'Just do it': The Functionality over Form Discourse in ...

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Journal of Gender and Religion in Africa Vol. 19 No. 2. Special Issue (Nov 2013)

‘Just do it’: The Functionality over Form Discourse in the Construction of Ideal Masculine Body-image Simóne Plüg 1 and Anthony Collins 2

Abstract This article is based on a study conducted amongst young South African men, exploring their accounts of ideal masculine body-images and discussing the implications that these constructions have on their identities. It provides an account of the discourses participants used when discussing their own and other male bodies, and explores the ways in which consumerism, the media, and other social dynamics promote or silence different discourses around what constitutes a desirable man in twenty-first century South Africa. The study used a qualitative research design and a social constructionist theoretical framework, and data was collected using semi-structured, individual interviews. After analysing the data using discourse analysis, the results discussed six main discourses evident amongst the texts. Particularly, the study presents a detailed exploration of one of these primary discourses, namely functionality over form. The discussion highlights how this discourse was used to shape men’s engagement with various practices of self-management and identity production.

Introduction The body, and specifically socio-cultural constructions of ideal bodies, have a tremendous influence on the way in which individuals come to see and understand their own bodies, and shapes the ways in which they interact with others and enact their gendered identities. Bordo asserts that “average weight statistics and medical charts are irrelevant. What matters is the gap between the self and the cultural images. We measure ourselves not against an ideal of health, not even usually (although sometimes) against each other, but against created icons, fantasies-made-flesh. Flesh designed to arouse admiration, envy,

1

Simóne Plüg is a PhD Candidate in Media Studies at Rhodes University, with a background in critical psychology. Her research focuses on de-familiarising everyday constructions of the self in order to open spaces for the negotiation of less destructive identities and social practices. E-mail: . 2 Anthony Collins is an Associate Professor of Media Studies at Rhodes University. His work combines critical psychology and cultural studies, with a specific interest in issues of inequality, violence and trauma, and the youth identities in South Africa’s emerging consumer culture. E-mail: .

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desire.” 3 With the shift of focus from the manufacturing of products to the marketing of brands 4 and the rapid developments in media (particular visual) technologies, escape from these powerful cultural images is now nearly impossible. 5 South Africa, with its increasingly globalised context and emergent contemporary consumer culture, is no exception. This highlights the important role that social forces (including socialisation, media and cultural influences as well as religion) have to play in constructing and shaping the notions of masculinity and femininity, and in particular masculine and feminine bodies. 6 “

Many studies have examined the association between the mass media and body image and body dissatisfaction. 7 Most images portrayed in the media tend to describe the desirable man as being toned, muscular and powerful. 8 Ridgeway and Tylka found that muscularity can be conceptualised as multidimensional and suggest that five facets of muscularity can be described, namely: having defined muscles; being large in size; having large (but not excessively large) muscles; being strong; and being athletic. Leanness was also seen as an essential part of the ideal male body, however, leanness without muscularity was futile. 9 It is interesting to note that for most men over-developed muscles

3 Susan Bordo, “Does Size Matter?” in Revealing Male Bodies, ed., Nancy Tuana, William Cowling, Maurice Hamington, Greg Johnson and Terrance MacMullan, (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2002), 19. 4 Naomi Klein, No Logo, (London: Harper-Perennial, 2005). 5 John Berger, Ways of Seeing, (London: Penguin, 1972); Klein, No Logo, 15-81. 6 Vivien Burr, An Introduction to Social Constructionism, (London: Routledge, 1995); Judith Butler, Gender Trouble: Feminism and Subversion of Identity, (New York, NY: Routledge, 1990); Judith Butler, Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of ‘Sex.’ (New York, NY: Routledge, 1993). 7 Lisa M. Groesz, Michael P. Levine, and Sarah K. Murnen, “The Effect of Experimental Presentation of Thin Media Images on Body Satisfaction: A Meta-Analytic Review,” International Journal of Eating Disorders 31, no. 1, (2002), 1-16; Michael B. McFarland and Trent A. Petrie, “Male Body Satisfaction: Factorial and Construct Validity of the Body Parts Satisfaction Scale for Men,” Journal of Counselling Psychology 59, no. 2, (2012), 329–337; Xiaoyan Xu, David Mellor, Melanie Kiehne, Lena A. Ricciardelli, Marita P. McCabe and Yangang Xu, “Body Dissatisfaction, Engagement in Body Change Behaviors and Sociocultural Influences on Body Image among Chinese Adolescents,” Body Image 7, no. 2, (March 2010), 156-164; Simon E. Dalley, Abraham P. Buunk, and Turul Umit, “Female Body Dissatisfaction after Exposure to Overweight and Thin Media Images: The Role of Body Mass Index and Neuroticism,” Personality and Individual Differences 47, no. 1, (2009), 47-51. 8 Jamie C. Farquhar and Louise Wasylkiw, “Media Images of Men: Trends and Consequences of Body Conceptualization,” Psychology of Men & Masculinity 8, no. 3, (2007), 145-160. 9 Merran Watt and Lena A. Ricciardelli, “A Qualitative Study of Body Image and Appearance among Men of Chinese Ancestry in Australia,” Body image 9, no. 1, (2012),

