Living Room vs. Concert Hall: Patterns of Music Consumption in Flanders Henk Roose, Ghent University Alexander Vander Stichele, Catholic University Louvain In this article we probe the interplay between public and private music consumption using a large-scale survey of the Flemish population in Belgium. We analyze whether public and private music consumption have different correlates and to what extent there is convergence between the genres that people listen to at home and at concerts. Results show that music consumption is positively related to all indicators of cultural capital-educational attainment, enrolment in arts classes and public participation of the parents. The effects are strongest for high-brow genres such as classical and opera and diminish for middle-brow and low-brow genres such as world/traditional music or pop/rock. Cultural capital is more important for public participation than for private consumption. This suggests that not only information processing capacity is involved when attending concerts, but also social barriers such as familiarity with the rules of decorum and network homophily. Omnivorousness in music consumption is especially situated in the private sphere.
Introduction The literature dealing with the relationship between social stratification and cultural participation uses different measures for participation (Chan and Goldthorpe 2007a; Peterson 2005). Some researchers rely on measures of preference, tastes in music being by far the most popular, in line with Bourdieu's contention that nothing more clearly marks and endorses one's position in the social hierarchy than musical taste (Bourdieu 1979; also see Bryson 1996; Garcia-Álvarez, Katz-Gerro and López-Sintas 2007; Peterson and Simkus 1992). Others focus on behavior to study the dynamics of how arts participation is used as a status marker or as an identity (re-)creating force. They either rely on public receptive cultural practices: attendance to concerts, films, plays, dance performances, museums, etc. (Chan and Goldthorpe 2007a; Vander Stichele and Laermans 2006; Van Eijck and Bargeman 2004) or private cultural practices: reading books, listening to music or watching television (Coulangeon 2005; Van Rees, Vermunt and Verboord 1999; Van Rees and Van Eijck 2003; Lizardo and Skiles 2009). In this article we want to investigate the interplay between both public and private music consumption. In recent years, the potential availability of music at home has become practically limidess. Via radio, television, internet, cd and dvd. We would like to tbank Filip Agneessens, Betbany Bray andjobn Lievensfor tbeir advice and comments on earlier drafis of tbis article. We are also very grateful to the editor and reviewers for tbeir inspiring comments. Tbis researcb was funded in part by tbe Researcb Foundation Flanders. Direct correspondence to Henk Roose, Ghent University, Department of Sociology, Researcb Group GuDOS, KorteMeer3-5, 9000 Gent, Belgium. E-mail:
[email protected]. " The Universil» of North Carolina Prass
Social Forces 8SI11185-208, September 2010
186 • Social Forces 89m everybody can easily choose or tune in to the genres he or she likes. In concerts the easy availability of all different musical genres is less pronounced, and other motives for attending may play a role, motives that might not primarily reflect taste but have to do with social acquiescence or just spending an evening out with friends (cf, Roose 2008). Two questions are addressed. The first attempts to get at the underlying mechanisms of social structuration for listening to music at home and attending concerts m the concert hall (Chan and Goldthorpe 2007a). The second pertains to the way(s) in which musical genres from the public and private consumptive spheres are combined. (1. To what extent do the genres of concerts people attend converge with the genres they listen to at home? (2. Do omnivores show up and if so, are there any differences between omnivorousness in the public and private sphere? In this way, this article hopes to contribute to tbe debate on cultural participation. First, the focus on the public/private dimension opens up the possibility of gaining insight into social as well as cultural competence-related motives for listening/attending. Second, qualitatively different subtypes of musical consumers will be distinguished, botb with regard to specific patterns of musical genre combinations, as well as in terms of the breadth of consumption in the public and private realm (cf., Garcia-Álvarez et al. 2007; Peterson and Rossman 2007). Theoretical Background
Public and Private Participation: Attending and Listening Sociology of consumption has devoted much attention to the symbolic use of activities and goods that create distinction and manage or maintain status boundaries (Bourdieu 1979; Bryson 1996; Veblen 1992 [1899]). Pierre Bourdieu's La Distinction (1979) is often used as a starting point to see how the link between social structure on the one hand and cultural praxis or aesthetic dispositions on the other has been conceptualized. Bourdieu sees a link-a structural bomology-between the space of social positions and the space of lifestyles through the habitus, which is largely the product of class-based socialization and education (Bourdieu 1979). Thus, Bourdieu's theory of acquired taste deals with how social groups use cultural practices to create social cohesion and differentiation (also see Bryson 1996). His findings have been widely acknowledged and empirically corroborated (DiMaggio 1987; DiMaggio and Mohr 1985; Prieur, Rosenlund and Skjott-Larsen 2008). Yet, Bourdieu's analysis does not make an explicit division between practices that are socially visible and activities that are not. Attending concerts and listening to music at home, for example. One could argue that for activities (or commodities) to caxry a social meaning, to function as a status marker or as signifiers of status related lifestyles —be it deliberately or at a more unconscious level-rhey need to be socially visible or to some extent conspicuous. Of course, the domestic domain is not an exclusively private sphere; its meaning shifts according to the extent to which visitors of different kinds ate allowed. Yet, one can routinely assume that listening at home is a more intimate way of consuming music and
