A.B.C. Chiegboka T.C. Utoh-Ezeajugh E.U.lbekwe C.C. Nwosu N.C.Oguno
K.L Nwadialor
THE HUMANITIES AND GOOD GOVERNANCE
A. B. C. Chiegbaka T. U. Utah- Ezeajugh E. U.lbekwe C. C. Nwasu N. C. Oguila K. L. Nwadialar
Copyright
© Faculty of Arts, NAU,Awka, 2012
Published September, 2012.
All Rights Reserved: No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a ~etrieval system or transmitted nechanicol, the author.
in any form or by any means,
electronic,
photocopying, recording or othelwise without the prior permission of
ISBN: 978 - 978 - 51619 - 4 - 6
Printed and Published by: Rex Charles and Patrid{ Ltd., Booksmith House, Harmony Place, P.O. Box 575, Nimo, Anambra State, Nigeria. 07086845197,08080608127
xviii xx xxii xxiv
Aclmowledgements Foreword Preface Introduction SECTION A: PHILOSOPHY, LAW, POLITICS AND GOOD GOVERNANCE CHAPTER ONE NIGERIA: TOWARDS THE CREATION OF INCENTIVES AND STRUCTURES FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE Chukwuma Former
ChClrles So tWO
Central
Bank G
l' ':rno!
CHAPTER TWO CLASH OF PRESENTA110NS:
ON TWO MODELS OF THE AFRICAN IN THE HUMANmES
AND IN PUBUC ADMINISTRATION/GOVERNANCE Florencc
C. ,\g bodike
Nnmndi
Azikiwc
,\nthony
44
Dnivc ·51·Y.
C. AJClll
University
ofNiqericl,
ill «:ka, Nlq,
1\
CHAPTER THREE CONTEMPORARY
DEMONSTRATIONS.
VIOLENCE
50
AND THE CHALLENGE OF GOOD GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA Kclechi J. Ani Ehenezer
Collcqe ofEdu
Sylvanus
L Okoro
Ehonyi
:CIIOIl Fdc'
Stclte University
ClW'TER
j'.Jakuhki
l'OUR
ECONOMIC mSTORY; 1, GUIDING l'I)St' WClltcr GinikclI1WCl Emc Pmll university, lzuchukwu Fedcrul
FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE
59
Awka
Scmmel Igw '
Polytcchmc.
Ok(
CHAPTER FI\T EVOLVING A UNIVERSAL CULTURE FOR PEACE, GOOD GOVERNANCE AND SUSTAINABLE Alex C. Asig ho Nuomdi Aziklwe OlymjJus Deportment
65
DEVRLOPMENT IN NIGERIA
[jmvcr
G. Ejue ofTheotrt'
j
r
'/ ,\lUICl v
II'
CHAPTER SIX l;W¢PWV
(SELF·DISCIPUNE):
A CONDITIO SINE QUA NON FOR EFFECTIVE GOVERNA..•.•CE
70
(MAKING A CASE FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIAI Dominic Obielosi Nnamdi
Azikiwe
University,
Awka
CHAPTER SEVEN GOOD GOVERNANCE AS BASIS FOR TRANSFORMATION Gara
M. Austin
OF THE NIGERIAN NATION
79
Iwuoha
Imo State University,
Owerri
CHAPTER EIGHT THE CHALLENGES OF GOOD GOVERNANCE AND HUMAN RIGHTS IN NIGERIA Nnamdi
D. Chukwuemeka
Paul University,
& Chinedu
91
N. Mbalisi
Awka
CHAPTER N1NE AUTHENTIC RESPONSE TO THE PREDICAMENTS/TROUBLE WITH NIGERIAN GOVERNANCE/LEADERSIDP Florence
C Ag bodike
Nnamdi
Azikiwe
Anthony
C Ajah
University
University,
of Nigeria,
Awka
Nsukka
CHAPTER TEN INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS AND THE CHALLENGE OF GOOD GOVERNANCE
1" •
IN NIGERIA Chinedu
N. Mbalisi
Paul University,
& Nnamdi
Chukwuemeka
Awka
CHAPTER ELEVEN CONFUCT RESOLUTION AND GOOD GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA Geoffrey
Chiazo Nganwuchu
Paul University,
Awka
CHAPTER TWELVE CIVIL INTEREST, CML UNREST AND GOOD GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA Ejikeme
Okechukwu
Paul University,
& Erasmus
Dum
Awka
CHAPTER THIRTEEN ASSESSMENT
OF AFRICAN PEER REVIEW MECHANISM AS INSTRUMENT
GOVERNANCE IN AFRICA: CASE STUDY OF NIGERIA COUNTRY REPORT. ObiUchendu University
vi
Ii
of Nigeria,
Nsukka
OF GOOD :
£:
CHAPTER FOURTEEN NIGERIA'S "NATIONAL QUESTION", GOOD GOVERNANCE. SOCIAL UNITY AND STABILITY V1S-A·V1S A CULTURE OF PUBUC DIALOGUE
150
c. Chukwujekwu
Stephen
Pope John Paul II Major Seminary,
Okpuno
CHAPTER FIFTEEN A COMPARISON OF THE CONCEPTS. MOTIVES AND EFFECTS OF WESTERN IMPERIAUSM ON NIGERIA AND CHINA Ifeoma
Ezinne
Xiamen
University,
165
& Ifeanyi Sunny Odinye
Odinye
China
CHAPTER SIXTEEN
174
VIOLATION OF LAW AS A HINDRANCE TO GOOD GOVERNANCE Geraldine Nnamdi
& Rich N. Ekegbo
A. Nwogu Azikiwe
University,
Awka
CHAPTER SEVENTEEN
182
AN ETHICAL APPRAISAL OF JUSTICE AS THE BEDROCK FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE Chidiebere C. Obi Nnamdi
Azikiwe
University,
Awka.
CHAPTER EIGHTEEN GLOBAUZATION, Bonachristus Nnamdi
187
ARAB SPRING AND THE CHANGING SOCIAL VALUES
Umeogu
Azikiwe
University,
Awka
CHAPTER NINETEEN
193
THE PROBLEM WITH NIGERIAN DEMOCRATIC GOVERNANCE Charles
Chukwuemeka
Nnamdi
Azikiwe
Nweke
University.
SECTION B: REUGION.
Awka
HISTORY, CULTURE AND GOOD GOVERNANCE
CHAPTER TWENTY THE CHURCH PARTICIPATION Anthony
B. C. Chiegboka
Nnamdi
Azikiwe
University,
197
IN NIGERIAN POLITICS
& Samuel
C. Izuegbu
Awka
CHAPTER TWENTY ONE STRUCTURES OF THE SOCIQ-CULTURAL UFE OF THE TRADmONAL AS IMPERATIVES FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE Chinenye
IGBO SOCIETY
212
V. Udeze
Alvan Ikoku Federal
College of Education,
Owerri.
vii I Pit g e
CHAPTER TWENTY TWO LEADERSillP Ikenna Odife Nnamdi
QUESTION, GOOD GOVERNANCE AND THE NIGERIAN NATION·STATE
Azikiwe
University.
219
Awka
CHAPTER TWENTY THREE THE DIALECTICS OF CULTURE AND GOOD GOVERNANCE IN A NIGERIAN NATION INTERIORLY STRUCTURED
ALONG TRIBAL UNES
228
Chika J. B. G Okpalike Nnamdi
Azikiwe
University,
Awka
CHAPTER TWENTY FOUR GOOD GOVERNANCE AND EFFECTIVE HUMAN RElATIONS: PATHWAYS TO FOSTERING ETHNQ-REUGIOUS
HARMONY IN NIGERIA
238
B.O.S. Udezo K.L. Nwadialor Nnamdi
Azikiwe
University,
Awka
CHAPTER TWENTY FIVE THE ROLE OF HISTORY AND CULTURE IN PROMOTING GOOD GOVERNANCE
246
Leo Nnoli Nnamdi
Azikiwe
University.
