Journal of Experimental Psychology: Applied

Journal of Experimental Psychology: Applied Striking the Right Chord: Moving Music Increases Psychological Transportation and Behavioral Intentions --Manuscript Draft-Manuscript Number:

XAP-2014-1293R2

Full Title:

Striking the Right Chord: Moving Music Increases Psychological Transportation and Behavioral Intentions

Abstract:

Three experiments among university students (N = 372) investigated the persuasive power of moving (i.e., intensely emotional and "chills"-evoking) music in audio-visual advertising. Although advertisers typically aim to increase elaborate processing of the message, these studies illustrate that the persuasive effect of moving music is based on increased narrative transportation ("getting lost" in the ad's story), which reduces critical processing. In Experiment 1, moving music increased transportation and some behavioral intentions (e.g., to donate money). Experiment 2 experimentally increased the salience of manipulative intent of the advertiser, and showed that moving music reduces inferences of manipulative intent, leading in turn to increased behavioral intentions. Experiment 3 tested boundary effects, and showed that moving music fails to increase behavioral intentions when the salience of manipulative intent is either extremely high (which precludes transportation) or extremely low (which precludes reduction of inferences of manipulative intent). Moving music did not increase memory performance, beliefs, and explicit attitudes, suggesting that the influence is affectbased rather cognition-based. Together, these studies illustrate that moving music reduces inferences of manipulation and increases behavioral intentions by transporting viewers into the story of the ad.

Article Type:

Empirical Article (unmasked)

Keywords:

music; advertising; narrative transportation; inferences of manipulative intent; behavioral intentions

Corresponding Author:

Madelijn Strick Utrecht University NETHERLANDS

Corresponding Author E-Mail:

[email protected]

Corresponding Author Secondary Information: Corresponding Author's Institution:

Utrecht University

Other Authors:

Hanka L. de Bruin Linde C. de Ruiter Wouter Jonkers

Author Comments: Corresponding Author's Secondary Institution: First Author:

Madelijn Strick

Order of Authors Secondary Information: Manuscript Region of Origin:

NETHERLANDS

Suggested Reviewers:

Melanie Green, Dr. University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill [email protected] Expertise on narrative transportation Kristi Costabile Iowa State University [email protected]

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Expertise on music & transportation Randy Stein University of California [email protected] Expertise in Marketing & Consumer Behavior Opposed Reviewers: Response to Reviewers:

Dear professor Brewer, dear Neil, Thank you for your final remarks and suggestions. We have fixed all minor issues and added a Supplementary Materials section as suggested in your letter. We would like to thank you again for all your helpful comments, and hope you will be pleased with the end result. Also on behalf of Hanka de Bruin, Linde de Ruiter and Wouter Jonkers, Yours sincerely, Madelijn Strick

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Complete Unmasked Manuscript with Author Information and Figures

Running head: MOVING MUSIC AND TRANSPORTATION

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Striking the Right Chord: Moving Music Increases Psychological Transportation and Behavioral Intentions Madelijn Strick, Hanka L. de Bruin, Linde C. de Ruiter, and Wouter Jonkers Utrecht University

Correspondence regarding this manuscript may be addressed to Madelijn Strick, Social and Organizational Psychology, Utrecht University, Heidelberglaan 1, 3584 CS Utrecht, the Netherlands. E-mail: [email protected]

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Abstract 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

Three experiments among university students (N = 372) investigated the persuasive power of moving (i.e., intensely emotional and “chills”-evoking) music in audio-visual advertising. Although advertisers typically aim to increase elaborate processing of the message, these studies illustrate that the persuasive effect of moving music is based on increased narrative transportation (“getting lost” in the ad’s story), which reduces critical processing. In Experiment 1, moving music increased transportation and some behavioral intentions (e.g., to donate money). Experiment 2 experimentally increased the salience of manipulative intent of the advertiser, and showed that moving music reduces inferences of manipulative intent, leading in turn to increased behavioral intentions. Experiment 3 tested boundary effects, and showed that moving music fails to increase behavioral intentions when the salience of manipulative intent is either extremely high (which precludes transportation) or extremely low (which precludes reduction of inferences of manipulative intent). Moving music did not increase memory performance, beliefs, and explicit attitudes, suggesting that the influence is affect-based rather cognition-based. Together, these studies illustrate that moving music reduces inferences of manipulation and increases behavioral intentions by transporting viewers into the story of the ad. Keywords: Music; advertising; narrative transportation; inferences of manipulative intent; behavioral intentions


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Music has a profound influence on people’s moods, physiological reactions, and behavior. Since the 19th century, music is used in hospitals and therapeutic settings to relieve tension and reduce pain among patients. Even animals respond favorably to music. For example, playing classical music alleviates some of the stress dogs experience from kennelling (e.g., Kogan, Schoenfeld-Tacher, & Simon, 2012). Music is often used in benign ways, but it has also been used as propaganda and to support destructive regimes. In Nazi Germany, music featured prominently at rallies and other public events of The Party. Likewise, Soviet Russia and Communist China used official musical compositions to sway the masses. Nowadays, music videos on Internet and MTV have a great influence on the styles and trends adopted by youngsters. Music is also used in Hollywood films and Broadway productions to captivate the audience. Given the impact of music on mental states and behavior, it is unsurprising that music is also very popular in radio and TV advertising. Appelbaum and Halliburton (1993) performed a content analysis of international TV ads and found that music was used in 89% of them. Likewise, Allan (2008) found that 86% of prime-time television ads in the US contained music. The persuasive impact of music has been the topic of numerous scientific studies. Many studies used an advertising context and focused on how music affects attention, memory, attitudes, and product choice. The results generally show that the effect of music on message processing, brand recall, and brand attitude depends heavily on its fit with features of the ad and brand. When the music is congruent with the brand, music can enhance ad processing and brand recall (Macinnis & Park, 1991; North, MacKenzie, & Law, 2004; Shen & Chen, 2006). Music affects brand attitude positively, negatively, or not at all depending on its fit with the brand and message (Morris & Boone, 1998; Shen & Chen, 2006). One study found that music


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increases brand attitude only under low involvement conditions, while it distracts 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

attention from brands under high involvement conditions (Park & Young, 1986). Various studies have shown that congruent music can enhance purchase intentions and actual product choice (Alpert & Alpert, 1990; Alpert, Alpert, & Maltz, 2005; Gorn, 1982; Kellaris & Kent, 1991; North, Hargreaves, & McKendrick, 1999). Several psychological mechanisms have been suggested to explain these persuasive effects of music. Gorn (1982) used a classical conditioning approach and suggested that pairing a product with pleasant (vs. unpleasant) music increases (vs. decreases) product preference directly. Other researchers have argued that enhanced mood states mediate the stimulating effect of arousing music on enhanced purchase intentions (Alpert & Alpert, 1990; Alpert et al., 2005). In contrast, other researchers assume the persuasive effect of music is mediated by changes in beliefs about the brand rather than positive affect per se (Middlestadt, Fishbein, & Chan, 1994). Another line of work suggested that music activates knowledge structures that directly prime the selection of products that fit the active knowledge (North et al., 1999). Finally, some researchers have attributed increases in ad and brand attitudes to enhanced processing of the ad’s message, especially when music fit is high (MacInnis & Park, 1991; North et al., 2004). Previous studies have yielded many insightful results about the effect of music on persuasion. However, an important quality of music that has received little research attention is its potential to emotionally involve consumers into the ad’s story. The very reason why music is used in Hollywood movies is that it contributes significantly to the emotional experience (Cohen, 2001). Green and Brock’s (2000, 2005) concept of psychological transportation describes this emotionally involved state very well. Transportation refers to the sensation of being "lost” in a book or movie. It is a


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convergent mental process in which people are cognitively and emotionally involved in 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

the story and the real world is temporarily left behind. The level of transportation is typically measured using a scale developed and validated by Green and Brock (2000) containing items like “I could picture myself in the scene of the events described in the narrative” and “The narrative affected me emotionally”. Transportation is relevant for persuasion because it is associated with enhanced story-consistent beliefs, positive evaluations of (benign) story characters, and a reduction in critical processing including awareness of false information. Most research evidence on transportation is based on written stories. Green and Brock (2000) alluded to the possibility that music can elicit transportation, but they have not tested this assumption directly. A recent study provided the first evidence that film music increases transportation and persuasion (Costabile & Terman, 2013). In their first experiment, these authors compared a short film with its original soundtrack to a film with the soundtrack muted. In their second experiment they added music to a film that was originally produced without music. In both experiments the presence of music increased transportation and agreement with film-congruent beliefs, but only when the music was congruent with the affective tone of the film. In the present research we build on and extend the findings of Green and Brock (2000) and Costabile and Terman (2013) in various ways. First, we tested the effect of music on transportation and persuasion in the context of ads. Although narrative ads may resemble short films, they are primarily and openly designed to persuade rather than to entertain, which may alter the way viewers respond to them (e.g., Friestad & Wright, 1994; Knowles & Lynn, 2004). Furthermore, we included indicators of persuasion that are of interest to advertisers, such as brand recall, brand attitudes, and purchase intentions. Second, instead of focusing on the presence or the fit between ad