Living Room vs. Concert Hall • 187
primarily serves as a solitary moment devoted to personal pleasure (Hennion 2001). Attending a concert is a much more social way of experiencing music (Small 1998). One must go out to a live event, often accompanied by family members or friends, meeting people before or after the concert or during a break. Moreover, the chance of mentioning the event in conversation is higher than with listening to music at home (Smithuijsen 1997). So, the question remains whether the same correlates are relevant when applied to consumption at home vs. in the public sphere. These rwo different spaces of experiencing a similar stimulus may serve different purposes and may thus be associated with different correlates. Bourdieu's theory suggests that both spheres are under the influence of the same class-specific habitus and hence, manifested preferences are similar in both areas of practice (cf, Peterson 2005). Also, Ganzeboom's (1982) idea that arts consumption is related to someone's information processing capacity suggests that effects of educational attainment and other competence-related indicators should be similar for similarly complex musical stimuli. This is in line with insights from 'experimental aesthetics' (Berlyne 1974): if people want to draw satisfaction from arts consumption, their information processing capacity needs to be associated with the amount of cultural complexity of the target cultural forms. High-brow music-at a concert or at home-should then primarily be consumed by highly educated individuals, while low-brow or popular music would remain amor fati of tbose with little or no education (cf., Ghan and Goldthorpe 2007a). Formal education and attending arts academy are assumed to promote legitimate, canonized genres such as classical music and opera. Yet, if cultural boundaries are used to construct or reinforce social boundaries and distinctions as Bourdieu posits, one could also hypothesize that concert attendance, a social happening/»^r excellence, should be more strongly related to distinctly social correlates. For example, network size has been found to be associated with cultural participation (Erickson 1996; Kane 2004; Lizardo 2006; Relish 1997). If the idea holds that concert attendance is subject to enjoyable interaction in everyday life (Smithuijsen 1997), then network measures would be associated with attendance, more than with listening behavior. The ability to display passing knowledge of music genres as a way to gain status in a variety of social settings accounts for a possibly larger network. Of course, people might also get their "passing knowledge" (Peterson 1992:255) of events through the media without actually partaking in the public realm-a slight weakening ofthe validity of this rationale. Moreover, because attending a concert is an inherently social event, larger networks give rise to the potential for attending the concert with others. This analysis also opens up the possibility to shed light on interpreting the effects of educational attainment on arts consumption. Is educational attainment primarily an indicator of a psychological trait, as proponents of experimental aesthetics claim, or is it a proxy of someone's social position (Ghan and Goldthorpe 2007b)? If education is more strongly associated with concert attendance than
188 • Social Forces SW)
with listening at home, the idea of education as indicator for information processing capacity loses some credibility. Why would attending a pop/rock concert be more complex than listening to similar pop/rock songs at home; why would it require a more elaborate repertoire of strategies to decode the same musical stimulus? Certainly, if similar differences for education between public and private consumption are found for all music genres-controlling for other characteristics of social stratification such as income and occupation-there is empirical evidence that education not only reflects information processing capacity, but also unmeasured social barriers or motives for public cultural consumption (cf., Chan and Goldthorpe 2007a and 2007b; Le Roux et al. 2008). Time constraints are assumed to be more pressing with regard to attending concerts than listening at home (Sayer 2005). Especially having children in need of care have been found to hamper arts participation (Kraaykamp and Van Eijck 2005). Also financial resources are generally more pertinent for public than for private music constimption; it usually costs more to attend a concert than to listen to mtisic at home (Chan and Goldthorpe 2005). However, it should be noted that Flemish governmental support for a wide array of arts organizations-especially institutions staging high-brow genres-has ensured ticket prices to fluctuate between $ 15 and $25 USD.
