persistent agitation for resource control, youth restiveness, militancy and retarded growth and development as people continue to kidnap and kill others over foggy disputes. It is contended that the wealthy and corrupt elite have grown stupendously wealthier, while the majority of the population live in abject poverty. Published and televised interviews of militants indicate that their grouse emanates from perceived injustices meted to their people over the years. They cite dispossession of their “God-given” resources by the federal government, environmental degradation by the oil companies, general poverty, inequitable deployment of the proceeds from their resources to develop other parts of the country to the utter neglect of their own region as some of the reasons for their agitation and armed struggle. The issue of derivation and resource control has been a contentious one in the effort to examine the genesis and circumstances of the conflict in the Niger Delta.

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In order to douse the escalating tension and bring about some tranquility in the region, the administration of Umaru Musa Yar’Adua created a Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs towards the end of 2008, which, however, some critics believe, hardly represents a solution to the problem in the long run. Agitation for resource control Under British colonial authorities, the federating units of Nigeria first enjoyed 100 percent derivation in 1946, then later 50 per cent, and contributed only 20 per cent of their resources to the common pool. Owing to the fact that the different parts of the country were productive centres of activity, there was great competition among the regions to see which would surpass the other in terms of development. But the discovery of oil and the oil boom suddenly put an end to this as all Nigerians strove to have a share of the “national cake” to which they contributed nothing in baking. With the ready availability of petrodollars, the incentive for hardwork, creativity, resourcefulness and productivity gave way to political contact and patronage as requirements for success. In the 1963 Constitution, derivation (ie, the percentage share accruable to a state from the proceeds of the natural resources, such as petroleum, derivable from that state, in the Federation Account)as 50 per cent, and the federal government got only 30 percent. This same constitution granted the ownership of the continental shelf to the regions. But by 1966 this had been practically jettisoned and, subsequently, through various legislations, the Federal Government took over all the resources of the country, including the continental shelf. Controlling Nigeria’s oil resources became the obsession of the federal military government. The civil war further exposed the strategic importance of the oil resources in the Niger Delta, and as the military seized control of power and politics, exercising control over oil and revenue became a major task. By 1970, derivation had been reduced to 45 per cent. In 1975, it was further reduced to 25 per cent. In 1981, the Shagari administration took it all the way down to five per cent. General Buhari further reduced it to 1.5 percent in1984. Under the Babangida administration, 1985-1993, it went up again to 3 percent. In the 1999 Constitution, derivation is fixed at 13 per cent, in response to agitations by the oil producing communities. The Guardian (Jan. 4, 2009) notes that by far the biggest damage that the obsession with oil has done to Nigeria over the years is a gradual descent into national indolence. According to the newspaper, every month, Commissioners of Finance from the states travel to Abuja to collect their own states’ share of oil revenue. In those states, almost nothing is done to encourage productivity. Through various legislations, the federal government vested to itself all control of the resources in the country, thereby disempowering the federating units. For instance, there are the Minerals and Mining Act, the Petroleum Profit Tax Act, the Land Use Act, the Oil in Navigable Waters Act, the Oil Pipeline Act, the National Inland Waterways Authority Act, the Petroleum Act, the Exclusive Economic Zone Act, the Territorial Waters Act and the Lands (Title Vesting etc.) Decree. Sections of the extant constitution, notably sections 16 (2), 162 (5) – (7) item 39 on the Exclusive list have also been identified as contentious. This led to the undue politicization of Nigeria’s extractive industry, fuelling rebellion among the people of the Niger Delta who, confronted with a rapacious Nigerian state, began to protest against the injustices occasioned by what they see as theft of their resources by the Nigerian state. Owing to the unease in the Niger Delta states, there was a steady decline in crude oil production over the past five years. Some oil majors, especially the Anglo-Dutch energy giant, Shell Petroleum Development Company (SPDC) and its American counterpart, Chevron Nigeria Limited (CNL), were forced to declare a force majeure at different periods in 2008 due to their inability to meet the demands of their customers. The conflict in the oil and gas sector assumed a more dangerous dimension in June 2008 when the Niger Delta militants attacked the Bonga Fields belonging to SPDC, whose Bonga floating storage platform was located 60 nautical miles off the coast of southern Ijaw Local Government Area of Bayelsa State. The militants’ damage of the strategic production platform threw the entire nation into panic, compelling President Umaru Yar’Adua to read the riot act to the militants. However, the militants promptly dismissed the presidential threat as an “empty” one, as they became even more daring.

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Over 5000 kilometres of the company’s flow lines were carted away and pipelines blown up by the warlords (The Punch: Jan. 1, 2009). Oil exploration was subsequently suspended in the area, while oil workers had to be evacuated to safer locations. As a result of these attacks, crude oil production by the company dropped sharply from 1.105-million barrels per day in 2005 to 360 000 barrels per day in 2008. Following this development, the management of SPDC embarked on restructuring which led to the downsizing of the company’s workforce in which about 3000 staff were laid off. CNL also received a dose of the militant cum criminal activities in November, 2008 when its Escravos pipelines were blown up. Consequently, the swamp operations of the company were shut down, leading to production shut-ins from six of its production platforms in the area, and the company’s declaration of a force majeure. The attacks on the pipelines in 2008 led to the closure of the crude oil refining plants. On October 1, 2008, the militants and criminals attacked the flow lines and this led to the shutdown of Warri and Kaduna plants for more than one month. Similarly, the Nigerian Gas Company (NGC), a subsidiary of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) suffered a setback in its operations in 2008 (see also Sola Adebayo, The Punch, Jan. 1, 2009). Nigeria was unable to meet its OPEC quota in 2008 due to the suspension of oil exploration activities in many parts of the Niger Delta. Currently,(i.e. mid-2009) electricity supply by the Power Holding Company of Nigeria (PHCN) is down to about 800 megawatts because ethnic militants regularly disrupt the supply of gas by the NGC from the Delta. The result has been constant power outages throughout the country, leading to low productivity and lack of development everywhere. In 2008, about 20.7 billion dollars was lost as revenue accruable to the Nigerian government (see The Guardian Sunday: 11 Jan. 2009). Theoretical orientation The fluid and very elastic nature of the concept of conflict makes it one that is always pliable and capable of being twisted at will as occasion demands. And that is why it has become an issue over which there is hardly consensus among scholars. Faleti (2007:36) agrees that: Divided opinions on the nature, causes and impact of conflict arereflected in the fact that there is (no) single widely accepted theory on which scholars agree, though it is also possible to explain this as being a result of the multi-disciplinary nature of conflict research. However, for our purpose, two theories of conflict are apt to capture the nature and essence of the conflict in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria. They are: the frustration-aggression theory (John Dollard and his associates 1939 cited in Faleti, (2007:47 ), and human needs theory (Rosati et al 1990). The Frustration-Aggression theory which was developed by John Dollard and his research associates in 1939 has been expanded and modified by scholars like Leonard Berkowitz (1962) and Yates (1962) and it appears to be the most widely known explanation for violent behaviour arising from an inability to fulfill needs. Social science theorists who rely on this explanation use the psychological theories of motivation and behaviour as well as frustration and aggression (Anifowoshe, 1982). In the effort to explain aggression, scholars point to the differences between what people feel they want or deserve to what they actually get. In this regard, Feierabendset al. (1969: 256-257)cited by Faleti(2007:47) speak of the “wantget-ratio” as Davies (1962: 6) speaks of the difference between “expected need satisfaction” and “actual need satisfaction”. Whenever expectation does not meet attainment, people usually tend to confront those they think are responsible for frustrating their ambitions. This forms the central argument of Ted Gurr’s (1970) relative deprivation thesis in which it is postulated that “the greater the discrepancy, however marginal, between what is sought and what seem attainable, the greater will be the chances that anger and violence will result”. The central message of the frustration-aggression theory is that aggression does not just happen as a natural reaction or instinct (as realists and biological theorists are prone to assume), but that it is the outcome of frustration; and that in a situation where the legitimate desires (or demands) of an individual are denied either directly or by the indirect consequence of the way the society is structured, the feeling of

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disappointment may lead such a person to express his anger through violence that will be directed at those he holds responsible or those who are directly or remotely related to them. Faleti(2007:48) and Zereuwa (2007: 125-132) agree that in situations where feelings of frustration become widespread among the population and the feeling is that people are getting less than they deserve, the most advisable thing that political leaders can do is to find out what the expectations of such individuals and groups are, and to seek ways of negotiating with them. It is contended that the position of most political leaders or office holders has been such as leads them to believe that yielding to public demands or entering into negotiation is a sign of weakness. This does not need to be the case and sometimes a state official or community leader showing concern is enough to make people believe that some action is being taken towards meeting such legitimate demands. A fitting example of how frustration leads to aggression and violence is our earlier discussed environmental degradation, general impoverishment, youth restiveness, militancy, vandalisation of oil facilities and kidnapping that have become the order of the day in the oil-producing Niger Delta region of Nigeria. The human needs theory is chiefly propounded by Rosati , Carroll and Coate (1990). The assumption of this theory is similar to that of frustration-aggression and relative deprivation theory. Its main position is that all human beings have basic needs which they seek to fulfil, and that the denial and frustration of these needs by other groups or individuals could affect them immediately or later, thereby leading to conflict. In this sense, “basic human needs” comprise the physical, psychological, social and spiritual needs. Essentially, to provide for one (e.g. food) and deny or hinder access to another (e.g. freedom of expression) will amount to a denial and could make people resort to violence in an effort to protect these needs. Needs theorists have identified some of these needs, the denial or hampering of which causes conflict. Abraham Maslow (1970) in his Motivation and Personality invented the human hierarchy of needs as comprising the physiological needs, safety needs, belongingness and love, esteem and self-actualization. Burton (1979: 72) in addition identifies response, stimulation, security, recognition, distributive justice, meaning, the need to appear rational and develop rationality, the need for sense of control and the need for role defence. He describes some needs as basic, such as food, shelter, sex and reproduction. Azar (1990) lists some basic needs like security, distinctive identity, social recognition of identity and effective participation in the processes that shape such identities. Burton establishes a link between frustration which compels humans into acts of aggression and the need on the part of such individuals to satisfy their basic needs. According to him, individuals cannot be taught to accept practices that destroy their identity and their goals that are attached to their needs and as a result of this, they are compelled to react against the factors, groups and institutions that they consider as being responsible for threatening such needs. Human needs for survival, protection, affection, understanding, participation, creativity and identity are shared by all people, are irrepressible and, according to Burton (1979), have components (such as need for recognition, identity, security, autonomy and bonding with others) that are not easily given up, no matter the pressure or resistance. No matter how much a political or social system tries to frustrate or suppress these needs, it will either fail or cause far more damage in the long term. Gurr (1970:24) is of the view that the tension between deprivation and potential are the main issues addressed by the human needs theory. This is because when important needs are not adequately satisfied, economic and political problems will continue to grow. The non-existence or lack of economic opportunities, hyper-inflation and impecuniousness are symptoms of economic imbalance; while political imbalance leads to fear, xenophobic tendencies, crime and violence, forced migration, voluntary or forced exile and political marginalization. All these are at the root of bitter conflicts anywhere. Although scholars identify a wide range of human needs, some of which they consider to be basic, they agree that the frustration of these needs hinders the actualization of the potentials of groups and individuals, ultimately leading to conflict. Again, almost all of them agree that to resolve a conflict, or to even prevent one from erupting, the needs have to be met with appropriate satisfiers, i.e. those things or values that were denied them in the first place.