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and music, we focused on the extent to which the music was moving (i.e., evokes intense 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

emotion and “chills” responses, explanation follows). We expected that transportation into the narrative would be stronger when the music had strong rather than weak emotional impact. Recent research indicates that when music really moves people, it has marked behavioral and physiological effects. Music is the number one provider "chills" or "thrills", a tingling sensation usually starting from the neck, sometimes extending to the rest of the body, that marks intense emotional appreciation (Goldstein, 1980; Maruskin, Thrash, & Elliot, 2012; McCrae, 2007). Self-reported chills responses to music are accompanied by autonomic nervous system arousal, such as increases in electrodermal activity, heart rate, and respiration (Salimpoor, Benovoy, Longo, Cooperstock, & Zatorre, 2009). PET studies indicate that listening to chills-inducing music induces a pattern of brain activation and de-activation typically associated with reward and euphoria (Blood & Zatorre, 2001). Although chills responses are themselves perceived as pleasant, they can be aroused by sad as well as happy music, with some studies indicating stronger reactions to sad compared to happy music (Panksepp, 1995). Hence, chills seem to denote the intensity of the emotional response to the music rather than positive or negative valence. In films and videos, the musical soundtrack plays an integral role in communicating the narrative. Music is usually integrated in the audience’s viewing experience without being detected as distinct from the events in the film (Cohen, 2001). Provided that the timing and emotional tone of the music converges with the events unfolding on screen, music helps to build up tension, create meaning, and intensify emotions at key moments. It is therefore plausible that when music has a strong emotional impact on the viewer, and is mentally integrated with the events in the film, it

Running head: MOVING MUSIC AND TRANSPORTATION amplifies the emotional impact of the events on the viewer, leading to a stronger 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

involvement with the narrative. Consequently, we expected that given good timing and emotional fit, music that is highly moving would lead to more emotional involvement and transportation into the narrative of a video ad than music that is less emotionally moving. We hypothesized that moving music, by enhancing transportation, would augment persuasion. Specifically, we expected that the physiological reward that accompanies the experience of “being moved” by the ad would suppress perceptions of manipulative intent and thereby positively bias behavioral tendencies towards the brand. We expected this behavioral tendency to be based on enhanced affective responses rather than enhanced cognitive reasoning. In line with this, we did not expect the persuasion process to be accompanied by increases in brand recall. In fact, to the extent that transportation leads viewers to invest more of their limited attentional resources in following the storyline, this may come at the expense of processing a relatively meaningless brand name (cf. Hansen, Strick, Van Baaren, Hooghuis, & Wigboldus, 2009; Strick, Holland, Van Baaren, & Van Knippenberg, 2010a, 2010b, 2012; Strick, Van Baaren, Holland, & Van Knippenberg, 2009). Furthermore, the positive affective response to moving music is not necessarily related to changes in explicit attitudes. Dual process models assume that affective responses and explicit attitudes may converge or diverge depending on whether the person currently considers other propositions that discount the affective response as a valid basis for the judgment. The default mode is that affective responses are affirmed, leading to converging affective responses and explicit attitudes (“I feel positive about brand X, so I like brand X”, cf. Gawronski & Bodenhausen, 2006). However, if additional beliefs about the attitude object discount the affective response as a valid basis for the

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Running head: MOVING MUSIC AND TRANSPORTATION judgment explicit attitudes and affective responses may be dissociated (“I feel positive 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

about brand X. However, this feeling is caused by manipulative marketing techniques. I do not like brand X”). The latter case suggests that when viewers become too aware of the manipulative intent of the advertiser, this may lead them to correct for the potential positive impact of moving music on their explicit brand attitude (cf. Brehm, 1966). In contrast to explicit attitudes, we expected that behavioral intentions are more directly influenced by the affective response evoked by moving music. This expectation is based on our previous work indicating that emotion in advertising greatly affects behavioral intentions and actual behavior, but often irrespective of changes in explicit brand memory and attitudes (Strick, Holland et al., 2010a, 2010b, 2012; Strick, van Baaren, et al., 2009). These expectations and findings converges with a body of evidence showing that intense emotions can overwhelm people and guide behavioral decisions even when they contradict an individual’s beliefs and explicit opinions (Barlow, 1988; Baumeister, Heatherton, & Tice, 1994; Bazerman, Tenbrunsel, & Wade-Benzoni, 1998 for a review, see Loewenstein & Lerner, 2003). In summary, we expected a causal chain from moving music through transportation and suppressed perceptions of manipulative intent to higher behavioral intentions (for a graphic illustration of the theoretical model, see Figure 1). We did not expect this persuasive effect of music to be mediated by enhanced brand recall or explicit brand attitudes. Experiment 1 tested whether moving music increases transportation and behavioral intentions, but not cognitive persuasion variables like memory and beliefs. Experiment 2 replicated the effects of moving music on transportation and behavioral intentions, and additionally tested whether this persuasive process is dissociated from explicit attitude change. Furthermore, this experiment tested whether moving music decreases perceptions of manipulation.

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Running head: MOVING MUSIC AND TRANSPORTATION Experiment 3 investigated boundary effects by testing whether contexts that preclude 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

transportation (i.e., extremely high salience of manipulative intent) or preclude reductions in perceptions of manipulation (i.e., extremely low salience of manipulative intent) break the causal chain and consequently hamper persuasion. But first, we conducted a pilot study to collect suitable stimuli for the experiments. Pilot Study The goal of the pilot study was to construct four audio-visual ads that fitted a 2(music: moving vs. non-moving) × 2(ad: positive vs. negative) design. We crossed music with ad to rule out an explanation in terms of classical conditioning (Gorn, 1982). Whereas a classical conditioning explanation would suggest that consumers are more compliant in response to ads with a positive emotional tone than a negative emotional tone, the current transportation account suggests that persuasion is mediated by emotional involvement, irrespective of affective valence. Fit between music and message is an important moderator of advertising effects (Kellaris, Cox, & Cox, 1993 ; MacInnes & Park, 1991). Hence, it was important to keep music/message fit constant across all cells of the 2 × 2 design. We therefore selected different moving and non-moving music that fitted the positive and negative ads. Thus, for the positive ad we needed positive moving and non-moving music, and for the negative ad we needed negative moving and non-moving music. Method We collected 10 ads and 12 music tracks from the Internet. The ads needed to be comprehensible without the original sound, as the sound was going to be completely removed and replaced by new music excerpts. Therefore, the ads were presented without sound in the pilot study.

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Fourty-two students of the University of Utrecht were randomly assigned to 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

either watch silent ads or listen to 80-seconds excerpts of music tracks. Participants in the ad group viewed the silent ads in random order, and after each answered several questions, starting with “Did you know this ad before taking part in this experiment?”, anchored at 1 (Not at all) and 7 (Very well), followed by questions asking to what extent they found the ad funny, beautiful, sad, moving, cheerful, annoying, pathetic, positive, negative, pleasant, emotional, on scales anchored at 1 (Not at all) and 7 (Very much). Participants in the music group listened to the music excerpts in random order, and rated these on the same dimensions. The complete set of stimuli and results of the pilot test are available through the first author. The selected ads and music excerpts were relatively unknown (i.e., known scores below 1.69 for ads, and below 2.81 for music excerpts on 7-point scales). The selected positive ad was of a pharmaceutical company called Pfizer. In this ad, a teenage boy hops on the top of the covered dumpsters, climbs up escape ladders, and draws graffiti on walls in the dark night. His actions seem criminal, as if he is destroying property for no good reason. By the time he finishes and gets home, the sun is just about to rise. When he walks in his mother looks at her watch with a sigh. He grabs a vase with flowers and walks away. His mother gets up and comes after him. There is his little sick sister lying in her bed with an oxygen tube in her nose. When the teenage brother sits right by his sister and opens the curtains, his upset mother looks stunned, and her lips are saying “thank you” to him. There is a huge two-buildings worth of graffiti across from the room with a message from the brother to her, “Be brave.” The negatively toned ad was of Child Friendly, a non-profit organization dedicated to promoting children’s rights. This ad features children following adults, mimicking their habits. At first the pattern appears to be harmless, talking on a mobile


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phone while walking through a city square, making a call on a public telephone, waiting 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

behind the yellow line in a railway station. The behavior becomes more dangerous with a girl copying a woman’s smoking habits on an escalator. A boy follows as a grown man carelessly knocks a struggling mother’s bag off her shoulder. Examples of litter, drunken behavior, road rage, racism and cruelty to animals follow. A woman yells at her baby, accompanied by her older daughter. A man is joined by his son as he verbally and physically abuses his wife. The clip finishes with a scene from a public carpark in which a man assists a woman whose groceries have been spilled. The children join in. The tagline for Child Friendly Parenting: “Make your influence positive.” The Pfizer ad scored relatively high on “positive” (M = 5.68) and low on “negative” (M = 2.36), while the Child Friendly ad scored relatively low on “positive” (M = 3.09) and high on “negative” (M = 5.68). The two ads differed significantly on positivity as well as negativity, tpositive(21) = 6.89, p < .001; tnegative(21) = 4.98, p < .001). The selection of the four music excerpts was based on three criteria: a) Two music excerpts should be rated as highly moving and two should be rated as less moving; b) of the two highly moving excerpts, one should be relatively positive and the other should be relatively negative; c) likewise, of the two less moving music excerpts, one should be relatively positive and the other should be relatively negative. The selected excerpts Down by the Riverside, The Funeral, Always like this, and Attack el Robot fitted these criteria. Down by the Riverside and The Funeral were rated as relatively moving (M = 4.85, SD = 1.53; M = 4.70, SD = 1.49 on 7-point scales, respectively), whereas Always like this and Attack el Robot were rated as less moving (M = 3.45, SD = 1.67; M = 3.35, SD = 1.50 on 7-point scales, respectively). Of the moving excerpts, Down by the Riverside was rated as relatively positive (Positive: M = 4.35, SD = 1.35; Negative: M = 3.45, SD = 1.23) and The Funeral as relatively negative (Positive: M =