Combination of Genres and Omnivorousness To what extent do music genres people listen to at home overlap with music they hear at concerts? Is there any difference between the breadth of public and private consumption? Do omnivores show up? This analysis has a largely exploratory character and serves two purposes. First, multiple types of omnivores may show up, not only in terms of combining public and private consumptive behavior, but also with regard to the specific patterning of music genres. Omnivorousness is often conceptualized as the number of genres people like, listen to or go to concerts to hear (Peterson 2005). Perhaps it is empirically more justifiable to distinguish different types of omnivores characterized by particular patterns of (meta-) genre combinations (cf.. Van Eijck and Lievens 2008; Warde and Gayo-Cal 2009). Second, measuring omnivorousness has paid relatively litde attention to the public/private dimension Possibly some of the empirical findings have overestimated the effect of some social correlates, such as network measures, occupational status, educational attainment:, etc. due to the fact that often taste preferences or only public consumption is chosen for investigations of social and structural embeddedness. Literattire on omnivorousness leads us to the early 1990s, when Richard Peterson and his colleagues challenge Bourdieu's notion of structural homology and propose an omnivorous/univorous pattern as alternative (Peterson and Simkus 1992; Peterson and Kern 1996). They observe a tendency for the highly educated upper classes to like a broader spectrum of musical genres than less educated groups that exhibit a more exclusive, univorous musical taste. This omnivorous taste pattern transgresses traditional high-brow/low-brow boundaries
Living Room vs. Concert Hall • 189
and thus justifies the upper-class labeling from exclusive snob to eclectic omnivore. The apparent shift from high-brow snob to inclusive omnivore has been studied quite extensively and has found confirmation in various countries and in different cultural settings (see e.g., Coulangeon 2004; Holbrook et al. 2002; Vander Stichele and Laermans 2006; Van Eijck 1999 and 2001; Van Rees et al. 1999; Warde et al. 1999). This omnivore is distinguished from other types-especially elite snobs-by her or his social background characteristics. The omnivore tends to be highly educated, of higher status and younger. It remains an empirical matter whether omnivorousness in the public sphere is similarly socially structured as in the private realm, and whether subtypes of omnivores share a young, upper-class socio-demographic background.
