Leapfrogging to Sustainable Consumption? An ... - Springer Link

J Consum Policy (2011) 34:175–196 DOI 10.1007/s10603-010-9150-5 ORIGINAL PAPER

Leapfrogging to Sustainable Consumption? An Explorative Survey of Consumption Habits and Orientations in Southern Brazil Martina Schäfer & Melanie Jaeger-Erben & Aguinaldo dos Santos

Received: 29 January 2010 / Accepted: 30 November 2010 / Published online: 11 January 2011 # Springer Science+Business Media, LLC. 2011

Abstract In current political and scientific debates on sustainable consumption, the lowand middle-income classes of emerging countries are gaining attention. One common feature of such debates is the idea that these emerging consumer classes could be motivated to “leapfrog” directly to environmentally and socially aware consumption patterns and, thereby, avoid adopting the resource-intensive consumption styles of populations in industrialized countries. To be able to adapt sustainable product development or sustainable communication strategies to the needs of low- and medium-income classes, it is necessary to know more about the basic consumption orientations, current consumption habits, and future consumption aspirations of these societal groups. In order to contribute towards filling that knowledge gap, an exploratory survey was conducted, taking the example of emerging low- and middle-income classes in a Southern Brazilian city. The survey identified five different consumer types: the Home-Centered Traditionals, the Indifferent, the Up-to-date Privileged, the Wanna-be Materialists, and the Quality of Life-Oriented Postmaterialists. The paper outlines some ideas concerning how these types can be addressed with target-group-specific products and services as well as differentiated sustainability communication strategies. We conclude, however, that “leapfrogging” of Brazilian low- and middle-income classes towards sustainable consumption is not a very likely option. There are certain consumption orientations that sustainability strategies can link to, but these trends are not likely to compensate the general tendencies towards a resource-intensive lifestyle following the model of the industrialized countries. Keywords Sustainable consumption . Lifestyle segmentation . Consumption styles . Lowincome groups M. Schäfer (*) : M. Jaeger-Erben Center for Technology and Society, Technische Universität Berlin, Sekr. ER 2-2, Hardenbergstr. 4-5, 10623 Berlin, Germany e-mail: [email protected] A. dos Santos Sustainable Design Research Center, Universidade Federal do Paraná, Rua General Carneiro 460, CEP 80060-150 Curitiba, Brazil

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Introduction Sustainable consumption and production has been on the international agenda since Agenda 21 identified unsustainable patterns of production and consumption as the major cause of the continued deterioration of the global environment. In 2003, the United Nations-led “Marrakech-process” initiated the 10-Year Framework of Programmes (10YFP), which supports worldwide efforts in this field by governments, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs), and industry (UNDESA 2007a). Besides the recognition that industrialized countries have an explicit responsibility to transform their resource-intensive lifestyles, recently the “new middle classes” of emerging countries such as China, India, and Brazil have been gaining attention. Lange and Meier (2009a, b) state that, by adapting to “Western lifestyles,” the new middle classes of these countries are increasingly being seen as undermining efforts that have been made so far in the highly industrialized countries. They comment that this criticism is rather ironic, since the lifestyles that are being criticized—owning a private car, high household energy use, and eating large amounts of meat—are nothing other than those which have been considered in industrialized countries as general wealth standards for decades (ibid.). Parallel to the debate about the responsibility of the “new middle classes” towards sustainable development and climate protection, marketing experts have started to focus on lowincome classes as being the “main power of the next global phase of economic prosperity” (Kirchgeorg and Win 2006; Prahalad 2005). It is expected that during the next 10 years, about 800 million consumers of the so-called BRIC countries (Brazil, India, Russia, and China) will enter the formal market (da Rocha and Ferreira da Silva 2008). Myers and Kent (2002, p. 4963) propose that the environmental impacts of consumption “are becoming all the more important now that the 850 million long-established consumers in rich countries have recently been joined by almost 1.1 billion new consumers in 17 developing and three transition countries.” Despite differences in moral impetus linked to addressing these emergent consumer classes, there is a rather broad political and scientific consensus that, for example, the ambitious reduction goals for carbon dioxide emissions which have been formulated by the International Panel on Climate Change can only be achieved in a joint effort of industrialized, emerging, and developing countries (Tukker 2005; WBCSD 2008). The strategy of addressing emergent consumer classes with sustainability issues is linked to expectations that they would, in a process of “leapfrogging,” directly adopt sustainable consumption patterns, instead of imitating the resource-intensive lifestyles of industrialized countries (Sawyer 2002; Tukker 2005). To be able to address the needs of the emergent low- and medium-income classes, it should be recognized that they are not a homogeneous group, but they differ in behaviour, values, preferences, household types, and other aspects of their living conditions (Lange and Meier 2009a, b). In many emerging countries, there are still little data available on the consumption habits and aspirations of different segments within these classes. Hence, for the development of a strategy of “leapfrogging” to sustainable consumption, it is necessary to gain more knowledge about different consumer types and develop target-group-specific products, services, and communication measures (Belz and Peattie 2009; Charter 2002). This paper presents the results of an explorative survey in this field, carried out in Curitiba, a medium-sized city in Southern Brazil. Almost 300 inhabitants were interviewed concerning their household equipment, consumption orientations, and habits as well as

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future consumption aspirations. These data were the basis for identifying consumption styles and developing preliminary strategic ideas on how these segments can be addressed regarding issues of sustainable consumption. Even though this lifestyle segmentation focuses on a specific urban context in Southern Brazil and cannot be generalized to the whole Brazilian population, it can be seen as an attempt to increase knowledge of consumption orientations and habits of urban populations in emerging countries. Besides this, it aims to initiate a debate about target-group-specific sustainable consumption strategies in Brazil.