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have very little practical use in their day-to-day lives, unless one is a manual labourer, engaging in constant physical activity and developed muscles are key to the requirements of the job. Service and management positions, however, require very little brute power. In essence then, “the potency of muscles resides largely in their cultural meaning.” 10 These ideals are not fixed concepts but rather fluid and dynamic socially constructed historical depictions which differ depending on the social and cultural context and alter over time. 11 Stereotypes of gendered bodies have influence on other discourses or conceptualisations of what constitutes being a successful person. Wienke argues that the cultural ideals of beauty and muscularity hold such importance, as those individuals in society who can most closely resemble these ideals occupy a particular privilege in society. 12 They are, therefore, able to benefit from various social and cultural opportunities which are not available to those individuals who are completely unable to meet the ideal. It has been suggested that attractiveness enables individuals to be perceived as more intelligent, popular and personable and hence they are responded to more favourably than unattractive individuals. In addition, they receive more attention from others, are able to easily access assistance and produce cooperation in acrimonious situations and are more likely to be offered employment opportunities quickly with high wages. 13 Individuals who are less attractive, as defined by adherence to social and cultural ideals of physicality, are said to be deprived of readily attaining these benefits. More specifically, according to Wienke males with muscular figures are positively stereotyped as being cheerful, courteous, helpful, courageous, healthy and self-reliant. 14 On the other hand, overweight males are commonly perceived to be slack, unclean, dependent, indolent and lonely, whereas very thin males tend to be readily described as subdued, anxious, devious, frail, and sickly. 15 118-125; Nick Galli and Justine J. Reel, “Adonis or Hephaestus? Exploring Body Image in Male Athletes,” Psychology of Men & Masculinity 10, no. 2, (2009), 95-108. 10 Bordo, “Does Size Matter?”19-37. 11 Stephen Mennell, ““On the Civilizing of Appetite.” in The Body: Social Process and Cultural Theory, eds., Mike Featherstone, Mike Hepworth and Bryan S. Turner, (London: Sage Publications, 1987), 126-156. 12 Chris Wienke, “Negotiating the Male Body: Men, Masculinity, and Cultural Ideals,” The Journal of Men's Studies 6, no. 3, (1998), 255-282. 13 Mark E. Mishkind et al., “The Embodiment of Masculinity: Cultural, Psychological, and Behavioural Dimensions,” in Changing Men: New Directions in Research on Men and Masculinity ed. Michael S. Kimmel, (Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications, 1987), 37-52. 14 Wienke, “Negotiating the Male Body…” 255-282. 15 Wienke, “Negotiating the Male Body…” 255-282.

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This study is based on a study conducted with twelve South African men between the ages of 18 and 25 years. Despite their diverse social, religious and class backgrounds this study sought to explore their accounts of ideal masculine body-images and discussing the implications that these constructions have on their identities. It provides an account of the discourses participants used when discussing their own and other male bodies, and explores the ways in which consumerism, the media, and other social dynamics promote or silence different discourses around what constitutes a desirable man in twentyfirst century South Africa. Although a brief outline of the study is given, the aim of this article is not to simply summarise the study as a whole. Rather, the article aims to provide an in depth and detailed discussion of one of the prominent discourses identified in this study and to highlight the implications that the use of this discourse has on the ways in which young men have come to understand themselves and others. Although the intersection 16 of race, gender and the body is an important area of inquiry in the contemporary African context, the discussion in this article aims to add to these current sociological analyses by providing a focus on the discursive dilemmas of gender identity and the implications thereof.

