Journal of Qualitative Research in Sports Studies

Published by: Sport and Wellbeing Press University of Central Lancashire, Preston, UK.

Journal of Qualitative Research in Sports Studies Volume 12, Issue 1, December 2018 Marvel, machine or malnourished: exploring the sociology of the body in Women’s Artistic Gymnastics

ISSN: ISBN: JQRSS Article No:

1

Megan Frogley (Frederick Bremer Secondary School, London)

2

Emily Oliver (Durham University)

3

Clive Palmer (University of Central Lancashire)

1754-2375 978-0-9955744-3-4 (386 pages) 9/16-12-1-2018-UG3[32]-119

To cite this article: Frogley, M., Oliver, E. and Palmer, C. (2018) Marvel, machine or malnourished: exploring the sociology of the body in Women’s Artistic Gymnastics. Journal of Qualitative Research in Sports Studies, 12, 1, 235-262.

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Frogley, M., Oliver, E. and Palmer, C. (2018) Marvel, machine or malnourished: exploring the sociology of the body in Women’s Artistic Gymnastics. Journal of Qualitative Research in Sports Studies, 12, 1, 235-262

Marvel, machine or malnourished: exploring the sociology of the body in Women’s Artistic Gymnastics Megan Frogley1 Emily Oliver2 and Clive Palmer3 (Frederick Bremer Secondary School, Walthamstow, London1) (Durham University2) (University of Central Lancashire3) Keywords: Women’s Artistic Gymnastics, coaching, injury, illness, performance

Abstract Women’s Artistic Gymnastics (WAG) requires its participants to perform acrobatic feats of aesthetic actions across four disciplines of apparatus: balance beam, asymmetric bars, vault, and the floor exercise. From the promotion of demure grace in the 1950s, to the acrobatic, youthful slimness of the 1970s and now the 21st century battle of muscular versus petite, WAG has seen many changes regarding representations of the successful female athletic body and associated coaching style and evaluation foci. The aim of this research was to explore the characteristics and practices of the modern gymnastics subculture, its apparent obsession with perfection and the place of the body within it. 7 exgymnasts were interviewed, who were female, between 16-25 years old, and had competed at club level or higher in WAG for a registered British Gymnastics Club. 7 key themes emerged during analysis: body culture, disordered eating, gymnastics culture and practice, the pressures of elite, searching for perfection, social network and tough love. It was discovered that most participants had a positive body image, however the influence of coaches, peers and judges on the gymnasts’ perception of their bodies was evident. Practices such as weighing, competition pressure, team control and performing in pain, arose as potentially damaging to the body and one’s attitude towards it. Results indicate a need for a more grounded qualitative research to inform coach education in British Gymnastics, and the NHS, about the prevalence of eating disorders in elite / high performance (young) gymnasts and to understand the pressures in gymnastics subculture.

Introduction ‘Perhaps more than any other sport, gymnastics demands perfection’ (Nadia Comaneci, 2012). As Hughes and Coakley (1991) suggest, gymnastics makes a unique case study through its dedication to a sport ethic of accepting no limits and sacrificing the body for the benefit of sporting performance. Gymnastics also has broader sociological significance due to its Olympic popularity, the sport becoming a 235 ISSN: 1754-2375 [print] JQRSS Article No: 9/16-12-1-2018-UG3[32]-119 Web: https://uclan.academia.edu/ClivePalmer/Journal-of-Qualitative-Research-in-Sports-Studies

Journal of Qualitative Research in Sports Studies 12, 1

platform for countries to demonstrate their power or global position (Girginov, 1998). The 1976 Olympics marked a turning point in Women’s Artistic Gymnastics (WAG) when under the FIG WAG Code of Points (Fédération Internationale De Gymnastique) the first ever perfect 10.00 was awarded to Nadia Comaneci (Romania) which set new expectations of feminine elegance and artistry as well as higher technical difficulty and precision in performance. Nadia Comaneci became a world celebrity, proof that her coach, Bela Karolyi’s punishing and some say, abusive training methods (Ryan, 1995) created champions. Whatever the view, dominant subcultural ideas about what might be acceptable practice to achieve Olympic success were influenced from this point onwards. They produced the perfect routine, confirming the perfect aesthetics of her 14-year-old body, her talent spotted at the meagre age of 6 years old. Notions of perfection underpin the sport and its subculture; gymnastics’ search for beauty of movement and the concept of perfection seem almost synonymous (Korbut and Emmerson-White, 1992). The influence of performances by Nadia Comaneci and Olga Korbut certainly drove one direction of progress in gymnastics, but were changes for the better? The sport’s identity seems juxtaposed; it judges the appearance of the gymnastic body measured against its physical capability. And with cyclical changes in the FIG Code of Points (being revised every Olympic cycle) there are constant increases in difficulty, execution and artistry demands, all vying for recognition to define the ‘perfect’ performance. Gymnastics is considered to be one of the big four Olympic sports, alongside athletics, swimming and diving (Cohen, 2013). The Active People Survey (APS) showed in 2013 that 45,500 over 16s took part in gymnastics at least once a week (Sport England, 2013). The Department of Culture, Media and Sport’s (DCMS) Annual Child and Adult Report (2012) indicated that for both genders, gymnastics is the 5th most popular sport participated in free time by 5-10 year olds and the 3rd most popular by 11-15 year olds. Regular participation coupled with high Olympic status indicates that gymnastics and thus its culture, values and practices have a significant influence over its audience which primarily consists of young girls of impressionable age (Cohen, 2013). Yinger (1960:626) was one of the first to connect subculture to sport, defining it as the way groups ‘differ in such things as language, values, religion, diet, and style of life from the larger social world of which they are a part’. Studying subcultures enables researchers to understand sport’s place within wider society. In the case of Women’s Artistic Gymnastics, subcultural pressures and the reproduction of certain values have had a profound effect on how female gymnasts identify with their bodies. Gymnasts’ bodies are the subject of constant judgement and surveillance, being compared with the perceived subcultural requirements (Patton, 2001). Aesthetic sports place an emphasis upon perfection or ideals in performance style and thus, the gymnastic body is continuously monitored by its subcultural members; 236