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Resolving the conflict Miller (2003:8) sees conflict resolution as “a variety of approaches aimed at terminating conflicts through the constructive solving of problems as distinct from management or transformation of conflict.” This is exactly what is needed in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria, not only because of its strategic value to the country, but also given its international dimensions. Miall, Ramsbotham and Woodhouse (2001:2) note that by conflict resolution one expects that the deep-rooted sources of conflict are addressed and resolved, and behaviour is no longer violent, nor are attitudes hostile any longer, while the structure of the conflict has been changed. According to Mitchel and Banks (1998), ‘conflict resolution’ is used to refer to: i. an outcome in which the issues in an existing conflict are satisfactorily dealt with through a solution that is mutually acceptable to the parties, self-sustaining in the long run and production of a new, positive relationship between parties that were previously hostile adversaries; and ii. any process or procedure by which such an outcome is achieved. It is the author’s view that in principle, conflict resolution signifies or implies a sense of finality where the parties to a conflict are mutually satisfied and content with the outcome of a settlement and the conflict is actually resolved. As Best (2007:94-95) points out, “some conflicts, particularly those over resources, are permanently resolvable.” And as he further notes, “from the point of view of needs, a conflict is resolved when the basic needs of the contending parties have been met with necessary satisfiers and their fears have been allayed”. Watchers and analysts of the Niger Delta conflict agree that owing to the fact that the needs and interests of the contending forces in the region do not seem to have been met, there has been an escalation in the magnitude of the conflict. Therefore, strategic (not merely tactical) measures need to be taken to ensure that the needs of these forces are met, so that a reduction, if not total resolution, of the conflict can be achieved. To this end, the federal government of Nigeria must, through deliberate policy, address the critical issue of reversing the development frontier which has been turned away disadvantageously from the Niger Delta over the decades. It should create the enabling environment by which the people of the Niger Delta can become active participants in the oil business, not virtual on-lookers in a game they think they should be key players. Not to be forgotten is the fact that there is a correlation between the resultant resurgent youth restiveness and militancy in the area and the strident call for resource control by governors of the Niger Delta states. However in all of these, success should be achieved through the communicability of the various interest groups and government to share the ideals of a common vision. This will happen through a communicative common meeting ground established between the various groups and government in which the commonalities of peace and progress are shared. That mode of communication will not be one that alienates, nor one that harbours a tinge of repressive visibility, but that which is welcoming and reassuring; and that is the tradotronic mode of communication. A conceptual appraisal of the tradotronic media The concept of tradotronic media refers to the combination of the traditional and electronically mediated communication channels in message origination, sharing and information dissemination. It is the blending of homegrown African communication channels with today’s ICT-driven media in message signification and amplification. Its essence is the audience-bound magnification of messages for optimum understanding and internalization by the target audience. It embraces the two communication channels in synergic measure so as to bring about a functional fusion of the source credibility with the acceptability potential of the message (Author’s definition). Wilson (1990:97)and Konkwo (1997;2003) note that the traditional media are customized communication channels that people in specific societies adopt in sharing ideas, meanings, values and information. They are extensions of a people’s culture which remain credible and valid persuasive communication channels even in the face of modernization. Wilson (1990) and later Konkwo(1997) categorise these traditional communication systems into six modes, viz: 1. Instrumental mode of communication (gongs, talking drums, flutes); 2. Demonstrative mode of communication (music, singalongs); 3. Iconographic mode of communication (objects and floral media which express meaning, such as a bowl of kolanuts, charcoal, chalk, white pigeon, raffia leaves); 4. Extra-mundane mode of communication (communication between the living and the dead or between the living and the supernatural, e.g. incantation, chant, vision); 5. Visual mode of communication (colours, dressing, feelings or emotions, attitudes);

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6.

Institutional mode of communication (traditional institutions, such as marriage, chieftaincy, secret societies, shrines, masquerades) Electronically mediated communication channels comprise the electronic media, especially radio and television, including information and communication technologies (ICTs) that have greatly facilitated message sharing and dissemination, such as the computer, the Internet, chat-rooms, digital radio and television, big screen projectors, and tele-conferencing facilities. Through ICTs, the gap between sender and receiver in the communication process has been significantly bridged.(See Fig. 1.) The tradotronic media approach entails the deployment of ICTs in the traditional milieu for communication purposes. A scenario where community members gather to deliberate on issues affecting them can be interspersed with relevant programmes presented on a wall or big screen with projectors for emphasis or effect. This is a typical tradotronic medium where there is a fusion of the traditional and the modern and where there is a reciprocation of shared linguistic and cultural commonalities between the Umunna (kindred) and their kin in the diaspora. There are instances where the elders of the Umunna make use of Internet facilities and chat-room formats to conduct their meetings (see Fig. 1). Some Igbo communities residing in the United States of America, for instance have been recorded as having been able to make use of the Internet and webcam with their kith and kin at home in Nigeria (see also Fig. 1). Through the Global System of Mobile communication (GSM), family members living in the diaspora have been enabled to spontaneously participate in their family village or communal meetings through the handset. Today, it is usual for community and opinion leaders to be invited to participate in radio and television discussion programmes and also to address issues concerning their people. We see here a fusion of the traditional media with the tremendous reach of the electronic media to maximise communicability. It also reduces the preponderance of vicarious experience in the communication of ideas which would have continued to prevail as a result of exomity or distance. Diagram on tradotronic communication system es r nm eb y it m mu m C o

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Where the traditional media are fused together with the electronic media milieu or vice versa, a tradotronic medium or channel results. The establishment of a community electronic medium and the deprofessionalization of its workforce and functioning through the active integration of local community members into its programmes, location, ideation, creation, planning, production and distribution to reflect their cultural background and aspirations constitutes a tradotronic media system(Two sentences of the author). The tradotronic media approach to the Niger Delta conflict The negative effects of the Niger Delta conflict, not only on the immediate Nigerian environment, but also on the international scene, have forced notable traditional rulers and prominent personalities to appear recently on radio and television programmes, calling on their people to lay down their arms and embrace peace, having realized the futility of violence. Often, they spoke in their local dialects for more effect. This is what the tradotronic approach to conflict resolution entails. Since research evidence shows the ability of radio to transcend the functional barriers of illiteracy and distance, the infusion of traditional modes and values into radio productions aimed at achieving peace or conflict resolution is necessary. Radio can be used effectively to highlight the need for government to meet the people’s demand for compensation for the degradation of their environment; it will also be a vital medium to propagate the demand for resource control, improved social facilities in form of access to potable water, health facilities, good roads, educational institutions and employment opportunities. This can reduce the feeling of alienation which has been the stumbling block on the road to peace building in the Niger Delta region. Some indigenes of the Niger Delta communities such as Odi were dislodged from their natural homes and scattered to various parts of the country during reprisal attacks by the Nigerian military in 1999. The attempt to resolve the conflict through face-to-face dialogue that typifies the most effective traditional media of communication has been anything but easy. Even the total reliance on the mass media to reach out to the parties to the conflict in the Niger Delta, such as militants, has produced little, if any, results. What is more, there currently exists a credibility problem with the message sources and even the mass media themselves, as the majority of them from which these messages are transmitted are government owned. However, the combination of traditional with the electronic media, especially radio, is likely to prove to be an effective first measure in the effort to bring about a resolution of the conflict in the region. The contending parties to the conflict could be involved in audience participation phone-in programmes through which they can give expression to their cherished and time-honoured viewpoints. Traditional rulers as well as other stakeholders can be involved in radio programmes to express their views on how the conflict in the region can be resolved, thus increasing the source credibility which has eluded the media over time. Persons of different age grades or groups in the Niger Delta could be invited to participate in radio or television programmes to advocate peace, since most of the militants belong to age grades. This is important because in most parts of Africa, including Nigeria, age grades or groups are known to have always been used to mediate or resolve conflicts successfully. But such advocacy should highlight the indispensability of justice. Most conflicts arise as a result of misinformation or distortion of facts. Yet information is vital in conflict resolution, especially when deployed proactively since tactical efforts are known to have only had tangential effects. The GSM comes in handy here when it becomes necessary to stay in touch with the press or town union leaders and other influential opinion leaders across the country. It could be that the oil majors such as Shell or Chevron would have averted the attacks on their flow stations and pipelines, if they had reached out to their hosts in the Niger Delta communities in time to explain issues that could lead to conflict if unexplained, with the projector facility in tow to demonstrate whatever good intentions they may have for the people. Such information would have gone a long way in reducing tension and creating understanding. Using the Internet to keep in touch with leaders is highly recommended here. Computer-literate opinion leaders can use the web chat facility to dialogue on issues in the Niger Delta. Through teleconferencing facility, it is possible to bring village heads together with other stakeholders in discussing the conflict in the region (see Fig. 1.) Since the achievement of lasting peace in the Niger Delta is not possible without effective human communication, every practical means should be adopted for this purpose. That is why the

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harnessing of the tradotronic potentials through the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) and the Ministry of Niger Delta Affairs is strongly advocated. At the proactive stage, songs that call for peace by notable minstrels of a certain ethnic group could be played on radio or television to imbue the combatant with the non-violent culture or culture of peace among the people of the Niger Delta, as well as instruct the federal government to be conscious of the fact that peace is predicated on justice. Such songs should also be played during village festivals to create an atmosphere of peace and an ambience of conviviality. Zulu (2004) notes that computer programmes or CD-ROM could be specifically developed for rural applications or for rural-based groups. Such facilities can be used to enhance the infusion of traditional modes of message transmission into ICT-facilitated communication channels for conflict resolution. According to Zulu (supra), the International Women Tribute Centre (IWCT) developed a CD-Rom with the Nakaseke Women in Uganda using their language and simple point-and-click techniques which enabled illiterate women to be able to use the Internet. Such special arrangements could demystify the use of ICTs in traditional media settings for various purposes, including conflict resolution. Militants in the Niger Delta also belong to age grades and could be influenced positively when their peers communicate to them through radio and television programmes, calling for peace. This integrated tradotronic media approach to conflict resolution in the Niger Delta can also be applied in other conflict regions of Africa such as the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda, Sudan, and other parts of the world such as the Middle East, Russia/Georgia, etc. to achieve lasting peace. Challenges However, the adoption of the tradotronic strategy in conflict resolution efforts is not without its challenges. For instance, functional barriers exist which can impede the work of communication or information disseminators using this approach. The fact that the use of ICT is not yet a common phenomenon among the communicators and recipients in the Niger Delta, coupled with the unreliability of electric power supply in this region in particular and the entire country generally, is contentious. Government communication and other media agents involved should first understand the nature, characteristics and audience segments for whom these media can be properly deployed so as to combine them successfully for an effective tradotronic format and use. Conclusion The strategic importance of oil in the world today cannot be over emphasized and no nation can make any meaningful progress in the midst of negative conflict, militancy and wanton destruction of lives and property. The success of government policies, plans and programmes is predicated on a peaceful atmosphere. This forms the rationale for our suggestion of conflict resolution strategies propelled by a conscious and sustained policy of government to reverse the official neglect that the Niger Deltans of Nigeria have suffered over the years, and usher in massive socio-economic, and political development for the people. At the root of such conflict resolution effort is a well-articulated and integrated development support communication which makes use of traditional and modern media systems for optimum results. The study takes the stand that the conflict in the Niger Delta will be resolved if government can, among other things, demonstrate the practical willingness to create the enabling environment for Niger Deltans to participate as key players in the oil business in contrast to their current position of virtual onlookers. Our review of the frustration-aggression theory and the human needs theory provides a helpful theoretical insight into the likely causes and effects of conflict and as in the Niger Delta situation, the strategic measures that should be taken for its lasting resolution. To this end, the establishment of community radio stations in the region is also highly advocated. The creation and production of programmes of such radio stations should be largely de-professionalized in order to create opportunities for the rural folk to be part and parcel of such programmes, whose objective should be to achieve a fusion of the traditional communication values and modern electronic media to maximize the effects of the message in the Niger Delta.