Data and Variahles We use data from the survey Cultural Participation in Flanders 2003-2004, a large-scale survey of a representative sample of the Flemish population ages 1485. Flanders is the densely populated, highly urbanized, Dutch-speaking part of Belgium with a population of 6.1 million, of which approximately 10 percent are of foreign descent (5% from inside the European Union). The survey is based on a stratified cluster sample with municipalities as primary {m = 189), and individuals as secondary sampling units. It contains questions on participation in, experience with and attitudes towards a broad range of cultural practices and leisure activities (Lievens, Waege and De Meulemeester 2006). In this way this survey is similar to the Survey of Public Participation in the Arts in the United States (Bradshaw 1998), to Australians and Their Everyday Cultures (Bennett, Emmison and Frow 1999) or to its French pendant Les Pratiques Culturelles des Français (Donnât 1998). The data are collected by means of CAPI, resulting in a realized sample size of « = 2,849 with a response rate of 61 percent (AAPOR 2006). Concert attendance. The frequency of concert attendance-the public component of cultural participation —has been measured for 13 genres over a period of six months prior to the interview. The 13 music genres are baroque, classical, contemporary classical, opera, light opera, world, jazz or blues or soul or funk, folk or traditional, chanson or singer-songwriter, pop or rock, dance, popular Flemish or Flemish hit parade or so-called 'schlager,' and brassband or parade. The first four are high-brow genres, the next five comprise the middle-brow genres and the last four can be coined as lowbrow. We recoded the absolute frequencies into two categories: never and once or more. Listening to music at home. The private component of cultural participation is measured using the same 13 public genres. The questionnaire probes the frequency of listening at home to the different genres during the previous month. Response options are daily, several times a week, a couple of times, once, never. In line with consumption in the public realm these options are recoded into two categories. Here, recoding into three categories would have been feasible and would have
190 • Social Forces SW) Table 1: Frequency of Attending Concerts and Listening at Home for Various Genres Attending Listening at Genres Concerts Home 1 Baroque music 17.2 1.3 2 Classical music 4.4 41.2 3 Contemporary classical music 1.7 34.2 4 Opera | 1.7 17.0 5 Light opera 1.1 15.4 6 Jazz oi' blues, soul or funk 1.9 43.5 7 World music 1.3 56.3 8 Chanson or singer-songwriter music 2.1 50.0 9 Folkorfradifional music 1.6 44.3 10 Pop or rock 4.9 68.9 11 Dance 1.3 39.8 12 Popular Flemish music, 'schlager' 1.8 64.1 13 Brassb'and or parade music 2.2 20.8 Notes: Genre 1 to 4: highbrow; 5 to 9: middlebrow; 10 to 13: lowbrow.
provided an additional indicator of frequency of participation (Vander Stichele and Laermans 2006), labeled "voraciousness" by Sullivan and Katz-Gerro (2007). However, we opted for consistency with the public component of participation. Table 1 presents the percentage of people who attended concerts or listened to music at home once or more for the various genres. It is immediately obvious that in the Flemish population listening to music is much more common than attending concerts—whatever the genre. Classical and pop/rock concerts are the most popular (4.9 and 4.4% respectively), while for listening to music pop/rock (68.9%), popular Flemish music (64.1%), world music (56.13%) and chanson (50%) are the most popular genres. Omnivorousness. Omnivorousness is conceptually limited to breadth of participation both public and private and should not be confounded with voraciousness or intensity of participation. Therefore, we take the number of genres attended or listened to as indicator of omnivorousness. People attending or listening more than avera ;e are considered omnivorous. Yet, we also use the conditional probabilities from the latent class analysis to distinguish between types of omnivores (cf, Warde and Mayo-Gal 2009). Network size. To measure the importance of sociability and social relations, we opt for the inclusion of one network measure. Network size depicts the number of alters people have in their leisure network (Burt, 1984)-with a maximum of 20. It is recoded into three categories: 0-4, 5-10 and 11+. Cultural capital. Three indicators are used to cover cultural capital-a multidimensional concept difficult to operationalize (Kingston 2001; Van Eijck and Kraaykamf 2009). The first is the respondent's highest educational attainment. It is coded into fout categories: no/primary school, lower secondary education.
