Lutz Rzehak: Doing Pashto

LutzRzehak

DoingPashto Pashtunwaliastheidealofhonourablebehaviourandtriballife amongthePashtuns 1

EXECUTIVESUMMARY

Variousvaluesystemsarecompetingwitheach otherinAfghanistantoday.Ourunderstandingof thePashtuns,oftheircultureandtraditionalvalues isoftenovershadowedbytheTalebanandtheir fundamentalistinterpretationofIslam.Thispaper bringsbackintodiscussionasystemofvaluesand rulesofbehaviourwhich,foraratherlongtime beforetheriseoftheTaleban,hadbeenheld sacredbyvirtueoftraditionandwhich,byvirtueof itsimperativecharacter,hadbeenintendedto determinethebehaviouroftheindividualandof socialgroupsinbotheverydaylifeaswellasin exceptionalsituations. InPashtolanguage,mostofthesevaluesandrules ofbehaviouraresummarisedundertheword ‘Pashtunwali’whichcanbeunderstoodas'theway ofthePashtuns'.Pashtunwalipresentsanethnic selfͲportraitofthePashtunsaccordingtowhich thePashtunsaredistinctfromotherethnicgroups notonlyduetotheirlanguage,historyandculture, butalsoduetotheirbehaviour.Since,accordingto thisconcept,Pashtunsaretrustedandexpectedto acthonourably,wecanqualifyPashtunwaliasa codeofhonour.'DoingPashto'meanstoact honourablyandtobeguidedbythevaluesof Pashtunwali. AmongthePashtuntribes,thesevaluesandrules ofbehaviourhavebeentransmittedorallyfor centuries,butaslateasthe1950s,someAfghan menoflettersbecamemoreandmoreinterested inPashtunwaliwhensearchingfortheguiding

principlesforamodernAfghannation.Lateron, AfghanscholarsstartedtostudyPashtunwalifrom afolkloricpointofview.Thus,writtenaccountsof Pashtunwaliappeared,offeringaviewfrominside thecultureofthePashtuns.Someoftheseare writteninadidacticstyleandmanyrevealthe philosophybehindparticularvaluesandrules.The perspectiveoftheseaccountsisfeaturedinthis paperwhereinPashtunwaliisdescribedasthe idealofhonourablebehaviourandtriballife amongthePashtuns.Idealsnevercomeupto reality,ofcourse,buttheyserveasimportant guidingprinciplesforbehaviour. ThetribalspiritofthePashtunsisexplainedherein theframeworkofasocialorganisation,which followstheprincipleofpatrilinealdescentandin whichgroupsofdifferentsize(tribes,subͲtribes, clans,andlineages)canbedistinguished dependingonthegenealogicaldepthtakeninto account.AlthoughthemajorityofthePashtuns adoptedasettledlifestylecenturiesago,thetribal spiritandotheraspectsofPashtunwalicanbe tracedtotheirnomadicbackground.Sincethe AfghanstateoriginallyemergedfromaPashtun tribalconfederacy,Pashtuntribeswerefavoured withmuchautonomyandotherprivilegeswithin Afghansociety.This,inparticular,explainsthe persistenceofthetribalspiritandtribalcustoms amongthePashtuns. TherulesofconductofPashtunwalifollowthe dichotomyofhonourandshame.Behaviour, consequently,isguidedbythequestionastohow itisevaluatedintheeyesofothersaccordingto

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LutzRzehak:DoingPashto

thecommonunderstandingofhonourandshame. Thefollowingvaluesandrulesofbehaviourwillbe discussedinthispaper: x x x x x x x x

Honouroftheindividualandhonourof groups Fightingspiritandbravery Equalityandrespectforseniors Consultationanddecisionmaking Willpowerandsincerity Compensationandretaliation Generosityandhospitality Prideandzeal

Apersonwhoembodiesalmostallofthevalues andrulesofbehaviourofPashtunwaliandwho leavesnodoubtthathedoeshisutmosttoabide bythem,isrespectfullycalledghairatman.He representstheidealPashtun. Beinganidealofthetribalwayoflife,Pashtunwali alsoincludesasystemofcustomarylegalnorms (narkh)whichiscloselyrelatedtothecodeof honour.SinceselfͲgovernancewasoneofthe privilegeswhichPashtuntribesweretraditionally grantedinthestatesystemofAfghanistan, customarylegalnormswereappliedeventotopics addressedbysecularlaw.Inremoteruralareas, somecustomarylegalnormsremainimportant todayandattimesevenTalebanleadersadvisethe membersoftheirmovementthattheyshould solvedisputesamongthelocalpopulationby applyingtribalmechanismsofconflictresolution. Wheneveracommonlyrecognisednormisbroken, thethreatenedgroupfeelsresponsibilityfortaking measuresagainstthenormͲbreakerinordertoreͲ establishthepreviousbalanceandtoretrievetheir honour.Crimeswhichoffendthewhole communityaredifferentiatedfromcrimeswhich offendonlyaparticulargroupofpersonslikea lineageorclan.Varioushabitsandcustomsallow foravoidingabloodfeudcycleandresolvinga conflictpeacefully.Thesemechanismsarebased ontheideologyofpatrilinealdescent,thetribal spiritandthecodeofhonourasexpressedin Pashtunwali.Thecustomarylegalsystemcanvary insomedetailsfromtribetotribeandfromregion toregion.Variationmainlyconcernsthe computationoftheamountofbloodmoneytobe paidratherthanthemechanismofconflict resolution. Itisimportanttostressthatthesocietyof Afghanistan,includingPashtunsociety,wassubject tofundamentalchangeinalmosteveryrespect duringthelastdecades.Asaresult,todaythe idealsofPashtunwalicompetewithothervalue systemsthatgainedinfluenceduringthattime.

ThequestionhowimportantPashtunwalistillisin modernAfghanistancannotbeansweredina generalway.Thetransformationofformaland organisationalaspectsofthetriballife(principles ofdecisionmaking,roleofelders,artofwarfare, innercoherenceoftribalunitsandothers)ismore obviousthanchangeswithinthesystemofvalues. AnevaluationofthepresentͲdayimportanceof Pashtunwaliasasystemofvaluesrequires qualitativecasestudiesinvariouspartsof Afghanistanthatcannotbepresentedwithinthis paper.Itdependsoneveryparticularsituationby whichvaluesthebehaviourofindividualsorgroups isguided,butthereisnodoubtthatamongthe competingvaluesystemstheidealsofPashtunwali stillcontinuetopresentanattractiveand sometimesbindingoptiontoday.