Megan Frogley, Emily Oliver and Clive Palmer

e.g. judges for scoring. This evaluative focus on the body is common in other arenas such as bodybuilding, however it is a logical assumption that if a gymnast does not score highly for execution and difficulty, they are falling short of some ideal. This can have a damaging effect on athletes’ self-worth (Warriner and Lavallee, 2008); their notions of femininity (Krane et al, 2004); body image (Markula, 1995); approach to discipline and pain (Barker-Ruchti and Tinning, 2010) and attitudes to wider health habits, physical and psychological (Krentz and Warschburger, 2011), all of which influence gymnasts’ attitudes towards their bodies inside and outside of the sport. Female athletes are in a controversial paradox of athleticism and femininity (Chisholm, 2002). The typical elite gymnastics career spans from 5 to 18 years; a turbulent time in terms of childhood development and maturity (Manning, 2012). To be successful in modern gymnastics, girls often delay changes to their body, for example, female gymnasts tend to be smaller than average (Baxter-Jones and Maffulli, 2002). Female gymnasts tend to develop a more androgynous look due to training and focus on weight control, whereas boys excel as they come into maturity which is accompanied by the development of muscle density and strength, which is desirable for successful performance on male apparatus (Ryan, 1995). All sportswomen, Krane (2001:116) argues, ‘tread a fine line of acceptable femininity’. In this sense, the modern female body questions the perceived gender-appropriateness of the sport. Gymnasts may either look child-like or appear too muscular. Studying gymnasts who attracted unprecedented media attention, such as Shannon Miller, shows the important role of gymnastics in raising the profile of women’s sport. This study will investigate whether tentative changes toward healthier gymnastics have filtered down to a grass-roots level of gymnastics subculture. By interviewing non-Olympic gymnasts, who do not have the same level of pressure from the media or their coaches to perform, but do have aspirations and pictures of what the ideal gymnast may be in their heads, an understanding of how female gymnasts relate to their bodies as women and as athletes may be gleaned. Literature Review: subcultural theory: outline and criticisms Subcultural theory is formed on the basis of shared values; that is, a subculture has values that deviate from the dominant culture, but unlike countercultures, do not reject societal values completely (Crosset and Beal, 1997). Subcultures are formed by processes of socialisation and are rooted in symbolic interactionism (Donnelly, 1993). A subculture is defined by Donnelly and Young (1988:223) as involving a ‘deliberate act of identity construction’. The young girl consciously subscribes to the subculture of her sport until she identifies as and becomes a ‘gymnast’ and all this entails. Clarke et al. (1976) postulate that subculture is a subversion of ‘normalcy’ and that subcultures bring together like-minded individuals; language, practice and 237


mannerisms which are all factors showing membership and together, they produce a subcultural attitude. Attitudes form directly as a result of experience and attitude formation can be comprised of 3 components; emotional, i.e. how their body makes them feel; cognitive, their thoughts and beliefs about the gymnastic body; and behavioural, how attitude influences behaviour such as eating habits (Smith and Mackie, 2007). Arguably, sport has been neglected in regards to subcultural theory. Sports sociologists rarely link their work with sport subculture save for forays into football fandom (Atkinson and Wilson, 2002). The gymnastics subculture has been largely overlooked by existing literature, which according to Wheaton (2007:285) has ‘focused more on lifestyle sport subcultures such as skateboarding’. By studying the subcultural behaviours of young female gymnasts, this research answers feminist criticism that females have been ignored in the study of subcultures. To discuss subcultural theory, current understandings of the gymnastics subculture must first be identified. The gymnastics subculture, whilst it may share some characteristics with classical dance (Bolt, 2016), has a distinct set of identifiable characteristics. Hairspray and sparkly leotards are stereotypical ideas associated with gymnastics. However, other concepts such as muscularity, discipline and abuse could also be used to describe the sport (Barker-Ruchti and Tinning, 2010). Popular media form one understanding of this subculture from the outside looking in; its dominant values and its expectations. For example, motion pictures such as Stick it (2006) affirm notions of the subculture - ‘Elite gymnastics is like, the navy seals only harder… they’re lookin’ for perfection’. Subcultural theories have come under ‘sustained critical attack’ (Wheaton, 2007: 283) in the work by Crosset and Beal (1997), Bennett (1999) and Muggleton (2000). A main flaw for using subcultural theories is the fragmentation of mainstream culture (Wheaton, 2007). Crosset and Beal (1997) argue that subculture has lost its explanatory power due to this fragmentation and instead coin the term ‘subworld’. Bennett (1999) criticises post-modern subcultural theory, stating that it lacks substance and focuses overly on a Mertonian individual adaptation which ignores the collective identity, meaning it has a weak understanding of the group context. However, this post-modern consideration of broader subcultural theory will be applied, as Wheaton (2007) suggests, it would be more useful to compare the gymnastics subculture to dominant sport culture, rather than to mainstream society in general. Identity and the body To understand female gymnasts’ relationship with their bodies, it is necessary to consider how the body is understood more generally. A Foucauldian perspective would be that the body is controlled through surveillance and discipline (Markula, 2003; Barker-Ruchti and Tinning, 2010). The sporting body has been described by Messner (1988:95) as ‘machines’ and ‘weapons’, and by Balsamo (1996:12) as 238


‘gendered’. Bodies are used as symbols for the intangible concept of perfection; a common value in the global sporting-society is the pursuit of excellence, a seemingly admirable goal, in a society where mediocrity may be worse than failure (Bolt, 2016). Cole (1993) argues that the body is complex and that it can take on a classification or description, that sport produces ‘multiple bodies’ (pp. 78). She explains that bodies act as visual representations of differences and are how we identify each other; bodies can be ‘raced, sexed, classed, heterosexualised… prosthetic, cyborg’ (pp. 78). Bodies can be shaped, disciplined and mistreated; the idea of the perfect or ideal body is often mentioned in social life. However, Markula (2001:158) suggests that these concepts are unobtainable and results in body image distortion. Therberge (2008) found that high performance athletes considered their body as an object. Constant surveillance of the body, in an effort to purge any impurities (Cole, 1993:77) occurs in elite sport and in social life, as some women may seek the ideal body (Markula, 2001). Years of training and self-monitoring could have serious effects on gymnasts’ post-career when gymnastics is no longer their life’s focal point (Warriner and Lavallee, 2008). Consequently, body maintenance has become an integral part of modern consumer culture, which bleeds into the cultures of sport. Markula (1995) examines the aerobicized female body and states ‘to look attractive in this society, the majority of us have to engage in activities, including exercising, to mask or alter our body shapes’ (pp. 425). Do gymnasts have to alter their body shape to fulfil the expected aesthetics of their sport, and would these changes make them a better or worse gymnast? The strong evaluative element of gymnastics culture in which minute problems are identified is reminiscent of the concept of dehumanisation in elite sport culture. Dehumanisation typically refers to the use of technology in sport, such as performance enhancing drugs and their effect on the body (Miah, 2006). In this research, it relates to the machine-like tendency of the gymnastic body as a result of a cycle of evaluation, conditioning, and precision. Todres et al. (2009) highlight 8 forms of dehumanisation, the most relevant to gymnastics being objectification, homogenisation, and the reductionist body. Dehumanisation can be experienced as a result of sports science, analysis of performance and the mechanistic structure of elite cultures, perceiving the body as a project to be enhanced, common in sports such as bodybuilding (Patton, 2001). Dehumanisation of the body in this sense relates to the feeling of detachment from one’s body, using it as a project, tool, or means to an end. According to Martin et al. (2014:98) athletic identity is ‘the degree to which an individual thinks and feels like an athlete’. Whilst gymnasts may live for their sport and fully identify as a gymnast, the nature of judging artistry and expression means they potentially have multiple identities. Where classical dance is celebrated for inclusion of personality, this part of a gymnast may never be formally accounted for by the judges due to strict interpretation of the Code of Points. Although recent 239