Awka
CHAPTER TWENTY SIX CIVIC DUTIES AND GOOD GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA:
THE CHRISTIAN PERSPECTIVE
254
B.A.C. Obiefuna A.M. Uzoigwe Nnamdi
Azikiwe
University.
Awka
CHAPTER TWENTY SEVEN GOOD GOVERNANCE AND THE DYNAMICS OF ESCHATOLOGY: AFRICAN TRADmONAL Elizabeth
Onyedinma
Nnamdi
Azikiwe
REUGIOUS
EXPERIENCE
264
Ezenweke
University.
Awka
CHAPTER TWENTY EIGHT HUMANITIES AND GOOD GOVERNANCE: REFLECTIONS FROM IGBO POETRY. Nkechinyere Nnamdi
274
Nwokoye
Azikiwe
University,
Awka
CHAPTER TWENTY NINE GLOBAUZATION
AND COMMERCIAUZATION·
AND DIVERSIFICATION Ikenna
Emmanuel
University
viii
II'
IN NIGERIAN POPUlAR
Onwuegbuna
of Nigeria,
Nsukka,
THREATS TO CULTURAL SELF EXPRESSION MUSIC
281
CHAPTERTHIRTY LEADERSillP APPRAISAL IN JERUSALEM FOR NIGERIA OF TODAY
OF NEHEMIAH'S TIME 287
Luke E. Ugwueye & !kenna L. Umeanolue Nnamdi Azikiwe University. Awka CHAPTERTHIRTYONE 292
IGBO PROVERBS AS AN EMBODIMENT OF GOOD GOVERNANCE
Rich. N. Ekegbo & R.O. Ezeuko Nnamdi Azikiwe University. Awka
•
CHAPTERTHIRTYTWO THE NEXUS BETWEEN GOOD GOVERNANCE AND MUSICAL ARTS
300
Nnamdi Onuam-Oguna Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka CHAPTERTHIRTYTHREE PERCEPTION OF INDIVIDUAL FROM NONVERBAL CHARACTERISTICS AND DIALED'S
OF CULTURE
305
Aneda A. A. Onukwube, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka SECTION C: CREATIVE ARTS AND GOOD GOVERN~NCE
CHAPTERTHIRTYFOUR DRAMATIC PARABLES AS CATALYST FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA: APPRAISAL OF A PARLIAMENT OF VULTURES, HOPES OF 11IE UVlNG DEAD AND MOROUNTODUN
A PARADIGMATIC
318
Tmcie Utah -Ezeajugh Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka Nneka Ibeli University afNigeria. Nsukka. CHAPTERTHIRTYFIVE PARTICIPATORY
THEATRE AS A PARADIGM FOR SUSTAINABLE
RURAL COMMUNITY DIM;LOPMENT
IN NIGERIA
328
Aandowase Bah & Angell Nguema Yakubu Benue State University. Makurdi CHAPTERTHIRTYSIX KALU OKPI'S ECHOES: A DIALECTICS ON GOOD GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA TODAY
335
Casmir E. Onyemucham & Friday Achar Akawe Alvan Ikaku Federal Callege ofEducatian. Owerri
ix I
CHAPTERTHIRlY SEVEN CHILDREN'S EARLY EXPOSURE TO FOIJ{SONGS: AN APPROACH TOWARDS ACHIEVING GOOD GOVERNANCE
345
Eunice U. Ibekwe Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka CHAPTERTHIRlY EIGlIT CREATIVE ARTS AS VANGUARD FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA: A CRITICAL REVIEW
357
Chidiebere S. Ekweariri & Casmir Onyemuchara Alvan Ikoku Federal College of Education, Owerri CHAPTERTHIRlY NINE MUSIC EDUCATION AND ITS RELEVANCE TO GOOD GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA
366
Calista Ogechi Eze Federal College of Education, Eha-Amufu CHAPTERFORlY GOVERNANCE ~D AUENATION OF THE MASSES AS A THEME IN THE NIGERIAN POPULAR MUSIC
373
Adeogun, Adebowale Oluranti University of Nigeria, Nsukka CHAPTERFORlY ONE IMPUCATIONS
OF 'IKE ISI' SYNDROME ON GOOD GOVERNANCE:
REFLECTIONS FROM SELECTED NIGERIAN PLAYS
385
Chisimdi Udoka Ihentuge & Kelechi Stellarnaris Ogbonna Alvan Ikoku Federal College of Education, Owerri CHAPTERFORlY 1WO MORAL VALUES IN CREATIVE ARTS AS PARADIGMS FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE
393
Johnson Chukwuemeka Njirnezi Logos International School, Awo-Omarnma Ngozi G. Egonu Government Secondary School, Owerri CHAPTERFORlY THREE MUSIC, A CATALYST FOR HUMAN RIGHTS CAMPAIGN IN NIGERIA
Ime D. Ukpanah University ofUyo, Uyo
xl
399
CHAPTER FORTY FOUR RE·EMPHASIZING IN HOPES OF Chisimdi
ROTIMI'S METAPHOR OF THE IDEAL LEADER
me UVING
DEAD. LESSONS FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA
406
Udoka Ihentuge
Alvan Ikoku Federal
College of Education
Christine
Utoh-Ojemudia
National
Vetrinary
Research
Institute,
Owerri Vom
CHAPTER FORTY FIVE SOCIAL ORDER AS PANACEA TO GOOD GOVERNANCE: EXAMPLES IN CHARLES NWADIGWE'S
DOMESTIC EMBARRASSMENT
1
416
]ibriL Imam Mohammed-Kabir Alvan Ikoku Federal
College ofEducation,
Owerri
CHAPTER FORTY SIX THE PLACE OF THE DRAMATIST IN GOOD GOVERNANCE: A CRITICAL READING OF HENRY BELL·GAM'S l!6E REPUBUC" Emeka
425
Of ora
University
ofport
Harcourt,
Port Harcourt
CHAPTER FORTY SEVEN JOBLESSNESS AND PROSTITUTION
AS AN IMPEDIMENT TO GOOD GOVERNANCE:
A CRITICAL STUDY OF ALACHI JAMES'S 'ENEKOLE' Samson Idakwo Alvan Ikoku Federal
College Of Education,
432
Oweni
CHAPTER FORTY EIGHT THE CREATIVE ARTS AND GOOD GOVERNANCE: 437
EXAMPLE FROM NWADIKE'S OKWE AGBAALA. Mercy Nnyigide Nnamdi
Azikiwe
Nkoli University,
Awka
CHAPTER FORTY NINE THE NEED FOR A MUSICAL·ARTS·FRIENDUER
GOVERNMENT IN NIGERIA:
AN ISSUE OF URGENT ATTENTION FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE Alvan-lkoku Nnamdi
447
O. Nwamara
Azikiwe
University,
Awka
CHAPTER FIFTY THE PERFORMATIVE ARTS AND THE QUEST FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA: A PANACEA FOR NATIONAL INTEGRATION Chidiebere
S. Ekweariri
Alvan Ikoku Federal
College of Education,
Owerri
xi I
453
CHAPTERFIFfY ONE THE ROLE OF DRAMA IN GOOD GOVERI'l/ANCE: A CRITICAL EVALUATION OF HENRY BELL·GAM'S DREAMS AND EMEKA NWABUEZE'S A PARUAMENT
OF OHIO
OF VUL TURES
461
Sunday Edum University of Port Harcourt CHAPTERFIFTYTWO DRAMA AND GOOD GOVERNANCE: IMAGES OF CORRUPT LEADERSIDP IN NWADIGWE'S
THE SECRETAND
IROBrS NWOKEDL
469
Kelechi Stellamaris Ogbonna Alvan Ikoku Federal College ofEducotion, Owerri, CHAPTERFIFTYTHREE VISUAL ART AS SATIRE AND CRITIQUE OF SOCIAL ILLS AND BAD GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA
480
Ifedioramma N. Dike. Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka CHAPTERFIFfY FOUR MUSIC AND THE QUEST FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE
493
Chinyere Celestino Esimone & Emmanuel C. Umezinwa Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka CHAPTERFIFTYFIVE EDITORIAL CARTOON AND GOOD GOVERNANCE: ANALYSIS OF SELECfED CARTOONS FROM VANGUARD
AND GUARDIAN NEWSPAPERS
501
Chidi Onwuekwe Namdi Azikiwe University, Awka Calista Nwosu Federal Polytechnic, Oko CHAPTERFIFTYSIX GOOD GOVERNANCE AND ITS CULTURAL ESSENCE: HZE-NNEBO DANCE OF AKWAHZE COMMUNITY AS A PARADIGM
515
Nicholas Chielotom Alms Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka CHAPTERFIFTYSEVEN MUSIC EDUCATION: KEY TO GOOD GOVERNANCE
Ebele V. Ojukwu & Emmanuel C. Ojukwu Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka
xii
I
524
CHAPTER FIFTY EIGHT SATIRE, ANTIDOTE TO GOOD GOVERNRANCE: 533
THE EXEGESIS OF lWO NIGERIAN DRAMATISTS Agatha Njideka Nasarawa
Nwanya
& Daniel Chikada
State University,
SECTION D: lANGUAGE,
Keffi UTERATURE
AND GOOD GOVERNANCE