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INTRODUCTION

InmodernAfghanistan,thecultureandwayoflife ofthePashtunsareusuallyviewedthroughthe prismofthequiteidiosyncraticinterpretationof IslampresentedbytheTaleban.Thisperspective hinderstherecognitionofcertainculturalvalues andrulesofbehaviour,whichhadbeen determiningthewayoflifeofmanyPashtunsfora longtimebeforetheriseoftheTalebanasa militaryandpoliticalmovement,andwhichremain ofconsiderableinfluencetoday. InthePashtolanguage,mostofthesevaluesand rulesofbehaviourareoftensummarisedunderthe 1 wordPashtunwali(pa‫ܤ‬htunwali ,also pa‫ܤ‬htunwĈlഋiorpa‫ܤ‬htungalwi).Thiswordconsists ofthenounpa‫ܤ‬htun'Pashtun'andthesuffixͲwali, respectivelyͲwĈlഋiorͲgalwi.InPashto,these suffixesgeneratenounswithanabstractmeaning. Hence,thewordPashtunwali(oritsvariants)can betranslatedliterallyas'Pashtunness'orinafreer translationas'thewayofthePashtuns'. Pashtunwalisignifiesaconceptwhichcanbe interpretedasanethnicselfͲportraitofthe 2 Pashtuns. Itincludesalltraditionsbywhichthe 1

ForPashtowords,asimplifiedsystemofRomanisation isusedinthispaper.Mostcharactersandpairsof characters(sh,zh,ch,kh,ai,au)canbepronounced almostlikeinEnglish.FollowingtheRomanisationtables oftheLibraryofCongressretroflexsoundsaremarked byadotunderacharacter.Amacronovera(Ĉ)shows thatamustbepronouncedasalongvowel.The characterഋstandsforamidͲcentralvowelsound(schwa) whichispronouncedlikeainEnglish'separate'(sepഋrഋt). Thecombinationghshouldbepronouncedasguttural'r' (sometimesknownasFrench'r').

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SeeBerntGlatzer,'ZumPashtunwalialsethnischem Selbstportrait',inGünterBestandReinhartKößler(eds):

AANThematicReport01/2011


Pashtuns,accordingtotheirunderstanding, distinguishthemselvesfromotherethnicgroups. Likemanyotherconceptswhichareaimedat shapingethnicidentity,Pashtunwalidescribesan ideal,inthiscase,theidealofthewayoflifeofthe Pashtuns.Thisidealincludesthetribalspiritofthe Pashtuns,asophisticatedcodeofhonour,moral andethicalrulesofbehaviour,thedemandfor martialbravery,reasonableactionsand consultation,asystemofcustomarylegalnorms andnotleast,faithinIslam.3 TheconceptofPashtunwaliisanethnoͲcentric conceptbecauseitisbasedontheideathatthe Pashtunsaredistinctfromotherethnicgroupsnot onlyduetotheirlanguage,cultureandhistory,but duetotheirbehaviouraswell.Theidealoftheway oflifeofthePashtunsissometimesconfusedwith anethnicstereotype,butneithertheidealnorthe stereotypenecessarilycorrespondstoactual behaviour.Furthermore,similarvalues,norms, customsandhabitscanbefoundamongother 4 ethnicgroupsinAfghanistanandPakistan. Butthe Pashtunshaveevolvedthesevalues,norms, customsandhabitsintoastrongsetofrulestoa higherdegreethanmostotherethnicgroupsof thatregion. 5 ForthePashtuns,theserulesdefine whatconstituteshonourablebehaviourandthey includevarioussanctionsforthosewhoarein violationoftheserules.TheideathatPashtunsare SubjekteundSysteme:Soziologischeund anthropologischeAnnäherungen.FestschriftfürChristian Sigristzum65.Geburtstag(Frankfurt:IKOͲVerlag2000). 3

Thewordpa‫ܤ‬htunwĈlidoesnotbelongtotheactive vocabularyinallPashtospeakingregions.Itseemsthatit ismorefrequentlyusedinthesouthͲeasternpartsof Afghanistan(Khostandneighbouringprovinces)thanin thesouthernandwesternparts.However,thisisrather aquestionoflinguisticbehaviouranddoesnotmean thattheidealsandvaluesforwhichtheword Pashtunwalicanstandwouldnotbevalidinthose regionswherethewordislessornotusedinactive speech.Theexpressionpa‫ܤ‬htokawഋl,'doingPashto,'in themeaningoffollowingtheidealofhonourable behaviourandtriballifeiscommontoalmostallPashto speakers.

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Thedifferenceisratherinthedegreeofrigourwith whichtheseidealsandvaluesarepursued.Forcommon valuessee,forexample,theremarksonseclusionand dignity(pഋtauজizzat),reputationandhonour(nangau ghairat),loyaltyandpromise(wafĈauzhmഋna),shame andmodesty(sharmauhayĈ)andothersinthechapter 'Afghanhabits'(afghĈnikhuyuna)inAurangzebIrshĈd, AfghĈnistĈnpezhandഋna['Acountrystudyof Afghanistan'](Pe‫ܙ‬hawur,DĈnishkhparanduya‫ܞ‬ol೅na 1386h.sh.=2006)p.327Ͳ333.

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Somecausesofthisdevelopmentwillbediscussedin chapter2.

trustedandexpectedtoacthonourablytherefore qualifiesPashtunwaliasacodeofhonour. WhenBritishofficersandcolonialservantstook noticeofthenormsandvaluesofPashtunwaliin thenineteenthcentury,theywereinterested aboveallinadministrativeandmilitaryquestions andtheirmainfocuswasoncustomarylawand bloodrevenge. 6 Inthesecondhalfofthetwentieth century,thenormsandvaluesofPashtunwali engagedtheattentionofwesternanthropologists whoanalyseditinawiderperspective,bringing intofocusmoralandethicalvaluesandrulesof behaviouraswell. 7 Inrecentpublications, Pashtunwaliisusuallyseeninthecontextofthe currentwar. 8 WithinPashtunsociety,thevalues,normsand rulesofPashtunwalihavebeentransmittedorally forcenturies,althoughasearlyastheseventeenth century,thePashtunpoetKhushhĈlKhĈnKha‫ܞܞ‬ak (1613Ͳ1689)wroteabookinPashtoprosethatcan beseenasthefirstattempttodefinerulesof behaviourforthePashtuns.ThewordPashtunwali, however,wasnotusedinthetext.Thenameof 6

Forexample,MountstuartElphinstone,anofficerof theEastIndiaCompanywhomadeanofficialmissionto theDurraniwinterresidenceinPeshawarin1809, describesPashtunwaliinhisreportasa"rudesystemof customarylaw".SeeMountstuartElphinstone,An AccountoftheKingdomofCaubul,2volumes(Karachi, IndusPublications1992)p.220.