changes have seen a bonus of 2 marks for choreography and musicality, the focus of gymnastics lies in precision in the performance of gymnastic skills. This narrow focus of what gets scored in a gymnastic performance may cause confusion when so much is expected from their attitude towards their body, especially if they are not successful. Environmental alterations contribute to identity changes, meaning that the gymnastics subculture, its dominant values and relationship with the sport ethic influence the identities of its characteristically young members; adolescence is a turbulent stage in life during which individuals form a true self-identity (Hughes and Coakley, 1991; Chickering, 1969). Further, gymnasts’ failure to develop an identity outside of sport and their premature internalisation of the sport ethic can make it difficult for them when outside the gymnastics environment (Kerr and Dacyshyn, 2000). These post-modern beliefs are used within Goffman’s theory of identity which observed ‘social interaction and the production of self’ based on the social context of the individual (Elliott, 2007:37-38). Coaches influence the environment in which gymnasts train and their job is to constantly evaluate gymnasts’ bodies for mistakes which require correction. Shannon Miller’s Coach, Steve Nunno, bullied and over-trained his gymnasts, treating them like they were disposable (Ryan, 1995). The impact on the gymnasts’ identity and body in a weight-focused and pressured environment was severe. An ex-gymnast of Rick Newman’s stated, ‘if somebody tells you something so many times, you’re going to believe it’ (Ryan 1995:218). Her athletic identity was challenged by the negative comments she received from coaches, which left her feeling isolated for not displaying the competency required to form athletic identity (Elliot, 2007). Coaches are allowed to live vicariously through their gymnasts’ successes. This win at all costs attitude is not unique to aesthetic sports (McCombs and Palmer, 2008), but ‘few sports apply it so bluntly on athletes so young’ (Ryan 1995:218). Several factors can influence a gymnast’s athletic identity, which in turn affect how they feel about their body as a young person. The feminine sporting body Femininity is a ‘socially constructed standard for women’s appearance, demeanour and values’ (Krane et al., 2004:316). Hegemonic masculinity is the norm in sport culture and often comes hand in hand with emphasised femininity, influencing the objectification of sportswomen (Connell, 1987). Representations of the body in social life e.g. media images, influence what forms of masculinity and femininity are socially acceptable; these fluid forms of gender are concomitant with attractiveness and sexuality (Aitchison, 2007). Rowe et al., (2000) explain the dissonance that exists in the highly-gendered world of sport, in that ‘the presence of physically powerful female bodies poses a threat to hegemonic masculinity’, which encourages ‘attempts by men to contain women’s aspirations and resistance’ (pp. 247). Those sports which 240


do not challenge hegemonic ideals are viewed as feminine-appropriate. Hypergendered distinctions exist in gymnastics in regards to body shape. Generally speaking, the male gymnastic body confirms to traditional ideas of masculinity and strength (Ermoloff, 2009). However, females tend to come in two broad variations: possessing wide shoulders and narrow hips or having a ‘child-like’ body. The desirable body type of a gymnast is directly related to changes in the Code of Points and how skills on various apparatus are valued (Richards, 2013). Gymnastics is in a quandary; the new Code of Points demands higher difficulty and acrobatics from competitors and rewards less for superior execution or artistry, a concept considered traditionally feminine (Ryan, 1995). Female gymnasts balance perceptions of masculine athleticism with feminine appearance, considering that women’s gymnastics now shares the power and physical requirements of men’s gymnastics (Krane, 2001). Messner (1988:197) argues female athletes are considered ‘contested ideological terrain’, though the muscle gap representing inequality between genders has narrowed since his publication. This view is reflected in Halberstam’s (1998) ideas of ‘female masculinity’ and muscular femininity, which explain how female masculinity is rejected as a mere imitation of male masculinity, seen as ‘the real thing’ (1998:1). The concepts of femininity and athleticism seem incompatible. Even with changes in technical difficulty and adjustments to scoring criteria, gymnastics attracts the label of a feminine-appropriate sport, which arguably rejects the concept of a female-athlete paradox (Jones et al., 1999). Male gymnasts can be ridiculed for their choice of sport similar to male ballet dancers. Despite the obvious physical demands and superior physiques, these sports are easily ‘othered’ by the majority of men, deemed to be inconsistent with dominant masculine ideology (Connell, 1987; Griffin, 1993). Female appropriate sports should ‘emphasize beauty whilst discouraging physicality’ (Jones et al., 1999:184). The increase in difficulty of modern gymnastics, contradicts these initial impressions. However, there are constant influences on gymnastics to remain in gendered criteria, such as the London 2012 gymnastics arena being entirely pink (Klein, 2012). This paradox leaves gymnastics in a unique position. Originally established firmly within the bounds of traditional femininity, gymnastics now includes male competitors and both sexes perform powerful and spectacular feats of movement. These attributes are traditionally considered to be masculine and women who are viewed as muscular are not perceived as real women (Griffin, 1993). However, gymnastics can also be considered unique in that it combines society’s impressions of masculinity and femininity. With subjective aesthetics at the centre of the sport’s ethos, Klein (2012) argues that ‘it’s a feminine idea applied to the masculine concept of athleticism, and it just doesn’t fit with these stereotypical views’. Thus, although gymnastics is viewed

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as feminine-appropriate, it can also be considered subject to the female-athlete paradox found in muscular femininity (Halberstam, 1998). Women’s gymnastics and the unhealthy female body Some practices in gymnastics e.g. weight control, can be perceived as unhealthy to the body (Ryan, 1995). Barker-Ruchti and Tinning (2010:230) used Foucault to suggest that gymnasts’ bodies were ‘governed by disciplinary power’, which can be beneficial as it teaches self-control, maximises training efficiency and to an extent, prepares the athlete for the highly competitive world of elite sport. However, when coupled with a need to win and body evaluation, discipline can have negative, longlasting effects (Ryan, 1995). Discipline, encapsulated by the motion picture Stick it (2006) can result in the unhealthy physical treatment of the body. This maltreatment threatens the gymnast’s emotional wellbeing, driven by feelings of low self-worth either from injury (Green and Weinberg, 2001; Wiese-Bjornstal et al., 1998) or from negative perception of body image (De Bruin et al., 2011) as they strive to achieve their goals and fulfil expectations by any means necessary. The body is intrinsically connected to self-confidence (Mahoney and Avener, 1977). The gymnastics subculture, with its typically slender participants can be an environment which adversely affects confidence. The case of Rick Newman (coach) and Danielle Herbst (gymnast) shows how comments of a negative nature affected Danielle’s self-confidence when he called her ‘a fat imbecile… no good and worthless’ (Ryan, 1995:216). These insults emerged from the demanding training environment, created by her coaches to fulfil the needs of their sport in a way that they believed would achieve the best results. Body image is the mental image a person has of their physical appearance, and any positive or negative feelings they have about body size or shape (Rosen, 1995). Self-confidence plays an important role in the development of body image; sport can reduce confidence as easily as it can build it, and the erosion of self-esteem is central in the development of more serious disorders (Bettle et al., 2001). Eating disorders and unhealthy behaviours can be closely linked to attitudes of perfectionism, they are prevalent in elite sport because competitive sport reinforces characteristics of obsessive behaviour and control of physique (Ludwig, 1996). Athletes are more likely to suffer from eating disorders than the general population due to the ‘sociocultural pressure for thinness’ from peers and staff, and ‘athletic performance anxiety’ (Williamson et al., 1995:387). Although it is not the gymnasts’ physique that is judged, unlike body-building, the exposure of a young performer competing alone dressed in a revealing leotard may provide a stimulus for anxiety (Rosen, 1992). Concepts of perfectionism are present in elite gymnastics, thus eating disorders are especially prevalent in aesthetic sport subcultures, as seen in the 1992 survey by the National Collegiate Athletics Association (NCAA) (Cintado, 2012). It found that 242