CHAPTER FIFTY NINE POSSIBLE INFLUENCES OF AFFECTIVE EXPRESSIONS ON GOVERNMENT OF'l'ICIALS IN NIGERIA
544
A.U.N. Nwankwere Nnamdi
Azikiwe
University,
Awka
CHAPTER SIXTY STUDIES IN ENGUSH LANGUAGE, A TOOL FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA Roseline C. Akano Federal
Polytechnic
Nekede,
560
Owerri
CHAPTER SIXTY ONE WAR AS CONSEQUENCE OF BAD GOVERNANCE: THE ADICHIE EXAMPLE IN HALF OFA YELLOW SUN Gabriel
568
Oche Ukah
Alvan Ikoku Federal
College of Education,
Owerri
CHAPTER SIXTY TWO A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF ACHEBE'S 'A MAN OF THE PEOPLE' AND THE POLITICAL SITUATION Ogechi Angela
IN NIGERIA: IMPUCATIONS
FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE
574
Nnadi & Ngozi C. Nzeako
Alvan Ikoku Federal
College of Education,
Owerri
CHAPTER SIXTY THREE COMMUNICATION
AND GOOD GOVERNANCE:
THE IMPERATIVES OF NIGERIAN INDIGENOUS lANGUAGES
581
FAMORI)!' J. ABfObU'N Alvan Ikoku Federal
College of Education,
Owerri
CHAPTER SIXTY FOUR FRENCH lANGUAGE:
A VITAL TOOL FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE
IN 21ST CENTURY IN NIGERIA
593
Adeoye Maria Ebehijie Alvan Ikoku Federal
College Of Education,
Owerri
xiii
11
GlAPTER SIXTYFIVE FRENCH lANGUAGE
AND UTERATURE
AS VERITABLE INSTRUMENTS
FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA: IMPUCATIONS
FOR THE NIGERIAN YOUTH
598
Scholastica U Ezeodili & Chioma Uzoho Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka GlAPTER SIXTYSIX FRENCH LANGUAGE AND GOOD GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA
604
Jovita N. Ololoh Alvan Ikoku Federal College of Education, Owerri GlAPTER SIXTYSEVEN THE INFLUENCE OF FRENCH lANGUAGE
ON GOOD GOVERNANCE
610
Gr:ct' C Chijioke Nwosu Kenneth
\. OJi
Alvan Ikoku Federal College of Education, Owerri GlAPTER SIXTYEIGHT LA UTTERATURE
COMME UN BON INSTRUMENT
D'UNE BONNE GOUVERNANCE
620
Muotoo Chukwunonso Nnamdl Azikiwe University, Awka .' CHAPTERSIXTYNINE INDIGENOUS lANGUAGES
AND GOOD GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA
625
Romanus Ezeuko & Ugochukwu Chinedu Noke Nnamdi Azikwe University, Awka GlAPTER SEVENTY MULTIUNGUAUSM.
NATIONAL AND OFFICIAL LANGUAGES IN NIGERIA AND INDIA
631
Ifeanyi Sunny Odinye & Ifeoma Ezinne Odinye Xiamen University, China. GlAPTER SEVENTYONE A PRAGMATIC ANALYSIS OF VICTORY AND INAUGURAL SPEECHES OF PRESIDENT GOODLUCKJONATHAN: A MAP FOR TRANSFORMATION AND GOOD GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA
642
David Tarhom Waya University of Nigeria, Nsukka GlAPTER SEVENTYTWO THE USE OF ENGUSH
lANGUAGE
IN NIGERIA: BEST PRACTICE
FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE
Queen Ugochi Njemanze Federal University ofTechnology Owerri
xiv
I
655
CHAPTER SEVENTY TIIREE FEUaTY
OR INSINCERITY:
OF NIGERIAN
PUBUC
THE PRAGMATICS
OF SELECTED SPEECHES
LEADERS
662
Ogbonna Ahamefula Ndubuisi University of Nigeria. Nsuvl
: :ent whereas its capital
xxiv
II) a
~ I:
expenditure was about 59 percent of its total expenditure. South Africa's capital expenditure has remained robust at all times. thus explaining why that country has the most advanced infrastructures as well as broad-based industrial sector on the African continent. My third Pint which I would like to stress. is that the basic impediment to good governance in Nigeria is the challenge of corruption. Apart from fuelling the mismanagement of our national resources. corruption detracts from our character as a people. as well as impugns the integrity of our leadership at all levels of governance. The leaders of our three tiers of government. of our academic and other institutions. of the private sector. and of the civil organizations and societies. must in heir conduct become more aware of Billy Graham's assertion that "when wealth is lost. nothing is lost; when health is lost, something is lost; but when character is lost, all is lost". At the moment, the entire nation is treated to the mind-boggling and sickening details that are coming out from the fuel subsidy probe and the police pension scam. Misappropriation of public funds used to be described in millions. now is reported in billions and even trillions. Corruption has so seriously eaten deep into the fabric of our society that it has virtually swallowed up our collective values. There is hardly any sector of our national life that has been spared this affliction. including even the family iliat was until recently, the last line of defence and hope. We read in newspapers that some parents acquiesce in. and often support examination malpractices by their children or wards; and this is not to talk about many of our communities that approbate and festoon very rich individuals. including public servants, with dubious sources of enrichment. In addition to reinvigorating the work of the anti-corruption agencies like the ICPCand the EFCC.and ensuring that those involved in corruption are seen to be punished. the attack on corruption in Nigeria must begin in the education sector. We must return to basics ,by remodeling our schools' cu'iTicula and encouraging our teachers to teach civics and the virtues of service to the community and country. in our primary and secondary schools; for it is only at this level of education that appropriate values can be effectively inculcated in the young thereby inuring them against inclination to corruption in later life. My fourth point is about the key role of the civil service in sustaining good governance. The current state of the civil service at all the three tiers of government - Federal, State and Local - in Nigeria is in dire need of improvement. At all levels, from he Messenger to the Permanent Secretary, efficiency and dedication to service which were the hallmarks of the civil service in the colonial and the immediate post-independence years have long gone. We need to rebuild and remotivate our civil servants if any efforts to promote good governance in Nigeria are to succeed. Finally. I would like to conclude by challenging the five States of the South East zone to take regional economic cooperation more seriously. The zone has the resources. especially human resources, which if actively developed, will create in the zone one of the fastest growing economies in the country and the West Africa region. thereby achieving the main purpose of good governance which is to raise the quality of life for the citizens in an environment of security, freedom and democracy. I thank you for listening. Awka. 3 May 2012,
xxv
II' ,I
~~ighty MEDIA. GOVERNMENT
Bive .