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References Anifowoshe, R. (1982). Violence and politics in Nigeria: The Yoruba and Tivexperience. New York: Nok Publishers Azar, E.(1990)“Protracted international conflicts: Ten propositions”. Quoted in Rabbie, M. (1994). Conflict resolution and ethnicity. London: Praeger Berkowitz L. (1962). Aggression: A sociological analysis. New York: McGraw Hill Best, S.G.(2007) “The methods of conflict resolution and transformation”, in S.G. Best(ed.) Introduction to peace and conflict studies in West Africa: A reader. Ibadan: Spectrum Books Limited. Burton, J. (1979). Deviance, terrorism and war: The process of solved,unsolved social and political problems. London: Macmillan Central Bank of Nigeria(2006) Statistical bulletin, vol. 17. Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria (1999).Federal Government Press, Lagos Davies, C.J. (1962). “Towards a theory of revolution;” American Sociological Review, xxvii (February) Edeani, D.O (1993). “The role of development journalism in Nigeria’s development,” Gazette, 52 Faleti, S.A. (2007). “Theories of social conflict”. In G. Shedrack (ed) 2007 Introduction to peace and conflict studies in West Africa. Ibadan: Spectrum Books Gurr T.R. (1970). Why men rebel.New Jersey: Princeton University Press IMF (2003): “Nigeria: Selected issues and statistics appendix”. IMF country report No. 03/60, March. Konkwo, D.E.J. (1997) Perspectives in African traditional communication systems.Owerri: Canun Publishers Maslow, A. (1970). Motivation and personality (2nded). New York: Macmillan Miall, H., Ramsbotham, O. and Woodhouse, T. (2001): Contemporary conflict resolution. Cambridge: Polity Miller, C.A.(2003) A glossary of terms and concepts in peace and conflict studies. Geneva: University for Peace Mitchell,C. and Banks, M.(1998) Handbook of conflict resolution:The analytical problem-solving approach. London: Pinter Moemeka, A.A (1989). “Perspectives on development communication” Africa Media Review. Vol. 3 No.3 Nwabueze, C. (2009) “Tradotronic media imperatives in crisis management: A typological appraisal”, in Des Wilson (ed) Communication approaches to peace building in Nigeria.AfricanCouncil for Communication Education (ACCE). Eket: BSM Resources Nigeria Ltd. Nwadinobi, S.C. (2006). “A critical appraisal of conflict in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria”, in Journal of Conflict Studies, Vol. 3 No. 2 (March) Nwodu, L.C. (2007). “Managing development communication campaign for sustainable human development,” in I.E. Nwosu, N.I. Fab-ukozor, L.C. Nwodu(eds), Communication for sustainable human development. A multi-perspectival approach. Enugu: African Council for Communication Education (ACCE) Nwosu, I.E. (1991). “Planning and implementing media campaigns in Africa.” Module on development communication; No. 1. Nairobi: ACCE Nwosu I.E. (2007). “Principles methods, models and theories of sustainable human development: An afrocentric overview and introduction of the synergistic communicationfor development for sustainable human development: A multi-perspectival approach”, in I.E. Nwosu, N.T. Fab-Ukozor and L.C. Nwodu (eds) Communication for sustainable human development. A multi-perspectival approach.Enugu: African Council for Communication Education(ACCE). Nwosu, P., Megwa, E. (1993). “Communication and rural development in Swaziland”. Africa Media Review, Vol. 7 No. 1 Okunna, S.C. (2002). “A quick look at development communication”, in S.C. Okunna(ed). Teaching mass communication: A multi-dimensional approach. Enugu: New Generation Ventures Quebral, N. (1989). “Peace at the centre of development communication”. Media Development, 3/1989 Rosati, J., Carroll D., Coate, R. (1990): A Critical assessment of the power of human needs in world society, in Burton, J. and Dukes, F. Conflict: Human needs theory. London:Macmillan Tell magazine (Special Edition) 2008.50 Years of oil in Nigeria.Ikeja: Tell Communications. Lagos, Nigeria. The Guardian, January 4, 2009. The Guardian on Sunday, January 11, 2009. The Punch, January 1, 2009.

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Ugolor, D. (2004). “Identifying key issues for proper media reporting on the Niger Delta”. Paper presented at an interactive workshop organized by the Faculty of Hospitality, Banking and Finance (HBF), Delta State University, Abraka, Nigeria, for journalists covering the Niger Delta at HBF Conference Hall, DELSU. Wilson, D. (1990). “Traditional communication media systems" in E.D. Akpan (ed) Communication arts. Principles, applications, practices,Uyo: Modern Business Press Yates, A. (1962). Frustration and conflict. London: Methuen Zereuwa, N.E. (2007). “A methodological approach towards conflict management in Nigeria”, Journal of Peace Studies, Vol. 9. No. 2 Zulu, B. (2004). Bridging the rural digital divide in Africa. In Daily Champion, Wednesday, August 11, p. 11

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CHALLENGES OF GENDER STUDIES IN AN AFRICAN SOCIETY: THE NIGERIAN EXPERIENCE

BAMMEKE, FUNMI (Ph.D) Department of Sociology University of Lagos Akoka, Lagos, Lagos State, Nigeria. [email protected] +2347032750441; +234805-261-3685 Abstract Gender studies as an area of academic discipline faces many challenges in Nigeria. These challenges can be classified as internal and external. Internal challenges include the applicability of concepts to the lived realities of the people and a lack of understanding of the theoretical and methodological foundations of gender analysis. This leads to the trivialization of what should otherwise be a serious area of knowledge production. The consequence of this is the cynical assumption that discourses in the area of gender studies are often perfunctory and lacking intellectual rigour. External challenges include the influence of developmental paradigms and cultural practices on gender research and analysis. This article argues that in spite of its Western origin, gender studies in Nigeria can be relevant to the lived realities of the people via the production of knowledge based on autochthonous data. This way, it would contribute to the sustainable development of the society. Keywords: Gender Studies, Challenges, Knowledge, Culture, Nigeria.

Introduction Gender Studies as an academic discipline is laden with controversy both in its ideas and purpose. Upon its introduction as an area of study, it was met with resistance from various quarters. This was not surprising because the incorporation of new fields of study in the university tends to be a contested process (Stromquist 2001). Gender analysis examines the social and cultural constructions of maleness and femaleness. It considers the organization of sexual differences in the social relations of people, as well as its consequences. In other words, in the process of analyzing gender, the differences in the lives of men and women are examined in order to identify those which may lead to social and economic inequity, with the aim of influencing policy formulation or service delivery. The main purpose of gender analysis is to adjust the historically androcentric nature of social thought in general and the social sciences in particular. The need for this is obvious. The production of knowledge had been by men, for men and about men. Being male was the standard and female, the other sex. In business, health, education, politics, agriculture etc., men were dominant players and their experiences were taken as those of all players. This gender-bias was not perceived as such. Its pervasiveness made it the norm. Olurode (1990:1) observed this when he noted inter alia that “social thought is not only male-dominated but male-centred as well…more has been written about men than women, and …even the little that had been written about women displays open bias”. Inequality between the sexes is not new. It has existed since ancient times and it still exists in varying degrees all over the world. Religion and tradition are dominant bases of justification for the asymmetrical relationship between male and female, and education reinforces it. Literature, language, philosophy, history, theology and science excuse male dominance and strengthen it. Women had fewer opportunities and they experienced different forms of discrimination. The resurgence of the women’s movement in the 1960s and the acknowledgement on the part of governments and the United Nations to act positively against the discrimination of women led to the UN Declaration on the Elimination of Discrimination

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against Women in 1967. By 1970, the UN Programme of Concerted Action for the Advancement of Women had been inaugurated (Brydon & chant, 1989:242). Following series of international efforts including world conferences and conventions, different policy approaches were adopted in different parts of the world to improve the status of women. The Women in Development (WID) approach was adopted as a social development policy for women in developing countries. The WID approach had its limitations as a mode of theorizing and a development approach. It neither addressed male domination nor took cognizance of women’s interest in the establishment of ‘projects’ meant to integrate women into development. Rather, it allowed the marginalization of women’s interest in women’s projects (Imam 1997:19). It also failed in its consideration of women as an undifferentiated group. Gender analysis notes differences between men and women as groups and within groups of men and women. It also considers other social forces as class, race, ethnic and economic relations, which have implications for the lived realities of men and women. In addition, gender analysis also develops theoretical basis for understanding, interpreting and explaining socially constructed notions of masculinity and femininity. As an academic discipline, gender studies have become an integral part of the social sciences from America to Europe, from Asia to Africa. Due to its interdisciplinary nature, gender studies exists as a full fledged department in the faculties of arts or the social sciences where undergraduate and post graduate students major in this area of scholarship. In other institutions, women studies or gender studies are taught courses in specific departments and in others, gender analysis is incorporated into their work. Gender analysis is significant in that it interrogates prevailing paradigms, which ignore the experiences and contributions of women. Ironically, in its significance lies the discomfort of those who see the emancipation of women as a threat. The motivation for this article stems from observations of the lack of understanding and intolerance displayed by some academics towards gender issues in the university.1. The objectives of this article are threefold: (i) To identify challenges to gender studies in Nigeria (2) examine efforts by Nigerian scholars to indigenize gender studies and (3) suggest measures capable of improving its organization in such ways as to make it relevant to the people. Challenges of Gender Studies in Africa The challenges discussed in this paper are neither peculiar to the Nigerian situation nor new to gender studies. They have in fact, been subjected to scholarly debates over time. The presentation from the Nigerian perspective would permit an examination of commonalities with the experiences of scholars from other African societies and the possible applicability of common measures. This article categorizes the challenges as internal and external. The former refers to challenges, which stem from theoretical and methodological issues in gender research and analysis while the latter includes issues emanating from the nature of the environment in which gender analysis is being conducted. Whether internal or external, these challenges are real and are best addressed in relation to the reality of those experiencing them. Internal Challenges The origin of gender studies poses a challenge for it in Africa. Gender studies developed from women’s studies. This means that it suffers all the criticisms leveled against women’s studies, which is seen as the academic wing of the women’s movement. Indeed, the origin of women’s studies is irrevocably linked to women’s activism. Gender studies has also been strongly influenced by feminist research because of this association. In considering gender studies within the African context, a major issue is the questioning of the prevailing concepts and theoretical approaches. Specifically, the applicability of Western concepts and theoretical approaches to the realities of African people is one of the major internal challenges of gender studies. Many feminist concepts have been criticized as being alien to Africa and therefore inappropriate to describe their experiences. The universality of gender and its dominance or even isolation as a form of inequality to the exclusion of other forms of inequality such as race and class has been criticized. It has also been observed that gender, and other feminist concepts are rooted within the Western nuclear family (Oyewunmi, 2004) and by implication are only meaningful within it. Oyewunmi’s example from what she describes as the non-gendered traditional Yoruba family, where the organizing principle is seniority based on relative age and not gender (2004: 5) is however contentious. Her assertions may be factual but the facts are subject to more than one interpretation.

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It is impossible to argue that African culture in general or Yoruba culture in particular has remained unchanged or free of Western influence. The patrilineal descent among the Yoruba and the patrilocal residence following marriage in the traditional Yoruba family also show differences in social expectation of the sexes, So does the mode of recruitment into the lineage described by Oyewunmi, where the female is recruited into the lineage of the male and becomes subordinate. Oyewunmii’s assertion deserves attention because it contradicts the experiences of young Yoruba male and female receiving tertiary education and most likely to access her views. For these people, their realities cannot be described as nongendered. Rather than show that the Yoruba traditional family is non-gendered, Oyewunmi’s illustrations show the fluidity and dynamism of gender across time. Gender takes on different meanings depending on the socio-cultural context in which it occurs. In spite of the possibility of seniority as the dominant language of power in Yoruba culture, it may not be the only form of power relationship operating outside other forms of hierarchy (Bakare-Yusuf, 2004:64). In the same vein, the non-inscription of gender difference within discourse or its marked absence within language cannot be interpreted as its absence in social reality (Bakare-Yusuf, 2004:71). Feminism, womanism and woman are other concepts of gender theories, which have been questioned and reexamined. The argument that womanism and not feminism best describes the African woman is really unnecessary because when Alice Walker coined the term womanist, she used it to describe a black feminist or a feminist of colour. The critique against feminism is that its Western origin prevents it from taking cognizance of family bonds and motherhood, which are important to the African woman who cherishes her role as a homemaker as well as her status as a mother or potential mother (Kolawole, 1997:31). Kolawole’s assertion generalizes about the African woman and provides a basis for the abuse of non-conformists. It provides ready weapon for critics of female emancipation who believe that women should only seek to excel in their roles as wife or mother and that other achievement of success are not important to women and should not be sought by them. Kolawole however makes an important point that the goal of women’s emancipation need not be that of becoming similar to men (Anfred, 2004). Beyond the applicability of Western concepts to local contexts, another challenge is the lack of understanding of these concepts. In spite of the efforts of gender researchers to improve the production of knowledge in the area, ‘scholars’ who make claims to knowledge but display ignorance endanger this area of scholarship. Many of these ‘scholars’ dismiss gender studies as extensions of women’s studies and therefore as unnecessary.2 The inability of gender scholars to provide adequate answers for these cynics is often taken as a validation of their position. Gender studies includes but is not synonymous with women studies and it is more than just adding women on. The advent of gender analysis does not make women’s studies less important or unnecessary. Women’s studies is both the ‘mother’ and a specific field of gendered analysis (Imam, 1997:6). A legitimate field of enquiry, women’s studies is studies of women as a social group. “The long ignoring of women makes women’s studies absolutely necessary as a corrective to the gender-blind and biased work of mainstream social science (Imam, 1997:6). A major objective of women’s studies is to “render visible women’s engagement with society and culture whilst making explicit the masculine biases underpinning traditional knowledge (Jary and Jary, 1999:735)”. Although both women studies and gender studies emanated from a common concern for the conditions of women, the latter focuses on the socially constructed ways in which women, as well as men, are located and differentiated in a given context (Pereira 2002). The lack of understanding of the essence of gender studies by some who claim to be gender researchers often lead to a trivialization of what should be a serious exercise of knowledge production. The consequence of these is the cynical assumption that discourses in the area of gender studies are often perfunctory and lacking intellectual rigour. In such situations, cynics often dismiss any attempt at gender analysis as unreasonable agitation by female academics. A commonly asked question is ‘what do the women want again?’ In describing the lack of understanding by scholars interested in gender studies, Odejide and Isiugo-Abanihe (1999:1) wrote, “misconceptions abound among academics who, (though) they are interested in gender are not well-grounded in concepts and theories and are often less than receptive to new ideas”. The demonstrated hostility towards gender studies as an area of academic discipline is another challenge. The hostility could be directed at scholars who work in that area who are mostly women and a few men