51% of gymnastics programmes reported eating disorders among its team members, significantly higher than in any other sport (Johnson et al., 1999). Prevalence of disorders, such as anorexia or bulimia nervosa, seems to be higher in women than men as the NCAA survey found that ‘93% of the programmes reporting eating disorders were in women’s sports’ (Noden, 1994). Gymnastics is more susceptible to these disorders than in other sports, possibly due to shared behaviours with elite dance, another known arena in which eating disorders are common (Ravaldi et al., 2003). Over-conformity may explain these deviant and damaging behaviours in gymnastics, albeit in a small percentage of elites when considered through a wider lens (Hughes and Coakley, 1991). Overconforming to the ‘sport ethic’ leads to once beneficial behaviours becoming deviant behaviours, especially as young gymnasts have not yet developed a normal fear response (Karges, 2012). For instance, in sport, there is a ‘subcultural tendency to normalize pain’ (Collinson, 2005:226) when the body is viewed as a machine to be used and adjusted; children are taught from a young age by members of their subculture; athletic role models and coaches, that is ‘ok’ to train and compete with injury or discomfort (Malcolm, 2006). Athletes in sports which emphasise leanness for performance, such as long distance runners or divers, are at higher risk of developing eating disorders than in other sports (Sungot-Borgen and Torstveit, 2004). Famous gymnasts Kathy Johnson and Nadia Comaneci, role models to young athletes, have struggled with eating disorders themselves, demonstrating how women's gymnastics seems ‘designed for the disease’ (Plummer, 1994). Johnson et al., (1999) and the National Association of Anorexia Nervosa and Associated Disorders (ANAD) report that female athletes in judged sports have a 13% prevalence of eating disorders, compared to 3% in the general athlete population. A tragic case of the judges' power over gymnasts is the Christy Henrich incident, a top gymnast in the 1980s. At a meet in Budapest, a US judge commented that Henrich would have to lose weight if she wanted to make the Olympic team (Ryan, 1995; Cintado, 2012). She died of multiple organ failure at the age of 22 after her battle with bulimia and anorexia nervosa. In summary, the gymnastics subculture can be described as perfection-orientated, disciplined and highly demanding upon the body. Literature indicates that involvement in gymnastics can be associated with negative body image and higher risks of unhealthy body behaviours. The sport of gymnastics may be in a quandary regarding gender and identity, sometimes confirming traditional roles of femininity and at others in opposition to them due to the muscularity of modern gymnasts’ bodies. What has not yet been confirmed is whether, or how the judging and scoring system impact gymnasts’ bodies, and how the pressures that clearly affect those at Olympic level, filter down and influence behaviours of others throughout the gymnastics subculture. 243


Research questions Based upon queries emerging from reviewing current literature, the following research questions were developed using methods explained by White (2009): Main research question: How does the gymnastics subculture influence female gymnasts’ relationship with their bodies? Sub research questions: 1. What are the attitudes of female club level gymnasts towards their bodies? 2. What, if at all, are these attitudes influenced by? 3. How, if at all, does the culture of elite sport influence their perceptions of their bodies? 4. How, if at all, do female gymnasts view treatment of the body by members of their sporting subculture as ‘healthy’ and/or ‘unhealthy’? Methods A case study design was used because it provided an appropriate vehicle to investigate the research questions by visiting known contacts in the gymnastics world. It was also achievable in the timescale for the project. Case studies are common in social science permitting the free exploration of a social phenomenon to provide indepth insight and understanding, enabling sensitive analysis (Feagin et al., 1991). Consent This study adhered to the ethical procedures of the School of Applied Social Sciences, Durham University and by the club at which the gymnasts are members. David and Sutton (2011:43) suggest ‘informed consent is generally agreed to be the ideal mode of operation’ when involving people in your research. Consent was obtained to ensure all participants knew they could withdraw at any time and that personal information would be anonymised. For identity protection, interview data were destroyed on completion of the research and data was stored on a password protected university drive. Participants were supplied with a project summary and data was collected overtly. They gave their consent via an informed consent form prior to interview; for participants under 18, a parental signature was also required, under-18s had a parent in the vicinity. Sampling and qualitative research Participants were selected using a purposive sampling method which is a method of non-probability selection suited to small numbers of participants of a specific group (Patton, 2002). This research used a homogenous purposive sample, similar to work by Day and Schubert (2012) who recruited 7 female artistic gymnasts. Homogenous samples include participants of similar traits e.g. age, sport, gender; they are suited to 244


a research question which is specific to a particular group and examined in detail, to counter a claim that selective samples are not representative (Teddlie and Yu, 2007). This research focused on a particular set of participant criteria: participants must be female, aged 16 to 25 years old, must have competed at club level or higher in the sport of WAG for a registered British Gymnastics Association Club. Using these parameters, 12 participants were identified, 7 of whom agreed to be interviewed. One participated in the pilot study. All participants were contacted by email, obtained through their club or a friend in the club. Speaking to under 18s is necessary for an indepth understanding of gymnastics experiences in order to address research questions. In gymnastics at regional/national level, experience is not determined by age and typically, gymnastic careers occur in youth, between the ages of 7-17, average ages of elite squads being 16-18 years old (Grimsley, 2014). The research topic has relevance across the developmental cycle of adolescence and puberty, thus including younger participants is of high importance for data quality and forming a coherent impression of body-related issues. A limitation of familiarity is when participants may feel they answer differently or omit information, being afraid of judgement from someone known to them (Dickinson-Smith et al., 2007). However, for this project, familiarity between participants and the researcher were felt to benefit research findings by providing a shared ‘frame of reference’ (Corbetta, 2003). Participants knew the researcher’s background in their sport, thus they were comfortable talking about their experiences, knowing that the researcher may have some genuine empathy. Also, participants were less likely to hold back using technical terms or have to overly explain their answers, as they might if the researcher was not familiar with the gymnastics culture. Data collection One view of qualitative data analysts are researchers who ‘…seek to describe their textual data in ways that capture the setting or people’ (Patton, 2002:321-322). Furthermore, Dilley (2004) argued that interviews are suitable for case studies. Oneon-one, in-depth interviews were conducted in person in this research to explore the experiences of female club level gymnastics pertaining to the sporting body. The purpose of the qualitative research interview was to obtain descriptions of the lived world of the interviewees, with respect to their interpretations of the meaning of the described phenomena (Kvale, 1996). 7 interviews were conducted and each lasted approximately 60 minutes. 6 set questions were used to establish rapport and briefly explore the key topics of the interview. The core discussion was semi-structured using 3-5 set questions. Semi-structuring allows the researcher to follow new leads as they arise (Bemard, 1988). Some probing questions were planned beforehand, however, most emerged from dialogue to prompt further discussion (David and Sutton, 2011).