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SeeAlfredJanataandReihanodinHassas,'Ghairatman –DergutePaschtune',AfghanistanJournal(1975)3:83Ͳ 96,CharlesKieīer,'ÜberdasVolkderPašาtunenundsein Pašาtunwali',Paš๸toQuarterly(1360/1981)1:63Ͳ76,JonW. Anderson,DoingPakhtu:SocialOrganizationofthe GhilzaiPakhtun(ChapelHill:UniversityofNorthCarolina 1979),CharlesLindholm,GenerosityandJealousy–The SwatPukhtunofNorthernPakistan(NewYork,Columbia Univ.Pr.1982),WillySteul,Paschtunwali:ein EhrenkodexundseinerechtlicheRelevanz(Wiesbaden, FranzSteinerVerlag1981),BerntGlatzer,'Zum PashtunwalialsethnischemSelbstportrait'.

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See,forexample,MajorRichardTodStrickland,'The wayofthePashtun:Pashtunwali',CanadianArmy Journal(2007)3:44Ͳ55,JohnH.Cathell,Human geographyintheAfghanistanͲPakistanregion: UnderminingtheTalebanusingtraditionalPashtun socialstructures(Newport,R.I.:NavalWarCollege2009) http://www.dtic.mil/cgiͲ bin/GetTRDoc?AD=ADA502894&Location=U2&doc=GetT RDoc.pdf(referredtoon9March2011),CraigCordell Naumann,JohnF.RichardsFellow,ThePashtunwali's RelevanceasaToolforSolvingthe'AfghanCrisis'(Edited andupdatedexcerptoftheResearchReportsubmitted totheAmericanInstituteofAfghanistanStudies(2008), http://www.educationinafghanistan.com/The_Pashtunw alis_Relevance_as_a_Tool_for_Solving_the_Afghan_Crisi s_September_2009.pdf(referredtoon8March2011).

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thebookisDastĈrnĈma('Bookoftheturban')and KhushhĈlKhĈnKha‫ܞܞ‬akdescribestwentyabiliƟes (hunaruna)andtwentyvirtues(khislatuna)whicha Pashtunmanmustowntobecomeworthytowear aturban.Someofthesevalues,suchasselfͲ knowledge(dഋdzĈnmaজrifat),bravery(shujĈজat), consultation(mashwarat),modesty(sharm,hayĈজ), honesty(rĈsti),respectfortheelders(dഋmalik intizĈm),ambitiousness(himmat),prideand honour(ghairat),areclosetothevaluesof Pashtunwaliinthesensedescribedearlier.But someotherabilities,likefalconryandhunting (‫ܤ‬hikĈr),chess(narddഋshatranj),poetry(sheজr), music(musiqi)orpainting(taswirdഋnaqqĈsh),are addressedtothenobilityfirstofall.Thus,thisbook standsratherinthetraditionofclassicalIslamic textsinthegenreof'Mirrorsforprinces'like QĈbusnĈma('BookofQĈbus')byKaiKĈॖus, SiyĈsatnĈma('BookofGovernment')byNizĈmalͲ Mulk,orNasihatalͲmuluk('CounseltoPrinces')by 9 alͲGhazĈli. Inmoderntime,thefirstwrittenaccountson PashtunwaliappearedinAfghanistaninthe 1950s. 10 Theirauthorsweremenofletterswho followedtheWe‫ܤ‬hZalmiyĈnmovementandother groupsoftheintellectualenlightenment.They appealedtothehistoryandtraditionsofthe Pashtunswhenadvocatingfornationalawakening andsocialjustice. 11 Intheirpublications,they 9

ThePashtotextoftheDastĈrnĈmabyKhushhĈlKhĈn Kha‫ܞܞ‬akwaspublishedseveraltimes(KĈbul,Pashto ‫ܞ‬ol೅na1345/1966,Peshawar,PashtoAcademyofthe UniversityofPeshawar1991).QuiterecentlyanEnglish translationwaspublished;seeArifNaseem(transl., commentary),DastarnamaofKhushhalKhanKhattak (Peshawar,PashtoAcademyoftheUniversityof Peshawar2007).ForadescriptionofthebookseeV.V. Kushev,Afganskayarukopisnayakniga['Afghan handwrittenbooks'](Moskva,Nauka1980)p.56f.and ManfredLorenz,'DerafghanischeDichterChushhĈlͲ ChĈnChattaküberdasSchachspiel',inAdélaKƎikavová, LudĢkHƎebíēek(eds.),ExOriente.CollectedPapersin HonourofJiƎíBeēka(Prague,OrientalInstituteofthe CzechAcademyofSciences1995)p.101ff.

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SeeQiyĈmuddinKhĈdim,Pa‫ܤ‬htunwali(KĈbul, 1331/1952),QiyĈmuddinKhĈdim,'Pa‫ܙ‬htunwali– tarbiyawiusul'['Pashtunwali–educationalprinciples'], KĈbul(1331/1953)25Ͳ32,ॖAbdullahBakhtĈni,Pa‫ܤ‬htani khuyuna['Pashtunqualities'](KĈbul1334/1955), [GulpĈchĈUlfat(ed.),]Pa‫ܤ‬htanidoduna['Pashtunhabits andcustoms'](KĈbul:D೅pa‫ܙ‬hto‫ܞ‬ol೅na1336/1957).