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3.45, SD = 1.15; Negative: M = 4.15, SD = 1.14). Of the non-moving excerpts, Always like 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

this was rated as relatively positive (Positive: M = 4.50, SD = 1.28; Negative: M = 3.05, SD = 1.47) and Attack el Robot was rated as relatively negative (Positive: M = 3.75, SD = 1.41; Negative: M = 3.50, SD = 1.76). Table 1 shows which ads and music were combined to fit the 2 x 2 experimental design. A professional producer (who was blind to the experimental hypotheses and conditions) edited the music videos. Out of the two ads and four music excerpts, he created four ads in which the music fitted the timing of the visual events, and was appropriate and supportive of the visuals. The resulting four music videos are available through the first author. Experiment 1 Experiment 1 tested the main hypotheses that moving music increases transportation and behavioral intentions. We included cognitive reasoning measures (i.e., measures of memory and ad-consistent beliefs) to test the prediction that moving music does not enhance cognitive persuasion variables. We also measured adverse responses and attitudes toward the ad, and expected these to converge with the positive affective response evoked by moving music, as there was no reason to discount the affective response as a valid basis for the judgment. Method Participants and design. Ninety-two students from the University of Utrecht participated in return for money or course credits (48 men, 44 women, mean age = 20.92 years). The experiment had a 2(music: moving vs. non-moving) × 2(ad: positive vs. negative) between participants design. Procedure and materials. Participants entered the lab and were seated in individual cubicles. All instructions, stimuli, and questions were presented on a


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computer. Participants were asked to put on headphones, and were informed that they 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

would be shown a TV-ad that they would later receive questions about. Then they viewed and listened to one of the ads, and completed the manipulation check and dependent measures1. Manipulation check. Participants were asked how beautiful, annoying, positive, negative, emotional, moving, and touching they found the ad, to what extent they had experienced goosebumps, to what extent they were able to follow the narrative of the ad, to what extent the message came across clearly, and to what extent they found the ad credible on scales anchored at 1 (Not at all) and 7 (Very much). Transportation. Transportation was measured using 12 items (Cronbach’s alpha = .82). Eleven items were taken from the Transportation scale developed by Green and Brock (2000), and adjusted to audio-visual ads and translated into Dutch. Examples items are “I was mentally involved in the ad while I was watching it”, “I could easily picture myself in the events taking place in the ad”, “After watching the ad, I found it easy to put the events out of my mind” (reverse-scored). The remaining 12th item was generated by the authors (“I was totally immersed in the events of the commercial”). Memory. Message Recall (openended question) asked participants to recall the main message the organization was trying to convey in this ad. The answers were coded as 1 (incorrect), 2 (partly correct), or 3 (correct) by two raters who were blind to conditions. Disagreements were solved through discussion. Brand Recall (openended question) asked participants to recall the name of the organization promoted in the ad. The answers were again coded as 1 (incorrect), 2 (partly correct), or 3 (correct) by two Participants completed the measures in the following order: Transportation, Manipulation Check, Message Recall, Likelihood Daily, Likelihood Self, Brand Recall, Logo Recognition, Recognize Detail 1, Recognize Detail 2, Statements, Sceptic, Resistance, Attitude Ad, Donate Money Yes/Amount, Forward Clip, Educate. 1


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raters who were blind to conditions. Disagreements were solved through discussion. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

Logo recognition (3-options multiple choice) asked participants to select the logo of the organization promoted in the ad out of three options. Recognize detail 1 and Recognize detail 2 measured recognition of details of the ad. For example, participants who viewed one of the versions of the Pfizer ad were asked “In what color did the boy write “Be Brave” on the wall with graffiti?” 1 (White); 2 (Red); 3 (Pink); et cetera, 7-options multiple choice). Ad-consistent beliefs. In line with Green and Brock (2000) we asked participants to estimate the likelihood of the events in the ad, and to indicate their agreement with several ad-consistent statements. Likelihood Daily asked participants to estimate the likelihood that the event in the ad would happen in daily life, and Likelihood Self asked them to estimate the likelihood that the event would happen in their own life, both on scales anchored at 1 (Not at all probable) and 7 (Very probable). For example, participants who viewed one of the versions of the Child Friendly ad were asked “How probable do you think it is that a similar event, that is, that children exactly copy the behavior of their parents, happens in daily life?” and “How probable do you think it is that you experience a similar event yourself, that is, that small child copies your habits?”. The two items did not form a reliable scale (Cronbach’s alpha = .42) and were therefore analysed using separate univariate ANOVAs. Statements were five items measuring participants’ agreement with five ad-consistent statements (Cronbach’s alpha = .65). For example, participants who viewed one of the versions of the Child Friendly ad indicated to what extent they agreed with the statement “Caregivers should always set a good example for their children” on a scale anchored at 1 (Do not agree at all) and 7 (Totally agree).


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Adverse responses. Three items measured adverse responses toward the ad: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

“Some aspects of the film clip evoked critical questions and/or comments in me” (Critical); “I am sceptical about organizations that work for a good cause” (Sceptic), and “Campaigns that aim to change my behavior evoke some resistance in me” (Resistance). Scales were anchored at 1 (Very much) and 7 (Not at all). The three items did not form a reliable scale (Cronbach’s alpha = .56) and were therefore analysed using separate univariate ANOVAs. Attitudes. A 5-item scale (Cronbach’s alpha = .79) measured participants’ attitude toward the ad (Attitude Ad). Examples items are “I found this a good ad” and “I found this ad persuasive” anchored at 1 (Very much) and 7 (Not at all). Behavioral intentions. Behavioral intentions were measured by three questions. The first asked participants how much of the 4 Euros they would receive for participating in the experiment they would be willing to donate to the respective campaign (openended question)2. In line with two-stage models of donation behavior (DeBruyn & Prokopec, 2013; Dickert, Sagara, & Slovic, 2011), we distinguished between whether or not participants reported being willing to donate at all (Donate Money Yes) and if yes, the average amount of money they would be willing to donate (Donate Money Amount). For the analyses of the donation data we excluded two participants (2%) who participated in return for credit hours instead of money and one participant (1%) whose intended donation was more than 3 standard deviations from the overall mean. The second question asked to what extent they would be willing to forward this film clip to 5 friends in order to raise awareness for the issue (Forward Clip), anchored at 1 (Very

One of the two ads promoted a for-profit corporation (Pfizer), which makes asking for donations odd. However, Pfizer is an unknown brand in The Netherlands, and the ad conveyed a societal message. Hence, the donation question did not strike the participants as odd. 2


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much) and 7 (Not at all), and the third question asked to what extent they would be 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

willing to give education regarding the issue on one occasion (Educate), anchored at 1 (Very much) and 7 (Not at all). As the three items addressed wildly differing behavioral intentions, the results were analysed using separate chi-square and univariate analyses. Exit questions. Five exit questions asked participants to rate the extent to which they knew the ad before taking part in the experiment (Know Ad), to which they knew the music before taking part in the experiment (Know Music), to what extent the music was appropriate for the film clip (Appropriate), to what extent the music was supportive for the film clip (Supportive), and to what extent the music distracted attention from the film clip (Distracting). The results indicated no differences between the music conditions in Know Ad and Distracting, Fs < 2.92, ps > .090, but the ratings of Know Music, Appropriate, and Supportive were higher for moving music than for non-moving music Fs > 5.40, ps < .023. These significant differences were noteworthy as they provide possible alternative explanations for the persuasive effect. We return to this issue in the Results section. It is important to note, however, that in line with the pilot study, the Know Ad (Ms < 1.52) and Know Music (Ms < 2.67) scores were low in both music conditions. Furthermore, the ratings of the appropriateness and supportiveness of the music were significantly above the scale mean (Ms > 4.57, ps < .013) and the ratings of distraction were significantly below the scale mean (Ms < 3.35) in both music conditions. This indicates that the moving and non-moving music were both perceived as appropriate and supportive of, and not distracting from, the visual information, which had been the goal. Four final items were added to measure involvement with the advanced issues (i.e., raising young children and taking care of a sick child). However, due to a


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programming error these items were not correctly presented to the participants. The 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

results will therefore not be discussed further. Results Statistical considerations. Partial eta-squared (p2) is reported as the effect size measure for analyses of variance (ANOVAs). Benchmarks for p2 are .01 = small; .06 = medium; and .14 = large. For results relating to the main hypotheses we additionally report the difference between group means (MD). MD is a raw confidence interval scaled in the units of the dependent variable. As the units of our dependent variables are commonly used in psychological research (i.e., 7-point Likert scales and percentages), MD provides meaningful information about the magnitude of the group differences and the precision of estimation. A 95% confidence interval (95% CI) that does not include the value of 0 indicates a significant difference between groups. Manipulation check. A MANOVA with music and ad as independent variables and all manipulation check items as dependent variables revealed a significant multivariate effect of music, F(11, 78) = 3.39, p = .001, ηp2 = .32, and a significant multivariate effect of ad F(11, 78) = 7.92, p < .001, p2 = .53, but no interaction effects of music and ad, F < 1. Likewise, univariate tests of the manipulation check items showed various significant main effects of music and of ad, but no significant interaction effects, Fs < 3.55, ps > .062. The ratings in the music and ad conditions are displayed in Table 2. Most importantly, participants rated the ad as more moving when it featured moving than non-moving music, and rated the positive ad as more positive and less negative than the negative ad. This matched the manipulation goals. Hypothesis testing. All dependent variables were analysed using 2(music: moving vs. non-moving) × 2(ad: positive vs. negative) between subjects ANOVAs. Similar to the manipulation checks, the analyses revealed only main effects of music and of ad,