Living Room vs. Concert Hall • 191
high school, and bachelor's degree or higher. The second is attending or having attended extra-curricular arts courses in arts academy (Kracman 1996; Nagel, Ganzeboom, Haanstra and Oud 1997). The first two make up the institutionalized cultural capital. Third, parents' public arts participation when the respondent was between 12 and 14 years old is taken in to denote the family-based, primary cultural socialization or so-called embodied cultural capital (Bourdieu 1997). Socio-demographic characteristics. Gender, age (in years centered around the mean, 47), and occupation based on official statistics of Flemish government, are also included in the model. The nine categories of occupation are student, retired and/or professionally inactive, housekeeper, skilled and unskilled worker/farmer, office employee, teacher, managerial employee, small shopkeeper, professional/ employer. No objective measurement of income is available in the questionnaire. It rather includes a subjective measure: the extent to which people can manage on their monthly household income on a seven-point scale. This type of measurement has its roots in economic literature and is better known as the income satisfaction approach (Van Praag 2004; Dubnoff et al. 1981). As an indicator of family structure we include if there are children living in the household under the age of 10. Analysis and Results
Correlates of Puhlic and Private Music Consumption To analyze whether similar mechanisms explain public and private consumption, we predict attending concerts and listening to music using separate binary logit models for each genre. We grouped genres per meta-genre-highbrow, middlebrow or lowbrow—to see if correlates vary according to the brow level. Due to space limitations we only present complete analyses of two illustrative genres for each brow level. We grouped baroque, classical and contemporary classical together under one classical label, and did the same for world music and folk/traditional music. Results from binary logistic regression are routinely exponentiated allowing for a straightforward interpretation in terms of odds ratios. Table 2 shows the results of binary logistic regressions for two high-brow genres: classical music and opera. It is obvious that all indicators of cultural capital-educational attainment, classes in arts academy and public arts participation of the parents-are clearly distinguishing between consumers and non-consumers of high-brow genres. Moreover, attendance generally requires relatively more cultural capital than private consumption. For example, the odds of attending a classical concert is almost 51 times (e^'^,/) < .001) higher for someone who has a master's degree or higher than for a person who has a primary school degree. To compare, this odds ratio for listening to classical music at home is lower, but still a considerable 7.4 (É^"",/> < .001). Someone who is currently or has been enlisted to extracurricular classes in arts academy is 3.1 times (i''^,/) = .006) more likely to attend opera and 1.3 times {e^^,p = .05) to listen to opera at home. Similar odds ratios are obtained for people whose parents were culturally active. A larger leisure network
192 • Social Forces 8W) Table 2: Logistic Regressions Predicting Listening to and Attending High-brow Genres Opera Classical Listen Attend Listen Attend -5.67*" -2.93"* -9.00 Intercept -9.45"* Educational Attainment No/ Priniary school" .72*" .66*" 1.90" .46 Lower secondary education 1.01*" 1.87 .87*" 2.62"* High scliool 2.27* 1.52*" 2.88"* 1,05*" Bachelor 2.84" 2.00"* 3.93"* 1,39*" Master/ PhD Classes in Arts Academy 1.51*" .65* 1.13" ,38* Yes Public Arts Attendance Parents Yes
.69*
.66*"
.86*
.74"*
.35 ,71* ,06*"
-.05 ,18 .03*"
,03 1.02* .05*
.21 .10 .05*"
.41
.07
-.26 -,20 ,77 -.40 .20
16 28 05 45 30
-16.99 -.73 -.15 -1.73 -.76
,10 ,23 1.12 .58 .20*
07 49 18 05 03
.83 .21 .44 .64 .04
.17 ,47 .16 .22 .07
Size Leisure Network 0-4= 5-10 11 + Age Gender Woman Occupational Category Student Retired Unemployed Housekeeper Worker/ Farmer Clerical employee" Teacher Managerial employee Small sh|opkeeper Profession Income | Children Living in Household Yes Naqelkerke's R^ Notes: "reference category, *p < .10
.49
.26*
-.03 ,37 .73 -.28 -.59**
-.68"
-.04
-.72+
.17
'27
'20
^25
.19
*p < ,05
**p < .01
"*p < .001.
is associated with a higher chance for concert attendance-not with listening to high-brow music at home. Age is positively related to consumption of high-brow music, a common finding in the literature (Kolb 2002). As can be expected, time constraints are especially limiting for high-brow concert attendance. Persons from families with children under the age of 10 are less likely to go out to a classical concert or an opera. Income is positively related to classical concert attendance.