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We‫ܤ‬hZalmiyĈn('AwakenedYouths')appearedasa ratherinformalmovementin1947undertheleadership ofMuhammadRasulKhĈnPa‫ܙ‬htun.Mostmemberswere menoflettersandintellectualslikeॖAbdurraufBenawĈ, GulpĈchĈUlfat,ॖAbdullahBakhtĈni,QiyĈmuddinKhĈdim andNurMuhammadTaraki.From1951publicationson thepoliticalagendaofthismovementappearedinthe


confidentlyprofferedtherulesandvaluesof Pashtunwaliaseducationalprinciplesforamodern Afghannation.Duringthefollowingdecades,as Afghanscholarsbecameincreasinglymore interestedinthestudyoflocalfolkloreand traditions,morepublicationsonPashtunwaliand relatedsubjectsemerged.12 Mostofthese publicationswerewritteninthedescriptivestyleof folkloricandanthropologicalaccountsratherthan asanalyticalstudies.Onthesegrounds,onecan saythatthesepublicationsoffertheperspectiveof personswithinthecultureandthatPashtunwaliis describedintermswhicharemeaningfultothose whoaredoingPashto(inthemeaningof Pashtunwali).

newspaperAngarwhichwaspublishedinKabultwicea week,butnoclearprogramexistedatthebeginning.The mainidealofthemovementwaspatriotism.Education, enlightenment,nationalunityandtheparticipationof thepeopleinpoliticalaffairswereseenasthemainways toleadthepeopleofAfghanistanoutofthe'darknessof ignorance',togivethewomentheirlegalrights,to enablethepeopletobecomethepillarofasovereign nationalgovernmentandtodeveloptheeconomy.Later somemembersofthismovementstoodupfora constitutionalmonarchysystemwithpoliticalrightslike freedomofspeech,freedomofthepressandfreedomof politicalorganisations.FordetailsseeV.G.Korgun, IntelligenicyavpoliticheskoyzhizniAfganistana ['IntelligentsiainthepoliticallifeofAfghanistan'] (Moskva,Nauka1983)p.52ff. 12

SeeamongothersQudratullahHidĈd,'D೅pa‫ܙ‬htun kahol'['ThefamilyofthePashtuns'],KĈbul(1340/1961) 46Ͳ51,BismillahHaqmal,'IjtimĈॖimasĈyilaud೅ta‫܋‬iyo wul೅sinarkh'['Socialquestionsandthecustomarylegal systemoftheTani'],KĈbul(1360/1981)58Ͳ68,QaƟl Xo‫ܮ‬hyĈni,'Jirgaaupa‫ܙ‬htoadab'['JirgaandPashtun culture'],Jirga(nodate)1/4,25Ͳ28,M.IbrĈhimॖAtĈyi,Dഋ pa‫ܤ‬htaniqabiloisƟlĈhiqĈmƻs['DictionaryofPashtun tribalterminology'](KĈbul,D೅pa‫ܙ‬htoce‫ܕ‬೅nona‫ܕ‬iwĈl markaz1357/1978),MuhammadॖAzizKĈka‫ܕ‬,'D೅ AfghĈnistĈnd೅khatidzoaumarkazibarkhod೅kuchiyĈno ijtimĈॖihĈlat'['Thesocialsituationofthenomadsofthe westernandcentralpartsofAfghanistan'],KĈbul (1340/1961)53Ͳ58,IliyĈsWaziri,'D೅waziristĈnd೅ barmalid೅khalkoul೅snarkhuna'['Thecustomarylegal systemofthepeopleofBarmalinWaziristan'],KĈbul (1361/1982)52Ͳ61,HoۭyĈlai,'D೅apridiyonangiyĈlai qaum'['ThebravetribeoftheAfridi'],Jirga(nodate) 1/5,42Ͳ47,MuhammadAkbarMuॖtamad(ed.), NangiyĈlaipa‫ܤ‬htun['ThehonourablePashtun'](KĈbul, Daulatimatbaॖa1345/1966),JalĈtXĈnHikmati(ed.),Dഋ pa‫ܤ‬htano‫ܩ‬olഋnizͲiqƟsĈdiju‫ܠ‬ഋ‫ܤ‬htdഋsaurtഋrinqilĈba ['ThesocialandeconomicalstructureofthePashtun tribesuptotheSaurrevolution'](KĈbul,D೅pa‫ܙ‬hto ce‫ܕ‬೅nobainulmilalimarkaz1362/1983),NurMuhammad TĈbish(ed.),Pa‫ܤ‬htĈnഋkuchiyĈn['Pashtunnomads'] (KĈbul,D೅pa‫ܙ‬htoce‫ܕ‬೅nobainulmilalimarkaz 1360/1981).


Thispaperconcentratesonthisperspective.Itis largelybasedonwrittenaccountsnotonlybecause inotherpublicationsonPashtunwali,such accountshavescarcelybeentakeninto consideration,butalsobecausePashtunwaliis usuallypresentedasaphenomenonthatis exclusivelysubjecttooraltradition.Thevalueof thesewrittenaccountsliesinthefactthatmanyof themhaveadidacticinterestandduetotheir form,presenttheidealsofPashtunwaliinamuch morecomplexwaythanisusuallythecaseinoral narratives.Insomestudies,Pashtunwaliis presentedasacollectionofquantifiabletenetsor rulesofbehaviour.13 Itgoeswithoutsayingthat Pashtunwaliisratheraquestionofthequalityof behaviorthanofthequantityofparticularvalues. Thenativeaccountsexaminedforthispaperreveal thephilosophywhichstandsbehindparticular valuesandrulesofbehaviourandconflatesthem systematicallyintoanentireworldͲview.Thefocus ofthispapermoreoverisnotonlyonkeywords andtheirmeaning,butalsoonthelinesof argumentusedbyAfghanauthorsinorderto demonstratetheculturalvaluesandrulesof behaviourbywhichthePashtunsdistinguish themselvesfromotherethnicgroups.Hence, Pashtunwaliismainlydescribedhereasanideal; fromtimetotime,however,theemphasisonthe viewfromwithinPashtunculturewillbroadento incorporatetheobservationsoftheauthorofthis paper,basedonhisfieldstudiesinvariouspartsof 14 Afghanistanoverthelasttwodecades. Tobegin, andtoenableabetterandbroaderunderstanding ofthematter,somehistoricalremarksare necessary.

3 THENOMADICBACKGROUND OFTHEPASHTUNSANDITS SIGNIFICANCEFORPASHTUNWALI Theemergenceandthevitalityofthenormsand valuesofPashtunwaliaredeeplyͲrootedinthe socialhistoryofthePashtuns.Culturesofhonour aretypicallyidentifiedwithnomadicpeopleswho havenorecoursetolawenforcementor governmentwhentheytraversegeographically remoteareasinsearchofpastures,carrytheir mostvaluablepropertywiththem,riskhavingit stolen,etc.15 TherearestillsomePashtunnomadic herdsmentoday,butthemajorityofPashtuns adoptedasettledlifestylecenturiesago. 16 Today, mostPashtunsliveinruralareasandareengaged inagriculture.Innomadicsocieties,theprivate ownershipofpasturelandisunknownalthougha particulargroupbytraditionmaylayclaimstoa particularpastureinaparticularseasonofthe year.Butaclaimtosomethingisnotidenticalwith theownership/possessionofsomethingandthese claimswereheldnotbyindividualsbutbygroups. ManyPashtungroupsretainedthispracticewith regardtofarmlandforaverylongtimeafterthey hadsettleddownandbegunfarming.Atthe beginning,thefarmlandusuallybelongedtothe wholecommunity.Noparticularhouseholdhadan individualclaimtoaparticularparcelofland; instead,theparcelsoflandwereregularly redistributedamongallhouseholdsbelongingto thatcommunity.Originally,theparcelswere redistributedbylotandredistributiontookplace 15