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(they are often labeled as agitators of equal rights.). On the one hand, the hostility could be borne out of a genuine lack of understanding of concepts by critics or selective understanding by those who want to trivialize gender discourses. On the other hand, it could be borne out of a perceived need to resist whatever smacks of intellectual imperialism. In this case, scholars’ attitude to what they perceive as received knowledge prevents them from acknowledging whatever value might be in such knowledge. The production of knowledge based on autochtonous data is one means through which gender scholars can develop the area. Lack of funding is however another difficulty. Stromquist (2001) confirms the financial vulnerability of gender/women studies programmes and their struggle for academic recognition and autonomy. In many cases, courses are floated without proper planning for funds. In Nigeria, this could be related to the underfunding of education in general and gross under funding of university education in particular. The fact that gender studies in Nigeria has not developed to the level where there are fullfledged departments of gender studies has implication for funding. In addition to this, once sneering academics do a volte-face at the slightest chance of accessing funds and feign interest in gender studies thereby denying committed scholars the opportunity of contributing to the development of the area. Apart from non-gender researchers cornering donor’s fund meant for gender research, donor-driven agendas can also take over gender research, dictating both the intellectual content as well as the direction of research. A major contemporary dilemma of gender research in Africa is how to take advantage of the political and donor interest in gender studies, while at the same time maintaining intellectual autonomy. Another challenge internal to gender and women studies in Nigeria is the dearth of indigenous materials for teachers and students. The dearth may not really be the absence of research and materials but the fact that the work of small publishing outlets in Africa is not easily available because it falls beyond the circulating networks of most academic activity (Lewis 2003). In addition, oftentimes, only readers within the locality of authors can access the few available materials due to poor and limited circulation. The lack of coordination of the activities of gender scholars and gender activists is also worthy of mention as it is not in the interest of the development of gender studies. The integration of scholarly work and activism will ensure that one informs the other without unnecessary gaps. External Challenges Development paradigms are a major source of external challenge to gender studies, especially at the level of research. Gender research at a level where it can make meaningful impact is hampered by developmentalist approaches, which sever scholarship from the agendas and priorities facing African women and delimit development to narrowly economic and donor-related concerns (Lewis, 2004:32). Lewis explains how structural adjustment and conservative postcolonial state building reduces the broad field of gender analysis to categorical gender issues and easily identifiable technical points. The consequence of this is that “short-term problem solving and immediate action takes priority over the careful analysis and political insight that could shape radical programmes and projects for long-term transformation (Lewis, 2004:33). The total reliance on donors for the funding of gender research does pose a problem too. Often times, the interest of donors do not reveal the needs of the people. The consequence of this is that such research would have no relevance to the people. Culture poses a challenge to gender studies as many critics of gender research often resist the questioning of inequality by hiding under the umbrella of culture. In Nigeria, critics of gender studies question the relevance of this field of enquiry to the cultural context of various ethnic nationalities in the country. These critics consider culture sacrosanct only when it is in their interest to do so. No culture remains static but those who benefit from the oppression of one group often defend oppressive practices as part of African culture.3 In examining the realities of the lives of men and women, should gender discriminatory practices be ignored or accepted in the name of tradition? Culture is perhaps one of the strongest factors that privilege men against women. It allocates roles to men and women and biological differences assume the status of superiority or inferiority within specific socio-cultural contexts. Culture has valuable and positive assets and provides effective models for gender research that can lead to the empowerment and advancement of African women. However, because culture represents routine behaviour that carries norms and values of a society, it is often not easily changed (Steady, 2004: 54).

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Local Efforts Aimed at Understanding Gender Studies in Nigeria The role of the Network for Women’s Studies in Nigeria is significant in considering local efforts to promote the understanding of gender studies. The Network has organized workshops, which are very instructive in determining the future of gender studies in Nigeria. The aim of the first workshop on ‘setting an agenda for gender and women’s studies in Nigeria’ was to “bring teachers and researchers in the general area together as a national think tank to review the history and current state…and to use the information as a base for charting a future course(Mama 1997: 1)”. The second workshop on ‘Concepts and Methods for Gender and Women Studies in Nigeria’, emerged from the agitations of participants of the first workshop that it was important to define basic terms and what they mean or should mean in the African/Nigerian context. The third, ‘Curriculum Workshop for Gender and Women’s Studies in Nigeria’ aimed at developing the range of gender courses being taught at undergraduate and postgraduate levels in Nigeria. This, it sought to do, by articulating the objectives, goals, content, knowledge and skills specification for Gender Studies in the country. Focusing on the efforts of the Network for Women’s Studies in Nigeria in no way downplays the efforts of other scholars in the African region. Gender researchers and scholars in Africa have at various times risen to the challenge of the relevance or otherwise of the major concepts and theories in gender studies to Africa (see for example Imam, 1997, Anfred 2004, Bakare-Yusuf 2004, Steady 2004, Lewis, 2003, 2004, Oyewunmi 2004 etc.) By interrogating these concepts, which were developed under different social and political conditions, and reflecting on their applicability to local experiences and conditions, African scholars seek to build up local and regional resources (Mama, 1997:4). Since there is no universally applicable theory, the task before African scholars as observed by Mama (1997:5) is to “develop our own applications of given theories and more radically, of taking our own realities as the starting point for articulating perspectives or even entirely new theories that emanate organically from our particular conditions and concerns”. Gender studies must also address the misconceptions in various theories received from the West. The Thesis A major criticism against gender studies is that it is laden with foreign values. The concepts used in gender studies however can be interpreted to reflect the realities and values of the society in which they are used. It can be argued that values enter every stage of the production of sociological knowledge e.g. choice of topic, methods of study, theories, hypotheses and even the interpretation of findings. As expounded by critical social scientists, values are inevitable in Sociology but scholars must use their work to improve society. The central argument of this article is that the concepts used in gender studies should reflect the realities and values of the society in which they are used. Rather than concern themselves with the universality of the concepts, African scholars should focus on interpreting the concepts in a way that makes them relevant to their own society. Critical social science notes that knowledge is never complete because the social world is constantly changing and knowledge can never be separated from experience. The experience of scholars and other people in a society should therefore inform their interpretation of concepts. The task however is to “get beyond the dominant values of society …so that the true values underlying them can be revealed (Harvey 1990)”. Gender analysis is very useful in dismantling dominant values, which seek to perpetuate the status quo of power asymmetry in the social relations of men and women. Within the Nigerian context, gender analysis is useful in addressing many local concerns. These include the problems of childcare, which confront young parents (especially mothers) in the face of the increased participation of women in wage labour and the modification of the extended family system. The differential valuing of male and female children and the primacy of marriage and fertility to the status of women in relation to men can also be addressed by gender analysis. The relative undervaluing of the career and education of women in the face of rising incidence of female-headed households are also issues for gender analysis. These issues and others such as gender-based violence, gender disparities in political participation and representation are relevant to the Nigerian society and can be empirically investigated under gender studies. The ‘muted group’ syndrome explains why many women scholars in gender studies are reluctant to critique dominant values or use concepts ‘that may offend the powers that be’. The theory of the muted

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groups states in part that suppressed subgroups whose views differ considerably from the dominant ideology may lack the language to express their own views or they may adopt the prudent course of not addressing those differences beyond their own subgroup to avoid antagonizing the dominant group (College 1983). The Way Forward Gender studies is invaluable as an area of scholarship and its usefulness transcends academic rhetoric. By examining socially constructed ways in which women, as well as men, are located and differentiated in a given context, gender studies exposes inequity and questions it. Through this interrogation, gender studies reveals the basis of oppression, which prevents individuals and groups from their optimizing their potentials and contributing to development. It is imperative that gender studies is not stifled by the numerous challenges confronting it. A number of measures are important to ensure that gender analysis not only remain relevant within disciplines where it already exists but that gender analysis becomes ‘mainstreamed’ in all academic disciplines. Nigeria lags behind many Sub-Saharan African countries in terms of the development of full-fledged department of gender studies awarding degrees and diplomas. What obtains in some institutions is the floating of few courses in women or gender studies and these courses are often electives. While the courses are a good beginning, there is urgent need to move beyond this, given the level of ignorance and cynicism within the academia. One can only wonder about the attitude of those outside the academia. Gender studies should be compulsory at all levels of education and the way out is to incorporate it into school curricula in a manner relevant to the learners’ level of understanding. The institutionalization of Gender Studies in Nigerian universities requires more than lip service. The academic contents of courses in gender studies must be of high standards. A long-term goal should be the development of full-fledged department of gender studies and the award of degrees in Gender Studies or Women’s Studies. Gender studies should teach as well as sensitize young Africans. Rather than have centres and institutes of gender studies which exist only on paper because of lack of expertise, gender scholars and activists should be allowed to operate such centres for optimum result. There is still need for women’s studies as a distinct aspect of gender studies, but gender studies should really be what they ought to be- studies of the social construction of men and women, their different locations within specific context and especially in relation to the possession and exercise of power. At the tertiary level, the contents of what is taught as gender studies should be reviewed so that misconceptions are not passed onto students. The focus of scholars should shift from arguments on the existence of concepts within the local context to the local interpretation and applicability of concepts in line with people’s reality. Teachers must also make effort to find local equivalent for what they teach. This underscores the need for the training and retraining of academics. For those who work in the area of gender studies, methodological workshops and training would be of immense benefit. This includes basic training to help them distinguish the problems faced by men and women because of gender roles from those faced because of sex. There is need for them to be able to engage in critical thinking and constructive criticism of their own preconceived ideas and those of others. They need to know about the application of gender concepts in research and theory across disciplines to maximize the interdisciplinary approach of gender studies. It is also important that in teaching, they avoid stereotypes and bias in language use etc. Others also need gender training to sensitize them and promote their understanding of gender issues so that they do not resist scholars in this area. Teaching gender studies also requires commitment on the part of teachers. There is no doubt that a lot of work is being done in the area of gender and women studies in Nigeria today but to what extent have these been able to influence policy or transform social relations?. Gender research must influence policy for it to make an impact. Advocacy should also be strengthened as a means of influencing policy. Many oppressive and discriminatory practices are still sustained in Nigeria under the guise of African tradition and culture. Girl children and women still have relatively lower value than boy children and men and this often translates into all forms of gender inequity. Culture can be explored to achieve acceptability for gender studies using respectable male figures speaking up for it. Gender studies should emphasize positive aspects of culture and play these up. For example, female education has become more acceptable in some communities because of the increasing practice of educated daughters

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caring more for parents in old age than uneducated ones. The reality is that education empowers both sons and daughters to meet the economic needs of their aging parents as well as offer them other forms of support expected by culture. The worth of the benefits accruable to parents from their daughters’ education however outweighs the old belief that the education of the girl child is wasted as it ends in a kitchen. The manifest support of the State for the empowerment of women through various structures and programmes often appears to be a charade. It has increased the visibility of first ladies and their apologists but has left ordinary women in their impoverished and subordinate position. The non-governmental organizations have recorded modest achievements through their combination of research and activism. They however need to work more with academics. In the light of the various divides prevailing among Nigeria women in terms of class and education, several challenges have been identified as confronting women and gender studies today. These are, to produce the kind of knowledge that will strengthen the agency of diverse categories of women, particularly those impoverished and disempowered within the status quo. To support women’s existing efforts to produce knowledge outside the academy; to facilitate women’s recognition of diverse forms of oppression across social divides; to strengthen women’s collective efforts to organize effectively across such divides, in support of gender equality and social justice (Pereira 2002). The purpose of gender research must be understood in line with the needs of the local community. Gender equality in accessing community resources, for example, may have different meanings in different communities. In a community where women have the responsibility of getting water for their households from the local stream but are allowed access to the stream only thrice a week and are barred from the stream by tradition for the rest of the week, tradition is responsible for the unequal access to water. This is different from a farming community where women have usufruct rights but are prevented from exercising these rights due to their relative economic disadvantage that prevents them from being able to effectively use land as a resource. In this community, it is the economic disadvantage of women that should be addressed. Only in consideration of the people’s needs can gender research be relevant and meaningful. Footnotes 1. At a workshop where some female scholars presented empirical data on gender inequality in the academia in September 2004, a young male graduate fellow in the Faculty of Social Sciences got up and asked why precious time was being expended on such a non-issue as gender inequality. 2. A professor (not in the Social Sciences) dismissed the need for gender studies on a national television programme. 3. In a course on Women in Society, a male undergraduate said it was proper to withdraw a young girl from school and give her out in marriage if her culture demands it.