Theoretical and Empirical Background This section first introduces current understanding in the social sciences on the role of consumption in modern societies and some research on consumer segmentation in sociology and marketing. It then discusses characteristics of sustainable consumption in general and, more specifically, what is known about sustainability-relevant consumption patterns in Brazil. Consumption in Modern Societies In modern societies, goods and services are not only consumed to satisfy substantial needs (housing, alimentation, clothing, etc.) but also serve as a means of expressing the societal group to which one does or does not belong (Bourdieu 1984). The symbolic value of consumption and its function for social distinction as well as self expression are important to consider in the process of transformation towards sustainable consumption (Lange 2005; Reusswig 1994; Rink 2002; Schulze 1992). Since the 1980s, there has been a sociological debate about the main drivers for social differentiation. Characteristics of social position, like education and income, or variables like sex and age, which had previously been used for segmentation were no longer seen to be able to explain the pluralization of lifestyles in modern societies (Brand 2000). Therefore lifestyle research has additionally been considering variables such as values, attitudes, and socio-cultural patterns to identify segments with similar preferences (Berger and Hradil 1990; Konietzka 1997; Reusswig 1994). There is no common definition of lifestyles in the scientific literature (Enneking and Franz 2005; Lange 2005). Reusswig (1994) defines lifestyles as relatively stable socio-cultural behavioural practices which—to a certain extent—can be chosen individually, in contrast to socio-economic resources which depend to a greater extent on familial background and cultural traditions. Based on a comparison of the dimensions commonly used for the description of lifestyles, he identifies three main categories: social position (education, income, and profession), mentality (values, attitudes, goals), and performance (consumption habits, equipment, every day practices) (Reusswig 2002). Consumption Styles and Consumer Segmentation Besides its analytical function in sociology, lifestyle research has frequently been used as a basis for developing differentiated marketing strategies for specific consumer segments. In saturated markets, consumer segmentation is one of the main marketing tools enabling supply of similarly functional products with “extra” benefits and symbolic values directed at certain consumer segments (Kotler 1992; Kotler and

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Armstrong 2004; McCarthy 1960; Richers and Lima 1991). As of yet, however, no common variable set or methodology has emerged that has gained a broad consensus in market research or sociology (Reusswig 2005). Four examples of tools which have been widely used in Europe and/or the USA are the SINUS milieus (Sinus Lebensweltforschung 1992; SINUS 2009), the Value and Lifestyle (VALS) typology (Mitchell 1983; SBI 2009), the List of Values (LOV) (Kahle 1983; Kahle and Chiagouris 1997), and the Roper Consumer Styles (GfK 2007). VALS segmentation uses resources (material and psychological) and primary motivation (ideals, achievement and self-expression) as the main categories for its segmentation, without taking behavioural patterns into account. The LOV also concentrates on values like self-respect, security, selffulfillment, and sense of belonging but has proven to achieve higher predictive values in comparison with VALS segmentation when it comes to consumer behaviour (Kahle et al. 1986). Differentiation in SINUS milieus is based on variables concerning social position, mentality, and performance. The Roper Consumer Styles also covers actual behaviour such as purchasing decisions, food, and media consumption as well as leisure activities and is mainly designed for marketing purposes. While other lifestyle segmentations concentrate only on one country (e.g., Schulze 1992; Spellerberg 1996), the above-named approaches have been applied in industrialized as well as emerging countries. Besides typologies that define general types which can then be specified for certain fields of consumption, there are also segmentations concentrating only on one field of consumption, like the internationally applied FoodRelated Lifestyles (Grunert et al. 1997, 2001) or the Mobility Styles (Götz 2007; Götz et al. 2003). Consumption Research and Consumer Segmentation in Brazil As mentioned above, there is a growing interest in consumers of emerging countries not only caused by concerns about the ecological impact of increasing consumption but also because of marketing considerations. In the case of Brazil, this interest is mainly based on the fact that lower–middle classes—through market processes and social policies—are being more and more included in the market, resulting in an enormous potential for consumption (Sawyer 2002). Two important socio-demographic changes in Brazilian society can be related to this development: A growing number of economically active “middle- and high-aged” consumers (Berquó 2001) and a decrease in the average household size, from 5.0 to 3.8. between 1960 and 2000 (Gois 2002), either due to a decline in fertility and mortality and/or a higher rate of single parents and the tendency of the elderly to live separate from their children. Despite these trends, research on consumer segmentation is still very rare in Brazil. No scientific survey could be found that representatively describes lifestyle or consumer segments for the whole Brazilian population. Moreover, Veiga Neto (2005) states that the few existing surveys aiming at segmentation focus on socioeconomic aspects which—in his opinion—do not sufficiently differentiate Brazilian consumers. Other surveys are restricted to specific product categories. The VALS typology, for example, has been used for studies on internet use and the preference for private-label products (Lopes et al. 2008; Veiga Neto 2005). Other research focuses on specific consumer groups and some relevant orientations. Concerning preferences in low-income groups, a survey in Southern Brazil reports that the most important goods were the house itself, furniture, electric household equipment, and other electronic equipment. This survey clearly shows the symbolic dimension of