AND GOOD GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA:
ARCH FOES OR POTENTIAL
ALUES?
Kate Azuka Omenugha &
Chikezie Emmanuel Uzuegbunam Nnamdi Azikiwe university, Awka INTRODUCTION
The society in which we live is a complex whole. It is a community of people stratified along family, economic, cultural, political and religious lines making up the different social institutions. Among these social institutions, the political :nstitution is perhaps the most influential and powerful. This is the institution that forms the machinery that governs and takes decisions for the society. But in carrying out its duties, the political institution does not work in a vacuum. This is where the media comes in. One possible way of keeping in touch with the contemporary world is through the media. Communication is a vital tool for our existence as members of the society. In the advanced industrial world, 'the mass media are actually [an) integral part of political life, serving for most people as their major or only link with government, providing for them the information they require to make political judgments and on which they base their political attitudes' (Golding 1977, qtd. in Okunna 121). Often dubbed the "Fourth Estate of the Realm" after the Executive, Legislature and Judicial arms of government, and the "society watch dog" the media function as organs of information circulation which makes them key in the relationship between the government and the citizens. As Omoera (35-36)notes, The media being described as a watchdog is in recognition of its watchful and critical role against the bad practices of the government and private individuals ... The media have been irrepressible in holding the citizenry, particularly the political leaders accountable in Nigeria. However, the media is a non-state political actor. This means that the media rather belong to Civil Society. The media of mass communication inexorably wield a lot of power and influence in society, and the government is well aware of this singular fact. As in normal human nature, power is guarded with jealousy and the power holder deems anyone who dares stand in the way of that exercise of power an enemy, a rebel and a 'fifth wheel'. Over time, in many countries of the world, including the United States, the government has always thought that the media is out to pull her down or 'dethrone' her. This has exacerbated with the development of capitalist economy, intellectualism and liberation of thought. The stage thus seems set for a 'catand-mouse' relationship typified by suspicion, between government and the media. In Africa and indeed Nigeria, from the earliest days of colonial rule, independence and the military era to the democratic dispensation of today, government-media relations has been characterized by untold stories of repression, intimidation, detention and censorship. The government-media relationship
7581 P age
has equally been enmeshed in various degrees of abuse on the part of the government and almost an equal degree of rivalry from the media in the bid to expose recalcitrant government activities, thereby making both parties 'enemies' of one another. With 13 years of democratic rule, it is unfortunate that press freedom in Nigeria still remains a pipe dream, making it difficult for the government and the media to find a permanent 'ground' to settle their age-long differences. Good governance is the hallmark of democracy. The media as the fourth estate of the realm deserves a pride of place in order to enthrone public accountability, transparency, respect for the rule of law and maintenance of law and order, administration of justice and welfare of economically and socially weaker sections of society. In doing this, Donaldson (1993) reminds that, "It is important to remember why the press occupies this crucial position. It is not because of any special wisdom, interest or status enjoyed by proprietors, editors or journalists. It is because the media are the eyes and ears of the general public. They act on behalf of the general public. Their right to know and their right to publish are neither more nor less than that of the general public. Indeed it is that of the general public for whom they are trustees". What then are those untold stories of government a'tacks on the media in Nigeria? What are the specific ways the government and the media establish themselves as enemies of the other? Could there be possible prospective ways the media and the government can eschew all forms of harassment and rivalry and together embrace the ideology of true democracy and good governance in realization of the 'common good'? This historical approach and the related discourses are nonetheless inevitable. This is because as former President Olusegun Obasanjo once remarked "while we must forgive the past, we must maintain a collective protective memory that remembers the past; those who forget the past are doomed to repeat it" This history will help in better appreciating the need for discontinuing this endless hue and cry. In deepening Nigeria's fledgling democracy and engendering good governance in the polity, the roles of government and the media are inexorably linked and intertwined. Such roles are discussed in this paper. GOVERNMENT - MEDIA REIATIONSIDP IN NIGERIA: A WALK DOWN MEMORY lANE
Thomas Jefferson, the third president of the United States, once declared "were it left to me to decide whether we should have a government without newspapers or newspapers without a government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter". The obvious importance of the media underscored by the statement above cannot be over emphasized. But bec(luse of the power, real and imagined, of the press, the institution has over the years come under the scrutiny of the high and mighty and those at the ivory tower - government and public office holders alike, who have with various possible means tried to tame 'this tiger'. Like many governments and government officials, Mohandas Gandhi, father of India's independence had expressed his fear regarding the obvious power of the press and the use to which they could be put when he affIrmed that 'the press is a great power, but just as an unchained torrent of water submerges whole countryside and devastates crops, even so an uncontrolled pen serves but to destroy". While Gandhi's statement sounds plausible enough, it rather underlies the extent the functions of the media have come to be misconstrued by members of the same society in which they operate. Still, a three-time Prime Minister of Britain, Stanley Balwin, whom one would expect to have properly understood the intricate role of the media, once accused the press of wanting to "exercise power without responsibility" that he likened their power to "the privilege of the harlot". Richard Nixon
7591
37'h president of the United States who had to leave office under the throes of the Watergate Scandal, believed it was the press, not the Watergate that cost him his job. His deputy Spirow Agnew who was also found guilty of corruption thought it was the public's favourite 'whipping boy' - the press that turned him in. He tagged the American press with the alliterative name 'nattering nabobs of negativism'. These stories might be far-fetched but do not mean that the idea of bad-mouthing the media or putting them under all kinds of pressure is a recent or even Indian or American phenomenon. In Nigeria right from the colonial days, the press has come under the heavy •. hammer of various governments irrespective of those who run them. It all began with the foremost newspaper in Nigeria Iwe Irohin, which was set up in Abeokuta in Ogun state by Reverend Henry Townsend an Anglican missionary on December 3, 1859. The main mission of the paper was to evangelize the natives through western education and to champion the issues that affected them such as abolition of slave trade and the improvement of the welfare of the Egba people. The colonial government in Lagos did not like the tone of the paper and caused Townsend's recall to Britain in 1862. In order to please the colonial authorities in Lagos, the paper started making a shift in its editorial policy and content which in turn was not accepted by the Egbas, resulting in their burning down the premises of the newspaper in 1867. The immediate successor of Iwe Irohin was the Anglo-Afh"can, edited and published by Robert Campbell in 1863. In 1865, Anglo-Aiiicanbecause of its pro-government stance, fizzled out of circulation. In 1880, the Nigerian press scene witnessed an outbreak of publications established by nationalists dedicated to the extirpation of colonialism and enthronement of self-rule. Their problems with the colonial government had just begun. First, the government enacted the 1903 Newspaper Act seeking to regulate the establishment of newspapers. In 1909, it came up with the Sedition law which without doubt was aimed at the newspaper of the time. The first person to be tried under this law was James Bright Davies, editor of the Nigerian Times who had written an editorial condemning government policy of Negrophobism and other policies that threatened the prosperity of Lagos. Horatio Jackson, son of the Liberian trader and printer, founder and editor of the Lagos Weekly Recordwas also tried and jailed under the Sedition law. In 1917, the government gave more biting teeth to the 1903 Newspaper Act by adding various stiff clauses including one that imposed a fine of 100 pounds for failure to submit editorial materials for censorship. The year 1940 saw the banning of the ferociously outspoken West African PIlot and Daily Comet, two papers founded by Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe. This is remarkable as this is the only recorded incident of ban by the colonial government throughout its rule in Nigeria. In addition to these two laws, the Nigerian press was during this period, subjected to other enactments. These included provisions in the criminal code in 1916, regulations of advertisements in 1932, statutory provisions on defamation and contempt of court in 1916, official secrets act 1920, copyright regulations 1918, and censorship first introduced in 1917. Although most of these laws could be justified in a democratic society, the arbitrary manner in which some of them were enforced was a source of healthy anxiety (Ekwelie, n.d.221). With a skewed colonial history, at Independence, one would expect the press freedom in Nigeria to be a far cry from the standards set by the colonialists. But that was not to be, as successive regimes decided to toe the same lines that the colonial fathers did. At Independence, departing from the past where newspapers were set up by either political parties or private individuals, the regional governments of the North, East and West felt the need to establish their own newspapers: The Eastern Nigerian Outlook(by the eastern government in 1960), the Morning Post (by the federal government in 1961), the Daily Sketch (by the western government in 1964)
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and the New Nigenan (by the north just before the 1966 military coup). The major legal constraints on the press during this era were the Official Secret Act which had the provision for journalists to be compelled to disclose their source of information, the Sedition Law and the Newspaper Amendment Act of 1964 which made stringent provisions against establishment and operation of newspapers. In 1961, (hike Obi the Nigerian mathematician published a pampWet he called the People: Facts you must knOw, in which he denounced oppressors of the poor and exploiters of the weak. He was hurled into court and convicted on charges of exciting hatred toward the government. The next year, three university lecturers were convicted for their criticism of the findings of a public commission in Western Nigeria (see Nwabueze, 1964). AND THEN CAME THE RULE OF THE MIUTARY!