13

Cf.'Dependingonone'sperspectiveand interpretation,Pashtunwaliismadeupofbetweenthree andsixbasictenets,whichinturndevelopintoafairly complexinterplayguidingtheactionsandnormative behavioursofthecode.'(MajorRichardTodStrickland, 'ThewayofthePashtun:Pashtunwali',p.47).Seealso: 'Pashtunwalialsoencompassesfourpersonalcore values:honor,revenge,freedom,andchivalry.'(JohnH. Cathell,HumangeographyintheAfghanistanͲPakistan region,9). 14

Istartedlinguisticandanthropologicalfieldworkin Afghanistanin1988asavisitingpostgraduatestudentat KabulUniversity.Inthemid1990iesIcarriedout fieldworkintheNorthernprovincesofBalkh,SarͲiPul andJuzjan;between2002and2006Imadeseveral researchtripstothesouthwesternpartsofAfghanistan betweenHeratandKandaharwithlongerstaysin Nimrozprovince.In2008and2010Iworkedagainin NorthernAfghanistan(BalkhandTakharprovinces).

Thecorrelationofculturesofhonourandaparticular wayoflifeismuchmorecomplexinfact.Thecodeof honourofthePashtunsshowsmanysimilaritieswith codesofhonourintheMediterranean,theCaucasus, CentralAsia,theMiddleEast,EastAfricaandinthe Philippines,butaclearinterrelationshipofhonour culturesandanomadicwayoflife(inthepastorat present)isnotinallcasesevident.Foracritical discussionseeMarkMoritz,'ACriticalExaminationof HonorCulturesandHerdingSocietiesinAfrica',African StudiesReview(2008)2:99Ͳ117andToddK.Shackelford, 'AnEvolutionaryPsychologicalPerspectiveonCulturesof Honor',EvolutionaryPsychology(2005)3:381Ͳ391. 16

Adetailedaccountofthesettlementprocesswas presentedfromaMarxistperspectivebytheRussian scholarI.M.Reysnerwhobasedhisanalysisonlocal chronicles,Europeantravelreportsandmanyother sources.Accordingtohisstudy,thefirstwaveof settlementstartedamongPashtunnomadictribes betweenthefourteenthandseventeenthcenturies.See I.M.Reysner,Razvitiefeodalizmaiobrazovanie gosudarstvauafgancev['Thedevelopmentoffeudalism andtheemergenceofthestateamongtheAfghans'] (Moskva,Izdatelफ़stvoAkademiinaukSSSR1954)p.47ff.

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everyyear.InPashto,thiscustomiscalledwesh 'redistribution[ofland]'.Theparcelscouldbe allocatedtoahouseholdaccordingtothenumber ofitsmembers(khulawesh'redistributionamong eaters'),accordingtothemilitarystrengthofa household(mlĈt೅‫ܕ‬wesh'redistributionamong fighters'),oraccordingtogenealogicallinks(d೅ shajarewesh'genealogicalredistribution'). 17 In manyPashtunvillages,thecustomofweshwas maintainedupuntilthenineteenthcentury,in singularcases,likeamongtheShinwĈriand MomandPashtunsoftheNangarhĈrandKuna‫ܕ‬ provinces,upunƟlthemiddleofthetwenƟeth century.Inthedistrictof٨horĈwakintheSouthern Kandaharprovince,theBa‫ܕ‬ecPashtunscontinued practisingtheweshcustomintothe1980s. 18 Grouppropertyofasimilarkindcontinuedtoexist withregardtopastures,threshingfloors,or woodlands. 19 AlongͲtermconsequenceofthe weshtraditioncanbeseeninthefactthatinmany ruralplacesofAfghanistan,theprivateownership oflandisstillsubjecttostrongrestrictions.Land canbethepropertyofapersonorofahousehold, itcanberentedtootherpersons,butitcannotbe soldtojustanyone.Oftenthisispossiblefor recognisedmembersofaparticularcommunity only.Inmanyplaces,itisunimaginableand, therefore,defactoalmostimpossibletosellland toapersonwhodoesnotbelongtothecommunity whichtraditionallyhasheldrightstoit.The acquisitionoflandislimitedalmostentirelyto inheritanceandresidencerightswhichare 20 transmittedthroughpatrilinealdescent. Group interestsarehigherthanindividualinterests. Furthermore,itmustberememberedthatthe AfghanstateoriginallyemergedfromaPashtun tribalconfederacy.WhenAhmadShahDurrĈniwas enthronedasthefirstkingofAfghanistanin1747, hehadbeenchosenbyagroupofPashtunand 17

SeefordetailsI.M.Reysner,Razvitiefeodalizma,p. 104ff.,Hikmati(ed.),Dഋpa‫ܤ‬htano‫ܩ‬olഋnizͲiqƟsĈdi ju‫ܠ‬ഋ‫ܤ‬ht,p.24ff.

18

SeeHikmati(ed.),Dഋpa‫ܤ‬htano‫ܩ‬olഋnizͲiqƟsĈdiju‫ܠ‬ഋ‫ܤ‬ht, p.30ff.,M.G.AslanovandV.I.Kochnev,'Pushtuny' ['ThePashtuns'],NarodyYuzhnoyAzii(Moskva1963)p. 747.

19

ForexamplesrelatingtotheKhostprovinceseeWilly Steul,Paschtunwali,p.23.