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consumption. The house was considered most important and was seen as an indicator for not belonging to the very poor, while furniture is part of the housing equipment that defines the level of comfort. Newly bought furniture is a symbol of social rise or “a better life.” Electronic equipment symbolizes prosperity and modernity, integrating its owners into the world of consumers. Personal computers and equipment for video games were the most desired electronics. Electronic household equipment is linked to the symbolic space of women, with basic equipment like a refrigerator and oven being seen as indispensable and a washing machine being furthermore seen as a symbol of social distinction (Castilhos 2007). Apart from the significance of certain goods for social distinction, Mariano (2007) points out that the culture of sharing products and services is a very important characteristic in low-income groups. According to this study, sharing is more than a custom; it is an attitude that is oriented towards relationships with parents and close friends. Products are lent and borrowed among each other, not necessarily out of solidarity, but for reciprocity. Barros (2007) observed in her study about cleaning personnel that they have established a social network of family members and neighbours in which goods, presents, favours, etc., circulate, creating a universe of reciprocal obligations. With the above-mentioned examples in mind, the present investigation can be seen as a first step towards bridging a gap concerning culture-sensitive consumer segmentation in emerging countries, while also contributing towards an increase in knowledge about sustainability-relevant orientations. Sustainable Consumption: General Tendencies and the Case of Brazil Regarding the transformation process towards sustainable consumption, most political, and scientific publications agree that a transformation of especially housing, nutrition, and mobility patterns should be encouraged and addressed (e.g., Kaenzig and Jolliet 2007; Spangenberg and Lorek 2002; Tukker 2005; WWF-UK 2006). Aspects of “greener production” and “corporate social responsibility” have been gaining relevance in industry during the last decades (Charter 2002). In many areas, such as nutrition, housing, furniture, clothing, cosmetics, and electronic household devices, it is already possible to find product alternatives following sustainability standards (WBCSD 2008). In the energy sector, supply based on renewable energy has increased substantially during the last decades in the industrialized countries (BMU 2009). However, at the same time, mega trends like urban sprawl, a growing need for mobility due to globalization and flexibilization, higher demands concerning living space (e.g., caused by a greater percentage of single households, etc.) seem to negatively compensate for the positive effects of consuming “sustainable” goods (Bilharz 2006; WWF-UK 2006). One explanation for these trends is the “rebound effect” which is well known from studies in industrial ecology. It means that, for example, the higher energy efficiency of electronic household devices has been compensated for, partially or fully, or even overcompensated, by an increase of households possessing these goods (Holm and Englund 2009; Jänicke et al. 1989). Therefore, parallel to a change in infrastructure and supply, it seems to be important to directly address consumers with sustainability issues in order to motivate sustainable consumption choices and a less resource-intensive lifestyle. Current research shows that there is no “sustainable consumer” who is taking social and ecological aspects into account in all fields of consumption. Most individuals practice

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“patchwork behaviour:” considering sustainability or environmental aspects in some life areas and neglecting them in others (Brand 2000; Reusswig 1994). There have been some attempts to use the lifestyle approach to sort out underlying orientations and ways of living that differ in their susceptibility and behaviour concerning sustainabilityrelevant fields like saving energy (Prose and Wortmann 1991; Reusswig 2005), nutrition (Reusswig 2005; Stieß and Hayn 2005), mobility (Götz 2007), and ecological housing (Niedergesäß and Winkler 2000). The survey introduced in this paper draws upon an analysis of consumption styles in the context of sustainable development in Germany (Schultz et al. 2000). This survey served as a point of reference concerning the broad categories used for segmentation and comparison between consumption related lifestyles in industrialized and emerging countries. Sustainable Consumption and Production in Brazil So far, there has been little research on sustainable consumption in Brazil, and a segmentation of consumers concerning orientations and behavioural patterns which are relevant for sustainability has not been carried out yet. Compared to the objectives of sustainable development, in Brazil, we can find some not only promising but also alarming developments that correspond to some of the observations concerning industrialized countries mentioned above. For example, energy consumption and greenhouse gas emission per capita have risen continuously over the last two decades: still remaining, however, on a significantly lower level than in industrialized countries (IEA 2009; Schaeffer et al. 2005). Since many of the companies that have started to launch “green” or “sustainable” products” are acting on a global level, sustainable product alternatives can also be found in Brazil. National companies are also increasingly adopting international standards, such as ISO 14,000, in order to be able to compete globally (ISO Central Secretariat 2008). An obligatory classification of electronic household appliances regarding their energy efficiency was introduced in 2002 (UNDESA 2007b). A range of organic products can be found in almost every supermarket, and there are labels for regional products or those which are produced in cooperatives. Comparable to developed countries, Brazil has witnessed a movement in favour of healthy lifestyles, involving rejection of pesticides and genetically modified organisms in food, greater physical exercise, and concern with fitness (Sawyer 2001). On the other hand, there are some trends contradicting sustainable development requirements. The consumption of space, for example, previously concentrated in the largest cities, now involves extensive horizontal expansion of urban peripheries (sprawl) and the multiplication of medium and small urban centers (Ojima and Hogan 2009). The upper and upper–middle classes are also building second homes, for weekends or vacations, along beaches and in the mountains (Sawyer 2002). In the area of energy, per capita consumption increased significantly during the last decades. By now Brazil is the 10th largest energy consumer in the world and the third largest in the Western Hemisphere, behind the USA and Canada (IBGE 2006). The annual growth of the national fleet of vehicles is 4%, more than double than the annual growth of population, with the current level being 133 private cars/1,000 inhabitants (Brasil tem um carro para cada 7,5 habitantes 2008), with a fast growing upwards tendency. Investments in public transportation, on the other hand, have been modest in the past decade (Toledo 2002). Regarding nutrition, the consumption of proteins increased in the last decade, while carbohydrate consumption