As the soldiers came breaking the ground with their boots in the 1966 military coup, they also broke down cherished values of press freedom. Military governors tried to make themselves compulsory editors of their state newspapers when they could. At certain times they gave orders on what page they wanted their photographs to appear. If the editor was weak, the military governor had a field day. It he was not, they showed him the way out. When the Biafran war broke out in 1967, the press unwittingly took sides. The exigencirs of war provided the editor with the excuse for internal censorship and government authorities iNith one for external censorship, who became oversensitive to news publications on the war. In particular, the then military governor of the Western state, Brigadier Adeyinka Adebayo in 1968 promulgated two edicts banning the distribution, possession and sale of two newspapers - Sunday Star and Imole Owuro, all for security reasons. In the 1960s and 70s, most of the major political, economic and social forensic battles were usually fought in the print media. Because of the relative novelty and ownership pattern of the electronic media (they were all government-owned); they never really ruffled many feathers nor rocked the boats with their broadcasts. According to Ekpu (1996), 'they just swam along with the tide and landed at the shore safely all the time'. Moreover, the most sensational crises that the press faced in the 70s was the Minere Amakiri issue. Amakiri, a Port-Harcourt based reporter of the Bendel state-owned Nigerian ObselVernewspaper, in 1973 filed a story on a teachers' strike looming in the state. His editor in Benin thought his story had all the trappings of front news. He thus gave it the treatment it deserved: banner headline! In those days a front page byline was every reporter's dream. Unluckily, the story was published on the day the Rivers state military governor Alfred DietteSpiff was celebrating his 31st birthday. When he saw the "embarrassing story" he was livid. He ordered that Amakiri be given the kind of treatment that nosy journalists like him ought to get: Amakiri was given a clean haircut with an "old rusty blade", was stripped naked and given 24 strokes of the cane on his bare back. This act caused a great uproar within the media, within the country and outside the country. The Lagos lawyer Gani Fawehinmi took up the defense case of Amakiri as the case was finally settled in court. The reporter was awarded damages for his scars to the tune of NI0, 750. The Amakiri case turned into a breaking point in government-press relations. But it did nothing to diminish the fervor for confrontation among law enforcement agents. Between 1973 and 1975, there were 50 cases of government harassment of journalists (Ekwelie, n.d. 228). The year 1974 was a bad year for editors and reporters. On ]anuary 31, a correspondent of the New Nigerian a government newspaper, David Atalase was arrested for reporting that prisoners had escaped from a local prison. Others were Tukur Othman who was invited to the Supreme headquarters to disclose the source of a story that reported the suspension
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of two senior army officers and Chinaka Finecountry a Daily Times reporter who was detained for about a week for the false news that a marijuana peddler was in Nigeria (see Ageda, 1974). The post civil war period was not without its own share of press woes. Then the Nigerian press including government -owned was robust. By then the Daily Times a private newspaper run by the professionally respected Babatunde Jose had become a popular national newspaper wielding great influence. Clearly the Obasanjo military government found the level of influence unbearable and dedded to compulsorily acquire 60% of the shares of the Daily Times group. Once that was done, government moved to appointing the board, the managing director and the editors. This culminated in a noticeable decline in the influence and followership of the paper, as the people began questioning its credibility. The same year 1976, government enacted the Public Officers Protection Decree: making it an offence to publish or broadcast anything, even if true, that embarrasses a public office holder. Consequently, in 1977, the Obasanjo military government banned Chris Okolie's Newbreedmagazine for two years. This Decree was in fact a forerunner to a more controversial and obnoxious Decree, Decree Number 4. Enacted in 1984 and christened Public Officers Protection Against False Accusation Decree, the law criminalized false press reports, written statements or rumours that exposed an officer of the military state or the federal government to ridicule. Ogbondah, (11) sharing this experience wrote that "one of the covert reasons for introdudng this law was to gag the press and muzzle public opinion from questioning the power of the military government's power to rule, its policies and actions ... to stave off criticism that the regime was corrupt". In 1983, Dele Giwa then editor of Sunday Concord was arrested and detained for a period of 14 days in Ikoyi prisons for publishing government "secret documents" while his colleague Ray Ekpu, the Chair of the Concord editorial board was charged with 'murder by pen' and detained for 17 days in connection with a case of arson on the Nigerian External Telecommunications which claimed two lives in which Ekpu wrote an editorial to warn NET to guard their installations against the rising wave of fraud-induced arson. This and the Amakiri case spurred the journalism professional bodies in Nigeria to rise like one family as they fought with solidarity to ensure that justice was done. During this era also, attempt was made to bring back to life the almost 'dead' Sedition law enacted by the colonialists. Notably, during Jim Nwobodo's governorship of Anambra state the Sedition law was used against the Ivory Trumpet Publishing Company Limited, publishers of the Weekly Trumpet. The paper in an article had accused the governor of recklessly spending party and public fund without appropriate account for them. In court, Justice Emmanuel Araka held the paper not liable and maintained that "debate on public issues should be uninhibited, robust and wide open and that it may well include vehement, caustic and sometimes unpleasant sharp attacks on government and public officials" (see Ekpu 48). In yet another sedition case also initiated by Jim Nwobodo's government against Arthur Nwankwo, a famous author and politician, for a published pamphlet he titled 'How Jim Nwobodo Rules Anambra State'. The matter which ended in the Court of Appeal, was ruled in favour of the defendant on grounds of press freedom and freedom of expression. General Murtala Mohammed/General Olusegun Obasanjo's administration actually responded to people's clamoring for a civilian government on 1st October 1979 which resulted in the emergence of Alhaji Shehu Shagari led civilian government that was nonetheless brought to an abrupt end on 31st of December 1984 through coup d'etat. The wiping away of the short-lived civilian rule and the return of the military on December 31 heralded a new but tough era for the Nigerian press. When General Muhammadu Buhari enacted the odious Decree 4 in 1984, two reporters of the Guardian - Nduka Imbor and Tunde Thompson were convicted under the Decree
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and jailed for one year each while the newspaper was fined N50, 000. When General Ibrahi Babangida came on board, he cashed in on the unpopular Decree 4. He warmed his way into heart of journalists by abrogating the law. Once he was sure he had 'arrived', he start, unleashing nightmares with Decree 2 enacted by the Buhari government which states th anyone could be detained for three months without charges or without trial under the umbrel of "state security". Journalists were picked up and detained under this decree. However, nothing in the history of media-government relations in Nigeria in the earlie days compares with the cruel assassination of Dele Giwa, co-founder and first editor-in-chief Newswatch started in 1985. In 1986 Newswatch editors had been invited at least five times fi
t