References Anfred, S. 2004. Gender Research in Africa: Dilemmas and Challenges as seen by an Outsider. African Gender Scholarship: Concepts, Methodologies and Paradigms. CODESRIA Gender Series 1, Dakar, CODESRIA, pp.82-99. Bakare-Yusuf, B. 2004. Yorubas Don’t Do Gender: A Critical Review of Oyeronke Oyewunmi’s The Invention of Women: Making an African Sense of Western Gender Discourses. African Gender Scholarship: Concepts, Methodologies and Paradigms. CODESRIA Gender Series 1, Dakar, CODESRIA, pp.61-81. Brydon, L. and Chant, S. 1989. Women in the Third World: Gender issues in Rural and Urban Areas. England: Edward Elgar. College, H. 1983 Women’s Realities, Women’s Choices: An Introduction to Women’s Studies. New York: Oxford University Press. Imam, A. 1997. Engendering African Social Sciences: An Introductory Essay’. In Imam, A.; Mama, A. and Sow, F. (eds.) Engendering African Social Sciences. Dakar: CODESRIA, pp.1-30. Jary, D. and Jary, J. (1999) Dictionary of Sociology 2nd ed. Glasgow: HarperCollins Publishers

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Kolawole, M. 1997. Womanism and African Consciousness. Africa World Press. Lewis, D. 2003. ‘African Feminist Studies 1980-2002’ A Review Article for the African Gender Institute’s “Strengthening Gender and Women’s Studies for Africa’s Social Transformation Project. Retrieved 12 October 2004 from http://www.gwafrica.org/knowledge/africa%20review/intro.html. Lewis, D. 2004. African Gender Research and Postcoloniality: Legacies and Challenges. African Gender Scholarship: Concepts, Methodologies and Paradigms. CODESRIA Gender Series 1, Dakar, CODESRIA, pp.27-41. Mama, A. 1997. Defining Terms and Concepts for Ourselves. In Pereira, C. (ed.) Concepts and Methods for Gender and Women’s Studies in Nigeria. Tamaza Publishing Company, Zaria. pp.1-6 Olurode, L 1990. ‘The Problematic about Women’s Studies’ in Olurode, L (ed.) Women and Social Change in Nigeria. Lagos: Unity Publishing and Research Co Ltd. Pp. 1-22. Oyewunmi, O. 2004. Conceptualising Gender: Eurocentric Foundations of Feminist Concepts and the Challenges of African Epistemologies. African Gender Scholarship: Concepts, Methodologies and Paradigms. CODESRIA Gender Series 1, Dakar, CODESRIA, pp.1-7. Pereira, C. 2002. ‘Locating Gender and Women’s Studies in Nigeria: What Trajectories for the Future?’, Revised version of paper presented at 10th General Assembly of CODESRIA, ‘Africa in the New Millennium’, 8th-12th December 2002, Kampala, Uganda. Retrieved 8 June 2005 from http:// www.gwsafrica.org/knowledge/pereira.html. Steady, F. 2004. An Investigative Framework for Gender Research in Africa in the New Millennium. African Gender Scholarship: Concepts, Methodologies and Paradigms. CODESRIA Gender Series 1, Dakar, CODESRIA, pp.1-7. Stromquist, N. P. 2001. Gender Studies: A Global Perspective of their Evolution, Contribution and Challenges to Higher education. Higher Education 41:373-387, 2001

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INTERMEDIARIES IN STAPLE FOODSTUFF DISTRIBUTION AND FOOD SECURITY IN THE BENIN REGION

IKELEGBE, O. O. (Ph.D) Department of Geography and Regional Planning University of Benin, Benin City. Edo State, Nigeria. [email protected] +2347031636176, +2348056023001 ABSTRACT Intermediaries in Staple foodstuff trade constitute the main caveat for food distribution. Their activities are hampered by structural and operational factors. The study employed quota random sampling techniques in selecting twenty markets and six hundred middlemen in both local and regional markets for questionnaire interviews. The study revealed that middlemen were faced with problems of transportation, poor infrastructural facilities provision in rural market, a lack of organization and coordination of their activities, among others. The paper suggests the need for government intervention in the production, marketing, transportation of foodstuff as well as enunciating a population data monitoring for the middlemen participation in space and time in order to attain food security in the region. Keywords: food stuff, transportation, marketing and Government

Introduction The food crisis in Nigeria is at present multi-faceted. An aspect that is in most cases neglected is that of the distributors’ activities in foodstuff trade. At local, regional and national levels, governments have not been able to co-ordinate and organize the activities of urban middlemen who constitute the main actors in meeting urban staple foodstuff demand. This may partly be adduced to a lack of market organization on the part of the local government councils and on the other hand, the absence of a national food policy. Pervious attempts to promote food production have focused on improvement of agricultural practices to increase outputs while the importance of the middlemen in foodstuff trade has been neglected. However, government must realize that no sound economic development can take place without adequate food for the people (Daily Independent 2008). This calls for the dire need to ensure food security. The activities of the intermediaries in staple food trade cannot be ignored if freedom from hunger and malnutrition which is a fundamental right of every citizen is to be attained in line with the Millennium Development goals. Consequently, the role of intermediaries in staple foodstuff trade in the Benin region and the attainment of food security is selected for discourse in this paper The distribution of staple foodstuff from rural to urban areas is determined by structural and operational factors. Intermediaries play a large role in this regard. These traders who in most cases situate in urban areas travel to rural areas on scheduled market days to source food for sale in urban markets. At a regional level, intermediaries may come form other ecological zones to purchase food which is distributed to other states in the nation. They are involved in many operations in the trading process of staple food trade. They are largely involved in the main exchange points within distinguished channels in the staple foodstuff trade. Consequently they play a large role in ensuring food security as well as sourcing incomes for their personal livelihoods. The paper attempts to identify as well as assess the role of these intermediaries in the staple foodstuff distribution system since they constitute a major caveat of ensuring food security in the Benin region and beyond. The structural dimension of their activity relates to the accessibility of roads to these rural markets and the availability of vehicles for transportation as well as affordable haulage rates to and from their destinations. Consequently both structural and operational dimensions of food distribution are relevant in

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ensuring food security. An examination of this situation in then Benin region is the main thrust of the paper Methods and Materials Through the use of quota and random sampling technique, 20 rural markets (10 regional and 10 local) were selected for the study. Six hundred middlemen, 100 each for the six selected foodstuff were also interviewed on their marketing activities. Results were analysed through simple percentages. The selected staple foodstuffs, (cassava, cocoyam, garri, maize, yam and plantain) which are the main source of carbon hydrate and iron intake in the region have been selected for study. Conceptual Framework Food security refers to the availability of food and one's access to it (Wikipedia 2011) Two commonly used definitions of food security come from the UN's Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA): Food security exists when all people, at all times, have access to sufficient, safe and nutritious food to meet their dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life. (FAO) Food security for a household means access by all members at all times to enough food for an active, healthy life. Food security includes at a minimum 1. The ready availability of nutritionally adequate and safe foods, and 2. An assured ability to acquire acceptable foods in socially acceptable ways (that is, without resorting to emergency food supplies, scavenging, stealing, or other coping strategies). (USDA)[12] Literature Review Several empirical studies have noted the role of intermediaries in foodstuff trade within the Nigerian internal marketing system. Among these are, Anthonio (1970) Onakomaiya (1970), Adalemo (1972), Olayemi (1974), Hussaini (1990) C. Ezedinma et al (2005) Okoh et al (2006), Ikelegbe (2007). These classes of distributors, male and female can be distinguished in order of complexity of operation and relative position in the exchange system. Various trading connections and terminals can be identified within the Nigerian marketing system. The trading process involves the accumulation and transmission of commodities and that of bulk breaking and re-distribution (which involves breaking down the consignment) until the final consumer is reached. Olayemi (op cit) argue that the three main functions of middlemen are concentration, equalization and dispersion. Concentration involves the collection of commodities into larger bulks at convenient locations. Equalization involves matching supply with demand through time, place and form adjustments while dispersion in his view involves the breaking of bulk to satisfy the quantity requirements of other distributors or of consumers. Contrastingly, this situation differs in advanced countries where the sales of agricultural products such as fresh vegetables are carried out through paper transactions. They tend to move from producers through a complex web of marketing organisations to the final consumers (Jumper, 1974). A previous study on the distribution of staple foodstuff in the Benin Region is not available. The paper therefore tries to examine the structural and operational factors of various intermediaries in staple foodstuff trade in the Benin Region and suggest ways in which these traders can be more functional in meeting food demand within the region. Food security in this paper relates to fundamental issues. Is food available and is the supply stable through time? If harvesting, processing/storage techniques are inefficient, supplies are likely to be unstable. Inefficiency in the supply of foodstuffs to urban areas will give rise to food insecurity as the population will be denied access to food. Commenting on the food security situation in Nigeria, Stone(XXXX) states that domestic food production is on the increase but not enough to meet national food demand. In terms of supplies, they argue that post harvest losses are (20 – 40%), because harvesting, processing / storage techniques are inefficient; as a result, supply is unstable. Discussion Intermediaries / Trading participants in the distributive system An appraisal of the participants in the distributive system is essential for an understanding of the structure and organisation of the distributive system for the selected staple foodstuffs in the Benin region. The trading participants consist of men and women, thus reflecting a non- gender bias or role specification in

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the foodstuff distribution chain. Each of the marketing intermediaries (see Figure 1) and their functions at the various level of the distributive process is briefly discussed below in relation to the selected staple foodstuffs. The study revealed that several of these intermediaries may perform various roles with respect to different commodities, but not all categories of intermediaries discussed below are involved in the distribution of each of the selected foodstuffs under survey. The Farm-gate Middlemen or Local Agent This class of distributor usually buys products from farmers at the farms, farmer’s house or along the paths through which the farmer comes to the rural market or within the rural markets very early in the mornings on scheduled market days. This category of intermediary is largely evident in the distribution of maize, garri, and plantain within the Benin region. These agents go directly to the farms, in the case of maize and plantain or the houses of the local processors, in the case of garri in order to purchase these foodstuffs. He bulks them for sale at the next rural periodic market where he has information of better prices in much farther markets. He proceeds to other markets in the market cycle to sell his products. He usually sells more than one type of foodstuff. There is no specialisation in his sales and as such, he trades in any type of foodstuff in season that is readily available for him to buy. He therefore performs, an important function in the distribution process by bringing foodstuffs from remote inaccessible areas to more vehicle accessible village markets, thus ensuring food security in terms of meeting threshold demand of foodstuff at the rural market.. Non–Commissioned Agent This class of middlemen has largely replaced commissioned agents in recent years. The latter were largely unobservable in the distribution of these staple foodstuffs. This could be attributed to the depreciating economy where such commission on transactions may be inadequate for an individual’s entire sustenance. The non-commissioned agent buys foodstuffs from more remote markets or directly from farmers and sells to wholesalers in the rural markets. He usually sells to the highest bidder, after successive haggling by intending wholesale buyers. They are evident in the distribution of maize and plantain in the Benin region where he largely performs the role of a rural wholesaler. The enormous size of his consignment enables him to meet the demand of urban wholesalers. Local Processor/Trader This category of intermediary deals with foodstuffs that require processing. They are very essential in the distribution process. Their main function is to purchase foodstuffs such as maize and cassava, which are eaten in various forms, directly from the farmers or from the rural markets. They take such foodstuffs home for processing. These foodstuffs are usually put out to dry in the sun under unhygienic conditions. Cassava may be processed into garri, starch or akpu popularly referred to as santana. Maize is processed into pap (akamu) or dried for sale. Dried maize is brought to rural markets for urban wholesalers or rural consumers to buy. In some cases they may sell to non-commissioned agents. He then performs a dual role of being a food processor and a trader within the distribution system. Urban Wholesaler This class of distributor is one who has a large capital base and is capable of purchasing large quantities of foodstuffs from surrounding rural markets. His major activities include assemblage, bulking, transporting, and bulk-breaking. While selling his products he grades them and also stores those which are unsold - until the next market day. Their roles can however be distinguished with the different foodstuffs. For example, in the case of yam, two or more middlemen may put their capital together to purchase foodstuff from long distant markets during off-season periods. Trips to purchase foodstuffs may be embarked on by one or all of them depending on their terms of agreement but, they all take responsibility for the total overhead costs. In the case of other foodstuffs such as plantain, garri, maize, cassava, and cocoyam, wholesalers tend to operate more, on an individual basis. This may be attributed to the fact that these foodstuffs are available, although in lesser quantities within the Benin ecological zone during their offseason periods. During harvest periods, urban middlemen wholesalers may purchase foodstuffs from farmers, non-commissioned agents or local agents in source regions and sell to sedentary wholesalers, urban retailers, and local processors or directly to urban consumers.