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Out of convenience the pilot interview was conducted over Skype prior to the 6 interviews, in order to identify any adjustment required to the interviewer’s schedule or style (Van Teijlingen and Hundley, 2001). Feedback was received from the pilot via email which informed alterations. All subsequent interviews were conducted where participants felt comfortable, in quiet areas where it was easy to communicate. The interviews were filmed via laptop camera, and audio recorded via smartphone voice-notes to ensure a back-up in case of equipment failure. The in-depth interviews were designed to develop a ‘thick description’ of a sociological issue by exploring the participants’ individual perceptions (Denzin, 1989:83). Advantages of this method include using open ended questions to facilitate in-depth discussion and established a good rapport with the participants which was important when tackling sensitive issues of body image. Data analysis The interview data were transcribed by the researcher in word processing software; unclear sounds or words were noted as unintelligible. Hierarchical Content Analysis (HCA) was adopted to code the data and elicit themes; arising directly from clustered content (Patton, 2002). Subcategories were included in this to help clarify the relationship to the main category, thus structuring the content hierarchically. Data were analysed using NVivo software, which allows for clearer data management and structured analysis of transcripts so the researcher can code and filter responses to look for patterns, form categories and achieve ‘thematic saturation’ (Bazeley and Jackson, 2013; Strauss and Corbin, 1998). Interpretational analysis was used to highlight key themes from codes and examine emergent ideas, consistent with the methodological stance for this study. Participant

Age

Ethnicity

G1

25

G2

20

G3

23

G4

21

G5

22

G6

17

White British White British White British White British White British White British

Highest Competition Level Regional

Years as a Gymnast 11

Training

Coach?

Judge?

Status

Yes

Yes

County

7

No

Yes

Yes

National

15

No

Yes

Yes

County

10

Yes

No

National

5

Yes (Veteran) No

Yes

No

National

11

No

No

No

Figure 1: Overview of participants: six gymnasts interviewed

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From the six interviews, Figure 1, 122 transcript pages were analysed using HCA to produce 132 codes in total. From this, 36 high order codes, 71 second order codes, 21 third order codes and 4 fourth order codes emerged. Of these high order codes, 17 were meaningful because they were modal topics or referred to by all participants, including: • • • • • • • • •

Age Artistry Body Shape Changes Confidence Difficulty Eating Disorders Elite Subculture Femininity

• • • • • • • •

Gymnastics Culture Identity Judging Methods Negative Body Behaviours Pain and Injury Perfection Role Models and School Environment.

Prominent codes were interpreted into 7 key themes: (1) Body Culture, (2) Disordered Eating, (3) Gymnastics Culture and Practice, (4) Searching for Perfection, (5) Social Network, (6) The Pressures of Elite and (7) Tough Love. Theme 1: Body Culture – ‘Well, you’ve never seen a fat gymnast, have you?’ Body Culture comprised of grouped codes relating to: Age (35 references) contained sub-themes of discrimination and limited participation time; Femininity (24 references); and Body Shape (33 references) contained notable sub-themes of weighing, body image, self-consciousness, comparison with others and muscularity, especially the gymnastic body (51 references). Overall, it was felt that body culture was shaped by the FIG Code of Points and younger, lighter, smaller gymnasts seemed most desirable. 50% agreed that the re-introduction of artistry resulted in an increased perception of femininity. Body shape encapsulates what the participants thought a gymnast should look like and also subcultural practices which influenced the body directly. A gymnast should be flexible and toned: ‘everyone could see that I had muscles’ (G1) Gymnasts decided female bodybuilders were not feminine; excessive muscle definition was not considered attractive. Participants highlighted 2 types of gymnast: one body type which lent itself to elegance, capitalising on artistry and the other to power, excelling at tumbling. The former was considered more feminine. As coaches, participants explained they were encouraged to look for certain selection qualities aside from natural talent, for example ‘flat, skinny and a little bit muscly really, that’s what I’ve been told to look for’ (G2). Female gymnasts race against a biological clock; childhood seems to be the most significant time in which to progress in gymnastics as with age comes physical change and body maturation: ‘It’s a young elitist sport’, ‘I wasn’t given as much opportunity as what my sister was being younger’ and ‘[it’s] kind of like you get to a certain age and you end up being kind of cast aside’. 247


4 participants observed that societal views of ideal bodies e.g. looking thin, were connected to media influences from magazines, indicating that gymnasts’ bodies are not only influenced by the ideals of the subculture and training regime of the sport, but also from dominant cultural ideals. Weighing was a popular topic of conversation during interview. Coding found that 4 gymnasts had positive body image both during training and after retirement. At a young age they ‘didn’t really notice’ (G2), but as gymnasts get older they become increasingly body-aware, ‘they become more conscious of their body, people did start to compare more’ (G6). Older gymnasts felt more exposed wearing a leotard than younger gymnasts, but in general they felt this age of body-awareness was decreasing, ‘they’ll be in year 4, and they’ll say ‘oh I’m fat’ (G4). Coaches, as expected, have a great deal of power over gymnasts due to age and the nature of the coach-athlete relationship, and they heavily influence weightmanagement behaviours in gymnasts. G2 commented that ‘it’s almost like, they want you to compete for who’s going to be the smallest’. By choosing to weigh gymnasts, the coach sets a precedent for a desired gymnastic body. If gymnasts’ bodies are identified as different to these expectations, this can lead to negative body behaviours (see Disordered Eating). Although ‘pride’ in their body was also a sub-theme, it was far less common than comments relating to ‘weighing’, or ‘self-consciousness’. 2 participants had negative views of their body: ‘it’s [the gymnastics environment] that made me have a complex about body image’ (G3) and ‘I always thought I was bigger than everyone else’ (G4). G3 mentioned that her body caused friction in her school environment, stating she was ‘the Hench girl’, a comment alluding to masculinity. Gymnasts identified feminine qualities in how women dress, perform routines and their body shape, either having ‘hips and boobs’ or being ‘skinny and elegant’ (G6). Juxtaposition was evident between training and competition – gymnasts felt that the finished product could be viewed as feminine and ‘pretty and quite amazing’ (G1) but training was not considered particularly feminine, ‘it’s very hard, and you get all sweaty and chalky… wearing tracksuits and baggy t-shirts with your hair all messy’ (G6). Results suggest that both age and weight of the body are perceived to be discriminatory factors in gymnastics. Theme 2: Disordered Eating – ‘designed for the disease’ Topics of eating disorders and eating habits were discussed extensively. Participants were not surprised by prevalence of disorders in the American Collegiate gym teams, ‘Not really, and I would say I probably would’ve been one of them’ (G3). 1 participant had developed a negative relationship with food and weight through gymnastics, ‘I tried to make myself skinnier by not eating’ (G3), however several of the others expressed knowing of others who had: ‘a lot of the girls I’ve trained with would have an unhealthy relationship with food’ (G6). Eating disorders were found 248