questioning by various security organs of the government. The last invitation to Giwa by Sta Security Service, came on October 19 1986. Giwa who was consequently presented with four COUI allegations, on October 19, received a parcel 'From the Office of the Commander-in-Ollef whic turned out to be a bomb that killed the great man of the press. After Dele Giwa, more calamitil were to befall Newswatch. The following year, on April 6, the government proscribed tl: magazine for six months under a custom-made decree Newswatch Proscription Decree No. I Owing to these experiences the press became increasingly critical of the government, especially 0 the transition programme. This made closure of newspapers and magazine outfits by th government incessant. Some of the newspapers shut down in~luded The Observer, Punch, Lag£ News, Vanguard, Champion, Guardian, Concord, The Reporter, Abuja Newsday, and so on. Durin this era also, several journalists were arrested and detained without trial. Some of thel] comprised Nduka Obaigbena, Chris Mamah, Sam Amuka, Dele Alake, Nsikak Essien, Willy Bozimc Emma Agu, Dan Agbese, Ray Ekpu, Tunde Ogungbile, of This Week; Punch, Vanguard, Sunda. Concord, National Concord, News Agency of Nigeria, Champion, Newswatch, and New HorizoL respectively. The list goes on and on. In June 1993, the Babangida administration enacted in I hurry, Decree 43 which sought to compel all news media to register their publications witl Newspaper Registration Board with draconian powers. In 1994, three news!Japer groups - thl Guardian, Concord, and Punch were banned by the government. Aside more obvious attacks fron government, the press had to endure some other forms of pressure from other quarters, mostl) arsonists, security agencies, and other groups. The worst and turbulent experience arguably was under General Sanni Abacha's regimE of 1994 to 1998 which did not bother to woo or befriend Nigerian press. The regime did not rely much on promulgation of any draconian Decrees to attack the press, instead journalists wen being alleged of conspiring in the execution of coup and subsequently jailed, newsprint wer€ seized in port, newspaper houses were proscribed, vendors of enemy publications were harassed, newspaper proprietors were attacked, publications were proscribed, fake publications becam€ popular which were extended to electronic media (Aro 13). The sudden death of General Sani Abacha brought his government to an end which led to the General Abdulsalam Abubakar administration. This government is just slightly different from his predecessors but proscribed Guardian Newspaper and Guardian Weekly Magazine on 14th August 1994 through Decree NO.8 of 1994. When Nigeria welcomed with open arms to embrace the dawn of democratic rule and bid farewell to the military era, one would have thought that things would change for the better and that the ideology of press freedom would be vehemently pursued. But that was not to be. Media Rights Agenda (MRA), a Lagos-based nongovernmental organization which promotes press freedom and freedom of expression, recorded more than fifty cases of reported abuses against journalists and other violations of freedom of expression between June 2002 and
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September 2003, including at least nine cases of physical assault by the police, as well as other forms of harassment, intimidation and obstruction, such as destruction or confiscation of journalists' cameras (Media Rights Monitor, 2003 in Human Rights Watch, 23). In November 2002, the premises of three independent newspapers based in Port-Harcourt, The Argus, The Beacon, and The Independent Monitor, were invaded by the police and several journalists were arrested by the police for publishing stories seen as critical of the Rivers state government. They were detained for several hours before being released. The Rivers State governor's lawyer reportedly wrote to the newspapers threatening to sue them for libel if they refused to retract the articles. On June 20, 2003, officials of COJAvisited the Tell office in Lagos and offered to buy up all copies of the issue before it went on sale; the management of Tell refused. The magazine contained an article on corruption in the award of contracts for coverage of the All Africa Games. The following day, as the magazine was going on sale, the officials who identified themselves as acting on orders of the presidency targeted all the main distribution points and bought up all the copies. Other cases of repression of press freedom during this period included attempts preventing journalists from filming or taking photographs at certain events, expelling journalists from their reporting beats, and muzzling writers and publishers. For instance in mid-June 2003, the publisher of a book entitled "This madness called election 2003," which denounced government abuses during the elections, was arrested hy the SSS and taken to Abuja for questioning. All copies of the book were seized from the publishers, SNAAPPress in Enugu, and the printing materials confiscated so that it could not be reprinted. Between 2005 and 2009, other reported and unreported cases of negative press-government relations in Nigeria abound. Udeze (119 - 121) writes that according to the last documentation of Reporters Without Borders - an organization that compiles the press freedom index every year around the world, between 1996 and 2009, 10 Nigerian journalists have been killed. They include Bayo Ohu (2009), Samson Boyi (1999), Sam Nimfa-Jan (1999), Fidelis Ikwuebe (1999), Okezie Amaruben (1998), Tunde Oladepo (1998), Godwin Agbroko (2006), Bolade Fasasi (1999), Chinedu Offoaro (1996) and Bagauda Kaltho (1996). Other assaulted journalists included Kayode Adeji (Nex4, Segun Adeleye (Daily Independen4, and Ademola ani (The Fundi), who were manhandled by the thugs of the Ogun State House of Assembly speaker, Hon. Tunji Egbetokun. In April 2008, four American documentary filmmakers and a Nigerian who were shooting a documentary film on the conflict between the government and armed groups in the oil-rich Niger Delta region were arrested by the military police in Delta state and detained for seven days. In February 2009 also, some armed men disguised as workshop participants, secretly entered a workshop venue attended by about 40 journalists in Iyaganku, Ibadan and beat the journalists and carted away with their personal and media property ('10urnalists Village", 2009 cited in Udeze, 2012). In May 2012, This Day office in Abuja was rocked and destroyed by bomb purportedly planted by Boko Haram. The list is inexhaustible as there are countless other unreported cases of abuse on media and media practitioners over time. Compared to the military era, the degree of attacks on Nigeria press today, has arguably minimized. The media in Nigeria despite attacks and oppressions of the past have remained stoically brazen in their reports and analysis of political and socio-economic issues. This is even helped more by the proliferation of private owned newspapers, magazines, radio houses and television outfits, and less of government owned media enterprises. President Obasanjo's democratic regime found the media giving in-depth investigative analysis of news reports on major office holders that saw the late Chuba Okadigbo, Evans Enwerem, Salusi Buhari, Bola Tinubu, Ghali Na'Abba, former governor James Ibori, the most hit. Other cases that come to mind
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include those involving prof Adenike Grange, Iyabo Obasanjo-Bello, Patricia Etteh, Dimeji Bankole, amongst many others. This obvious development notwithstanding, reports show that there abound many unreported and stifled cases of attacks and repressions by government and her cohorts toward media practitioners, which do not see the light of day. Media and Government relationship: how do they pose threats to each other? In examining the relationship between the media and Nigerian government, focus must be given to those issues of contention that give rise to this obvious 'dislike' from the government. What are those activities of the media that position her as 'anti' government? In what ways do the media situate themselves in opposition to the government? Nwosu, (2003) helped to put these issues in perspective. However, this is not to say that these are peculiar to Nigeria alone; they obtain in most countries where press freedom is still an unwanted child of business. • The mass media redefine government policies and laws. By criticizing or deliberately modifying government policies and propagating the media's own stance in a bid to gain public support, reaction and or following, the media pitch themselves in a cold war with the government. • The media retrench or dethrone governments. The persuasive and pervasive natures of the media bestow on them potent and influential power that is hard to ignore. During the regimes of Gowon, Shagari, IdiagbonjBuhari and Taf(1wa Balewa, the media were believed to have written editorials and made broadcasts that might have brought about public agitations and public debate concerning performance of these governments. More recently, the third term bid of former President Olusegun Obasanjo's was foiled partly by the huge media attention it generated and its criticisms by the media in media analysis, news reports, commentaries and editorials. •
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The media arguably create radical change in society. Through their cultural, educative and entertaining programme contents, the media could incite and evolve radical change in people, by painting a picture of their own world and bringing the rest of the world to them their ideals, lifestyle and ideologies. The end result is possible cultural domination, 'mainstreaming', and cultural invasion and homogeneity. This manifests itself in change in the way people think, dress, speak, work and live generally. Media give constant 'news attention' to public officials, public offices and public figures. One of the criteria for adjudging a news story newsworthy is prominence - on prominent personalities and public officials. More so, news is often defined in the negative; thus the negative sides of the stories involving these public figures make more news. Media serve as the 'crusade dog', the 'watch dog', and 'guard dog' for society. The activities of government and the citizens are mirrored in the media who act as the eye, the ears and the hands of the masses and act in their interest. Through their agenda setting and status conferral roles, issues that affect the public are given prominence by the media culminating in the propagation of diverse views and opinions from members of the citizenry.