Theoretical and Conceptual Framework This study was conducted using a social constructionist theoretical framework and a discourse analytic method. The aims and objectives, research questions, methodology and analysis process were all shaped by this conceptual underpinning. From a social constructionist perspective, there is not a single, real truth or a fixed external reality. 17 It is argued that personal and collective versions of reality are produced and reproduced when people interact using language. In other words, each society and culture has their own particular set of “truths” which are influenced by the language and socio-cultural context specific to that group of people in that particular historical time period. 18 More specifically, social constructionists emphasise the importance of closely examining the specific words that people use to portray their experiences and understandings. This often includes an exploration of “guiding metaphors” people use when expressing themselves as these narratives both emphasise and conceal various aspects of experience and, in turn, 16

For discussions which provide more detailed analyses of intersectionality, see Fanon, Ratele and Messner. 17 J. Beyer, E. Du Preez, and L Eskell-Blokland, “Social Constructionism,” in Contextualising Community Psychology in South Africa, ed., M. Visser, (Pretoria: Pretoria: Van Schaik Publishers, 2007), 36-51. 18 Beyer et al., “Social Constructionism,” 36-51.

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create a particular picture of truth. 19 From this perspective the process of social interaction is fundamentally important in the production of reality, as the various versions of truth only become meaningful when they are created and used by individuals within their social relationships. 20 In other words, social interaction is the primary means by which meaning is constructed. Most relevant to this study is the way in which social constructionism theorises identity. From this perspective, identity is argued to be fluid and dynamic (as opposed to fixed and inherent). In other words, social constructionism suggests that identities are constructed in particular social and historical environments and shifts in these contexts can produce varying identities. More specifically, individuals are seen to be actively involved in this process of constructing and reconstructing their own realities and moulding their own future. 21 This is a potentially very empowering assumption because it suggests that as authors of their own narratives, people have the potential to alter the way in which they represent and describe their experiences in more liberating terms and in turn shape more emancipatory futures. 22

Methodology This study explores young men’s accounts of an ideal masculine bodyimage and discusses the implications that these constructions have on their identities and self-image. I will attempt to answer this by exploring the following five questions: i. ii. iii.

iv.

v.

19

What discourses do young men use when discussing their own and other male bodies? What are the sources of these discourses and images? How do consumerism and the media facilitate certain constructions of body-image amongst young men and forefront particular practices? What social dynamics allow certain discourses around the desirable ideal male body to be emphasised and others to be silenced? How do discourses of the ideal male form influence the way in which young men construct and enact their identities?

Beyer et al., “Social Constructionism,” 36-51. Beyer et al., “Social Constructionism,” 36-51; Burr, An Introduction to Social Constructionism, 1-72. 21 Burr, Introduction to Social Constructionism, 1-72. 22 Beyer et al., “Social Constructionism,” 36-51; Burr, An Introduction to Social Constructionism, 1-72. 20

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This study follows a qualitative approach which aims to produce an indepth and detailed exploration of a particular social phenomenon. 23 The sample consists of 12 South African (from Durban) males, between the ages of 18 and 25, from various social-economic and cultural backgrounds. The sample was collected using non-probability, purposive sampling followed by snowball sampling. 24 Data was collected using indepth semi-structured individual interviews conducted with each participant. The interviews (which ranged in length from 40-70 minutes) were all conducted in English and were audio-recorded. Interviews provide a great source of verbal talk and language. I then transcribed all the interviews personally and read the transcripts multiple times to familiarise myself with the data. The data gathered in the interviews was analysed using discourse analysis. Discourse analysis emphasizes the “social actions accomplished by language users communicating within social and cultural contexts.” 25 In particular, Willig’s six stages of discourse analysis, which focus on identifying different discursive constructions and highlighting the ways in which they produce varying positionings and subjectivities, were used. 26 This was followed by Parker’s final six steps which emphasise power and ideology. 27 This combination was selected because these two methods were deemed most appropriate and consistent with the aims of the study. Although Willig’s stages usefully address most of the research questions, it is not entirely consistent with traditionally Foucauldian methods because it does not pay sufficient attention to genealogy and the historical origins of discourses, 28 nor does it focus on oppressive political uses of discourses. Although the historical progression is not directly relevant to the research questions in this study, the oppressive uses of discourses are relevant and hence Parker’s final three criteria (consisting of six steps) which highlight power and ideology have been incorporated in the analysis process. 29 23