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and no significant interaction effects. As music was the variable of interest, we limit our 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

report to the main effects of music. Note that the effects of music in this experiment can thus be generalized to the positive and negative ad, as all interactions between music and ad were insignificant. The results are summarized in Table 3. As hypothesized, moving music led to a significantly higher level of transportation than non-moving music, MD = 0.42, 95% CI [0.09, 0.75]. Moreover, moving music reduced one of the three adverse responses, namely resistance, MD = -0.60, 95% CI [-1.18, -0.02], led to a more positive attitude toward the ad, MD = 0.93, 95% CI [0.46, 1.41], and led to higher scores on two of the four behavioral intention measures, namely higher willingness to donate money, MD = 21.1%, 95% CI [0.9, 39.1], and more willingness to forward the film clip to 5 friends in order to raise awareness for the issue, MD = 0.99, 95% CI [0.18, 1.80]. Moving music did not improve any measure of memory or ad-consistent beliefs. In fact, moving music significantly reduced brand recall, MD = -0.40, 95% CI [-0.65, -0.15]. Our assumption was that the extent to which an ad is moving determines its potential to induce transportation. However, the analysis so far does not warrant such a conclusion because the manipulation check ratings showed that the ad with moving music was not only rated as more moving, but also as more beautiful, less annoying, and more goosebumps-evoking than the ad with non-moving music. Moreover, the exit questions indicated that the moving music was also rated as better known, more appropriate for the film clip, and more supportive for the film clip than the non-moving music. To examine which of these factors induced transportation, we regressed the transportation score on all these variables. This analysis revealed that only Moving (β = .52, t = 4.44, p < .001) and Goosebumps (β = .22, t = 2.46, p = .016) significantly predicted transportation, whereas the other predictors were non-significant, ts < 1.74, ps > .086.


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Furthermore, the proportion of unique variance explained by Moving (R2 = .207) was 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

higher than that explained by Goosebumps (R2 = .047). Thus, as hypothesized, moving was the strongest predictor of transportation. Discussion Experiment 1 confirmed that moving music enhances transportation and behavioral intentions (albeit not all behavioral intentions, which we will discuss shortly), and does not increase cognitive reasoning variables such as memory and adconsistent beliefs. The aim of Experiment 2 was to replicate the effect of moving music on enhanced transportation and provide more solid evidence for its effect on behavioral intentions. In Experiment 1, moving music increased participants’ willingness to donate money and forward the ad to 5 friends, but not their willingness to give education about the promoted cause. The reason why the latter behavioral intention was not affected may be that giving education is a rather specialized and uncommon behavior among students. In Experiment 3 we measured only behavioral intentions that are more common among students. Furthermore, Experiment 2 tested whether music-induced transportation reduces inferences of manipulation by the advertiser. This effect was predicted based on previous research indicating that transportation undermines people’s ability and motivation to think critically (Escalas, 2004a; Green & Brock, 2000). While viewers are emotionally moved and are lost in the story, they are distracted from thinking critically about the message and the source. This distraction account implies that transportation distracts from critical thought while participants are viewing the ad (i.e., during transportation), but does not imply that transportation buffers against critical thoughts that may arise after viewing the ad (i.e., after transportation). We tested this by experimentally varying the moment


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at which viewers were made aware of the advertiser’s manipulative intent. In the before 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

condition participants were made aware before viewing the ad, while in the after condition participants were made aware only after viewing the ad. We expected that music-induced transportation would reduce inferences of manipulative intent in the before condition, but not in the after condition. In the control condition participants were not made aware of the advertiser’s manipulative intent. Still we did not expect a floor effect of inferences of manipulative intent because advertising inherently evokes perceptions of manipulation (Knowles & Lynn, 2004). Hence, we expected that musicinduced transportation would also reduce inferences of manipulative intent in the control condition. In Experiment 2, we expected dissociation between the positive affective response to moving music and explicit attitudes towards the brand, as participants are likely to consider the manipulative intent of the advertiser as additional information that discounts the validity of the affective response as a basis for the judgment (e.g., “This company is highly manipulative, so I will not let the positive feeling elicited by their beautiful ad change my opinion”, cf. Gawronksi & Bodenhausen, 2006). Thus, we expected moving music to increase behavioral intentions but not explicit attitudes. Experiment 2 The central hypotheses for Experiment 2 were that moving music increases transportation, reduces inferences of manipulative intent, and increases behavioral intentions in the control and before condition, but not in the after condition. We expected that salience of manipulative intent, not music, would affect explicit ad and brand attitudes. In addition to the variables related to these main hypotheses, Experiment 2 measured physiological responses (e.g., chills) to check whether the music


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was moving. As in Experiment 1, ad-consistent beliefs were measured to find further 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

evidence that the effect of moving music is not driven by cognitive reasoning. For exploratory reasons, Experiment 2 measured two additional persuasion variables: a) personal associations with the events in the ad and the music, as previous research indicated that physiological responses to music stem from a feeling of being moved through personal associations elicited within the listener ( onecni, 200 ); and b) self-brand connections, defined as meaningful connections between the brand and the viewers’ selves. They often arise in response to narrative advertising and form the basis for positive attitudes toward the brand (Escalas, 2004b). Method Participants and design. One-hundred and fifty-five students from the University of Utrecht completed the study in return for money or course credits. The experiment had a 2(ad: positive vs. negative) × 2(music: moving vs. non-moving) × 3(text: control vs. before vs. after) between participants design. The experiment was run in two consecutive weeks. In the first week we ran the before and after conditions, and in the second week we ran the control condition. To avoid duplicates in the second week, we removed all participants who answered the question of whether they had seen this ad before with ‘Yes’ or ‘I am not sure’ (N = 10), leaving 145 participants (48 males, 97 females, mean age = 20.48 years) for the analyses. Procedure and materials. The audio-visual ads were the same as in Experiment 1. Participants were randomly assigned to view the positive or negative ad with either moving or non-moving music. The procedure in the control condition was similar to Experiment 1, except for the dependent measures. Below, the dependent measures are described according to the order in which they were presented to the participants.


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Transportation. It was measured using 11 items adapted from Green and Brock’s 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

(2000) Transportation Scale (Cronbach’s alpha = .62). Inferences of manipulative intent. Measured with a Dutch translation of a six-item scale developed by Campbell (1995, Cronbach’s alpha = . 4). Example items are “The advertiser tried to manipulate the audience in ways that I don’t like” and “The way this ad tries to persuade people seems acceptable to me” (reverse-scored). Personal associations. Measured with two items: “I had personal associations with the events in the ad” (Personal associations events) and “I had personal associations with the music in the ad” (Personal associations music), anchored at 1 (Not at all) and 7 (Very much). These two items did not form a reliable scale (Cronbach’s alpha = .50) and were therefore analysed using separate univariate ANOVAs. Physiological responses. Measured with a 4-item scale (Cronbach’s alpha = . 2): “I had goosebumps while viewing the ad”; “I felt chills through my body while viewing the ad”; “I had a lump in my throat while viewing the ad”; “I had tears in my eyes while viewing the ad”, anchored at 1 (Not at all) and 7 (Very much). Ad-consistent beliefs. Measured in a similar way as in Experiment 1. The two items again did not form a reliable scale (Cronbach’s alpha = .51) and were therefore analysed using separate univariate ANOVAs. Attitude Ad. A three-item scale (Cronbach’s alpha = . 2) asked participants to what extent their attitude toward the ad was: 1 (Negative) to 7 (Positive); 1 (Unpleasant) to 7 (Pleasant); 1 (Cold) to 7 (Warm). Attitude Brand. A three-item scale (Cronbach’s alpha = .94) asked participants to what extent their attitude toward the company in the ad was: 1 (Negative) to 7 (Positive); 1 (Unpleasant) to 7 (Pleasant); 1 (Cold) to 7 (Warm).


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Self–brand connections. Measured with a seven-item scale (Cronbach’s alpha = 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

.93). The first six items were Dutch translations of a six-items scale taken from Escalas (2004b). Example items are “I can identify with the organization”; “The organization reflects who I am”, anchored at 1 (Not at all) and 7 (Very much). A seventh item “The organization fits me well” was added by the authors. Behavioral intentions. Measured by a three item scale (Cronbach’s alpha = .72): “I would like more information about this organization”; “I would buy products of this organization”; “To what extent would you be willing to forward this film clip to 5 friends in order to raise awareness for the issue?“, anchored at 1 (Not at all) and 7 (Very much). Exit questions: Three exit questions asked participants to rate the extent to which they knew the ad, the company and the music before taking part in the experiment, anchored at 1 (Not at all) and 7 (Very much). As intended, these scores indicated overall low familiarity with the stimulus materials (all Ms < 2.35). Finally, participants were asked whether they had seen this ad before, for example in other research, anchored at 1 (No); 2 (Yes); 3 (I am not sure). Participants who answered ‘Yes’ or ‘I am not sure’ where removed from the analyses (see Participants and design). The before condition was identical to the control condition, except that before viewing the ad, participants were presented with a promotional text ostensibly written by the advertiser. The purpose of the text was to increase the salience of manipulative intent. The text therefore included rhetorical questions, which are questions asked to make a statement rather than to elicit information (McQuarrie & Mick, 1996). Previous research has shown that although including some rhetorical questions elicits favorable impressions because they increase willingness to process a text (Burnkrant & Howard, 1984; Petty, Cacioppo, & Heesacker, 1981), heavy use of rhetorical questions causes