to be a ‘taboo’ (G1) in gymnastics. The influence of subcultural practices was evident in discussion, such as weighing, wearing a leotard which enables easier comparison with others and the implicit desirability for small athletes, ‘I was always conscious of what I looked like’ and ‘I felt naked… without shorts… you feel paranoid’ (G3). Gymnasts highlighted a relationship between increased competitive pressure for selection and increased likelihood of a disorder manifesting. In general, participants felt that gymnastics was not wholly responsible for eating disorder development, but rather the practices and pressures of the elite gymnastics system, such as harmful comments, ‘the coach… would just make a little jibe… we’d laugh it off… but inside… it kind of hit me a bit’ (G3), were contributing factors to individuals with negative body image or low self-confidence who were already susceptible to disorders. Participants felt that the girls who chose to be a part of the subculture had similar personality qualities e.g. perfectionism, which influenced how they dealt with pressure, competition and criticism leading to a higher number of cases in aesthetic than traditional team sports. Analysis revealed that clubs are aware of the risk of eating disorders, ‘I know that I definitely got asked… obviously someone was concerned’ (G1), and G5 felt that their club provided education, ‘he sent out nutrition packs’ and ‘there was no pressure to lose weight’. However, despite awareness, practices like weighing are still common in gymnastics. Arguably, the sport selects athletes vulnerable to disorders, thus being designed for the disease, rather than developing the disorders through participation in gymnastics. Theme 3: Gymnastics Culture and Practices – ‘pushing the body to its limits’ This theme refers to culture in the traditional sense, such as the customs, ideas, and social behaviour of a particular people or society, applied to gymnastics. Notable sub-themes included: clothing, club environment, competition structure, outsider perspectives, intrinsic benefits, physically beneficial, physically demanding, social scene, and training time. G1 described gymnastics as ‘just a lot of hours, a lot of training, a lot of body conditioning’. Being a part of the culture seems to be all or nothing, ‘I don’t think there is any kind of in-between’ (G2). Participants thought gymnastics was hard, both physically and mentally, and that the leotards required for gymnastics influenced their attitude towards their body, often making them feel selfconscious. However, all participants also highlighted the intrinsic and extrinsic benefits of being part of the gymnastics community. All participants enjoyed their time as a gymnast, for example ‘I loved working hard, I loved always having something to work for’ (G5), and continue to partake in the gymnastics culture either as a social member, coach or judge. Difficulty (24 references) emerged as a characteristic of the culture. Participants felt gymnastics is more difficult to master than other sports, not only physically but mentally: ‘most people can learn to kick a football’ and ‘you have to use every muscle 249


in your body to achieve one small element’ (G3). They felt it required greater sacrifice than other sports, for example G4 trained ‘8 hours a week… from 4 [years old], up until 13’. The higher a gymnast increases the difficulty of their routine, the greater admiration they receive. G5 explained that as the sport progresses, the Code of Points are influenced by gymnasts developing new moves, e.g. the ‘Korbut Flick’ on beam. In general, difficulty was valued above execution: ‘as much as you wanna see something done well, it’s impressive… to see that big powerful move’ (G5). It was especially valued at the elite level, due to the deductive nature of judging, ‘the higher the start value, the better you’ll probably do’, and thus do better in competition rankings. Overall the gymnastics culture was found to be defined by the exclusive identity it produces through its approach to competition and the disciplined training. Theme 4: The Pressures of Elite – ‘when you hit elite, the pressure really rises’ Elite Subculture was referenced 13 times; pressure’ and level of competition seemed to be defining influences of this theme, referenced 37 and 16 times respectively. ‘Elite’ refers to the classification of capability, i.e. competing at county level or above. Elites have higher subcultural investment and status than lower level gymnasts, similar to other sports. Participants characterised the culture of elite gymnastics as being highly pressurised, results-driven and training-intensive. All participants agreed that the higher the level of competition, the more intense the environment and the greater strain is placed on the body, possibly leading to damage, for example ‘the wear and the tear and the strain’ and ‘psychological turmoil’ (G1). The win at all costs mantra was evident when G2 observed, ‘there’s no negativity [in their environment] … if you win’. The hours required to be a successful elite gymnast requires vast amounts of determination and commitment – some participants felt it was ‘more to do with what’s in their head rather than their body’ (G6). Obedience and discipline also emerged as characteristics of the elite environment – G1 stated that you ‘just do what you’re told.’ Control falls mainly into the power of coaches and judges, who are responsible for the evaluation of a gymnast’s body and performance, ‘I know at higher levels they are more regulated about food, and diet, and they like control everything… their whole entire life’ (G3). Weight is more meaningful at the elite level as ‘from losing a bit of weight to putting on a bit of muscle, can affect your performance’ (G6). At elite level, physical and psychological pressures increase on the gymnasts’ bodies due to increased expectations of discipline and compliance. Theme 5: Searching for Perfection – ‘nothing is ever perfect’ Searching for perfection refers to the experiences and behaviours that contribute to attempting to be the perfect gymnast, grouping together themes of perfection and judging methods. Notable sub-themes included in perfection were: effortlessness, scoring low and scoring perfectly. All participants stated that perfection did not exist, 250


but 5 admitted that gymnastics still demands it as a sport. They did not clearly identify a perfect body type, nor could they describe the perfect gymnast, ‘what is seen as the perfect body type now, in years to come may not be’ (G1). Judging methods highlighted the judges’ role in applying the Code to score routines in competition, therefore judges have a primary influence in defining perfection in the gymnastics context. Politics were perceived to influence judges’ scoring, ‘a judge from a rival club… if they don’t like your coach… they will mark you down’ (G6). G2 believed valuing artistry would increase the judges’ differences of opinion, rendering the perfect routine increasingly unattainable, coupled with the fear of awarding a perfect score and the next competitor performing better. This means that judges ‘won’t accept the fact that it could’ve been perfect’ (G2). Thematic coding found that gymnasts felt it wasn’t their body that was being judged but rather the way it moved and how it could perform. 4 participants explained that body evaluation did not negatively affect their body image, however 3 of the participants agreed that if a gymnast already had low body-confidence it could feel ‘like they’re being looked at’ instead of ‘watched’ (G2). Theme 6: Social Network – ‘forming a community’ Social network relates to figures of influence in the gymnastics community and how their opinions can affect attitudes and behaviour towards the body: sub-themes include; role models, behaviour transfers, coach-athlete relationship, friends, parents and support. This theme explores how friendships are made and the influence of parents and coaches, ‘some parents are like…24/7 gym’ (G2). The coach-athlete relationship was the most influential social connection for the gymnasts, referenced 24 times. G6 believed coaches have great power over gymnasts ‘because of the amount of time they spend with them’ especially at the elite level, but ‘it’s a mutual respect relationship they have to have’. Coaches are in charge of gymnasts’ training, which competitions they enter and often their diet. Coaches have control of the gymnast’s body; gymnasts have free choice to quit the sport, but if they wish to progress they are expected to be obedient and be committed to doing whatever it takes to win, ‘when the gymnast is crying because it hurts too much but their coach is pushing them to do it anyway’ (G6). The school environment plays a key role in the development of young people, but its values are different to those of the gymnastics subculture. 3 gymnasts compared their bodies to their classmates and that differences were often highlighted, the most common being muscle definition, ‘at school, I was the muscly girl, that’s what I was called… good at all the sports and no-one liked you’ (G2). 2 gymnasts had negative experiences at school because their gymnastics-conditioned body was not the norm in the school environment. PE classes were highlighted as the space in which comparison occurred due to clothing and activity change ‘you could see that I was a lot more 251