Living Room vs. Concert Hall • 193
Table 3 shows results for middle-brow genres jazz/blues/funk/soul and world/ traditional. Again we notice effects on arts consumption of educational attainment and classes in arts academy—this time the associations are somewhat smaller than the effects for high-brow genres. The idea however, that relatively more cultural capital is required for attendance vs. listening at home remains valid. The odds of attending a jazz/blues/soul/funk concert is 7.2 (e"^, p = .04) times higher for someone with at least a master's degree than for a person who has a primary school degree. The comparable odds for listening at home is A.G (í'^^/) < .001). Having attended arts classes particularly affects concert attendance: odds ratios are 4.72 (e'",/> < .001) for attending jazz/blues/soul/funk concerts, and 2.91 (f'"^, p < .001) for concerts staging world/traditional music. Also considerable network effects are found: having a larger leisure network increases the chance of concert attendance. Small children living in the household hampers jazz/blues/soul/funk concert attendance. There are no income effects for attendance of middle-brow genres. In Table 4 we present results for low-brow genres: rock/pop and schlager/popular Flemish music. Effects of cultural capital are smaller or have almost disappeared except for attending rock/pop concerts where effect sizes are comparable to those of the middle-brow genres. Or they appear in the opposite direction, for schlagers/ popular Flemish having a lot of cultural capital decreases the chance of listening to it. For example, people with at least a master's degree are approximately two times {lle'^^^,p = .001) less likely, those who attended arts classes 1.53 times {lie' •^^,p = .004) less likely. Pop/rock consumption is favored by the young-effects of age for listening are larger: -.085 for listening {p < .001) vs. -.026 (j) = .017) for attending. A larger leisure network is related to an increased probability of rock/ pop concert attendance. To summarize, educational attainment and enrolment in arts classes are positively related to music consumption-especially to concert attendance. This association is highest for high-brow genres. Public arts participation of the parents is particularly related to high-brow music consumption. These results suggest an association between the amount of cultural capital-both institutionalized and embodied-and consuming musical genres that are culturally legitimate, as Bourdieu proposed. Thus, both forms of capital are active in promoting highbrow and middle-brow genres as evidenced by concert attendance, and to a lesser extent, listening at home. This would seem to support the idea that information processing necessary to decode the intricacies of a genre is linked up with the brow level of the genre. Yet, public participation —inherently involving some kind of conspicuousness —is most probable for those high on cultural capital, whatever the musical genre. So, attending a classical or pop concert, a dance event with DJs, a show staging popular Flemish chansonniers, etc. is associated with a high amount of institutionalized cultural capital, when other factors are controlled for. The ideas cherished by proponents of experimental aesthetics can, at best, be only partially valid. Hence, educational attainment cannot only be
194 • Social Forces SW) Table 3: Logistic Regressions Predicting Listening to and Attending Middle-brow Genres
Intercept Education; 1 Attainment No/ Primary school" Lower secondary education High school Bacheloi Master/ PhD Classes in Arts Academy
Jazz/ Blues/ Soul/ Funk Listen Attend -6.23"* -1.14*"
— ,41 1.28 1.81+ 1.97* 1.55*"
Yes No"
—
World/ Traditional Listen Attend .50+ -5,29*"
— ,31 ,39
.90*" 1,20*" 1.48*" 1.53*"
1,20* 1.78"
.46"
1.07*"
— .53*** .72*" .67*" .78**
—
—
—
.12 —
,31 —
.48***
—
,40 —
—
— ,75
—
—
—
1,36*
.22
.84* 1,04*
,02
-.00
.00
Public Arts Attendance Parents
Yes No" Size Leisui e Network 0-4" . 5-10 11 +
Age Gender Woman Man" Occupatior al Category Student Retired Unempio yed Housekeeper Worker/ Farmer Clerical employee" Teacher | Managerial employee Small sh )pkeeper Professic n Income Children Li mg in Household
Yes No"
,19+
,49"*
.20+ .30* -.01 +
-.39
-.36*"
-.34
-.08
—
—
—
—
-1.03 -.06 -,43
-.34 -.36 -.15 -.46 -.17
— ,10
-.31