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suspicion and increases the salience of manipulative intent (Ahluwalia & Burnkrant, 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

2004). Wentzel, Tomczak, and Herrmann (2010) successfully manipulated the salience of manipulative intent by inserting three rhetorical questions in their experimental stimuli. Our promotional texts (see Appendix A) contained four rhetorical questions. The lengths of the promotional texts were 191 and 173 words for the negative and positive ads, respectively. Manipulation check. Four items measured participants’ impressions of the promotional text: “The impression I got from the company through the promotional text was” 1 (Negative) to 7 (Positive); “Reading the promotional text evoked resistance in me” 1 (Not at all) to 7 (Very much); “The promotional text came across as manipulative” 1 (Not at all) to 7 (Very much); “Reading the promotional text has influenced my opinion about the ad” 1 (Not at all) to 7 (Very much). As the purpose of the text was to increase salience of manipulative intent, we used the third item as manipulation check. The after condition was identical to the before condition, except that participants were presented with the promotional text after viewing the ad. Results Manipulation check. As intended, the extent to which the promotional text came across as manipulative (M = 4.66, SD = 1.80) was significantly higher than the midpoint of the scale, t(106) = 3.81, p < .001. Hypothesis testing. All dependent variables were analysed using 2(ad: positive vs. negative) × 2(music: moving vs. non-moving) × 3(text: control vs. before vs. after) univariate ANOVAs. The results are summarized in Table 4. Transportation. The negative ad elicited significantly more transportation than the positive ad (MNegative = 5.07, MPositive = 4.82). More importantly, moving music elicited


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significantly more transportation than non-moving music (MMoving = 5.07, MNon-moving = 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

4.82), MD = 0.26, 95% CI [0.03, 0.48]. Inferences of manipulative intent. Inferences of manipulative intent were highest in the before condition (M = 2.79), followed by the after condition (M = 2.48), and the control condition (M = 1.96). More importantly, the main effect of text was qualified by the hypothesized Music × Text interaction effect. As expected, moving music reduced inferences of manipulative intent in the control and before conditions (MMoving = 2.22; MNon-moving = 2.68), MD = -0.46, 95% CI [-0.90, -0.03], but not in the after condition (MMoving = 2.75; MNon-moving = 2.22), MD = 0.53, 95% CI [-0.08, 1.14]. This interaction effect is depicted in Figure 2. Unexpectedly, there was a significant Ad × Text × Music three-way interaction effect. Separate analyses for each ad revealed that the Music × Text interaction was significant in the negative ad condition, F(2, 65) = 8.06, p = .001, 2 = .199, but not in the positive ad condition, F < 1. The pattern of the interaction in the negative condition resembled the overall interaction effect: moving music decreased inferences of manipulative intent in the control and before conditions (MMoving = 1.97; MNon-moving = 3.11), MD = -1.14, 95% CI [-1.84, -0.44], and the effect was reversed in the after condition (MMoving = 2.87; MNon-moving = 2.02), MD = 0.85, 95% CI [0.12, 1.58]. A possible reason for the unexpected difference between the ads is that the text in the positive condition was perceived as more manipulative (M = 4.94) than that in the negative ad condition (M = 4.38). It is possible that the former text raised salience of manipulation too much. We return to this potential boundary condition in the discussion of Experiment 2 and the hypotheses of Experiment 3. Personal associations. Moving music did not enhance personal associations with events nor music.


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Physiological responses. As expected, moving music (M = 3.00) led to 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

significantly stronger physiological responses than non-moving music (M = 2.30), MD = 0.70, 95% CI [0.25, 1.15]. Ad-consistent beliefs. As in Experiment 1, moving music did not enhance estimations of Likelihood Daily or Likelihood Self. Attitude ad. The attitude toward the positive ad (M = 5.74) was more positive than toward the negative ad (M = 4.98). More importantly, attitude toward the ad was affected by text, but not by music. The attitude in the control condition (M = 5.79) was significantly more positive than in the before condition (M = 5.20), MD = 0.61, 95% CI [0.20, 1.02], and in the after condition (M = 5.08), MD = 0.75, 95% CI [0.33, 1.16]. The before and after conditions did not differ from each other, MD = 0.14, 95% CI [-0.24, 0.51]. Attitude brand. Similarly, attitude toward the company was affected by text, but not by music. The attitude in the control condition (M = 5.34) was more positive than in the before condition (M = 4.56), MD = 0.79, 95% CI [0.24, 1.33], and in the after condition (M = 4.28), MD = 1.04, 95% CI [0.49, 1.60]. The before and after conditions did not differ from each other, MD = 0.26, 95% CI [-0.24, 0.76]. Self–brand connections. Moving music did not enhance self-brand connections. Behavioral intentions. We found the expected Music × Text interaction effect. Figure 2 depicts this interaction. In the before and control conditions moving music increased behavioral intentions (MMoving = 3.93; MNon-moving = 3.26), MD = 0.67, 95% CI [0.08, 1.26], in the after condition it did not (MMoving = 3.09; MNon-moving = 3.70), MD = 0.61, 95% CI [-1.42, 0.20]. Mediation analyses. The expected theoretical relation between moving music, transportation, inferences of manipulative intent, and behavioral intentions are depicted


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in Figure 1. Two analyses of statistical mediation were performed following the 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

procedure of Preacher and Hayes (2008). As recommended by Hayes (2009) the mediated effect was estimated using 5,000 accelerated and bias-corrected bootstraps. The first analysis tested whether the effect of music on reduced inferences of manipulative intent in the before and control conditions is mediated by transportation. The second one tested whether the effect of music on behavioral intentions in the before and control conditions is mediated by reduced inferences of manipulative intent. The after condition was excluded from the mediation analyses as we expected and found different effects of music here. In the first analysis we entered music as independent variable, transportation as the proposed mediator, and inferences of manipulative intent as dependent variable. The results confirmed the proposed mediation, -0.6382 < B95 < 0.0817, Se = 0.140, total R2 = 0.215. In the second analysis we entered music as independent variable, inferences of manipulative intent as the proposed mediator, and behavioral intentions as dependent variable. The results also confirmed the existence of the second hypothesized mediation, 0.0138 < B95 < 0.4182, Se = 0.094, total R2 = 0.118. We additionally tested the validity of the proposed process model in a single analysis using structural equation modeling (see Supplemental Online Material). Discussion The results of Experiment 2 provided evidence for the proposed theoretical model. In the control and before conditions, moving music led to enhanced transportation, reduced inferences of manipulative intent, and increased behavioral intentions. Further in line with predictions, moving music increased behavioral intentions without increasing explicit attitudes. We also verified the dissociation between explicit attitudes and behavioral intentions in a repeated-measures ANOVA


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(see Supplemental Online Material). As in Experiment 1, moving music did not increase 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

ad-consistent beliefs. The two ads had similar effects In Experiment 1, but diverging effects on some dependent measures of Experiment 2. The effect of moving music on reduced inferences of manipulative intent was only significant for the negative ad, but not the positive ad. As suggested earlier, this may be due to the fact that the text in the positive condition was more manipulative than the text in the negative condition. Perhaps moving music only reduces inferences of manipulative intent when the salience of manipulative intent is moderate, not when it is extremely high. In the latter case, the use of moving music may backfire because consumers may perceive it as deceptive and manipulative. This boundary effect of moving music is addressed in Experiment 3. Experiment 3 was partly inspired by research of Wentzel and colleagues (2010). In their first study, they presented participants with print advertisements about a bank. When manipulative intent was moderate (i.e., the ad contained only one rhetorical question), participants who had been exposed to a narrative version of the ad (i.e., that communicated information about the ad in a story-like fashion) reported more positive affect, self-brand connections, positive brand attitudes, and transportation than participants who had been exposed to an expository version of the ad (i.e., that communicated information about the bank in a direct and factual manner). However, this persuasive effect of narrative ads was eliminated when manipulative intent was highly salient (i.e., when the ad contained three rhetorical questions). The reduced persuasive effect of narrative (vs. expository) ads under high salience of manipulative intent was mediated by increased inferences of manipulative intent. These results imply that executional factors aimed at transportation (e.g., narrative format, moving music) backfire when salience of manipulative intent is too high. To illustrate this effect,


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Experiment 3 increased the salience of manipulative intent from moderate to high to 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

eliminate the effect of moving music on transportation, inferences of manipulative intent, and behavioral intentions. If the effect of moving music on behavioral intentions is fully mediated by reduced inferences of manipulative intent, as we hypothesized, we should also find effects at the lower end of the manipulation continuum. That is, decreasing the salience of manipulative intent to an absolute minimum should eliminate the effect of moving music on behavioral intentions. Moving music may still increase transportation (i.e., participants may still appreciate the music and “get lost” in the ad), but as inferences of manipulative intent are already minimal and cannot be reduced further, it will not affect behavioral intentions. This hypothesis is also tested in Experiment 3. In summary, Experiment 3 tested whether the persuasive effect of moving music is eliminated under conditions that preclude transportation (when salience of manipulative intent is extremely high) or preclude reduction in inferences of manipulative intent (when salience of manipulative intent is extremely low). Experiment 3 Experiment 3 measured transportation, inferences of manipulative intent, and behavioral intentions to test the main hypotheses. As Experiment 2, Experiment 3 measured physiological responses to check whether the music was moving. Finally, measures of ad-consistent beliefs and explicit attitudes were included to show once more that moving music does not affect cognitive reasoning. Finally, ad and brand attitudes were included to find further evidence that the salience of manipulative intent overrules the positive effect of moving music on attitudes. Method