Owing to the foregoing, government conversely poses menacing challenges to media and its practitioners. How do they do this? • Government restricts the issuance of broadcasting licenses to intending media owners whom they think are not their friends. They even revoke given licenses if certain media organizations are found wanting in loyalty. • Government ban journalists from accessing or publishing certain national assembly matters, security issues, and other classified information. This explains why the protraction in the
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passing of the Freedom of Information (FOI) Bill into law. Aro. (2011) writing on this development infers: I'm not surprised with the delay FOI Bill [is] having because it is based on what I perceived as fear of insecurity by Nigerian politicians and others who are benefitting from them because Nigerian government generally is operating in secrecy and stealth which is an ideal planted by colonialism and as a matter of fact it is the major vehicle that aids corruption in Nigeria.
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Government officials are officially restricted from issuing press statements. disclosing relevant government information on any private, surreptitious event or activity, to any journalist. There abound several laws, decrees. edicts and legal restrictions that hamper the media's role of free information dissemination. Media contents are often censored before and or after publication. The fear of government has even instilled the idea of self-censorship in the editorial body of most media organizations, to make news suit certain official standards. Certain information are sometimes recalled or retracted after broadcast or publication. Government deliberate ownership of the mass media po~e limiting challenges to media's performance of its watch dog and crusade dog roles in ensconcing the principles of good governance. Aminu (1996) cited in (Dinkpa 24), argues that "governments need to have their policies, programmes and activities publicized and given the desired slant; they cannot normally get this from the private-sector-owned press." This situation scholars agree turn these government-owned mass media into mere 'megaphones'. dishing out mere 'government news' and leaving out critical matters of good governance most times. Uttle wonder, in journalism circles today. such parlance as "he. who pays the piper. dictates the tune" and Ua government-owned mass media is better than no mass media" resonate with so much conviction. The above issues notwithstanding, government, going by the history of the Nigeria government-press relations attempted above. has consistently employed certain extralegal measures to overwhelm media independence and these have advertently reverberated in the social and political consciousness of media people and the citizens at large. Udeze (94) offers the following as some of the extralegal measures: • Unlawful detention • • • • • •
Beating of journalists Seizing of working equipment Razing/Demolition of media houses Confiscation of copies/Sealing of media houses Publishing fake editions of papers Killing of journalists
Engendering good governance in Nigeria: can media play any role? Though the concept of good governance has defied any general definition due to its various dimensions - political, generic and academic - yet it is compensated by the identification of principles that strengthen good governance in any society. Such critical principles include participation. rule of law. transparency of decision making or openness, accountability. predictability or coherence. consensus oriented, equitable and inclusive and effectiveness (Our
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Global Neighbourhood 1; UNESCAP,2009). The primary actor in the process of governance is the government acting through its executive, legislative and judicial arms. Of course, other actors of auxiliary status may include the NGOs, the private sector, political parties, lobbyists, international donors, multinational corporations, finance institutions, the academia, religious leaders and of course the media. Good governance as one of the ideals of democracy produces such fundamentals like "common good", "equality", "social justice", among such other dividends in a nation. The history of Nigerian government-media relationship espoused in this discourse is an attempt at making us appreciate not just the daunting challenges the mass media grapple with in the discharge of their societal roles, but also the exigency of a free and pluralistic media that will better help in engendering good governance in the Nigerian polity. Vibrant democracy needs independent and pluralistic media - independence from governmental, political or economic control, or from control of materials and infrastructure essential for the production and dissemination of media products and programmes. The roles expected of the mass media in promoting good governance therefore, are discussed as follows: •
Ensuring a responsible and responsive Government: UdomslilJ (2012) puts it this way, The work of the media forces policy-makers anl~ officials to be more prudent about their decisions and activities that affect the livelihood of the people and the development of the society as a whole. They need to prepare to be transparent, accountable and responsible for what they do since their activities may be brought to the attention of the public at any time by the media. In fact, corruption, transparency and accountability, which have been challenges and issues of concern while the public sector strives to achieve good governance, are the focus of the media at all times. This, the media do by active and critical reporting of government activities like legislations, policy formulations and implementations, budgeting, judicial processes, etc, and stressing the achievements and shortcomings of the government, keeping it under continuous pressure to deliver on the expectations of the people. However, the word "responsible," when applied to the press by public officials, is often a code word for - "don't rock the boat. Don't do anything that I believe might be counterproductive, and certainly don't do anything that will embarrass me and my government." In a country like Nigeria, as we have gleaned, ensuring a responsive and responsible government is a tough one, one that creates continuous dilemma for the media practitioners, as the government employs various measures to make them conform to their whims and caprices.
•
Building an enlightened, informed and active citizenry: Media can inform people, giving them the voice to be heard and heeded to. Democracy requires that people should have the right to know the activities of the government, especially the decision of the government that affects their life, liberty and property. Information is important for people to make choices regarding their participation in the State, the market and the civil society. Sufficient information helps people to decide rationally and take the right course of action beneficial to them. Serving as the "Marketplace of ideas" for the nation, media - both print and electronic - thus help people to know what is happening around the world, socialize them with the values of pluralism and equip them with the elements of modernity. By publicizing information the media also make public services more responsive to the people (Yadav, 2001).