20

ForthesituationamongtheGhilzaiPashtunsin easternAfghanistanbetweenKabulandKandaharinthe 1970sseeJonW.Anderson,DoingPakhtu,164. AccordingtomyobservationsintheNimrozandFarĈh provinces,similarlimitationsconcerningtheacquisition oflandstillexist.Forthesituationinotherregionssee Hikmati(ed.),Dഋpa‫ܤ‬htano‫ܩ‬olഋnizͲiqƟsĈdiju‫ܠ‬ഋ‫ܤ‬ht,p.143 ff.


someBalochtriballeaders.Hekeptthetitleofa shĈh('king'),butforthosewhohadelectedhimhe wasnotmorethanaprimusinterpares.Ahmad ShahDurrĈnicouldrelyonthemilitaryandpolitical strengthofthetribeswhichsupportedhimaslong ashedidnotoffendtheirfeelingsandinterests. 21 Thesamecanbesaidforallofhissuccessors withintheroyaldynasties.Allofthem,selfͲ evidently,werePashtunsandallofthemhadto cometotermsfirstofallwiththePashtuntribesin differentpartsoftheirkingdom.Pashtuntribes providedthemilitaryandpoliticalbasisforthe royaldynastyandtheyweregrantednumerous privilegesinreturn,particularlyintaxationandin selfͲgovernment.Ithasalwaysbeenafactthatin thetribalregions,thestatewouldnotinterfere intoaffairswhichoughttoberegulatedbythe stateandwhichinfactwereregulatedbyofficial 22 institutionsinmostotherpartsofthecountry. In thecourseoftime,thisexceptionalpositionwithin thesocietyofAfghanistanbecameaninherent featureoftheselfͲconfidenceofmanyPashtuns especiallyinthetribalareasalongthefrontierwith Pakistan.AmongallethnicgroupsofAfghanistan, onlytheBalochtribessharedthisexceptional positionwiththePashtuns.Thisreflectedasimilar wayoflifewithasimilartribalstructureanda 23 similarcodeofhonour. Generallyspeaking,in 21

SeefordetailsI.M.Reysner,Razvitiefeodalizma,p. 334ff.

22

Adetaileddiscussionofthehistoricalrelationship betweentribesandstateinAfghanistanispresentedin RichardTapper(ed.):TheConflictofTribeandStatein IranandAfghanistan(London:St.Martin'sPress1983); seeespeciallythepapersbyRichardTapper, 'Introduction'(pp.1Ͳ82),RobHager,'State,tribeand empireinAfghaninterͲpolityrelations'(pp.83Ͳ118),J. W.Anderson,'Khanandkhel:DialecticsofPakhtun Tribalism'(pp.119Ͳ149),BerndGlatzer,'Political organisationofPashtunnomadsandtheState'(pp.212Ͳ 232)andNancyTapper,'AbdalͲRahman’sNorthͲWest Frontier:ThePashtuncolonisationofAfghanTurkistan' (pp.233Ͳ261).SeealsoChristineNoelle,StateandTribe inNineteenthͲCenturyAfghanistan:TheReignofAmir DostMohammadKhan(1826Ͳ1863)(Richmond:Curzon Press1997),RichardTapper,'Anthropologists,historians, andtribespeopleontribeandstateformationinthe MiddleEast',inPhilipS.Khoury,JosephKostiner(eds.), TribesandstateformationintheMiddleEast(Oxford: UniversityofCaliforniaPress1990)pp.48Ͳ73,Richard Tapper,'Ethnicity,orderandmeaninginthe anthropologyofIranandAfghanistan',inJeanͲPierre Digard(ed.),LefaitethniqueenIranetenAfghanistan (Paris:ÉditionsduCentreNationaldelaRecherche Scientifique1988)pp.21Ͳ34.

23

SimilaritiesofthecodeofhonourofthePashtunsto thatoftheBalochareevidentbuttheycannotbe discussedindetailhere.Accordingtomyobservationsin Nimroz,almostallwhatisdescribedhereforthe


SouthernandWesternAfghanistanthedistinction betweenPashtunandBalochissometimesvery smooth.Indeed,somegroupsarereferredtoas augĈnͲbaloch,i.e.AfghanͲ(PashtunͲ)Baloch.These aresplintergroupsofPashtunoriginwhichwere incorporatedintothetribalorganizationofthe Baloch,oralternatively,groupsofBalochorigin whichwereincorporatedintothetribal organisationofthePashtuns. 24 InAfghanistan, prominenceisgiventobothPashtunsandBaloch bythenameĈzĈdqabĈyil'thefreetribes'. 25 This situationonlybegantochangesignificantlyinthe lastthreedecadeswhenothergroupsgainedin militaryandpoliticalpowerinthecivilwarand startedtoenforcetheirpoliticalclaimsonan ethnicbasis. 26 PashtunscanbetransferredtotheBalochinsouthͲ westernAfghanistanalthoughparticulartermsmayvary. SomefeaturesofthecodeofhonouroftheBalochof AfghanistanaredescribedinAbdulsattĈrPurdeli,Chint pahlokshabalochĈnirabedagipahlistĈnĈ/Chandgulaz farhangͲipurbĈrͲiBaloch['Someflowersofthecultural gardenoftheBaloch'](Kabul:RegionalStudiesCenterof Afghanistan1387=2008/09)pp.71Ͳ82.Adetailed analysisoftheBalochcodeofhonourwiththemain focusonPakistanwaspresentedbyErwinOrywal,Krieg oderFrieden:einevergleichendeUntersuchung kulturspezifischerIdeale–derBürgerkriegin Belutschistan/Pakistan(Berlin:Reimer2002). 24

Forexample,groupslikeBa‫ܕ‬ecandNurzicanbefound bothasPashtunandBalochtribes.BalochNurziand BalochBa‫ܕ‬ecmaintaintribalrelaƟonsnotonlytoother Balochtribes,buttoPashtunNurziandBa‫ܕ‬ecaswelland viceversa.Usuallysuchsplintergroupsswitchedoverto thelanguageofthetribalgrouptheywereincorporated into,butbilingualismisawideͲspreadphenomenonas well(ownobservations,moredetailedsooninLutz Rzehak'Ethnicminoritiesinsearchofpolitical consolidation',forthcoming).

25

ThistermdescribesthePashtunandBalochtribeswho resideinthefrontierregionswithPakistanandIranand whotraditionallyarrogatetheprivilegeofcrossingthe borderwithoutlimitation.Inthepoliticalsystemof Afghanistan,thisstatuswasofficiallyrecognisedbythe establishmentofaspecialministryfortribalaffairsafter theSaurrevolution.SeeNeamatollahNojumi,TheRise oftheTalebaninAfghanistan.MassMobilization,Civil War,andtheFutureoftheRegion(NewYork,N.Y.: PalgravePublishersLtd.2002),pp.67ff.Thisministry stillexiststodayunderthenameMinistryofBordersand TribalAffairs.