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Participants and design. One-hundred and fifty-nine students from the 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

University of Utrecht participated in return for money or course credits. After removing participants (N = 24) who answered the question of whether they had seen this ad before with ‘Yes’ or ‘I am not sure’ (see Experiment 2), we retained 135 participants (58 males, 77 females, mean age = 21.93 years) for the analyses. The experiment had a 2(music: moving vs. non-moving) × 2(text: manipulative vs. non-manipulative) between participants design. Procedure and materials. We only used the negative ad in this experiment. The procedure in both experimental conditions was similar to the before condition in Experiment 2, except for the content of the promotional texts, and the removal of the measurements of personal associations and self-brand connections. Before viewing the ad, participants were presented with either the manipulative or non-manipulative promotional text. For the manipulative condition, the salience of manipulative intent was increased compared to Experiment 2. In Experiment 2 Child Friendly was introduced as “a committed and caring organisation specialising in healthy baby and child nourishment”, which implied a non-profit organization. In Experiment 3 Child Friendly was described as a “distributor of healthy baby and child nourishment with a profitable aim” an “a commercial distributor”, which denoted a for-profit organization. Consumers often view for-profit organisations as less trustworthy than non-profits, partly because of associations they have with economic motives (Hansmann, 1981). For instance, in categories such as health care, for-profits are trusted less than non-profits because the aim of making money seems to contradict the values of providing quality medical service (Arrow, 1963). For this reason, we expected that participants would perceive a for-profit organisation as more manipulative than a non-profit organisation.


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For the non-manipulative condition, the salience of manipulative intent was 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

minimized by removing all rhetorical questions and presenting Child Friendly as “a foundation whose efforts are aimed at improving the upbringing, education, nourishment, and care for children in risk areas around the world” (see Appendix B for both texts). Results Manipulation check. As intended, the manipulative text (M = 4.95) was rated as more manipulative than the non-manipulative text (M = 3.30), t(133) = 5.83, p < .001. Hypothesis testing. All dependent variables were analysed using 2(music: moving vs. non-moving) × 2(text: manipulative vs. non-manipulative) between subjects ANOVAs. The results are summarized in Table 5. Transportation. There was no main effect of music, but there was a main effect of text. Transportation was higher in the non-manipulative condition (M = 4.90) than in the manipulative condition (M = 4.43). More importantly, the main effect of text was qualified by the expected Music × Text interaction effect. In the non-manipulative condition moving music tended to increase transportation (Mmoving = 5.05 vs. Mnon-moving = 4.74), MD = 0.31, 95% CI [-0.02, 0.64], but in the manipulative condition moving music tended to decrease transportation (Mmoving = 4.31 vs. Mnon-moving = 4.56), MD = -0.25, 95% CI [-0.69, 0.19]. Inferences of manipulative intent. There was a main effect of text, such that the manipulative text (M = 3.00) led to higher inferences of manipulative intent than the non-manipulative text (M = 2.15). There was also a marginally significant effect of music, but this was qualified by a marginally significant Music × Text interaction effect. As expected, music had no effect on inferences of manipulative intent in the nonmanipulative condition, MD = 0.02, 95% CI [-0.44, 0.47]. In the manipulative condition

Running head: MOVING MUSIC AND TRANSPORTATION moving music led to higher inferences of manipulative intent (M = 3.41) than non1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

moving music (M = 2.60), MD = 0.81, 95% CI [0.07, 1.56]. Physiological responses. There was a main effect of music, such that moving music (M = 2.67) led to stronger physiological responses than non-moving music (M = 1.99). There was also a significant Music × Text interaction effect. Moving music (M = 3.10) led to stronger physiological responses than non-moving music (M = 1.96) in the non-manipulative condition, MD = 1.13, 95% CI [0.56, 1.70], but not in the manipulative condition, MD = 0.23, 95% CI [-0.47, 0.93]. Ad-consistent beliefs. There were no significant effects of text on ad-consistent beliefs. Attitude ad. There was a main effect of text, such that in the manipulative (M = 4.30) condition the attitude was lower than in the non-manipulative (M = 5.03) condition. There was also a significant Music × Text interaction effect. In the manipulative condition, moving music (M = 3.93) led to a lower attitude than nonmoving music (M = 4.68), MD = -0.75, 95% CI [-1.38, -0.11]. There was no effect of music in the non-manipulative condition, MD = 0.14, 95% CI [-0.32, 0.60]. Attitude brand. There was a main effect of music, such that the attitude in the moving condition (M = 4.18) was lower than in the non-moving (M = 4.86), and a main effect of text, such that the attitude was lower in the manipulative condition (M = 4.00) than in the non-manipulative condition (M = 5.04). The interaction effect was not significant. Behavioral intentions. There was only a main effect of text, such that behavioral intentions were stronger in the non-manipulative (M = 3.77) than in the manipulative (M = 2.84) condition. Discussion

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The third experiment tested boundary effects of the effect of moving music on 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

behavioral intentions. As expected, although moving music increased transportation and physiological responses, it did not enhance behavioral intentions when the salience of manipulative intent was extremely low. Presumably, with inferences of manipulative intent being already at a minimum, there was no opportunity for moving music to further decrease them. Moving music was also ineffective when salience of manipulative intent was extremely high, presumably because this condition precluded transportation. The latter result may also explain why the proposed effect of moving music was not found in the positive ad condition of Experiment 2. The interpretation of these results and the relationship between the three experiments will be discussed further in the following section. General Discussion These three experiments tested the hypotheses that moving music increases transportation into audio-visual ads and reduces inferences of manipulative intent, in turn leading to increased behavioral intentions. The results of Experiment 1 showed that moving music increases transportation and several behavioral intentions. Specifically, moving music increased participants’ reported willingness to donate a part of their earned money to the promoted cause, and to forward the ad to 5 friends in order to raise awareness for the promoted cause. In contrast, moving music did not increase adconsistent beliefs, memory for the message or details of the ad, and even decreased brand recall. These effects were similar for ads with a positive and a negative emotional tone, which indicates that the effect can be generalized across ads conveying positive and negative emotions, and rules out classical conditioning as the underlying mechanism.


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Experiment 2 replicated the effect of moving music on transportation and 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

behavioral intentions. Additionally, it was shown that transportation reduces inferences of manipulative intent of the advertiser, which in turn mediated increases in behavioral intentions. Moving music reduced inferences of manipulative intent under baseline conditions and when the manipulative intent of the advertiser was made salient before viewing the ad. In contrast, moving music did not reduce inferences of manipulative intent when the manipulative intent of the advertiser was made salient after viewing the ad. These results indicate that being transported into the ad serves to reduce inferences of manipulative intent while viewing the ad, but does not serve as buffer against inferences of manipulation evoked after viewing the ad (Escalas, 2004a; Green & Brock, 2000). The results of Experiment 2 also illustrate the hypothesized dissociation between explicit attitudes on the one hand, and affective responses and behavioral intentions on the other hand. Moving music increased affective responses and behavioral intentions even when the salience of manipulative intent was high, but did not increase explicit attitudes under such circumstances. These results converge with previous findings that behavioral decisions are directly influenced by affective responses to advertising (Strick, Holland et al., 2010a, 2010b, 2012; Strick, van Baaren, et al., 2009; see also Loewenstein & Lerner, 2003) while explicit attitudes are based on cognitive reasoning (e.g., “This ad swept me away. However, the company is highly manipulative, so I will not let the ad change my opinion”). Note that this account of explicit attitude formation may also explain why attitudes and behavioral intentions did converge in Experiment 1. As the salience of manipulative intent was low in that experiment, cognitive reasoning likely led to a validation of the positive affective response to the ad, resulting in a positive explicit attitude.


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Unexpectedly, Experiment 2 found that moving music only reduced inferences of 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

manipulative intent in the negative ad condition, but not in the positive ad condition. We attributed this finding to the fact that the salience of manipulative intent was too high in the positive ad condition, which precluded transportation (see also the results of Experiment 3). However, another possible reason is that the positive ad had a for-profit target while the negative ad had a non-profit target. This explanation would be in line with new research on the emotion of awe, the pleasurable emotion that arises when one encounters something so dramatically vast that it rouses a need to update one’s mental schemas (Keltner & Haidt, 2003). Awe can be elicited, among other things, by great music and art and is often accompanied by chills experiences (Schurtz et al., 2012). Given the resemblance of moving music to the stimuli used in awe-research, it is possible that moving music evokes the emotion of awe. Interestingly, it has been shown that awe shifts consumer preferences to pro-social decisions (e.g., volunteering time to help a “worthy cause”, Rudd, Vohs, & Aaker, 2012). It is thus possible that moving music is more persuasive in advertising for non-profit causes than advertising for for-profit causes. This intriguing possibility has not been addressed in the current studies and may be investigated in future research. Experiment 3 illustrated that the persuasive effect of moving music has limitations. When the advertiser was presented as extremely manipulative, moving music failed to induce transportation and physiological responses, and in turn did not decrease inferences of manipulative intent. These results indicate that moving music backfires under extreme awareness of manipulative intent. On the other hand, music also failed to persuade when the advertiser was presented as extremely nonmanipulative, and, hence, inferences of manipulative intent could hardly be reduced further. These results indicate that moving music is more effective under moderate