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decreased. By 2008, total red meat and poultry meat consumption had risen to 89 kg per person, 31 kg above the 1993 level (USDA 2009). Summing up, there is still little known about consumption habits in different segments of Brazilian society and especially about orientations in favour of sustainable consumption. The data available suggests that the low- and medium-income groups are oriented towards “Western Lifestyle” models and the example of the high-income groups. In order to develop policies for motivating and increasing sustainable consumption on an individual level, it is crucial to get an impression about starting points for sustainability issues within the different consumption styles. There is a need for more basic research that enables identification of potential target groups in emerging countries. Thus, besides practical and policy-oriented objectives within the frame of sustainable development, the study presented here also has a theoretical interest in identifying consumption styles in the special case of an emerging country like Brazil.

Design of the Study Location of the Survey There are 3.2 million people residing in the Metropolitan Region of Curitiba, the center containing 1.8 million inhabitants (IBGE 2008). Curitiba is the capital of the Southern State of Parana. The city’s 30-year economic growth rate and the per capita income are higher than the Brazilian average. Curitiba has a low rate of illiteracy, and its education system is considerably better than that of other Brazilian capitals (ibid.). Since it has grown significantly during the past years, there has been much building activity and urban sprawl (Ojima and Hogan 2009). The possibilities for sustainable consumption, however, are manifold. Due to progressive urban planning, high investments have been made in public transport, providing a relatively fast and effective public transport system. That is why the per capita use of gasoline is significantly lower than that of comparable Brazilian cities, although the per capita car ownership rate is comparably high (607 automobiles/1,000 inhabitants in 2008) (Magalhaes and Duran 2009). Curitiba provides a wide range of shopping facilities and a diversified assortment of products. Organic products can be found in the municipal market hall as well as in all of the bigger supermarkets and a number of specialized stores. The questionnaire survey was carried out in August and September 2009 by students who received prior training. The students were instructed to conduct the survey in their respective neighbourhoods and social networks, with participants differing in professional background and income. The participants were approached at their homes and in their daily life contexts. Due to the character of the survey (low-budget, carried out by students over a rather short period of time) validation and random selection was not possible. Since some layers of the low-income classes have low literacy levels, the questions were posed orally, and answers were written down by the interviewers. Completion of the questionnaire took approximately 30 min. Sample Table 1 gives an overview of the socioeconomic characteristics of the sample, which consisted of 296 persons.

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Table 1 Sociodemographic characteristics of the sample Sex

Female=60%

Male=40%

Education

Children

With children=41%

Without=49%

Basic education (incomplete/complete)

19%

Household size Single households

12%

Medium education Incomplete superior education

28% 27%

2-person households

19%

Superior education

17%

3-person households

30%

Post-graduation

8%

>3-person households

29%

Household income/month

Profession

$3,300

9%

Entrepreneurs

5%

No profession (housewife, student)

20%

The low-income group (less than $900/month) and the middle income group (between $900 and $2,200/month) are of similar size, at around 40% of the interviewed, while 17% of the interviewed belong to the high income group (>$2,200). The average total household income was around $1,300, that is, an income of $420 per household member on average. The sample contains a broad range of income groups, people with different educational levels and professions. Compared with the composition of the population of Curitiba, the sample contained more women and a higher percentage of students. The results obtained can therefore only give a first impression about consumption habits in Curitiba and the relation between existing consumption types. Questionnaire Our questionnaire was intended to obtain a first impression about consumption orientations and behaviour of the urban population in an emerging country. The aim was not only to connect the survey to existing surveys and typologies but also to explore the specific situation in a new case. Therefore, the questionnaire was developed on the basis of respective literature in the field of sustainable consumption studies and consumer segmentation, complemented by further aspects. The following consumptionrelevant orientations, behaviours, and characteristics were retrieved from the literature: convenience, status, quality, technical, leisure, health, ecological, and social orientation, socio-economic data, household equipment, current consumption habits as well as attitudes concerning current consumption and future consumption aspirations (main sources: Reusswig 2002; Schultz et al. 2000; SINUS 2009). In order to consider countryand culture-specific aspects, five interviews with experts in the fields of sustainable consumption and design in Brazil were conducted and further categories were inferred from those dialogs, such as attitudes towards sharing (of products and devices), do-ityourself, upgradeable and reparable products, and second-hand usage, as well as social aspects like mutual aid.