muscly than the other girls’ (G6). Participants mentioned ‘harmful comments’ 12 times and that comments came from coaches or peers. Theme 7: Tough Love – ‘Just because you have ripped hands, it doesn’t mean you stop’ Tough love refers to the experiences of negative body behaviours (12 references) and pain and injury (32 references). Notable sub-themes include being tough and performing in pain. The difficult elements of the gymnastics culture mean that pain is commonplace and often normalized, ‘it’s part and parcel isn’t it’ (G1). Injuries are highly likely though participants argued injury is a general risk of sport. A popular view was that gymnastics toughens up its young athletes to their benefit, ‘I think it makes you stronger as a person’ (G3). The ability to work through pain arose as a common indicator of being tough and was found to be ‘accepted within the culture of the sport’ (G6). The acceptance of pain and emphasis on being tough coupled with perfectionism gives gymnasts’ bodies a machine-like quality. Gymnasts would suffer judgement from others if they did not keep working, ‘you’re a bit wussy if you don’t work through the pain or unless you throw up from your conditioning’ (G1); not conforming implies a lack of effort or conviction. Some coaches may socialise their young gymnasts into the culture of pain and injury which exists in gymnastics especially at elite level, for example, ‘I said I had a blister [from the bars] and they said ‘you can’t come off until you’ve done it’… so in the end I lied’ (G1). Strains, conditioning, stretching and blisters were mentioned as sources of discomfort. Their opinions of working through this discomfort varied from ‘when I do anything, I rest’ (G4) to ‘if it’s just a little one [blister] just tape it up and carry on’ (G3). The more experienced gymnasts were found to more commonly perform whilst in pain, ‘that’s just how I am, I push through pain’ (G5). 1 gymnast performed at England Squad trials with a torn cruciate ligament, ‘it was… the first time I had ever been selected to go for it, so I weren’t going to miss that for the world’ (G3). This is physically and emotionally damaging to the body, all participants had suffered an injury of some description during training, 2 of which were severe enough to end their careers as ‘You’ll never ever get back to what you had’ (G4). To conclude, the physical strain on the body from a young age is evident and performing in pain may be a feature the subculture that some coaches may promote. General discussion Question 1. How does the gymnastics subculture influence female gymnasts’ relationship with their bodies? In the past 20 years, gymnastics has received negative media coverage regarding eating disorders, coach abuse, horrific injuries and wasted youth (Greenleaf and Snow, 1997). This research did not find gymnastics to be directly harmful to all participants, however as expected some admitted to experiencing self–consciousness 252


or body dissatisfaction as a gymnast, conducive with Petrie’s (1996) research who found that athletes have greater body dissatisfaction than non-athletes. 1 participant developed an eating disorder, a result of combined pressures from gymnastics and school, suggesting the culture had the potential to be harmful through the coachathlete relationship, pain and injury, eating habits, and perfectionism. 7 main themes emerged from data, and the topics of the ‘gymnastic body’ and ‘weighing’ cut across multiple examples. The subculture, consisting of themes, Social Network, Tough Love and Gymnastics Culture and Practices influenced gymnasts’ perceptions of their bodies, acting as the ‘disciplinary power’ which governs gymnasts’ behaviour (Barker-Ruchti and Tinning, 2010:230). The culture seems to value well-conditioned compact bodies, elegance, dedication, sacrifice and toughness; participants felt the pressure of a biological clock. Barker-Ruchti and Tinning’s (2010) Foucauldian perspective on power relationships was evident in the subculture regarding the coach-athlete relationship. Coaches possess more resources to exercise power having great influence over their gymnasts and their training, more so than other sports due to the young age of the athletes. Power enables control, and controlling behaviour was evident in the subculture as Barker-Ruchti and Tinning, 2010:232) explain: The gymnasium and the organisation of the gymnasts within this space… maximise training efficiency and skill development… however, these structures and how gymnasts make sense of them, control the gymnasts’ behaviours.

Self-presentation appears to be significant in sport and exercise environments; women may perceive that others are evaluating their physique and skill level (Krane et al., 2001; Leary, 1992). Thus, one could argue that attitudes were influenced by the control exercised by coaches, and the gymnasts’ interpretation of subcultural norms. For young gymnasts, the gymnastics club and school environments held influential positions regarding ‘body image’ and ‘comparison with others’ (Paxton et al., 1999) highlighting the tension often seen between the sporting and social bodies (Russell, 2002). From results, impacts on the body can be both positive e.g. social scene, and negative e.g. pain and injury. Hughes and Coakley’s (1991) notion of over-conformity was evident from these results. The experience of pain was described as a way of being tough, a way for gymnasts to show commitment to upholding their athletic responsibilities by pushing their body's limits (Malcolm, 2006). The consensus of stakeholders also influences gymnasts’ attitudes towards injury and pain through socialization. Gymnastics injuries can be severe and enigmatic due to the inherent differences between gymnastics and other sports (Sands, 2000). Question 2: What are the attitudes of female club level gymnasts towards their bodies, and what were they influenced by? 253


Results indicated that feelings of confidence emerged as crucial to developing a healthy attitude towards the body (Mahoney and Avener, 1977; Ryan, 1995). Participants felt their self–confidence could be increased by praise from coaches, winning medals and successfully performing new skills. However, confidence was more easily reduced than improved; gymnasts suggested wearing leotards made them feel exposed the older they got, ‘most of your body is on show’ (G2) and ‘it’s quite a lot of skin out… everyone is watching you’ (G4). The opinion of role models or influential others also impacted their confidence in their body’s ability. The confirmation of male stereotypes in gymnastics highlights how female gymnasts’ bodies can be perceived as ‘infrahuman’ as well as a ‘superhuman’ (Chisholm, 2002). Gymnast opinions of their bodies generally referred to the latter. Participants’ attitude of the gymnastics body is that it is superior to other sporting bodies, possibly due to conditioning and the socialised discipline experience. Confirming work of Jones et al., (1999), participants felt that gymnastics was a ‘feminine-appropriate’ sport, but distinguished between the femininity of the finished product, their performance, and the training in which being tough is valued, which they did not consider feminine. In this way it could be argued that gymnasts change the way they present themselves by situation or environment. Only more elite gymnasts viewed their body as a ‘tool’ (G6). The dehumanisation outlined by Todres et al. (2009) was evident in the theme of body evaluation, in which the analysis of problem areas in performance separated gymnasts from their bodies. G6 stated ‘I need my body for my sport, I needed to look like that… to be at the level that I was’, suggesting she had positive perceptions of her body, even when classmates commented on her muscle tone; she viewed her body as a necessity, but not all participants felt the same. Whilst they acknowledged the body’s role is to be judged and analysed, most participants did not experience objectification or reduction in their bodies, which was unexpected as most participants had competed at what was considered by the club to be an elite level. Question 3: How, if at all, does the culture of elite sport influence their perceptions of their bodies? Observing that elite gymnastics is a pressured environment that fosters athletes’ need to progress, it encourages total adherence to the sport ethic and thus has lasting effects on its young participants (Hughes and Coakley, 1991; Greenleaf et al., 1997). Elite coaches will do ‘whatever it takes’ to win, as their coaches transform girls’ bodies into ‘muscled machinery’ (Ryan, 1995: 197-199). Increased training hours resulted in greater physical strain on the body, ‘being older now, I am paying the price’. G5 and G6 highlighted that their club did not have the pressure of popularity as some larger clubs did, so they had less internal competition for selection, so applying Ryan’s (1995) sentiments would be an overstatement. 254