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Ensuring a continuous and vibrant civic education and communication: A responsible media with a good governance agenda equally helps in socialization of people into citizenship, democratization of the State and political society, institutionalization of civic culture through unfettered flow of information, and rationalized use of power in social relations. There is need for an efficient and continuous communication between the two spheres of the political society - the leaders and the led. Again, even among the led themselves, communication is utmost for mutual understanding and mass mobilisation. It is the media that set the social agenda and it is on their platform that the discussions arising from the agenda are done. So the onus lies on the media to capitalise on their overwhelming communicative strength to ensure regular and efficient flow of information from the media sphere to the public domain. Accurate and professional report of issues and events geared toward advancing the 'common good': In further advancing the principles of good governance, the media need to shore up their own credibility by giving accurate, unbiased and objective reports of issues of social, economic and political consequence. This is decisive, as scholars have reasoned that different media organizations, due to challenges posed by ownership patterns and other interests, frame news to support a particular predetermined 'side' and also give the news a predefined, desired editorial slant. For instance, some scholarly review of the role of the Nigerian mass media during crisis situations [a matter of good governance] reveals a distortion. S,"holars contend that the media in reporting crises have not lived up to standards and expectation (Galadima and Enighe, 2001; Omenugha, 2004; Tejumaiye, 2005 and Okunna and Omenugha, 2008). In line with their strategic location, ownership and ethnic leanings, the mass media in Nigeria produce biased reports of these crises that not only throw the tenets of professionalism that whet their role in good governance to the waste bin, but also inevitably continue to fan the flames of war. Implacable Arch Foes or Potential Allies? Admittedly, given the historical antecedents involving them, both the government and the media in Nigeria, "without pretensions are complimentary to each other; both treat each other with kid gloves or with violence of various magnitude; both are suspicious of each other and [yet] each cannot survive without the other" (Nwosu, 1993). But for how long should they continue to treat themselves as arch foes, as 'strange bedfellows', as 'intimate strangers' and with carrot-and-stick approach? Indeed, if good governance remains a democratic ideal to be pursued, government and the mass media need to look past the past and begin to, in the national interest and for common good, explore and exploit various promising and potential ways of relating better. A few of these ways are explicable: .:. Government should involve all sectors of the economy/society - the judicial, legislative and the civil society represented by the media and other independent stakeholders of good governance in decision making process. By making these, especially the mass media part and parcel of the decision-making, they would become active political actors, would hardly feel suspicious of the government or try to redefine or reinterpret, out of context, such policies and decisions. You cannot destroy what you helped build. However, caution should be exercised by the media in doing this, as they stand the chance of losing their "voice" in the spirit of such friendliness with the government . •:. The business of journalism is hinged on balanced reporting. Thus, the media ought not to sacrifice balance and objectivity on the altar of bias, prejudice and yellow journalism. In this wise, attention should not be solely given to the ills done by public officers and
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public offices, but also on the 'good'. The need for this is significant as news among media practitioners is often regarded as the negative, the bad and the bizarre . •:. By restricting media operating licenses from aspiring media owners, government set herself up for scrutiny. The media industry, as is obtained in developed economies of the world, should be heavily privatized. This is to facilitate media democratization and more participation in the industry. Nevertheless, government should be reminded that media operation is not an all-corners-affair. Individuals, organisations and groups whom such licenses would be given to must be tested and trusted hands, those with some kind of proven media experience; those who want to contribute meaningful quota toward developing the media industry for the greater good of all, not merely to be used for the advancement of sectional, economic and or political interests . •:. Bills that persuade press freedom in Nigeria should be vetoed and passed. The Freedom of Information which just recently was passed into law remains a mirage as little or no use of the long-battled law is publicly identified. Such laws that help to empower the press in the discharge of their roles viz-a-viz good governance should not just be passed, but should not be allowed to remain mere "toothless bulldogs". Moreover, repressive media laws, decrees and other legal and extralegal punitive measures should be minimized by the government as they restrict the media from carry ng out their duty of satisfying the information needs of the larger society, especially as the world is fast becoming a global village ruled by information . •:. Information is power; and the use of information is even greater power. It therefore behooves government to give the media access to adequate information needed to facilitate a well informed citizemy. This is important, as a popular axiom rightly says "an ill-informed person is a subject; a well-informed person a citizen". Indubitably, as earlier noted 'the mass media are actually [an] integral part of political life, serving for most people as their major or only link with government, providing for them the information they require to make political judgments and on which they base their political attitudes' (Golding 1977, qtd. in Okunna 121). "Democracy dies behind closed doors," one-time US judge Damon J. Keith once warned. "When government begins closing doors, it selectively controls information rightfully belonging to the people." And that is true . •:.
The Nigerian media should be socially responsible, so as to be socially acceptable. They need to show themselves worthy of government respect by constantly upholding the codes of ethics of journalism practice through self regulatory mechanisms via the various professional media bodies. Accordingly, if they are to play an effective part in achieving good governance at the national and international level, it seems as if news organisations need to do some "governance grooming" of their own. They do not have legitimate rights to criticize the authorities for being corrupt or incompetent if they are themselves highly unprofessional and corrupt. .:. Moreover, the media should be, and be seen to be patriotic. They should constantly maintain good, positive image of the country in their news reports and analysis. It is no more news that Nigeria already has a smeared public relations image at the international scene. Nothing will please government more than seeing a vibrant, Nigerian media that is consciously devoted to helping her attract goodwill and development to the economy. For this new relationship to be effective however, both government and the media should shirk from all form of propaganda and its devices.
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Both should be reminded that in the interest of good governance, democracy and national interest, propaganda in the media and among the media and government, is and always will be 'an unwanted child of business'. CONCLUSION
The concept of good governance emerged as an important element of the political and economic agendas, mainly because a contrary concept and practice of bad governance exist, characterized by corruption, unaccountable governments and lack of respect for human rights. Bad governance is being increasingly regarded as one of the fundamental causes of all evil within our societies. This has become ever more dangerous, and the challenge to intervene in such cases had become urgent. Government and the mass media in Nigeria have equal roles to play in ensuring the unremitting and consistent pursuit and advancement of the ideals of good governance, especially in deepening our fledgling democracy. Their roles in this wise are inextricably interwoven and interdependent. While the mass media can help in promoting and reminding the government of her expected democratic roles, government (a prudent one) could take advantage of the power of the media to achieving her national goals, and in helping to feeling the pulse of the people through public opinion/public opinion poll, as this will help such government project democratic ideals in all sphere of society. Both can form formidable force in the fight against corruption, in achieving the transformational agenda of the federal government, in achieving the 20-2020 Vision and in spreading the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs)of the United Nations before the target year, 2015.Yet, for this to be actuated, there is need for a free, independent and pluralistic media in Nigeria. A well-governed society engenders the kind of economic, social, political and legal environment that allow media to operate freely and enable other institutions to function at full capacity. Khan (5) surmises it thus: Independent media are like a beacon that should be welcomed when there is nothing to hide and much to improve. Indeed, this is the concrete link between the functioning of the media and good governance - the media allow for ongoing checks and assessments by the population of the activities of government and assist in bringing public concerns and voices into the open by providing a platform for discussion. Regrettably, however, Instead [of empowering the media], all too often, governments devise laws and informal means of keeping their activities hidden from public view, or only available to media favourable to their viewpoint. In recent years, many governments have tried to co-opt journalists by paying part of their salaries or by giving them certain kinds of access on condition that they will not report from other perspectives. If the media are to function in the public interest, governments must protect the independent functioning of the media and allow various viewpoints to flourish in society (op. cit) The good news moreover is: Nigerian media and government can perform their roles on good governance on the same plane by forming and operating as a team. A team works together toward a common goal. One of the cardinal problems that has continued to widen the relationship gap and facilitating estrangement among media and government is that each of them seems to have a different, ~lf-seeking agenda from the overall democratic and good governance agenda. Time has come for a more unified interest to play out in this important
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relationship. We therefore propose an affinity or mutuality of purpose between the Nigerian government and the media. This is exemplified in the popular global International Relations principle, paraphrased from the words ofLord Palmerston in 1848: "Nopermanent fTjends, and no permanent fOes,· we have only permanent interests" (Brian Champion, 1). Even though they do not relate on international basis, this profound statement made centuries ago should become a welcome archetype in the discourse centering on government-press relations, not just in Nigeria but the world over. However, it is imperative that they do not become 'permanent friends' as the media could lose their 'voice' amidst the conviviality; they on the other hand, cannot remain 'permanent enemies' as this is not in the best interest of democracy, press freedom and good governance. The word therefore is 'permanent interests'. Only when this is done can government discontinue regarding the media as arch-foe and both could start seeing themselves as allies and partners in progress, in development, in transformation of the economy, and in deepening our democracy, for the greater good of all.
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Omenugha. Kate A. "Nigerian press and the politics of Difference: an analysis of the newspaper report of the YorubajHausa Ethnic Clash of February 200"2 inJ. Hands and E. Siapera (eds.) At Interface: Continuity and Transformation in Culture and Politics. Amsterdam, New York Rodopi, 2004. 61 - 79. Print. Omoera, Osakue Stevenson "The Import of the Media in an Emerging Democracy: an Evaluation of the Nigerian Situation". journal of Social Science, 22.1 (2010): 33-38. Print. Tejumaiye, J. A. "Mass Media as Agents of Leadership in Unifying a Complex Multi-culture and Multi-linguistic Society",journal of Communication 3 (2005): 144-153. Print. Our Global Neighbourhood. "Report of the Commission on Global Governance". 1995: n.pag. Web. 12 April 2012. Udeze, Sunny E. Media Law and Ethics. Enugu: Rhyce Kerex Publishers, 2012. Print. Udomslip Anothai. The Role of Media In Promoting Good Governance. Asia Pacific Institute for Broadcasting Development. Web. 12 April 2012. UNESCAP. What is Good Governance? Asia and the Pacific, 2009. Web. Yadav, Lal Babu. Role of Media in Telegraph WeeklyjFES national Web. 12 April 2012.
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United Nations Economic and Social Commission for 12 April, 2012.
Promoting Good Governance Paper presented at a level media seminar, K'1thmandu on December 20, 200l.