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The sedentary wholesalers here are those who buy from regional wholesalers within urban markets and they largely sell their foodstuff in bulk to urban retailers who may be situated in the same or in other urban markets. This category of wholesalers is evident in foodstuff types such as plantain, yam, maize, and garri. Their status is enhanced by their large capital investment in food trade which enables them to purchase large consignments of the selected foodstuffs. Figure 1: Trading Participants of Staple Foodstuff Trade in the Benin Region. Key to Participant Numbers

Farmer

(1) Local Processor (4)

Non-Commissioned Agent (2b)

Commissioned Agent (2a)

Rural Retailer (8a) Rural Consumer (9c)

Middleman/ ImporterTransporter (3c)

(Bulking Agent/ Wholesaler/) Importer-Transporter (3a)

(Farm - gate Middlemen/) Local Agent (3b)

Itinerant Rural Wholesaler (5)

Wholesaler Middleman Transporter (6)

INTER-REGIONAL BOUNDARY

Urban Retailer (8b)

Urban Consumer (9a)

Institutional Consumer (9b)

Source: Fieldwork 2010

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Urban Retailer This category of traders, purchase foodstuff from urban wholesale-middlemen who bring food items to feeder markets from rural areas or long distant towns. They are commonly seen purchasing large quantities of foodstuff (usually above individual household consumption levels) in urban feeder markets. These traders already have market information on the time of arrival of urban wholesalers to the market. They therefore leave their stalls, which may be within the market to the arrival point, which is, popularly known as the “garage”. To buy directly from wholesalers as they arrive from the rural markets. This is common with all foodstuffs under survey. Trade transaction between traders, is usually by haggling and where trade relationships are fixed between participants, there tends to be a monopoly in the case of the recipient of some foodstuffs such as plantain, yam, or garri. Sales here may be based upon trust. The urban retailer in some cases would pay for the purchased foodstuff after a few days when a considerable amount of the foodstuff would have been sold. The second category of urban retailers, consist of traders within the urban markets who also act as rural assemblers. They go directly to rural markets to purchase foodstuffs such as plantain, maize, cocoyam, and garri, which they personally sell within the urban markets. The method of foodstuff distribution tends to earn them higher profit margins as the added value by the intermediaries are usually abated on this case. Urban Local Processor These are people who purchase some foodstuffs such as yam, plantain, cassava, and maize in their fresh states and process them for sale within urban markets. For example, yam and plantain are processed into Amala, elubo, lafun, etcetera. Cassava may be soaked, dried or grated and fried; into santana, cassava slices (locally called bobozi), akpu, kpokpo-garri, starch, or white and yellow garri. Maize bought in large quantities may be stored and dried and later processed into Akamu. Urban Consumer These constitute the most varied class of participants and form the terminal point in the food distribution process. They consist of the urban populace, which also include the traders themselves. Institutions or a group of persons may come together or meet at the market in some cases to buy foodstuff from wholesalers at market sites so as to reduce the sale price per unit of foodstuff. This is evident in the case of the sale of yams, which are usually sold in mounds of a hundred tubers. Generally, other consumers buy on an individual basis from any retailer or those who may have become their permanent customers. The prices at which foodstuffs are sold to individual consumers are dependent upon their haggling ability. Middlemen Activities and the Challenge of Food Security in the Benin Region Responses from the field reveal salient factors that require improvement if food security for future generations is to be attained. The structural factors relate to market locations, inadequate market facilities, imperfect specialisation of traders and low unit value of output among others. Structural Operational problems result from low outputs, reflected in low market surpluses, low capital, lack of market information, lack of market organisation, improper co-ordination of the marketing system, poor storage and transportation facilities. Others are, transport costs, which add to the unit value of commodity, haulage, handling and transfer costs. The paper highlights these problems and proffers suggestions on how to improve on the existing situation. 1) Market Locations – Most rural markets situate within villages. Their access roads are in most cases poorly developed. The roads are of a narrow width (3.00 – 3.5metres), bushy and windy. Most of them are untarred earthroads, while some have been tarred a long time ago and have potholes due to lack of maintenance over the years.. Apart from markets like Ugonoba and Ugbogui, which are, located along major highways, middlemen are faced with various challenges in the movement of staple foodstuff from rural markets to areas of demand. 2) Length of years in Foodstuff Trade – A pertinent factor in food security is the length of years that middlemen are involved in food trade. Results from the field indicate that, a large number of traders (50%) had only been in the food distribution trade in less than 5 years. The number of traders tend to be stable for the next 5–10 years/(45 %) and there is a rapidly decline thereafter. The average length of time in trade for a foodstuff middleman is about 10 years. One may attribute this to the fact that with, advancement in age, middlemen traders may find it difficult to make the

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required frequent, strenuous and lengthy journeys to ensure that food is regularly supplied to urban areas on a consistent basis. This calls for concern if food security is to be ensured. 3) Generally, transport costs are high, roads are inadequate, badly built, and poorly maintained, drivers are careless, and there is a high accident rate. As such the availability of transport to the wholesaler implies a greater control in the supply deliveries to markets as well. The vehicles presently used for food distribution lack the capacity and design for the haulage of staple foodstuffs. Oftentimes, passenger transport vehicles (mainly saloon cars and mini buses) are used by these traders and in some cases foodstuffs are loaded on top of the vehicle and may also overflow the car booth with several traders inside the vehicles. The vehicles tend to exceed their carriage capacity and the driver’s vision is often impaired from behind. Both the traders’ life and the foodstuff become insecure as this implies a high risk of accident for these vehicles. 4) Storage Problems – Storage of foodstuff is fundamental to the issue of food security as it will ensure that food is available to the urban populaMiddlemen and urban retailers often engage in some form of storage for their foodstuff on sale. The study reveals that maize traders (66%) are most involved in storage of their foodstuff. This is followed by Yam traders (60%), Cassava traders (50%), plantain traders (48%), Garri traders (42%) and Cocoyam (30%). Non-storage of large quantities of foodstuff such as cocoyam may partly indicate its inability to be stored for a long period and also its low quantity of its total production or its low value when sold. On the other hand, the low storage of garri may be explained to the fact that it is the main staple foodstuff in the Benin region. It is available throughout the year and its high turn over may inhibit its ability to be stored for a longer period. 5) Market Organisation - There is a lack of organisation of food producers and co-ordination of the activities of rural traders as well as urban middlemen involved in selected staple foodstuff trade in the Benin region. The result is low producer returns, higher spoilage rates, lower production incentives and consequently farmers are compelled to sell at unfavourable prices. 6) Absence of Food Policy - The absence of an accountable and consistent policy making process that support private and public sector investment in productive and trading activities in Nigeria contribute to food insecurity. This is evident in areas such as; entry into staple foodstuff trade, market information, standardization and grading as well as food collection and distribution. Suggestions: 1. There is the need for Local government councils to focus on the expansion and maintenance of the existing road networks in order to improve on the ease of access to markets sites and remove farm sites as well as consistent distribution to areas of food demand. 2. Within market sites, local government councils need to improve on facilities provision that will enhance traders and middlemen activities such as shelf life of products, storage, bulking and bulk – breaking. Specific areas need to be allotted with adequate space for these activities 3. Government involvement in the agricultural sector in terms of provision of adequate land credit facilities, improved seedlings, fertilizers at subsidized rates will improve the production capacity and consequently reduce the problem of low output, narrowness of markets and imperfect specialization of middlemen traders who are at present restricted to buying the limited available foodstuff in rural markets. This intervention will aid food security in the region. 4. Government involvement in the distribution of foodstuff from rural areas would aid food availability and reliability to areas of food demand, and ensure food security. In this regard government could provide vehicles that have facilities for adequate capacity and storage facilities that will enable the transfer of foodstuffs. 5. There is need for local government councils to also coordinate and organize marketing operations. Aspects such as the need for market information, deregulation of transport cost, uniform grading system as well as standardization of prized which at present constitute bottleneck in staple food trade should be looked into. This will obviate the high cost that has at present add ton the unit value of the commodity 6. A pertinent role of the intermediaries is ton ensure their continuity. There is need for local government councils to create a data bank of these farmers and middle men for specific foodstuff. In a temporal dimension, their decline or increase in number can then be monitored and

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government can intervene where necessary particularly in terms of providing incentives such as long and short term credit that will encourage younger women to enter and remain in staple foodstuff trade Conclusion The paper concludes that enabling food security in staple food stuff trade in Benin the middle-belt Region cannot be attained without government involvement. This is in terms of her involvement in agricultural production/improvement in transport, provision of market facilities, the organization and coordination as well as monitoring the numbers of these traders in space and time perspective.

References Adalemo I. A (1972) The Marketing of Major Cash Crops in the Kainji Lake Basin (Ibadan) Niser Monograph Series No. 1. Anthonio, Q.B.O.(1967) Distributors in Foodstuffs Markets in Nigeria. African Urban Notes,2,86-108. Ezedinma, C. Okechukwu, R. and Sanni, L (2005) Marketing Of Gari In Benin City and Enugu, Nigeria In Porter Gina, Lyon Fergus and the Nigerian marketing network‘Briefing Report of the International Institute of Tropical Agriculture’(Ibadan) Investigations on building a Food marketing policy evidence base in Nigeria, N.I.S.E.R. Mimeograph. Stone, V. (XXXXX) Nigerian Agriculture and Food Security Challenges in http/www/ Nigerian Agriculture/Food security 2011 Hussani B.I(1990) Food Grain Marketing System and its effects on farm incomes on Kaduna State. An unpublished Ph.D Dissertation submitted to the Department of Geography, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. Ikelegbe, O.O. (2007) The Spatial Structure of the Supply and Distribution of Staple Foodstuffs in the Benin Region. An unpublished Ph.D Dissertation submitted to the Department of Geography and Regional Planning, University of Benin, Benin City. Jumper, S.R. (1974) Wholesale Marketing of Fresh Vegetables. Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 64(3)387-396 Onakomaiya S.O.(1975) Internal Trade in Specialty Foodstuffs in Nigeria, A case study of Collection and Distribution Processes, N.I.S.E.R.(Ibadan) The Food Crisis in Nigeria, Daily Independent Editorial, Tuesday, March 4, 2008. p. B4 Food Security in the United States: Measuring Household Food Security (HTML). USDA. Retrieved on 15th September, 2011. http://www.foodsecurity.org/views_cfs_faq.html accessed on 15 September 2011 http://www.ers.usda.gov/publications/err11/err11.pdf The State of Food Insecurity in the World 2003 USAID - Food Security

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THE CRISIS OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT FINANCE IN NIGERIA

JUMARE, BASHIR Department of Local Government and Development Studies Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria Kaduna State, Nigeria. [email protected] or [email protected] +2348034527537 ABSTRACT Local government finance in Nigeria has been growing markedly since 90s. Recent estimates by the Central Bank of Nigeria suggest that it amounts to 5.7% of Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Most of the studies carried out in the Nigerian Public finance growth were mostly conducted at Federal Government level. Little attention was given to size and more particular the growth of Local Government finance. The paper is set out to examine the factors responsible for the growth of Local Government finance in Nigeria. The Adolph Wagner’s Law of Expanding State Activity and the public choice theories were applied to explain the growth in Local Government finance in Nigeria. The methodology employed was basically an application of multiple regressions to regress the causal relationship between Local Government financial structures and GDP. The overall picture of Local Government Finance has grown markedly over the Fiscal periods of our study (1999-2009). The magnitude of growth in Local Government Finance as indicated in the regression equations was higher in Local Governments Revenue (1.047GDP) than in Spending or Expenditures (0.004GDP). This finding supports those theories that assert that changes in government revenues lead to changes in government expenditures (Friedman: 1978). Secondly, as the coefficient of the revenue was greater than unitary (>1), it follows that Local government’s revenue was then a rising proportion of per capita Gross Domestic Product (both at current market prices and current factor costs). In spite of the increase in the total amount of funds available to Local Governments in Nigeria since early 1990s, their economic and financial profile was still very poor. Local Governments were unable to contribute optimally to social and economic development. There was a minimum overall impact of fiscal federalism on economic development at the grass root level. The study showed that Local Government finance in Nigeria was seriously affected by public choice issues of excessive state control, budgetary lapses, poor local accountability and political influences. The study recommends a paradigm shift from fiscal federalism to more development oriented system, an output- based system of local government accounting and participatory budgeting system. Keywords: Revenue, Expenditure, Development, Growth and Governance.