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For the measurement of attitudes, a five-point Likert scale—from “agree completely” to “disagree completely”—was used. The frequency of behavioural patterns was measured using a five-point scale ranging from “every day” through “several times...a week/a month/ a year” to “never.” Adjustments regarding comprehensibility and adequacy of items were made on the basis of a pretest with 10 interviews. Data Treatment The questionnaire consisted of 70 items which were related to the household equipment, frequency of consumption activities, related attitudes and preferences as well as aspirations concerning future consumption. In order to be able to do a cluster analysis to group the respondents into different consumer types, steps had to be taken to reduce the number of variables. First, a preliminary descriptive and explorative data screening was conducted in which items were excluded from further analysis if at least one of two criteria applied: (1) a high number of missing responses or (2) low discriminatory power (i.e., almost everybody agreed or disagreed with the item). Second, in order to condense the data, exploratory factor analyses (EFA; principal component analysis with Varimax rotation, using standard Kaiser Criterion) were conducted with the remaining items. Because of the substantive differences between attitudes and behaviour items and because an EFA showed that there are no substantial cross loadings between attitudinal and behavioural factors, these items were analyzed separately in two EFAs. The analysis of items related to consumption behaviour revealed three factors (see Table 2 below) that were named as follows: 1. Environmental and health behaviour 2. Leisure activities 3. Purchase of media:

Table 2 Rotated component matrix for the principal component analysis (Varimax rotation and standard Kaiser criterion) of items concerning the frequency of behaviour Components 1 1

Frequency eating wholegrain products

0.720 0.374

Frequency buying ecological goods 2

3

3

0.782

Frequency eating fruit + vegetables Frequency buying organic products

2

Cronbach’s alpha for the factor

0.587 0.540

Frequency going to cinema

0.792

Frequency eating outside

0.683

Frequency going to theater/show Frequency ordering food

0.683 0.673

Frequency buying books

0.500

0.64

0.76 0.419

Frequency buying CD

0.775

Frequency buying computer game

0.767

Frequency borrowing/buying DVD

0.368

0.628

0.6

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Table 3 Rotated component matrices for the principal component analysis (Varimax rotation and standard Kaiser criteria) of items concerning attitudes and preferences Components 1

2

Cronbach’s Alpha 3

4

5

6

7

8

1 Preference good quality clothes 0.701 Desire good quality clothes

0.698

Pay more for healthy food Readiness to pay more for quality

0.591 0.564

No preference for cheap furniture

0.561

0.320

2 No possibility for savings

0.812

Shortness of money by unforeseen expenditures

0.772

Shortness of money for food 3 Looking for energy efficiency

0.71

0.305 0.528

0.67 0.757

Turn off light when leaving

0.666

Preference refill products

0.567

Preference of bike over car

0.538 0.316

4 Desire supporting others

0.65

0.790

Preference joint use of products

0.748

Readiness for joint use of products

0.701

0.69

5 No time because of work

0.684

Lack of time for cooking

0.683

Difficulty balancing family and work

0.568

Lack of time for information

0.500

0.395

0.60

6 Preference going out for dinner

0.776

No preference of homemade food

0.671

Desire eating outside 7 Interest in technology

0.657

0.57 0.790

Importance information on electronics

0.745

Desire mobile and computer

0.515

8 Importance toys and clothes for acceptance at school

0.765

Importance brand clothes Preference of unique/ customized products

0.370 0.425

0.668 0.509

0.55

Loadings under 0.3 were suppressed since they can be assessed as not reflecting the factor. Explained variance=56%; KMO test=0.694


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Cronbach’s alpha for all three factors was calculated taking items that load more on this factor than on any other factor. It was above 0.6 in each case, which was assessed as acceptable. The factor analysis of attitudinal items revealed eight factors (compare Table 3) 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

Quality orientation Financial resources Energy awareness Sharing orientation Time resources1 Eating-out orientation Technology orientation Status orientation

Except for the factor “time resources” (see footnote 1), Cronbach’s alpha again was calculated with items loading most on one factor. It ranged between 0.55 and 0.71 for the different factors which has been assessed as just acceptable. The WARD method was chosen for the cluster analysis because of its efficiency in building same-sized clusters with high internal homogeneity of clusters (Backhaus et al. 2008). The agglomeration schedule showed a “jump” in the coefficients between a fourand five-cluster solution. A five-cluster solution was seen as most appropriate, because: (1) the sample size of the clusters was more equal in a five-cluster solution and (2) the profile of the clusters on the different factors was more discriminative. When comparing the means of the 11 factors in each cluster, we found that the means of two of the behavioural factors (leisure activities, purchase of media) did not vary as much as the other factors between the clusters, neither in the five- nor the four-cluster solution. Further, an ANOVA revealed that the means differ significantly between clusters for all factors except the two mentioned behavioural factors.2 Therefore, a second cluster analysis was carried out without these two factors. Again, a five-cluster solution was assessed as best fitting. The clusters were then described and profiled with regard to other items from the questionnaire and socio-demographic characteristics to achieve a richer description of the clusters. Before introducing the identified clusters, the following section first describes some characteristics of the sample with regard to general aspects of household equipment and consumption.

Empirical Results First we provide an overview of the distribution of household equipment in the sample as well as current consumption habits and orientations which are relevant for sustainable consumption. Afterwards, the identified consumption styles will be introduced.