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salience of manipulative intent than under extremely high or low salience of 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

manipulative intent. Finally, in all three experiments moving music did not alter adconsistent beliefs, which provides strong evidence that the persuasive effect of moving music is affect-based rather than based on cognitive reasoning. These finding give new insights into the effect of music in audio-visual advertising. Although the effects of music on advertising effects have been addressed in many previous studies, this is the first one to show that moving music increases transportation into narrative ads and thereby increases its persuasive effect. This finding is important because narrative ads (i.e., “film-like” ads that include characters, an action scene, a time frame, and a plot) represent a common ad form on TV and Internet. According to a content analysis, 22% to 64% of prime time TV ads have a narrative form (Escalas, 1998). Furthermore, these findings are relevant for marketing efforts embedded in narrative entertainment (e.g., soap series, cartoons, music videos). In the US, many prime-time TV shows, computer games, in-store videos, and even music videos feature product placements, and this industry is ever-expanding (Williams, Petrosky, Hernandez, & Page, 2011). These results suggest that by enhancing transportation into a story, moving music may temporarily suppress viewers’ tendency to think critically about the manipulative intent of the advertiser, thereby increasing their tendency to support the promoted cause or buy the promoted product. Most previous research on music in advertising investigated the potential role of music to enhance attention to the ad and brand as a function of the music’s fit with the advertising message (Allan, 2008). In contrast, this research investigated the role of music as an instrument to emotionally involve viewers in the narrative, which may overpower critical cognitive processing. Advertisers may be reluctant to overwhelm consumers, as it may harm the processing the message and brand name. However, the


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current study shows that it is beneficial to overwhelm consumers to some extent, as it 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

lowers critical thought and increases behavioral intentions. Behavioral intentions are arguably the most important advertising effect because the ultimate goal of most marketing efforts is to evoke behavior (e.g., to increase sales, donations, or political votes). Depending on the marketing goal, the advertiser may choose to use moving music and thereby increase behavioral intentions, even if this comes with shallower processing of the message and brand name. A limitation of this study is that it provided no direct evidence of the durability of the effect of music on behavioral intentions. In terms of the dual routes of the Elaboration Likelihood Model (ELM, Petty & Cacioppo, 1986), the observed effects would qualify as an example of persuasion through the peripheral route, which means that product preferences were formed on the basis of a product-irrelevant cue rather than elaboration on the brand’s true merit. The ELM predicts that preferences formed through the peripheral route are relatively short-lived and susceptible to later change. Indeed, it is possible that participants were still somewhat overwhelmed by the emotion in the ad when they indicated their behavioral intentions, and this effect may dissipate quickly. Future research needs to investigate how durable the effect of music on behavioral intentions is, and which advertising strategies could be implemented to prolong the effect. Interestingly, recent research Appel & Richter (2007) showed that persuasive effect of transportation into a story is stronger two weeks later than immediately after being presented with the story. The results were interpreted as a sleeper effect, which occurs when a persuasive message is combined with a discounting cue, for example information implying that the source is unreliable. People are usually not immediately persuaded by the message because of the discounting cue, but the influence of the


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message increases over time, for example because people forget about the discounting 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

cue or the cue is dissociated from the message. A recent meta-analyses on sleeper effects indicated that they are stronger when the discounting cue is presented after the message (Kumkale & Albarracin, 2004). This resembles the after condition in Experiment 2, where the manipulative text likely served as a discounting cue. Participants were likely initially transported by the moving ad, but did not report so because a discounting cue was presented immediately after viewing the ad. An interesting, yet untested, possibility is that moving music induces a sleeper effect. Again, it is up to future research to investigate this possibility. Across the three experiments moving music increased transportation, but did not influence ad-consistent beliefs. This contrasts previous research in this area that typically finds effects of transportation on story-consistent beliefs (e.g., Green & Brock, 2000; Costabile & Terman, 2013). Null-findings are difficult to interpret, and several explanations are possible. One possibility is that there was a problem in our measure of ad-consistent beliefs. We did not conduct any pre-test to determine the extent to which each belief was related to the ads, hence, it may be the case that the beliefs did not reflect the message conveyed by the ads very well. Another potential explanation is that the likelihood ratings (especially for the negative ad) and the agreement with the other ad-consistent statements were overall high, which led to a ceiling effect. Besides these methodological issues, it is also possible that the null-effect is genuine, that is, moving music truly affects transportation without changing ad-consistent beliefs. This would be consistent with the finding that music did not affect any other cognitive variable (e.g., memory, explicit attitudes). Transportation is a multifaceted concept that includes a cognitive component (i.e., thinking of ways the narrative will end) and an emotional component (i.e., being affected emotionally by the story). It may be the case that moving


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music affected the emotional component, but not the cognitive component of 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

transportation. Practical implications of the findings Moving music enhances transportation into an ad’s narrative, which reduces awareness of manipulative intent and increases behavioral intentions, but it does not enhance recall, beliefs, or attitudes. These results imply that moving music is useful when the advertiser expects the ad to raise some resistance, for example when interrupting a popular TV show or targeting a critical audience. Moreover, music may help when advertising aims to affect behavior directly, for example when it aims to evoke immediate donations or voting for a particular candidate (e.g., in a political or song contest). Moving music should not be used while communicating a complex advertising message, as it appears to disrupt attention and critical processing. Moreover, moving music may not be suitable for ad campaigns that aim to evoke word of mouth, as it harms rather than enhances brand and message recall. It is important to note that these studies only examined behavioral intentions, but no actual purchase or donation behavior. Thus, before drawing strong conclusions about behavioral effects, follow-up studies need to test the effect of moving music on actual behavior, preferably in a real life setting. To conclude, this research highlights the power of moving music to draw viewers into the ad’s story, suppress critical thoughts about manipulative intent, and increase behavioral intentions to comply. Moving music does not increase memory performance, beliefs, or explicit attitudes, hence should not be used to accompany a complex advertising message with the aim of eliciting elaborate processing. Moreover, the effect of moving music depends on a moderate level of salience of manipulative intent. Moving music is ineffective and may even backfire when salience of manipulative intent is either

Running head: MOVING MUSIC AND TRANSPORTATION extremely low or high. When employed the right way, however, moving music 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

constitutes a valuable tool for advertisers to increase emotional engagement with narrative advertising, which immediate increases viewers’ willingness to support the promoted cause.

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Running head: MOVING MUSIC AND TRANSPORTATION Table 1 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

Combinations of Ads and Music in Each Cell of the 2(Music: Moving or Non-Moving) × 2(Ad: Positive or Negative) Design Music

Positive

Moving

Non-Moving

Ad: Pfizer

Ad: Pfizer

Music: Down by the Riverside

Music: Always like this

Ad: Child Friendly

Ad: Child Friendly

Music: The Funeral

Music: Attack el Robot

Ad Negative

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Manipulation Check Ratings in the Music Conditions and Ad Conditions of Experiment 1 Music Conditions

Beautiful Annoying Positive Negative Emotional Moving Touching Goosebumps Able to follow Message Credible

MMoving (95% CI) 5.86 (5.53, 6.19) 1.76 (1.46, 2.07) 4.94 (4.53, 5.35) 2.89 (2.46, 3.31) 5.73 (5.39, 6.07) 5.76 (5.41, 6.10) 5.24 (4.83, 5.65) 3.62 (3.07, 4.17) 5.56 (5.17, 5.95) 5.99 (5.62, 6.36) 5.25 (4.86, 5.64)

MNon-Moving (95% CI) 5.14 (4.82, 5.46) 2.56 (2.26, 2.86) 4.88 (4.48, 5.28) 3.12 (2.71, 3.54) 5.05 (4.72, 5.39) 4.95 (4.61, 5.29) 4.69 (4.28, 5.09) 2.68 (2.15, 3.22) 5.56 (5.16, 5.97) 6.19 (5.83, 6.55) 4.83 (4.45, 5.22)

Ad Conditions MD (95% CI) 0.72 (0.23, 1.22)** -0.80 (-1.24, -0.36)** 0.06 (-0.59, 0.71) -0.23 (-0.91, 0.45) 0.68 (0.19, 1.17)** 0.81 (0.32, 1.30)** 0.55 (-0.06, 1.16)† 0.94 (0.18, 1.70)* 0.01 (-0.57, 0.59) -0.20 (-0.73, 0.33) 0.42 (-0.12, 0.96)

MPositive (95% CI) 5.96 (5.64, 6.28) 1.82 (1.52, 2.12) 5.66 (5.26, 6.06) 2.19 (1.77, 2.60) 5.71 (5.37, 6.04) 5.52 (5.18, 5.86) 5.45 (5.05, 5.85) 3.16 (2.63, 3.70) 5.21 (4.82, 5.60) 5.82 (5.46, 6.18) 4.88 (4.50, 5.26)

MNegative (95% CI) 5.03 (4.70, 5.36) 2.50 (2.20, 2.81) 4.16 (3.75, 4.57) 3.82 (3.40, 4.25) 5.08 (4.73, 5.42) 5.19 (4.84, 5.54) 4.48 (4.07, 4.89) 3.14 (2,59, 3.69) 5.91 (5.51, 6.32) 6.36 (5.99, 6.73) 5.21 (4.81, 5.60)

MD (95% CI) 0.94 (0.46, 1.42)** -0.68 (-1.14, -0.22)** 1.50 (0.91, 2.08)** -1.63 (-2.23, -1.03)** 0.63 (0.12, 1.14)* 0.33 (-0.18, 0.84) 0.98 (0.39, 1.57)** 0.02 (-0.76, 0.80) -0.70 (-1.25, -0.15)* -0.53 (-1.04, -0.02)* -0.33 (-0.81, 0.15)

** p < .01 * p < .05 † 0.5 < p < .10 Note: MD refers to the difference between condition means. Music × Ad interactions are not reported because they were non-significant for all ratings.