4

TRIBALSPIRIT 'AmongthePashtunsthewordPashtunwali implicateseverythingwhatranksamongthe rootsandbasicsoftheirtribalspirit,historical greatnessandnationaltraditions...Pashtois thenameoftheirnationallanguage,Pashtunis thenameoftheirtribe,Pashtunkhwaisthe nameoftheirhomeland;andfromthesewords themeaningfulwordPashtunwaliwas created'. 27

ThisPashtunauthor,QiyĈmuddinKhĈdim,places thetribalspirit(qaumiruh)firstwhenhedefines thewordPashtunwaliinhisfundamentalbookon thissubject.Qaumisthewordwhichheusesfor 'tribe',andqaumiisthewordwhichheusesfor 'tribal'.Nodoubtisleftthathisreferencetothe tribalspiritappliestoallPashtuns.Onecould interpretqaumiruhas'nationalspirit'therefore, butthereisanotherwordwiththemeaningof 'national'inPashtoandinotherlanguagesof Afghanistan(milli).QiyĈmuddinKhĈdimusesthis latterwordtorefertothelanguageandthe traditionsofthePashtuns,butheusesqaumwith referencetothePashtunpeopleandqaumiwhen describingtheirspirit.Thisisduetothefactthat thewordqaumimplicatestheideaofcommon descenttoamuchhigherdegreethanimaginable lexicalequivalents.Likeotherconceptsofgroup identity,qaumexpressesidentityasarather cumulativeorpolymorphfeaturewhichcanbe imaginedasapooloffragmentarycharacteristics likecommondescent,language,culture,shared history,customs,wayoflife,religion, neighbourhood,etc.Hence,qauminfactisavery elastictermwhich,dependingonthesituation,can beunderstoodas'nation','tribe','clan'orasa 28 groupofsomeotherkind. Thesizeofagroupcan differ,butthewordqaumindicatesthatamongall featuresofidentity,priorityisgiventocommon descent.Agrouptermedqaumisadescentgroup, firstofall. AmongthePashtuns,thedescentofanindividual isreckonedfromthefather'slineofdescent.Thus aqaumisalineofdescentfromamaleancestorto descendantsinwhichtheindividualsinall interveninggenerationsarefathers.Thetradition holdsthatallPashtunsarefatherͲlinedescendants

26

Asaresult,theresponsibilityoftheMinistryof BordersandTribalAffairswasextendedtoallminority groups,mostlybyprovidingeducationprogramsin minoritylanguagesandbyhelpingtheminthe resolutionofdisputeswithothertribesandethnic groups(informationprovidedbyAbdulKarimBrahui, MinisterforBorderandTribalAffairs,duringan interviewwiththeauthorinApril2005inKabul).

27

SeeKhĈdim,Pa‫ܤ‬htunwali,p.10.

28

FortheconceptofqaumseeErwinOrywal:'Ethnische Identitäten–KonzeptundMethode',inErwinOrywal (ed.):DieethnischenGruppenAfghanistans.Fallstudien zuGruppenidentitätenundIntergruppenbeziehungen (Wiesbaden,Dr.LudwigReichertVerlag1986).

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ofalegendaryancestornamedQais 29 (aliasPatan) whoaccordingtoprevailingopinion,livedatthe timeofMuhammad.WhenQaisconvertedto Islam,heassumedtheIslamicnameॖAbdurrashid. AccordingtogenealogicaltradiƟon,Qais ॖAbdurrashidhadthreesons–Sa‫ܕ‬bun,Ghargha‫ܙ‬ht, andBai‫ܞ‬an–whobecamethefoundersofthree descentgroups.Today,thedescentgroupsof Sa‫ܕ‬bun,Ghargha‫ܙ‬htandBai‫ܞ‬anappearastribal groupstowhichmostPashtuntribescanbe assigned.AfourthtribalgroupnamedKarlĈ‫܋‬igoes backtoapersoncalledKarlĈ‫܋‬.ItissaidthatKarlĈ‫܋‬ wasafoundlingwhowasbroughtupbyaPashtun andlatermarriedthedaughterofhisadoptive father.ThedescendantsofSa‫ܕ‬bun,Ghargha‫ܙ‬ht, Bai‫ܞ‬anandKarlĈ‫܋‬areregardedtheancestorsof varioustribes,theirdescendantsareregardedthe ancestorsofvarioussubͲtribes,etc.Dependingon thenumberofgenerationstakenintoaccount, patrilinealdescentgroupsofdifferentsizecanbe distinguished,andthemembersofeachgroupcan demonstratetheircommondescentfromanapical ancestor.Biggerdescentgroupsarenamedtribe (tĈyifaorqabila).Eachtribeisdividedintotwoor moresubͲtribes(‫ܞ‬ab೅r),subͲtribesconsistof smallergroupswhichcanbenamedclan(khelor zaionahigherlevelandplarinaorp‫ܙ‬haonalower level).ThesmallestgroupofthePashtuntribal systemiscalledkahol.Thecommonancestorofa kaholusuallylivedsevenoreightgenerationsago. Everykaholconsistsofseveralextendedfamilies.A household(kor)isaneconomicalratherthana tribalunit.Ideally,itconsistsofagrandfather,his wifeorwives,sons,daughtersͲinͲlaw,unmarried daughtersandgrandchildren.Ayoungmancan createhisownhouseholdaftermarriagealthough itisoftenlocatedquiteclosetohisfather's householdandmealsstillcanbeprepared commonly.Ineverydaylife,patrilinealdescent groupsofthekahollevelrepresentthemost importantunitsofsocialorganisation.Thisisthe levelatwhichmarriagesarearranged,peoplehelp eachotherinagricultureorinbuildinghouses, disputesaboutlandusageariseandaresolved,or opinionͲformationaboutpoliticalquestionstakes 30 place. Thelowestleveldemonstratesthedynamicnature ofthePashtuntribalsystem.Groupswhichappear asthesmallestunitsataparticulartime,increase innumberwitheverynewgenerationandthus theytransformgraduallyintoclans,whichare dividedintoseveralnewgroupsofthekahollevel aftersomegenerations.Butallgroupssharethe 29

Also:Kais.