William L. Neuman, Social Research Methods: Qualitative and Quantitative Approaches, (Boston, MA: Pearson Education, 2011). 24 Priscilla R. Ulin, Elizabeth T. Robinson, and Elizabeth E. Tolley, Qualitative Methods: A Field Guide for Applied Research in Sexual and Reproductive Health, (San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass, 2005). 25 Chris Barker and Dariusz Galasinski, Cultural Studies and Discourse Analysis: A Dialogue on Language and Identity, (London: Sage Publications, 2001), 63. 26 Carla Willig, Introducing Qualitative Research in Psychology, (New York, NY: McGrawHill Education, 2008), 112-128. 27 Ian Parker, Discourse Dynamics: Critical Analysis for Social and Individual Psychology, (London: Routledge, 1992), 1-21. 28 Willig, Introducing Qualitative Research in Psychology, 112-128. 29 Parker, Discourse Dynamics, 1-21.

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Functionality over Form: Discussion Six main discourses were identified in this study, namely: The Natural Body; Functionality over form; The Necessity of Progression; The Body for Self and Others; The Body is Secondary; and The Homosexual Aversion. As mentioned earlier, this discussion will present a detailed exploration of one of these main discourses, the functionality over form discourse. Of particular interest in this discussion is how the discourse was used to shape men’s engagement in various self-maintenance practices and explain the ways in which participants came to understand themselves and explain their emotions. Functionality over form was a particularly prominent discourse that was evident to varying degrees in almost all of the interview transcripts. This discourse refers to the idea that the virtues of the male body lie primarily in its ability to move, perform and achieve desired results as opposed to its aesthetic appeal. More specifically, many of the participants particularly and repeatedly stressed the idea that what they could do with their bodies was far more important than what they looked like physically. All but two of the participants readily used this discourse. It is interesting to note that the two who did not were the men who considered themselves to have come as close as possible to achieving the cultural desirable ideals they described, in both cases the “metrosexual” ideal. Since this discourse was predominantly used as a defence or rationale for not achieving the muscular ideal, it can be suggested that these individuals may not really have needed the anxiety reducing 30 implications of this discourse, and they therefore constructed their experiences through other, more relevant discourses. It is suggested that this functionality over form discourse was used as a defence because most of the men in this sample strongly relied on this discourse to construct an explanatory account reasoning out their perceived differences from the idealised man or body. 31 More specifically, operating within the functionality over form discourse, the participants appeared to spend considerable time justifying why they were pleased that they did not have the hyper muscular body, and in doing so tried to manage some of the negative emotions that they experienced because of their perceived deviation from the socially constructed masculine ideal. The most frequently referred to idea that was stressed by several participants was how the overly built body, often 30

Alain De Botton, Status Anxiety, (London: Hamish Hamilton, 2004), 1-109. Oliver James, Affluenza: How to Be Successful and Stay Sane, (London: Vermilion, 2007), 1-400; Maggie Wykes and Barrie Gunter, The Media and Body-Image: If Looks Could Kill, (London: Sage Publications, 2005). 31

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constructed in the media and amongst their peers as the desirable ideal, constricts movement and hampers performance and therefore is not to be admired or praised. Some of the responses that highlight this sentiment include: Puck: It’s not about just being able to LOOK big, you’ve gotta be able to still like carry that through in other dimensions and that, (p) like in the rugby perspective, it’s no good being big if you can’t (p) carry that out on the field…(laughs) These okes [very heavily built men] go to gym and that and they prance around in their little Speedo’s or whatever to try and LOOK good (p) but they ah (p) and well you know they will CLAIM to be big strong guys and that but they CAN’T EVEN lift weights! But uh you know how many steroids are in THOSE guys! Like don’t even get me STARTED! (both laugh) But umm ja like I mean it just KILLS me. Pretty much those guys are SKINNY guys with LOADS of steroids in them and they can’t lift weights ag ja!..And then some guys can be (p) you know like (p) ah they can be PLUMP and that but when you look at like the strong men and that. They’re PLUMP but those guys are STRONG! Like the skinny guys I’m just like ag (p) but then again, they can be like RIDICULOUSLY quick you know…so each to their own.