The item “lack of time for information about ecological products” has a comparably low loading on this factor. But it was assessed as relevant to the factor as regards content. An additional EFA with only these four items revealed only one factor with all items loading above .58. A comparison of the Cronbach’s alpha values revealed that it is lower when this item is not included: .57 compared to .6. Thus, it was seen as justified to include this item in the factor. 2 Due to length concerns, the detailed results of the ANOVAs and the cluster analyses are not reported. They can be acquired from the authors on request. 1

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Distribution of Household Equipment The questionnaire asked about the household equipment regarding electronic devices for household, communication, and entertainment purposes. The results were correlated with household income. This was done to get an impression whether the households differ in their equipment according to socioeconomic variables. Further, it gives a first impression about the energy consumption in households. The majority of households in the sample turned out to be very well equipped: Besides basic household devices like oven, refrigerator, and washing machine, over 85% of the households possessed radio, television, DVD and CD player, and mobile phones. Also lowincome households ( $3400/month • Very high percentage of persons with superior education (29 %), one third still at university • 19 % of single households, 75 % no children • Divided into a group of people older than 50 (33 %) and in a group younger than thirty (30 %) • Technical and superior formation • Mostly low and medium income, 37 % still in education • High number of children in the household • More than 40 percent live in households with 5 or 6 persons

53 % men (higher than average) Half without children, 17 percent live alone Highest average of number of children Mostly low and medium incomes, lowest average income • Mixed education, highest percentage of basic and medium professions (65 %)

• • • •

Highest percentage of women (77 %) High percentage of middle-aged persons High percentage of couples and families Mixed income, educational levels and professions High percentage of persons without work

• • • • •

Socio-economic characteristics

Table 4 Characteristics of consumption styles in Curitiba Household Equipment

Additional characteristics

• Are not content with their old electronics • Agree significantly more about desiring a bigger house • 30 % are socially engaged, little interest in politics

• 39 % without internet

• Relatively little space/ person • 27 % with second-hand computer and high percentage of second-hand washing machine

• Big apartments, highest area/ person • 81 % have a new computer and 90 % a new mobile • 74 % have broad band internet, one third has a video recorder

• Like to go out with friends • Do sports for their health • Inform themselves significantly more via Internet • One third is socially engaged • Agree little to helping others in house refurbishment • Prefer do-it-yourself products and helping others in refurbishment of their houses • 48 % are engaged in a group, political interest • Prefer regional and upgradable products • Don’t mind second-hand furniture and sharing products • Desire a bigger house, prefer a garden • Like to go out and travel

• Group with highest percentage of • Lowest percentage of people who are socially people with a second-hand mobile (18 %) engaged (21 %), little desire to participate in a and an analogue internet connection group in the future (16 %) • Agree less about investing in children’s education, low interest in politics • Little interest in garden, travelling, regional and upgradable products

• 45 % live in small apartments/ houses • 13 % have no washing machine and 30 % have a second-hand one

• Live in rather big apartments/ houses • A relatively high percentage is engaged in a social organisation (43 %) • Highest percentage of people who don`t have a personal computer, mobile phone • Preference for a garden and for buying products from cooperatives or access to internet

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As Table 4 shows, three groups of comparable size (approximately on the fifth of the sample each) were identified: the Indifferent, the Wanna-be Materialists, and the Up-to-date Privileged. Two other groups are comparably large (the Home-Centered Traditionals) or small (the Quality of Life-Oriented Postmaterialists). The largest as well as the smallest clusters most clearly show sustainability-related habits and orientations. The Home-Centered Traditionals, dominated by women, are socially engaged and interested in house- and garden-related issues as well as in energy-saving and health issues. In this group there is little interest in technology or status products. The relatively small group of Quality of Life-Oriented Postmaterialists is the only one that clearly considers health and environmental aspects regarding nutrition and is also interested in energy saving. This group also exhibits many facets of a social orientation: expressed by being active in social groups, helping others, and sharing products. They are open towards do-it-yourself, second-hand, upgradable, and regional products—characteristics that are important for sustainable product design. In contrast to the group of Home-Centered Traditionals, a segment of the Postmaterialists is also interested in new technologies and going out with friends. At first glance, these results appear contradictory, since this is also the group with the highest percentage of people without an internet connection. The contradiction can be clarified by looking at the contrasting socio-demographic characteristics: part of the group is represented by students, who are still in the process of formation, while another part is made up of the over 50s. These data also explain why this group is partly affected by lowincome (but is nevertheless sustainability oriented) and low-time resources. The most different from the group of Quality of Life-Oriented Postmaterialists is the group called the Indifferent. This group does not indicate any clear preferences regarding consumption habits or attitudes and is mostly characterized by not being interested in politics and social engagement, energy and quality issues, the education of their children, etc. The group consists of a comparatively higher percentage of men, contains households with low and medium incomes as well as those with an education, and is dominated by basic and technical professions. The group of the Wanna-be Materialists partly exhibits similar characteristics to the Indifferent concerning income, education, and profession, but shows a stronger orientation towards consumption and status products. It contains a rather high percentage of young people and is more clearly characterized by low financial and time resources. Interest in social engagement and politics is also rather low. Regarding income, education, and professions, the Up-to-date Privileged group is very different in comparison to the previous two groups, exhibiting all characteristics of a group with high resources. This group is characterized by a comparatively high percentage of men and a high percentage of singles or households without children. Concerning consumption habits, the group is very interested in the newest technology trends, be it computers or mobiles. Being up-to-date also entails sports activities and going out with friends. The group shows little social orientation, e.g., being engaged in organizations or helping friends, and no clear interest in ecological issues. The next section discusses preliminary ideas concerning how these different consumption styles can be addressed via strategies of product and communication design.