INTRODUCTION Local government finance has always been controversial, but never more so than recently. Both the growth and control of local government expenditure, and the financing of that expenditure have been the topical issues affecting the development at the local government level in Nigeria. Moreover, after many years of significant changes the whole system of local government finance in Nigeria faces the most far-reaching but fundamental reforms, which have inevitably stirred bitter experience in the working of Local Governments. Before independence, in 1960, Local governments in Nigeria were highly efficient in providing services that improve both the social and economic welfare of the people, especially rural dwellers. The direct provision of such basic needs as health, education, food, water, sanitation, and housing by the Local Governments have had a positive multiplier effect on rural poverty in a shorter period and with fewer local Financial resources. Post seventies, Local government’s financial structures were completely altered, partly as a result of advent of oil revenue and in most cases the dominant of Military rules in Nigeria. These

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factors led to excessive control of local governments and whittling their statutory powers as a third tier of government within the Nigeria fiscal system of government. Both the 1976 local government reforms and 1979 Nigeria Constitution made far-reaching recommendations on local government financing. One of these was the statutory allocations to Local governments from the Federation Account. As a result of this development, the Federal government allocated N100 million to the Local Authorities in 1976/77, which amounted to 1.4% of the Federal government revenue. In 1981, the Local Government’ share was 10% of the Federation Account and each state was to make 10% of her total revenue to her Local Governments. In 1990, the Military Government approved the vertical allocation formula of Federal government 50 percent, States 30 percent, Local Governments 15 percent with the balance to the Special Account. The horizontal allocation formula included equality of states 40%, population 30%, social development factor 10%, landmass and terrain 10% and internal revenue efforts 10%. In 1992, the share of the Local governments from the Federation Account was increased from 15% to 20%, while the states share was reduced from 30% to 25%. Today the share among the various tiers is as follows: Federal –48.5 percent; States- 24.0 percent Local Government- 20.0 percent and the Special Fund- 7.5 percent accrue to the Local Governments. With these developments, Local Governments have been assured financial resources to meet their expenditure needs. The pertinent question the paper seeks to explore is what most have been the explanations for the growth in Local Government finance in Nigeria? Different academic disciplines provide different theoretical perspectives, and thus different answers, to the question of how and why local government finance has grown. This paper attempts to lay bare the assumptions behind the arguments, and relate these to Local Government finance in Nigeria OBJECTIVES OF THE PAPER The overall objective of this paper is to examine the factors responsible for the growth of local government finance in Nigeria. Other objectives include: i. To analyse the causal relationship between Local Governments’ Expenditure, Revenue and Development (Proxied with GDP). ii. To examine the future of Local Government finance in Nigeria. HYPOTHESIS In order to achieve the objectives of this paper, the following hypotheses have been developed for testing: 1. H0: There is no causality between Local Government Revenue, Expenditure and Development (Proxied by GDP per capita). H1: There is causality between Local Government Revenue, Expenditure and Development (Proxied by GDP per capita)

2.

H0: Public Choice theories of Expenditure Growth do not help to explain the growth in local government finance in Nigeria. H1: Public Choice theories of Expenditure Growth help in explaining the growth in local government finance in Nigeria.

LITERATURE REVIEW AND THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Economists have studied several dimensions of the public sector economy, especially in the field of public goods provisions. The analyses of Wagner (1890), Baumol (1967), and Rostow (1971) all have a theoretical framework grounded in economics. One of the modern-day justifications for government intervention in the economy is the correction of “market failure” which is pursued principally through the performance of three fiscal functions which Musgrave, (1959) identified as: allocation, distribution and stabilization. Public choice theories, on the growth of government who identify the demand for public goods as constituting the major source of government growth premise their analyses on the assumption that government exists to perform the allocation function i.e. provide public goods and services through a “nonmarket” allocative mechanism in this case, the government budget. Governments employ a number of policy instruments to influence the allocation of resources in the economy. The power to tax and power to spend are major tools of government’s allocation function, since

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expenditures are used to increase the output of goods and services which otherwise will be overproduced. These are the basic fiscal instruments of government and constitute the goods and services component of the budget. However, it has long been recognized that public expenditure determination is a function of political influences. Explanations of government behaviour require studying the interaction of various factors. At the turn of the century Knot Wicksells' (1896) work on public finance analysed public sector decisionmaking in terms of political and collective choice. Lindhal (1919) followed Wicksell’s analysis by examining the part played by the political bargaining process in budgetary determination. More recently Buchanan (1978) has indicated that taxation and public expenditure must be considered within the political process determining them, i.e. public finance theory cannot be divorced form a theory of politics. Similarly in his study of the growth of government, Rose (1984) demonstrated that it is the combined impact of various social, economic and political influences that have led to an increased role for the state. Public expenditure determination is a function of government, which, in democratic nations, acts on behalf of and in response to the wishes of the electorate. Theories of the impact of the political process on public expenditure concentrate on the actions of voters and of politicians and parties seeking electorates’ support, as well as the manner in which decisions are made. These explanations of public expenditure growth assume that the impact of the voter in determining policy is paramount. However, the process of political bargaining is two ways: politicians do not respond passively to electors’ demands but actively attempt to secure support by offering the voter fiscal incentives. As Buchanan and Tullock (1972) suggest, the benefits of public expenditure are enjoyed by particular groups but paid for by taxes on every one. Vote maximizing politicians who are lobbied by majority groups will tend to secure their support by increasing the financial benefits to such groups, thus raising public expenditure. Additionally politicians may seek support in order to maximize any financial advantages that may enjoy as legislators. Local government like National Government has been subjected to electoral and other pressures to increase spending. Both have been affected by the “revolution of rising expectation”. The size and more particularly the growth of Local Government expenditure has been a focus of considerable controversy. As with public spending in general, Local Government expenditure has also increased markedly. The most authoritative study of Local Government finance (Foster et al. 1980: Chapter 4) points out that: “An average growth rate of current expenditure of 3.4 percent per annum hides large variations- with sharp falls in local spending during wartime, sharp rises in the immediate post-war years, and two longish periods of very high growth, from 1870 to 1900, and again from 1955 to 1975, when growth rates exceeded 5 percent per annum. As this was markedly faster than the growth in GDP over these two periods, it follows, that Local Government expenditure was then a rising proportional of GDP, but at other times, and notably in recent years, it has declined as a proportion of GDP (Foster:1980).” Those associated with Local Government have attributed the rise in spending to a number of factors-the costs of Local Government reorganisation, inflationary pressures (particularly labour costs and high interest rates), demographic trends and the extra burdens placed on local authorities by central government. Local government are not entirely passive agents, however, new services have been pioneered as a result of Local initiatives-notably in the economic development and leisure fields-and some established services have been transformed and extended. Local government, like central government, has been subject to electoral and other pressures to increase spending. Both have been affected by the ‘revolution of rising expectations’. The rise in spending has also been subject to conflicting theoretical explanations form a variety of public choice theories of public expenditure. On the right, Niskanen’s model of bureaucracy oversupply has been utilized to explain increased spending in terms of the vested interests of the local government services (Niskanen: 1973). Public choice theory has pointed to poor local accountability as explanation for the voter’s apparent preference for higher spending. The local electorate does bear the bulk of the cost of increased spending, which rational economic behaviour will thus induce it to support. On the left, neo-

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Marxist analysis suggests that increases in public expenditure in general and local government spending in particular, are functional to the needs of capital. However, it is pointed out that the bulk of local government expenditure does not directly aid accumulation of capital, involves services for the people, or what is described as “collective consumption”. Such social costs are likely to be questioned by capital, particular in periods of failing profits (Newton and Karran: 1985). THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK Wagner, formulated a “law of expanding state expenditures”, which pointed to the importance of government activities and expenditure as an “inevitable feature of a “progressive” state. Although other writers before and after Wagner said much the same things, he was the first to attempt to demonstrate this “law” empirically, and it is now firmly attached to his name (Wagner: 1863). A modern formulation of Wagner’s “law” might run as follows: as per capita income rises in industrializing nations, their public sectors will grow in relative importance. Wagner offered three reasons why this development would take place. i. Firstly, an expansion would come about with respect to the administrative and protective functions of the state. Wagner thought, because of the substitution of public for private activity. In addition new needs for public regulative and protective activity would develop as a result of the increased complexity of legal relationships and communications that inevitably accompanied the greater division of labour with industrialization. In later writings, Wagner anticipated many subsequent authors by adding the increase in population density and urbanization (which he saw accompanying industrialization) as additional factors leading to increased public expenditures on law and order and on economic regulation, in order to maintain the efficient performance of the economy in the face of the increased frictions of urban life (Kuznets: 1967). ii. Secondly, Wagner also explicitly predicted a considerable relative expansion of “culture and welfare” expenditures, especially with respect to education and the redistribution of income. Though the reasons why he thought these activities would expand were left less than clear in his exposition, he appears to have assumed, in essence, that they constituted “superior goods” or “luxuries”. In order words, the income-elasticity of demand for these public services was greater than unity. So that more of them would be demanded as incomes rose. iii. Finally, Wagner suggested that the inevitable changes in technology and the increasing scale of investment required in many activities would create an increasing number of large private monopolies whose effect would have to be offset, or the monopolies taken over by the state in the interests of economic efficiency. In some instances, his major example was the railroad (“steam”)_ the required scale of capital was, he thought, such that the investment could really only be financed by the state (Bird: 1971). METHODOLOGY For our study, the causal relationship between revenue, expenditure and development was tested to confirm the Wagner’s law of expanding state activity. As Karavitis (1987) has argued, the necessity of causality tests in the field of public expenditure growth can be considered by using Wagner's law as an example. Despite its several interpretations, the original formulation of Wagner's Law appears to imply that in the wake of economic development, government expenditure increases not merely in size but also as percentage of national income. The causality in Wagner's Law runs from national income to public expenditure. In other words, support for Wagner’s Law requires unidirectional causality from GNP (and GNP/P) to public expenditure. In this study, causality studies based on Wagner’s reasoning were hypothesized to run from GNP (and/or GNP/P) to the dependent variable which took four different forms: E, C, E/P, E/GNP. Wagner’s Law requires that public expenditure does not cause GNP, because of that it became necessary to apply bivariate causality testing. In this regard we have considered only the expenditure by the government. There will also be tax receipts and non-tax revenue policy of government that definitely would impact on expenditure. The causal relationship between Local Government income and expenditure was also examined. Government income and expenditure is also governed by fiscal policy. Keynesians (1936) argued that the government could maintain full employment by appropriate fiscal policy. Aggregate demand can be

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increased by increasing investment and/or increasing government expenditure. The government spending will have therefore a multiplier effect to aggregate demand. This is partly due to the Keynesian multiplier. But within the government circle two expenditure patterns are discernable: recurrent and capital. Capital spending should have more desirable impact to aggregate demand than the recurrent expenditure. In this regard, the study has also examined the allocations pattern between recurrent and capital expenditures of the Nigerian Local Governments. DATA PRESENTATION AND ANALYSIS Nigeria operates a federal system with three tiers of government, federal, state and local government. Under a federal system of administration, the public sector’s role in economic management and development is a responsibility shared among the various levels of government. A federal structure ensures that public goods and services, which are consumed at the local levels, are supplied by state and local governments while the federal government concentrates on provision of public goods and services centrally consumed. In Nigeria, the areas of responsibilities or fiscal jurisdictions of the three tiers of government: federal, states and Local Governments are enshrined in the respective legislative lists i.e. exclusive, concurrent and residual lists. Local Government Expenditures are used to provide public goods and services to the populace through which economic growth and development are induced. Public expenditures are classified into two broad themes, namely; recurrent and capital expenditures. Recurrent Expenditures are goods, which include all consumption items that occur in a year, they are payments for non-repayable transaction such as salaries, wages and allowances. Capital Expenditure however, relates to non-recurrent expenditure or expenses/payments on capital development and special services used in production process, which contribute to long-term development. Example of Capital Expenditure, include spending on health, education, roads, and electricity, etc. Capital Expenditures are further classified into functional and economic composition. The former defines the purpose of the expenditure and sector to target, while the latter looks at the outlay such as capital, wages and salaries etc involve in providing such services. Table 1.0 shows the size and trend of Local Government actual expenditure profile in Nigeria from 1994 to 2004. As can be seen from the table in nominal terms Nigerian’s Local Government’s expenditure has grown substantially over the reference period. The 774 Local Government Councils administered the total expenditure of N1, 521,508.45 million between 1994-2004 fiscal years. Out of this, N988, 646.67 million representing 68.45% went into servicing recurrent expenditure, while balance of N532, 861.68 million representing about 31.55% went to capital expenditures. As is evident from the same table, there has been a marked growth in each of category of expenditure and for each year except in 2002. The low proportions of allocation devoted to capital expenditure underlie vividly the critical financial position of the Local Governments and their low capacity to contribute to the growth and development of the local economy. As a result, deterioration in the services provided at the Local Government levels was widespread and manifested in poor maintenance of facilities, such as intracity and rural roads, primary health care, poor refuse disposal, funding of primary education, etc. This deplorable situation prompted the Federal Government to establish the National Primary Education Commission (NPEC) to take over the payment of primary school teachers’ salaries in order to forestall frequent industrial action.