This quote really highlights the strong emotional responses that can be elicited and experienced when one perceives oneself as failing to achieve a cultural ideal. In this case, the participant’s comment not only suggests that men who have achieved the muscular ideal should not be praised, but that they should, in fact, be considered to be less desirable due to their inability to perform physically. His words contain a strong mocking tone as he ridicules the men at gym who “prance around in their little Speedos” and are concerned with presenting themselves in an aesthetically appealing manner. By foregrounding the functionality over form discourse (and actively investing in this particular discursive position) participants produce a construction of the ideal man as actively capable and physically effective (as opposed to a feminine ideal which solely values aesthetics) and, in turn, produce a position in which they, themselves, can be constructed as ideally masculine and desirable. This not only combats negative or uncomfortable emotions but also contributes to a more positive self-image. Those participants who personally identified themselves as having narrow or slender bodies tended to use this discourse as a defence to the offensive assaults of being called, or at least seen to be, too “skinny.” 32 The common argument made was that the stature of one’s 32

Galli and Reel, “Adonis or Hephaestus?” 95-108; Watt and Ricciardelli, “A Qualitative Study of Body Image and Appearance…” 18-25.

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body was immaterial if its manual operations were on par with those around them. In other words, if they, too, could perform various tasks that men with heavier set builds could accomplish, they could defend their position (and self-perception) as “real” men. 33 Simóne: Okay, so how would you describe yourself physically? Brutus: Physically? (p) umm, just above average (p) I say this because, if you ask me to run a ten k [kilometre], I could do it, if you ask me to swim so many laps, I could do it, I have no issues on a fitness level, I JUST don’t have this MASSIVE, DEFINED physique. Horatio: For me it’s like okay, it comes to a more like how much can I physically endure and sort of can I do manual labour and can I do this and that, with the way I am I can carry on and I can do everything they can do (p) so that’s fine with me (p)…So it doesn’t necessarily, the body type doesn’t have to be the same [as the cultural ideal] but I know I can DO certain things, I can play a full soccer game without getting tired and what have you INSTEAD of having to LOOK like a tank (p) and being useless (laughs) you can’t do anything else Duncan: And uh, I play squa-, I love my, I love my cardio. I don’t CARE about big muscles (p) and big okes like when I go to House of Curries and I see those guys. (p) (mimics) “Ja boet, hey, you wanna come over for a braai and bring your stekkie”. Simóne: Why does it irritate you? You can see it’s like— Duncan: Because! Because they are, they are FULL of themselves. And like (p) they so full of themselves and society DIGS them, (pause) like WOMEN DIG them, everyone is like THIS is (p) what you should go for (p) ja (p)

This last quote is most important for two different reasons. First, it uses the word “cardio” (meaning cardiovascular) when describing the type of movement he values. This specific word has a medical connotation 34 which places emphasis on the biological aspect of exercise and functioning. This stresses that within this discourse which values functionality over form, there is still a strong reiteration of the healthy

33

Stephen Ducat, The Wimp Factor: Gender Gaps, Holy Wars, and the Politics of Anxious Masculinity, (Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 2004), 1-42; Kenneth MacKinnon, Representing Men: Maleness and Masculinity in the Media, (London: Edward Arnold Publishers, 2003), 1-20. 34 David F. Marks, “Freedom, Responsibility and Power: Contrasting Approaches to Health Psychology,” Journal of Health Psychology 7, no. 1, (2002), 5-19.

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body discourse. Second, his strong emotional response of frustration to the praise and prestige awarded to the muscular men re-emphasises the ways in which men feel that they need to compensate for (and defend against the emotions associated with) not achieving such an ideal. Once again, the participant uses a strong mocking tone and ridicules those men he perceives as having achieved the muscular ideal by “mimicking” them in a demeaning manner. Similarly, Horatio also provides a derogatory account of hyper muscular men by describing them as looking like “a tank” but being functionally “useless” and incapable of doing anything but look impressively large. In doing so, these participants oppose or object to the socially constructed muscular ideal by linking it to a feminine ideal of favouring appearance over efficiency. In addition, they simultaneously take up a discursive position in which they personally can be seen to be (and, in turn, experience themselves as being) more desirably masculine than the supposedly ideally muscular men they discuss. Some of the men that the participants referred to when using this discourse were sportsmen such as Johnny Wilkinson and Dan Carter. The (now retired) mixed martial arts championship fighter, Fyodor Vladimirovich Yemelyanenko 35 (pictured on left), is an excellent illustration of the participants’ construction of the masculine ideal within this discourse. He was discussed by a participant as a man who, despite his alternative appearance, was idealised because he is exceptionally skilled at manipulating his surroundings and controlling his opponents. 36 The discursive act of foregrounding the functionality of the male body can be argued to be 35