-2.20+ -1.11 -1.03 -16.90 -.10
— ,20 ,18
-.21 -.66"*
.01 -.67** -.20
— -.30
,36 ,13
—
-.29
.11
,74
-.13
,31
,16 .14 ,15
-.30
.39
-.19
-,10
.03
-.01
-1.00"
,00 — .21
-.14
-.02
— .13
— ,12
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Living Room vs. Concert Hall • 199
a broad spectrum of genres-lowbrow, middlebrow and highbrow-and hence are termed the "omnivorous listeners." The fourth cluster comprises the "high-brow listeners," who score high on hstening to classical music (.99) and opera (.59). So, the Flemish population holds one small group of omnivorous attenders with a similar listening profile (5.5%). For this cluster and based on this dataset, public and private tastes are largely homologous. The other clusters only listen to music at home. There is a second cluster with an omnivorous profile-situated in the private sphere—adding up to an estimated 26 percent of music omnivores in Flanders. The average number of genres both omnivorous groups listen to is almost equal (approximately five). To sum up, one group of omnivores stays at home to enjoy music of various sorts, the other additionally attends concerts, especially favoring pop/rock and classical concerts. To what extent and on what characteristics do these groups differ? Table 7 shows the results of the logit model predicting the probability of cluster membership as a function of the various covariates. The biggest cluster is chosen as reference-middle- and low-brow listeners. It is clear that omnivorous attenders and listeners score highest on all indicators of cultural capital-be it embodied and institutionalized. Interestingly, this is the only cluster for whom size of the leisure network differs from the reference group: the larger the leisure network, the higher the odds of belonging to the omnivorous attenders and listeners (¿^ ^^ = .77, t = 2.20, p = .014; ¿,^^ = 1.24, t = 3.23, p = .001). The omnivorous and high-brow listeners both score higher on indicators of cultural capital than the reference cluster. High educational attainment and enrolment in arts classes-apparently places where the traditional Bildungsideal (a general development of someone's human qualities) is dominant-are associated with the inclusion of high-brow genres in the listening profile (cluster 3, 4 and 5). Moreover, age is a good predictor of membership of high-brow listeners and the uninterested: . 18 {t= 16.12,/) < .001) and .13 (i = 14.28,/ < .001) respectively. Perceived income and having young children at home hardly have any effect on the kind of cluster to which one belongs.
Conclusion and Discussion The first aim of this article was to assess if and to what extent public and private music consumption have similar correlates. By means of binary logistic regression we found a number of striking parallels and differences. First, we did not find any effect of income on music consumption-neither on concert attendance nor on listening at home-contrary to Bourdieu's findings on arts consumption in France in the '60s. Perhaps our indicator for income is not a valid measure for available economic capital. Or, it is due to the subsidized character of the Flemish cultural field, resulting in relatively low ticket prizes for arts activities. Moreover, research on cultural participation often shows that the explanatory effect of economical capital is modest or absent compared to that of cultural capital (Chan
200 • Social Forces 8^W Table 7: Results of Logit Analysis to Show Association Between Probability of Cluster Membership and Covariates 2VS.1 -5.77*** Intercept Educationc 1 Attainment No/ Prim ary school — Lower se condary education -.36+ -.94** High school -.11 Bacheloii Master/ 'hD -.35 Classes in Arts Academy
Yes
3VS.1 -3.35***
4 vs. 1 -11.40***
—
— .08
5vs. 1 -8.03***
—
.51+ .71* 1.45** 1.76**
.86* 1.86** 3.17***
1.19 2.02* 3.18** 4.08**
.28
.78**
1.17**
1.90***
-.52*
.83***
1.09***
1.09***
Public Arts attendance Parents
Yes Size Leisu e Network 0-4^ 5-10 11 +
Age Gender Woman Man^ Income Children L /ing in Household
Yes
— .04
— .11 .33
.13***
.04***
-.09
— .02 -.01 .18***
— .77** 1.24*** .07***
.28 —
-.10
.25 —
-.13
—
-.10+
-.01
-.11
.01
-.02
-.13
.02
-.67
—
Notes: 1; middle-, low-brow listeners, 2: uninterested, 3: omnivorous listeners, 4: highbrow listeners, 5: omnivorous attenders and listeners, 'reference category. *p