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TABLE 1.1 THE ANALYSIS OF THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN REVENUE, EXPENDITURE AND DEVELOPMENT (PROXIED BY GDP) GDPCMP POPF PecapT Peca PecapGD PecapG Year Total RR Total GDPCF IGS RR pTE PCF DPCMP Exp 1994 19223.10 18967.10 904004.7 907875.4 97.20 197.77 95.91 9300.46 9340.28 0 0 1995 24412.70 22443.30 1934831. 1951884. 110.20 221.53 101.3 17557.45 17712.20 00 80 1 1996 23942.10 24261.70 2703809. 2787283. 103.30 231.77 104.6 26174.34 26982.42 00 70 8 1997 31183.30 29939.90 2801972. 2906624. 106.50 292.80 102.2 26309.60 27292.25 60 90 5 1998 44968.20 44056.90 2721178. 2836814. 109.80 409.55 107.5 24783.05 25836.19 40 20 7 1999 60800.60 60441.20 3313563. 3440204. 113.20 537.11 112.5 29271.76 30390.50 10 10 3 2000 154008.2 153864.8 4727522. 4866280. 116.70 1319.69 116.5 40510.05 41699.06 0 0 60 00 9 2001 171523.1 171374.5 5374334. 5526204. 120.30 1425.79 120.2 44674.44 45936.87 80 90 0 0 0 2002 172151.2 169820.2 6232243. 6398907. 124.00 1388.32 122.3 50260.03 51604.09 0 0 60 70 2 2003 370170.9 361713.2 6061700. 6255470. 127.80 2719.62 127.3 47431.14 48947.34 00 00 7 0 0 2004 468295.2 461050.6 8352300. 8553300. 131.70 3555.77 129.6 63419.13 64945.33 0 0 00 00 6 Sources: Computed from Central Bank of Nigerian Annual Reports and Financial Statements of Accounts (1994) It is plausible to argue that factors such as the harmonization of salaries and other counterparts at the federal and state levels of government, rising trends in salaries across the country and in particular salaries of Medical and Health Staff to match with the inflationary trend, vehicle and other allowances and the expansion of administrative staff partly because of additional Local Governments created to cope with the increasing responsibilities of Local Governments, have more than anything else increased the cost of administration relative to other sub-heads and to the overall recurrent expenditures of the Local Governments. Besides, the Salaries and wages of Chairmen and Councillors were fixed without taking into consideration the income earnings capacity, revenue base and viability of the councils. Councillors were paid as much as N120, 000.00 per month. Whereas the Chairmen, in most of the Local Government Councils have received more than N210, 000.00 monthly as their allowances. This did not include other allowances such as Hospitality allowance, Security Votes and Constituency allowances. Despite the aforementioned problems, the fiscal operations of the Local Governments for eleven years resulted in overall surpluses ranging from N266.00 million in 1994 to N 8407.90 million in 2003 with deficit recorded in 1998 and 2000 fiscal years (Table 1.2), a phenomenon that raises questions on the absorptive capacity and funds management at the Local Government level. The worrisome aspect of this trend is that in spite of the huge Federal and State allocations and collections from the internally generated sources from citizenry no such financing were channelled in the past fourteen years into any meaningful development or social infrastructure in the councils. Where done, the costs of putting up such projects were so overpriced.

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TABLE 1.2: SUMMARY OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT FINANCES (NAIRA BILLION) REVENUE/EXPENDITURE 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 A) GROSS REVENUE 597.2 674.3 832.3 1379.0 468.3 375.7 493.0 550.8 568.3 722.3 i) Federation Account 46.0 55.8 75.9 105.1 135.9 ii) Share of VAT 22.4 24.0 23.2 21.3 23.1 iii) Internally Gen. Rev. 14.5 15.1 14.8 3.8 0.3 iv) Grant and Others 6.1 6.0 6.1 3.7 4.4 v) Stabilization Fund 3.6 3.2 3.4 3.0 6.8 vi) State Allocation 127.1 335.3 vii) Excess Crude 150.8 viii) Budget Argumentation B) TOTAL EXPENDITURE Recurrent expenditure Personnel Cost Overhead Cost CFC & Others

665.8 398.2 261.1 106.8 22.3

827.4 683.6 406.9 220.7 56.0

1382.0 819.4 341.35 355.6 122.5

165.4 213.5 267.7 Capital Expenditure 22.8 29.4 28.0 Administration 56.6 73.0 101.3 Economic Service 67.7 87.4 111.4 Social & Comm. Services 18.3 23.6 26.9 Transfers C) Current Balance 172.6 222.7 276.1 D) Overall Balance 7.2 9.2 8.4 Sources: Central Bank of Nigeria Annual reports and Financial Statements (2004-2008)

143.8 15.0 54.4 59.9 14.5 148.7 4.9

562.6 72.8 252.8 219.8 17.2 559.6 (3.0)

461.1 297.7 186.0 94.2 15.4

588.0 374.5 235.6 119.3 19.5

Furthermore, most directives of the State carry financial implications most of which are not budgeted for by Local Governments. Executions of these directives not only eat deep into the little resources at the disposal of the Local Government but also affected the level of capital expenditure that may be executed. This factor is a major problem for all Local Governments. It is our believe that a virile Local Government should not only be in control of its funds but also have a good proportion of it for the provision of amenities for the people. In this regard, all Local Governments in the country do not have that free hand to decide on their programmes. To worsen the situation, approved estimates after series of consultations, amendments and distortions are no more than mere annual or routine exercise as extra-budgetary expenditure, often improperly imposed by higher levels of government, eats deep into the finances of the Local Government and often times it takes precedence over their approved proposals. For instance in the report on the Review of Fiscal Operations of Local Governments in Nigeria (19911994) clearly expressed that: Expenditure on State and Federal responsibilities imposed on Local Governments was not too alarming in relative terms but quite substantial when put together for the fouryear period. It amounted to N88, 841,230, representing 1.08% of total expenditure (N8, 156,627,495) of all the Local Governments (Min.: 1995). That notwithstanding, extra- budgetary expenditure, as recorded, was an infringement on the finances of the Local Governments. Under such circumstances, it is difficult to expect the local people to derive maximum services from the meagre resources of their respective Local Government Councils. The study also revealed that a serious limitation of the Nigerian fiscal decentralization arrangements relates to an excessive dependence of sub-national governments on statutory allocations from Federation Accounts and Federally collected VAT. Internally generated revenue (IGR) of most Local government Councils over the reference periods was far less than 10 percent of their total recurrent revenues. The survey revealed that, in most cases, as the percentage of total revenue from Federation Account to the Local Government Councils increased, so did the rate of Internally Generated Revenue fall or remain much the same. The increase in Federation Account should have generated greater impetus to raise additional funds for development. The resultant effect of all these is that it undermines Local Government incentives

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for expanding a local tax base and thus for facilitating growth, while at the same time, reducing demand from local taxpayers for government accountability and budget transparency. MULTIPLE REGRESSION OF RECURRENT REVENUE (RR DEPENDENT VARIABLE) ON TOTAL EXPENDITURE (TE) AND GDP (INDEPENDENT VARIABLES) In the same tables 1.0 & 1.2 the regression was carried out between Per Capita Recurrent Revenue (Dependent variable) on Per Capita Total Expenditure and Per Capita GDP (Independent variables). We also conducted F-test at both 1% critical level of significance and 5% moderate level of significance to establish their relationship. The results of the statistics are shown below. Regression Equation Log RR = – 8334.36 + 82.14Log TE + 1.047Log GDP - - - - (1) Correlation Coefficient (r) and Correlation Determination (r2) r = 0.934 r2 = 0.873 SE = 479.98 DW = 1.45 Descriptive Statistics Std. Deviation Mean RR 1118.16 1125.73 GDPFC 34517.40 16036.72 GDPCM 35516.96 16476.36 TE 112.76 11.31

Regression Residual Total

Sum of Squares 11059866.67 1612703.67 12672570.33

Df 2 8 10

Coefficient of variation 100.68 46.46 46.39 10.03

ANOVA Mean Square 3686622.22 230386.24

F 16.002

N 11 11 11 11

Sig. .002

a. Predictors: (Constant), TE, GDPFC, GDPCM b. Dependent Variable: RR STATISTICAL TESTS (1.) At 1% level of significance a = 1% (extreme level) Critical region F2, 8 = 8.65 = Ft Computed F (FC) = 16.002 : - FC > Ft or 16.002 > 8.86 At extreme level of significance (1%), Null hypothesis is rejected and alternate hypothesis is accepted. This means that there is no causal relationship between recurrent revenue (dependent variable), total expenditure and GDP (independent variables) (2.) At 5% level of significance a = 5% (moderate level) Critical region F2, 8 = 4.46 Computed F (FC) = 16.002 : - FC > Ft or 16.002 > 4.46 At moderate level of significance (5%), the Null hypothesis is rejected and alternate hypothesis is accepted. This means that there is causal relationship between recurrent revenue (independent variable), total expenditure and GDP (independent variables). ANALYSIS OF THE RESULTS The regression equation (1) indicates a strong positive relationship between Per Capita Recurrent Revenue (dependent variable) with Per Capita Total Expenditure and Per capita GDP (Independent variables). This also confirms the theory that “spending causes revenue”, which means that the level of spending is

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determined ad hoc on political grounds; tax and non-tax revenues are adjusted accordingly. Local Government’s revenues are adjusted only to meet those predetermined expenditures. In the same equation the coefficient of the GDP (1.047) is greater than one. The fairly high elasticity coefficient of (1.047) not only reaffirms the strength of this relationship, it also confirms the Wagner’s law. An important property of this ‘Law’ is that income elasticity should be greater than unity. This implies that as economy grows, Local Government recurrent revenue will also grow at even faster rate. From our result, it can be seen that over the reference period of our study (1994-2004), the recurrent revenue of the Local Governments grew at a faster rate than the GDP. The results of ANOVA-TEST have shown that at extreme level of 1% level of significance, FC is greater than Ft; therefore, null hypothesis is rejected, meaning there is relationship between Local government recurrent revenue (Dependent variable), total expenditure and GDP (Independent variables). But at moderate level of 5% level of significance FC is greater than Ft, we therefore, reject the null hypothesis and accept the alternative hypothesis. This result indicates causal relationship between Local Government’s recurrent revenue (Dependent variable), total expenditure and GDP (Independent variables). The overall picture of Local Government Finance has grown markedly over the Fiscal periods of our study (1994 – 2004). The magnitude of growth in Local Government Finance as indicated in the regression equations was higher in Local Governments Revenue (1.047GDP) than in Spending or Expenditures (0.004GDP). This finding supports those theories that assert that changes in government revenues lead to changes in government expenditures (Friedman: 1978). Secondly, as the coefficient of the revenue was greater than unitary (>1), it follows that Local governments revenue was then a raising proportion of per capita Gross Domestic Product (Both at current market prices and current factor costs). The proportion of Local governments expenditures over the reference periods was far from unitary (