Target-Group-Specific Sustainable Consumption Strategies The empirical data and the characterization of different consumption styles can be used by different actors—such as designers, entrepreneurs, providers of municipal public services, marketing specialists, as well as activists in NGOs—to more profoundly discuss strategies for a

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target-group-specific design of products and services as well as adequate marketing or communication strategies. In this section, we outline some preliminary ideas concerning these possibilities. To get a clearer idea of the specific preferences of these segments, it would be necessary to carry out additional research including focus groups or qualitative interviews. The consumption styles described differ in terms of possible starting points for sustainable consumption strategies. The Quality of Life-Oriented Postmaterialists are very open to sustainability, social, and ecological issues. In contrast to the other groups, they are interested in considering background information and the political implications of sustainable consumption. Members of this group can play an important role as multipliers for sustainable consumption issues and as vanguard actors for innovative products and services. However, it needs to be kept in mind that they do not necessarily have high incomes and often have very limited time resources. This group should be very open to a broader supply service with second-hand, upgradable, and do-it-yourself products as well as neighbourhood- or community-organized options for sharing products. Offerings of ecologically produced and healthy food outside the home (e.g., in a university canteen), improvements in public transport, as well as a better infrastructure for cyclists should be very attractive for this group. Sustainable consumption can be presented as a progressive lifestyle which is closely linked to a high quality of life. The Home-Centered Traditionals can be encouragingly addressed with social issues and topics concerning their homes and gardens. Since they are open to sharing products, even groups with higher incomes could become interested in a high quality service for the collective use of certain machines and equipment: for example, for refurbishment of the house or garden care. They are also open to nutritional and energy-saving issues and products with additional value along these lines. Communications addressing this type of consumer should rather stress the personal benefit of sustainable consumption patterns and frame ecological and social arguments as an additional benefit. Energy saving, for example, can be linked to the issue of saving money in the household. Organic or regional products should be promoted by stressing their health aspects, and the consideration of ecological aspects in the refurbishment or decoration of the home could be motivated by using quality and health arguments. For a broader diffusion of sustainable consumption patterns, however, it is very important to address the Up-to-date Privileged group. This group represents the (future) Brazilian elite, with high human and financial resources and holding influential positions. Members can be best addressed through innovative technological products which convey the status of being up-to-date and, at the same time, integrate sustainable design characteristics as part of their high quality. Examples are ecologically optimized personal computers, mobiles, TVs and other electronics, as well as low- or zero-emission cars. They could also be susceptible to innovative housing concepts, such as low-energy houses or solar panels to produce renewable energy. To be accepted in this group, sustainable products of this type need to be presented as being the most modern option, avoiding moral appeals. Issues such as buying organic products or cycling to work could be linked to the desire to maintain individual fitness and health. In the long run, however, it will be important to raise this group’s awareness concerning the sustainability challenges of the coming decades and to stress its responsibility in this process. The Wanna-be-Materialists and the Indifferent can hardly be addressed with sustainability issues in a direct way. Both groups have rather low human and financial resources; at the moment, their consumption levels are comparatively low. Primarily, the Wanna-beMaterialists exhibit a clear aspiration to obtain better access to consumption goods. Both groups could be tempted with products or services which allow a higher standard of living


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with relatively low financial resources. One option would be a better supply of second-hand products linked to a repair and upgrading service. In this way, these groups can get access to modern electronics and electronic household appliances they cannot otherwise afford. However, the Indifferent group is not open to sharing products. The two groups are strongly oriented towards the lifestyles of the high-income class and will adapt sustainable consumption patterns if they are visible and communicated as being attractive by the mass media. As a short-term strategy, the Indifferent and the Wanna-be-Materialists are the ones who could unintentionally contribute to sustainable consumption if more enterprises offer everyday products (cleaning devices, food, clothes, furniture, etc.), with sustainable product qualities. Table 5 summarizes the strategies which could be used to address these different consumption styles. This overview makes clear that very different actors need to take up elements of providing sustainable products and services as well as adequate information if a clear shift towards sustainable consumption is aimed at. Taken together, enterprises, city administration, public transport associations, and housing services are able to contribute towards providing sustainable options just as well as the mass media and facilities of further education.

Table 5 Sustainability strategies for different consumption styles

The HomeCentred Traditionals

The Indifferent The Wanna-beMaterialists

The Up-to-DatePrivileged

The Quality of Life-oriented Postmaterialists

Relevant orientations Information Interest • Sharing orientation • Social implications of pro• Saving orientation duction • Energy awareness • Energy efficiency

• Low financial resources • Status orientation • Low financial and time resources

Products • Eco-Gardening • Do-it-yourself • Electronic household devices • Ecological Housing • Regional products • Electronic devices • Clothes

• Technology orientation • Status orientation • Fitness orientation

• Sustainable innovative and high-quality products • (Energy efficiency)

• Environmental and health behaviour • Energy awareness • Sharing orientation • Quality orientation • Technology orientation • Low financial and time resources

• Background information • Political information • Social and ecological implications of production

• Innovative electronic devices and products • Lifestyle products • Sustainable / ecoefficient house investments • Trendy Bikes • Second-hand products • Regional products • Organic products • Lifestyle products • Ecological Housing

Services • High quality service for sharing facilities

• Cost-efficient public transport • High-quality service for sharing facilities • Cost-efficient public transport • Upgradable highquality products • Repair service for high-quality products • Infrastructure facilitating going by bike • Healthy and organic food in restaurants and canteens • Neighbourhood/ community service for sharing products