A results-orientated environment is often created by coaches at elite level, in which certain traits are considered more beneficial e.g. being lighter. In this way coaches set parameters that elite gymnasts should fall into and if they do not, this can lead to unhealthy weight management and injury. Weight should not dictate worth; however, 1 participant felt she was too heavy to be successful. De Bruin et al., (2007: 507) highlight the difference in motivation between elite gymnasts and non-gymnasts eloquently, that whilst non-gymnasts thought ‘thin is beautiful’, gymnasts felt that ‘thin is going to win’. At elite level, the subcultural values are felt more keenly, elites are more greatly affected by the pressure, judgement and comparison e.g. to others or to the scales, that leads to negative attitudes towards the body. Donnelly’s (1981) work on the level of subcultural membership is applicable to gymnastics; elites are more invested, taking on the core member role. Increased commitment to subcultural values means elites are more likely to exhibit behaviours to not fall short of expectations which might judge them as being weak for example, ‘no-one wants to be considered wussy’ (G1). In this way, values can be seen to be reinforced by the threat of evaluation apprehension (Weiss et al., 1989) which could be a method of implicit control or ‘panopticism’ (Barker-Ruchti and Tinning, 2010:231). Question 4: How, if at all, do female gymnasts view treatment of the body by members of their sporting subculture as ‘healthy’ and/or ‘unhealthy’? Gymnastics is known to develop co-ordination and core muscle strength; a gymnasts’ body is typically strong, supple, and rarely overweight. This view was confirmed by participants, ‘I have never experienced the body being abused in gymnastics’ (G6) and ‘having well-defined muscles, to be able to be fit and healthy’ (G1). Coupled with ‘intrinsic benefits’ such as enjoyment, sociability and a sense of achievement the gymnastic body and environment could be viewed as healthy. However, results suggested that evidence of unhealthy behaviours existed, most notable of which were the practice of weighing gymnasts, perfectionism, and coaches pushing gymnasts too tears e.g. when stretching. The discipline expected in gymnastics can exaggerate deviant behaviours to damaging extents (Johns and Johns, 2000) as observed by G1: ‘what we were doing all those years ago, yes it looked pretty at the time, but… it wasn’t necessarily the right thing for your body’ (G1). Barker-Ruchti and Tinning (2010:232) explain that ‘sport codes and training cultures teach athletes self-control’. Sport codes relate to unwritten codes of conduct or the sport ethic, both are evident in gymnastics, which has added dimensions of discipline and early participant maturity. This means that the identified unhealthy behaviours which could damage the body may be controlled by their coaches, and the gymnasts learn to control themselves, for example G3 stated she would ‘try anything to avoid food… so I got really skinny’. The ‘sport code’ of gymnastics was found to subtly imply that succumbing to pain or injury was 255


tantamount to lack of effort. Participants did not explicitly state that working through pain was unhealthy for them, evidence that like other elite athletes, gymnasts normalize extreme and repetitious pain or injury to strive for perfection (Nixon, 1992). Whilst they acknowledged that gymnastics can cause severe injury e.g. G6’s snapped Achilles tendon, most participants stated working through pain was a desirable trait. Conclusion Prominent emergent themes were Body Culture; Disordered Eating; Gymnastics Culture and Practices; The Pressures of Elite; Searching for Perfection; Social Network and Tough Love. These addressed research questions regarding gymnasts’ attitudes towards their bodies, influences on these attitudes and an exploration of unhealthy behaviours in the gymnastics subculture. It was discovered that the gymnastics subculture affects the emotional, cognitive and behavioural components of attitude which can alter how a gymnast perceives and treats her body (Smith and Mackie, 2007). The gymnasts who felt compared or evaluated were done so against preconceived ideas of the desirable traits of a ‘gymnastic body’, which was displayed in the research as marvel, machine and in unfortunate circumstances, malnourished. Themes of weight management strategies, being tough and aiming for perfection cut across multiple areas of discussion from participants. Attitudes towards the body were mixed, but common views of the ‘gymnastic body’ were that: to be well-conditioned is desirable; the body can never be perfect; implicit standards exist of what a gymnast ‘should’ look like; gymnasts face a biological clock; the considered ideal ‘gymnastic body’ is determined by changes in the demands of the sport, i.e. the Code of Points, and these changes can work in favour of some and not others. Gymnasts can feel pressured to change themselves to satisfy changes in the Code of Points. Although this research had sound ethics and method, and conducted a comprehensive literature review, possible limitations are that a small sample from the same club environment were interviewed, which does not provide a reliable overall picture of gymnastics in the UK. However, there seems to be sufficient evidence to claim that gymnastics subcultural practices and values can influence gymnasts’ impressions of their bodies. Research recommendations To achieve a more comprehensive impression of the gymnastics subculture within the UK, further research could be conducted across different clubs with increased numbers of gymnasts. A comparison between club cultures and training environments could be analysed, investigating the difference in approach and coaching style, to be used to educate coaches and stress the importance of their role in the gymnasts’ wellbeing. Existing literature on pain and injury is mainly physiological (Sands et al., 1993) or conducted in America (Marshall et al., 2007) thus another avenue of research lies in the investigation of gymnasts’ injury experiences in the UK. British Gymnastics should further research the prevalence data 256


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JQRSS Author Profiles Megan Frogley1 studied a BA in Sport, Exercise and Physical Activity at St. Mary’s College, Durham University, graduating in 2015. She then entered the Teach First Leadership Development Programme, completing her PGCE for English in 2016. Megan is currently a teacher in Frederick Bremer Secondary School, Waltham Forest, East London. She began competitive gymnastics at the age of 7 and now is an active club coach. Emily Oliver2 is an Associate Professor in the Department of Sport and Exercise Sciences at Durham University. She is a British Psychological Society Chartered Psychologist and Associate Fellow, a Senior Fellow of the Higher Education Academy, and a Fellow of the Wolfson Research Institute of Health and Wellbeing. Clive Palmer3 is a Senior Lecturer in Outdoor Education and Sports Coaching within the School of Sport and Wellbeing, University of Central Lancashire in Preston. He is a former competitive gymnast, gymnastics coach and trampolining coach, and has a PhD in the Aesthetic Evaluation of Artistic Gymnastics.

Reviewer Comments This paper offers a unique insight into the subculture of female gymnastics. The authors provide a well formed rationale for the area of study as well as confident methodological approaches. The research protocols were clearly identified, adhered to and appropriate for the sensitive area of gender and identity research. The study provides a valuable contribution from a researcher who used her personal experience in gymnastics to shed light upon an area of sporting-life that is rarely seen publically. Of particular interest, for me, was the researcher’s commitment to empathy, by highlighting that both she and the research participants have a shared frame of reference. Throughout the discussions, a tangible closeness between the specific themes and the yeilded data makes for a very engaging read. This paper captures valuable insights into the lived experiences of elite gymnasts, relating to the ‘sport codes’ for gymnastics and pressures associated with the obsession for perfection. I was left with a hunger to learn more about sporting subcultures, as this paper illuminates numerous issues which are often neglcted or overlooked.

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