Univariate ANOVA and Chi-square Results of Experiment 1 ANOVAS Transportation Transportation Memory Message Recall Brand Recall Recognition Detail 1 Recognition Detail 2 Ad-consistent beliefs Likelihood Daily Likelihood Self Statements Adverse Responses Critical1 Sceptic1 Resistance1

MMoving (95% CI)

MNon-Moving (95% CI)

F-value

p2

4.74 (4.51, 4.98)

4.32 (4.09, 4.55)

6.37*

.068

2.50 (2.32, 2.67) 1.18 (1.00, 1.36) 1.09 (0.99, 1.18) 1.64 (1.52, 1.76)

2.68 (2.51, 2.85) 1.58 (1.40, 1.75) 1.15 (1.05, 1.24) 1.57 (1.45, 1.69)

2.32

.026

9.87**

.101

0.78

.009

0.62

.007

4.95 (4.61, 5.29) 4.74 (4.33, 5.15) 5.85 (5.67, 6.03)

4.56 (4.22, 4.89) 4.52 (4.12, 4.92) 5.83 (5.65, 6.00)

2.75

.030

0.59

.007

0.03

.000

3.55 (3.12, 3.99) 3.66 (3.16, 4.17) 3.48 (3.07, 3.90)

3.91 (3.49, 4.34) 3.78 (3.29, 4.28) 4.08 (3.68, 4.49)

1.40

.016

0.12

.001

4.16*

.045

5.09 (4.75, 5.43)

4.16 (3.82, 4.49)

15.27**

.148

0.87 (0.66, 1.09) 4.11 (3.53, 4.68) 3.57 (3.01, 4.13) Moving

0.66 (0.45, 0.88) 3.11 (2.55, 3.68) 3.36 (2.81, 3.91) Non-Moving

1.94

.022

5.96*

.063

0.29

.003

62.2% (47.6, 74.9)

63.8% (49.5, 76.0)

0.03

71.1% (56.6, 82.3)

50.0% (35.8, 64.2)

4.16*

Attitudes Attitude Ad1 Behavioral Intentions Donate Money Amount Forward Clip1 Educate1 CHI-SQUARE TESTS Memory Recognition Logo Behavioral Intentions Donate Money Yes

χ2

** p < .01 * p < .05 † .05 < p < .10 1 Scores were reversed so that higher means represent higher amounts of the respective variable (e.g., more critical of the ad, higher evaluation of the ad, more willing to forward clip, etc.). Note: Music × Ad interactions are not reported because they were non-significant for all dependent variables.

51

52


Univariate ANOVA Results of Experiment 2 Dependent Variable

Value

Music

Ad

Text

Text ×

Ad ×

Music

Text × Music

Transportation

Inferences of manipulative intent

Pers. Associations Events

Pers. Associations Music

Physiological Resp.

Likelihood Daily

Likelihood Self

Attitude Ad

Attitude Brand

Self-Brand Connections

Behavioral Intentions

F

4.98*

4.52*

1.86

1.87

1.44

p2

.036

.033

.027

.027

.021

F

0.37

0.12

7.39**

3.85*

3.84*

p2

.003

.001

.100

.055

.055

F

2.41

2.22

0.10

2.00

3.11*

p2

.018

.016

.002

.029

.045

F

1.82

11.40**

0.04

2.48

0.49

p2

.014

.079

.001

.036

.007

F

9.32**

0.19

0.71

0.22

1.81

p2

.065

.001

.011

.003

.026

F

0.71

25.55**

0.28

5.64*

3.10*

p2

.005

.161

.004

.078

.044

F

0.06

4.67*

4.88**

0.15

1.93

p2

.000

.034

.068

.002

.028

F

2.26

20.95**

6.25**

1.20

2.17

p2

.017

.136

.086

.018

.032

F

0.04

3.71†

7.37**

1.82

0.69

p2

.000

.027

.100

.027

.010

F

0.08

3.7 †

0.41

0.94

3.90*

p2

.001

.028

.006

.014

.055

F

1.16

0.02

0.51

3.45*

1.70

p2

.009

.000

.008

.049

.025

** p < .01 * p < .05 † .05 < p < .10 Note: Text × Ad and Music x Ad interactions are not reported because they were non-significant for all dependent variables.


Univariate ANOVA Results of Experiment 3 Dependent Variable Transportation

Inferences of manipulative intent

Physiological Responses

Ad-consistent beliefs

Attitude Ad

Attitude Brand

Behavioral Intentions

** p < .01 * p < .05 † .05 < p

Value

Text

Music

Text x Music

F

11.72**

0.06

4.26*

p2

.082

.000

.032

F

16.59**

3.89†

3.60†

p2

.112

.029

.027

F

3.10†

9.23**

4.09*

p2

.023

.066

.030

F

2.91†

1.41

0.55

p2

.022

.011

.004

F

14.50**

2.51

5.38*

p2

.100

.019

.039

F

23.81**

10.15**

0.85

p2

.154

.072

.006

F

15.24**

0.00

0.37

p2

.104

.000

.003

53

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

Figure 1. Hypothesized causal relations between moving music, transportation, inferences of manipulative intent, and behavioral intentions.

Inferences of Manipulative Intent (IMI) Range 1-7

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

4.0 3.5 3.0

2.5 2.0

Moving Music

1.5

Non-Moving Music

1.0 0.5 0.0 Control

Before Text Condition

After

Figure 2. Mean inferences of manipulative intent for each text and music condition in Experiment 2. The error bars represent 95% confidence intervals of the means.

6 5 Behavioral Intentions Range 1-7

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

4 3

Moving Music Non-Moving Music

2 1 0 Control

Before Text Condition

After

Figure 3. Mean behavioral intention scores for each text and music condition in Experiment 2. The error bars represent 95% confidence intervals of the means.

APPENDIX A - Manipulative texts used in Experiment 2 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

Note: the original texts used for the experiments were in Dutch. Rhetorical questions are highlighted in bold for this appendix, but were not highlighted in the experiment.

Positive ad:

Pfizer – more than medicine Pfizer is a committed and humane pharmaceutical organization. How often do you come across a pharmaceutical organization that is sincerely committed to society and has an eye for the well-being and health of all people? Innovation is central to the ideology of Pfizer. Scientists all over the world work on the development of new medication that contributes to the life improvement for all people, young and old. At Pfizer we are dedicated to apply knowledge and resources to improve the health of people in every stage of life. Don’t you find it important that knowledge about health is applied to society? To Pfizer, it is not only about selling medicine. Social support is equally important to recovery as medication. Imagine, how would you feel without the assistance of your loved ones? Pfizer thinks that taking care of patients goes beyond medicine. Don’t you agree that patients are not only helped by medicine, but also by the support of friends and family?

Negative ad:

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

Child Friendly – make your influence positive Child Friendly is a committed and humane organization that specializes in healthy baby and child nutrition. How often do you come across a distributor of baby and child nutrition that is sincerely committed to society and has an eye for the wellbeing and health of children? The first years of life have a great influence on later development. Good nutrition in the first life years improves health of a child, now and at a later age. Child Friendly provides a wholesome basis. At Child Friendly we are dedicated to apply knowledge and resources to improve the health of children, now and in later stages of life. Don’t you think it is important that children receive healthy nutrition from their parents? To Child Friendly, giving the good example is central. When parents set the wrong example fort heir children, chances are high that they copy their unhealthy patterns. And wouldn’t you agree that everybody wishes for a child to have a good life? Child Friendly thinks that all children deserve a good start. Don’t you agree that children should be able to grow up with a positive influence of their parents and environment?

APPENDIX B - Texts used in Experiment 3 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

Note: Key modifications to the text of Experiment to are highlighted in bold for this appendix, but were not highlighted in the experiment.

Manipulative condition:

Child Friendly – make your influence positive Child Friendly is a distributor of healthy baby and child nutrition with a commercial aim. How often do you come across a commercial distributor of baby and child nutrition that is sincerely committed to society and has an eye for the well-being and health of children? The first years of life have a great influence on later development. Good nutrition in the first life years improves health of a child, now and at a later age. Child Friendly provides a wholesome basis. At Child Friendly we are dedicated to apply knowledge and resources to improve the health of children, now and in later stages of life. Don’t you think it is important that children receive healthy nutrition from their parents? To Child Friendly, giving the good example is central. When parents set the wrong example fort heir children, chances are high that they copy their unhealthy patterns. And wouldn’t you agree that everybody wishes for a child to have a good life? Child Friendly thinks that all children deserve a good start. Don’t you agree that children should be able to grow up with a positive influence of their parents and environment?

Non-manipulative condition: 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65

Child Friendly – cares for children Child Friendly is a foundation whose efforts are aimed at improving the upbringing, education, nourishment, and care for children in risk areas around the world. It is an organization that is sincerely committed to society and has an eye for the well-being and health of children all around the world. The first years of life have a great influence on later development. Good nutrition in the first life years improves health of a child. Child Friendly thinks that every child deserves a wholesome basis. Child Friendly is dedicated to apply knowledge and resources to improve the health of children, now and in later stages of life. It is important that children are taught healthy eating habits from their parents. To Child Friendly, giving the good example is central. When parents set the wrong example fort heir children, chances are high that they copy their unhealthy patterns later. It is more difficult to break of a bad habit later in life. Child Friendly thinks that all children deserve a good start. The aim of the many volunteers around the world is to let each child grow up with the positive influence of their parents and environment.

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