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Discussion and Conclusions The results of the survey will first be reflected upon with regard to methodological implications for further research in this field and then concentrate on actions to be taken towards implementing strategies of sustainable consumption in Brazil. Methodological Implications for Research on Consumption Styles The survey identified consumption styles specific to an urban context in Southern Brazil that cannot be explained merely by differences in social stratification, such as levels of income, education, and profession or variables like age and sex. It was revealed that, for example, more traditional home-centered people as well as persons with a technology orientation can be found in all income, educational, and age groups. Sustainability orientations are more often expressed in groups with a higher education, but are not linked to a certain income or age group. It could be confirmed that lifestyle and consumption research, that differentiates groups according to their behavioural patterns as well as values, attitudes and personal aspirations, is also relevant for emerging countries. In fact, the identified consumption styles exhibit similarities to those of industrialized countries. Compared with target groups identified by Schultz et al. (2000) in Germany, groups like the Privileged, Traditionals and People who can’t cope could also be found in our case, even if some aspects might differ. Other groups, like the Fully organized eco-families and the Everyday life creatives, being subgroups of the ‘Environmentally oriented’ in the German sample, could not be found in the present study. Another similarity to surveys in industrialized countries is that only a rather small segment of people has explicit environmental and social orientations, comprising for example between 7 and 11% of “Postmaterialists” in the population during the last decade in European countries (SINUS 2009). But it should be noted that Southern Brazil is considered to be the country’s most prosperous and “advanced” region in the sense that infrastructure and lifestyles are very similar to European or US standards. It can be expected that in a similar analysis with a representative sample of the entire Brazilian population, the percentages of the clusters would be quite different and a further differentiation would be necessary. Especially clusters with rural backgrounds have not been part of the current analysis, which focused on an urban environment. To be able to draw further conclusions concerning sustainability strategies on a national level, this type of research needs to be repeated in other regions. Prior to that, however, it is important to further develop the questionnaire and the identified factors in a continuing exploratory and validation phase. Strategies for Sustainable Consumption in Brazil As our study has demonstrated, the current household equipment and consumption habits in an urban area in Southern Brazil show similarities with the “Western Lifestyle” model, which includes comfortable housing, a high supply of electronics and household devices, as well as being personally mobile, with a private car and traveling as a part of modern leisure activities. Due to financial restrictions, there is a larger part of the population which—thus far—has not been able to realize these aspirations to their full extent. Despite a small group with a tendency towards postmaterial values, the existing orientations and future aspirations of the majority of the low- and medium-income groups give no hint that “leapfrogging” to sustainable consumption is a very likely option. In the different consumption styles there are health-, quality-, saving-, sharing-, ecological- and social-orientations that sustainability


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strategies and sustainability marketing can link to (as described for example by Belz and Peattie 2009), but these orientations are not likely to compensate for general tendencies towards a resource-intensive lifestyle. Especially in the fields of housing and mobility, the current trends do not seem to be in accord with the vision of sustainable development. Therefore, a shift in city planning (e.g., preference for public transport and nearby supply facilities) and a radical adjustment of modern architecture and construction (e.g., zeroenergy houses, reusable construction materials) are urgently needed. In contrast to housing and mobility, eating habits are much more influenced by cultural preferences and socialization. The observed tendencies towards a growing health orientation in some of the consumption styles are promising for changes of nutritional patterns if actors such as public canteens in kindergarten, schools, universities, and enterprises take up these notions accompanied by intensified information campaigns by physicians, schools, and the mass media. Besides adopting general framework conditions to facilitate sustainable consumption in the society as a whole, the survey suggests that it makes sense to address different segments of the population with differentiated products, services, and communication measures. Considering the urgency for transformation, strategies of targeting different segments could be combined. Considering their function as role models, a priority should be set in motivating a change of consumption styles of the elites. While the small segment of Postmaterialists can serve as a vanguard, the Up-to-date-Privileged have to be motivated by creating an image of sustainable products and services as being something “special for special people” closely linked to high quality and status. This strategy could be applied to promote eco-efficient housing and cars as well as sustainable investment facilities and high quality eco-tourism. On the other hand, it seems very important to invest in the development of sustainable products and services for those segments which do not show any interest in sustainability yet (the Indifferent and Wanna-be-Materialists). If ecological and social considerations are integrated into the standards of affordable every day products like clothes, cleaning devices, furniture, household, and electronic devices, it is guaranteed that a considerable part of the population benefits from this strategy. The points raised make clear that—parallel to developments in the highly industrialized countries—in emerging countries a more radical shift towards sustainable consumption patterns seems possible only if framework conditions (e.g., prices, incentives), infrastructure (public transport, city planning), product supply, and educational strategies are very consistently directed towards this target in an integrated effort by government, industry, municipalities, and educational bodies. The necessity for coordinated strategies of actors in “the triangle of change”—policy makers, businesses, and consumers—is also emphasized by the Sustainable Consumption Research Exchange Network (SCORE) (Sustainable consumption and production: Framework for action 2008). First steps towards the development of integrated policies for sustainable consumption are visible in the attempts of some city councils, like Curitiba, which have begun discussions about “Sustainable urban development” with a broad alliance of actors, including businesses, universities, and NGOs. The greatest challenge—in Brazil as well as in the highly industrialized countries—is to design an attractive vision of sustainable lifestyles able to confront the ideal of a resourceintensive lifestyle, which has been –and unfortunately is still being—conveyed by the mass media and advertisement. The lifestyle of the leading elites in emerging as well as industrialized countries will play a crucial role in determining whether a sustainable vision has a chance to spread.

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