Photograph of Fedor Emelianenko, 4 x 6 cm. Available from: Orlando Bulletin, . [Accessed 13 December 2012]. 36 Farquhar and Wasylkiw, “Media Images of Men…” 145-160; Groesz et al., “Experimental Presentation of Thin Media Images on Body Satisfaction,” 1-16.

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closely linked to the initial socialisation of men as active and competitive beings as opposed to physically attractive ones. In other words, men have been traditionally socialised to believe that the main purpose for their bodies, and hence its main importance when considered by other people, was to perform. 37 This is very similar to what Farquhar and Wasylkiw refer to as the male body holding an instrumental function. 38 Groesz et al. argue that males are fundamentally raised and socialised differently to females, particularly with regard to their bodies. 39 More specifically, young male children are taught to believe that to earn respect and acceptance they should produce excellent performance which is achieved by using their bodies to manage and influence their surroundings. 40 Part of this focus on functionality or performance also includes competition with and domination over other bodies as theorised by Frank’s body style, the dominating body. 41 This very particular aspect of functionality was explored more fully in the ‘keeping up with the “boys” discourse’ (a subdiscourse of the body for self and others discourse) of the study. Some of the most interesting material about this discourse was produced during an interview with a participant who not only used this discourse, but espoused it almost as a personal philosophy. For him, a good portion of his life was centred on optimal functioning and performing with superior skill. Right from the outset he stressed the importance of the movement of the body and the various tasks it should be able to perform. Like many of the other participants (as seen in the quotes presented above), for this participant the most important factor with regard to functionality was strength. The male body needed to be strong in order to accomplish male assigned tasks. Macbeth: (pause) strong legs, strong back, umm, (p) I think, I think, (p) in terms of physical strength kind of OVERRIDES umm (p) okay strong legs, strong back, strong torso, kind of overrides uhh the uh ripped and lean as opposed to functionally ABLE to do things… (p) FUNCTIONALLY the, your back and torso (p) is the BIGGER muscle (p) ja so um. I mean (p) um like you see many people you see people 37

Farquhar and Wasylkiw, “Media Images of Men…” 145-160; Groesz et al., “Experimental Presentation of Thin Media Images on Body Satisfaction,” 1-16. 38 Farquhar and Wasylkiw, “Media Images of Men…” 145-160. 39 Groesz et al., “Experimental Presentation of Thin Media Images on Body Satisfaction,” 116. 40 Farquhar and Wasylkiw, “Media Images of Men…” 145-160. 41 Arthur W. Frank, “For a Sociology of the Body: An Analytical Review,” in The Body: Social Process and Cultural Theory, eds., Mike Featherstone, Mike Hepworth, and Bryan S. Turner, (London: Sage Publications, 1991), 36-102.

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at gym who are accountants or what not but they’re not going to be FACED with situations where they need to lift heavy things, who knows, a situation might need you to do that and if you are functionally able, you would be able to do it…

The particular use of the word “overrides” also implies that the form of the body (it’s appearance) is not deemed to be completely unimportant, but rather that its dynamic ability is accentuated. Unlike many of the other discourses discussed in this chapter, the media and its proliferation of images appears to be, at least according to the data gathered in this particular sample, a less influential source in the production and reinforcement of the functionality over form discourse. Most of the participants talked about parental influence when discussing these ideas and stressed the notion that they were raised as boys to become functional men. Interestingly, one participant mentioned religion, in this case Islam, as an influencing factor when discussing his body in functional terms. Macbeth: In my religion we are encouraged to, like you know we have our prophet and we are encouraged to do the things that HE did and the things that he encouraged us to do and some of them were swimming and wrestling (p) SO I wondered and wanted to know WHY swimming and wrestling and I discovered that it builds you anaerobically, it builds you umm, anaerobic is without oxygen, and it builds you in terms of your concentric strength, your isometric strength and your plyometric strength. So (p) I found that that there was wisdom to that…(p) okay umm concentric, is you’re your you know your ability to lift a weight (does a fake bicep curl), isometric is your ability to maintain constant force (pushes with hands forward) plyometric is kinda zero to a hundred um um your your explosiveness you know (p) ALSO on the other hand having a lot of FUNCTIONAL strength without AGILITY, it defeats the purpose…DYNAMIC! That’s the word he needs to be dynamic.

This is a particularly interesting example because it not only highlights the influence that macro social structures, in this case religion, have in the construction and experience of personal identity, but it also emphasises the ways in which different discourses mutually reinforce one another. 42 In this case, the religious discourse is used to legitimate good and bad behaviours and thereby support the consumerist notions of body-maintenance behaviours by linking moralistic connotations to either performing or avoiding these practices. 43 42

Barker and Galasinski, Cultural Studies and Discourse Analysis, 20-55; Parker, Discourse Dynamics, 1-21. 43 Benjamin J. Lovett and Alexander H. Jordan, “Moral Values, Moralism, and the 2004 Presidential Election,” Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy (ASAP) 5, no. 1, (2005), 165-175.

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Several points are important to consider here with regard to the possible benefits and detrimental consequences of using the functionality over form discourse. First, on an intrapersonal level the employment of this discourse seemed to play a positive role in allowing participants to maintain a favourable sense of self-worth despite perceiving themselves as deviating from cultural ideals of bodily appearance. 44 Second, however, when exploring the broader implications of this discourse, the consequences appear to be more destructive. By denying emphasis on the visual attractiveness of the male body the men continued to constitute themselves as distinctly “masculine” by differentiating themselves from the primarily aesthetically constructed feminine body. 45 Many theorists have suggested that men often tend to display a deep fear of femininity, both with regards to being perceived as womanly and identifying with women. 46 In this particular this article is clearly emphasised by the derision and frustration that many of the men expressed or displayed when talking about other men who they considered to be more focussed on the physical appearance of their bodies than on its functional use. These men were described to be “full of themselves” or seen to “prance around,” which implies a sense of vanity or conceit which is most commonly associated with women or seen to be a feminine quality. These responses can be framed by Foucault’s conceptualisation of multiple identities and individuals’ tendencies to solidify a particular identity within one discourse by actively differentiating themselves from what may be viewed as the ‘opposite.’ 47 The men thereby needed to distance themselves from any qualities or practices considered to be associated with femininity in order to reinforce a particular masculine identity. This emphasises and strengthens constricting subject positions

44

Jennifer Crocker, Riia K. Luhtanen, M. Lynne Cooper, and Alexandra Bouvrette, “Contingencies of Self-Worth in College Students: Theory and Measurement,” Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 85, no. 5, (2003), 894–908; Wienke, “Negotiating the Male Body…” 255-282. 45 Ducat, The Wimp Factor, 1-21; MacKinnon, Representing Men, 1-32. 46 Terrance MacMullan, “What Is Male Embodiment?” in Revealing Male Bodies, ed. Nancy Tuana, et al.(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002), 1-16; MacKinnon, Representing Men, 1-32; Ducat, The Wimp Factor, 1-21. 47 Raewyn Connell, Masculinities, (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1995); MacKinnon, Representing Men, 1-32.

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from which individuals can speak and act 48 by solidifying their role in society as one based on their male gendered identities. 49 An objection to emphasising, or even fully acknowledging, the aesthetic qualities of the male body was also relevant in some of the other discourses discussed in the study including the natural body discourse and the body is secondary discourse. In addition, this discursive work was also clearly illustrated by the ways in which the participants continually differentiated and distanced themselves from effeminate or gay men. This issue emerged as a particularly prominent discourse in the study, namely the homosexual aversion, which will be explored in great depth in a forthcoming article.

Conclusion This study highlights how the functionality over form discourse identified in the study was used to shape men’s engagement with various practices of self-management and identity production, specifically in allowing them to create a sense of themselves as desirably masculine. Furthermore, it explores how this discourse provided a means by which the participants not only came to understand themselves, but also helped explain the ways they managed the emotions they experienced. To summarise, although this discourse allowed participants to temporarily relieve the anguish they experience from not fulfilling socially approved cultural images (for example, the muscular ideal) the use of this discourse simultaneously reinforces the overarching gender stereotypes that create a hierarchy of masculinity 50 that, in turn, contribute to the very inferiority that they experience and need to combat. 51

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