30

SeeWillySteul,Paschtunwali,pp.28ff.,JonW. Anderson,DoingPakhtu,pp.223ff.


beliefincommonpatrilinealdescentthatunites individualsonaparticularlevelofthetribalsystem anddistinguishesthemfromotherindividualson thesamelevel,eventhoughtheyallbelongtoone grouponahigherlevel.Patrilinealdescentgroups ofdifferentgenealogicaldepths,i.e.tribalgroups, tribes,subͲtribes,clansandsmallerlineagesare solidaritygroups.Eachparticularsituationdictates whichgenealogicaldepthistakenintoaccount concerningtheneedforsolidarity.Rivalling lineagesofaclanforgettheirrivalryandstick togetherwhenclaninterestsareindanger.Clans whichbelongtoonesubͲtribeandwhicharein conflictoveraparticularmatter,forgettheir conflictandsticktogetherwheninterestsoftheir 31 subͲtribeoroftheirtribeareindanger,etc. Genealogicalknowledgeisofvitalnecessityina societywhichisstructuredalongpatrilineal descentgroupsofdifferentsize.Ideally,aPashtun candemonstratehisdescentfromQais ॖAbdurrashid,thecommonancestorofall Pashtuns,byenumeratingalllinkingforefathers.In reality,aPashtunknowsbyheartatleastallhis forefathersuptotheancestorofhiskaholgroup, i.e.foraboutsevenoreightgenerationsasa minimum.Forgenealogicalknowledgewhichgoes backdeeperinhistory,olderandexperiencedmen whoareregardedasexpertsinthisfield,are contacted.Whennecessary,theyrefertowritten genealogytrees(shajara)oftheirclan,subͲtribeor tribe.Attemptstocodifythecommongenealogical treeofallPashtunsdatebacktotheearly 32 seventeenthcentury. Likelatercompilationsof 33 thatkind, theyareunabletokeepupwiththe 31

HerethePashtuntribalsystemwasdescribedfroma structuralpointofview.Foramoredetailedandcritical discussionseeBerntGlatzer,'ThePashtunTribal System',inG.Pfeffer&D.K.Behera(eds.),Conceptof TribalSociety(NewDelhi,ConceptPublishers2002),R. Tapper(ed.):TheConflictofTribeandStateinIranand Afghanistan,JonW.Anderson,DoingPakhtu.

32

Ni'matullahalͲHerawiwhoservedasachroniclerat thecourtoftheMughalEmperorJahangir,wrotedowna historyoftheAfghans.Itisoftenreferredtoas MakhzanͲiAfghĈnior'HistoryoftheAfghans'andlists thousandsoftribes(seeKhwajaNiॖmatUllahb.Khwâja HabîbUllahalͲHarawî:TarîkhͲeKhânJahânîwa makhzanͲeAfghâni.Ed.byS.M.Imâmuddîn(Dacca, AsiaticSocietyofPakistan1960Ͳ1992).AnEnglish translationwasmadebyB.Dorn,HistoryoftheAfghans translatedfromthePersianofNeametUllah,by BernhardDorn(London,A.J.Valpy1829&1836).

33

Averypopulargenealogywascompiledunderthe nameHayĈtͲiAfghĈnduringthereignofAmirSherAli Khanin1865.ForaPashtoeditionseeMuhammad AkbarKhĈn:HayĈtͲiAfghĈn(KĈbul,D೅sarhadunochĈro wazĈrat1370/1991).Publicationsofthatkindremainto beverypopulartoday.See[PohanwĈl]Muhammad


dynamiccharacterofthetribalsystem,and, correspondingly,lessornoinformationisavailable aboutgroupsonthelowestlevelswhich,however, arethemoreimportantineverydaylife.Oral knowledgeofthegenealogicaltraditionremains absolutelyessential.WhentwoPashtunmenmeet forthefirsttime,theyoftenchecktheir genealogicalroots.Iftheyfindacommonancestor, thechanceacquaintancewillturnintoa relationshipwithmutualobligationsandsupport. ExplainingtheessenceofPashtunwali,QiyĈmuddin KhĈdimreferredtothetribalspirit(qaumiruh)of allPashtunsbecauseallPashtunsarepatrilineal descendentsofQaisॖAbdurrashidandmoreover, becausehewrotehisbookduringaperiodof nationalawakening.Yetallothersegmentsofthe tribalsystemcanbereferredtosimilarlyasqaum. Hence,thereferencetothetribalspiritcanbean appealforsolidarityacrossalllevelsofthetribal system,i.e.withinatribe,asubͲtribe,aclan,or withinsmallerlineagegroupsaswell.

5 HONOUR,SHAMEANDRULES OFBEHAVIOUR Aspreviouslymentioned,Pashtunwalimeansthat thePashtunsaredifferentfromotherpeoplesnot onlyduetotheirlanguage,butalsoduetotheir behaviour.ThePashtunauthorॖAbdullahBakhtani takesthisideatothepointthat'apersonwho speaksPashtobuthasnoPashtunwaliisnota Pashtunbecausepersonsfromotherpeoplesalso havelearnedPashtoandspeakit.Onlyaperson whodoesPashtoandfollowsitsruleshas 34 Pashtunwali'. Pashtunwalimeans'doingPashto'; and'doingPashto'meanstobringone'sbehaviour inlinewiththeidealsandmoralconceptsofthe Pashtuns.Theseconceptsareprojectedin numerousrulesofbehaviour.Oneofthebasic rulesstates:pa‫ܤ‬htunhaghഋwichinadzĈn sharmawiaunabഋl('APashtunishewhodisgraces 35 neitherhimselfnorothers'). Aswecansee,the rulesofbehaviouraregroupedaroundthe dichotomyofhonourandshame. 36 Behaviouris ॖUmarRawandMiyĈkhel:Dഋpa‫ܤ‬htanoqabiloshajareau mene['ThegenealogiesandhomelandofPashtun tribes'](KĈbul,MaiwandKhparandoya‫ܞ‬ol೅na 1383/2004),SiyĈlMomand:Dഋpa‫ܤ‬htaniqabiloshajare ['GenealogiesofthePashtuntribes'](Quetta,Sidiq kutubkhĈna,nodate). 34

honourableorshamefulwhenitishonourableor shamefulintheeyesofotherpeople. Consequently,themainruleofconductisthe questionastohowone'sbehaviourisevaluatedin theeyesofotherpeople.Inaddition,thecitedrule impliesanotherdichotomy:individualhonourand shamearecloselylinkedtothehonourandshame ofotherpeople.

5.1 Honouroftheindividualand honourofgroups Theconceptofnanga(alsonang)arisesfromthe tribalspiritofthePashtuns:'Nangameansto defendone'srightsandtherightsofone'stribe honourably'. 37 Thus,thisconcepthasadouble meaning.Nangaisthecalltodefendone's personalhonour,whichisbasedonanindividual's dignityandtrustinoneself.Butthecallfornanga isnotlimitedtopersonalhonourbecausethe honourofanindividualandthehonourofthe lineageortribeonebelongstoareinterdependent. Onlyinthelineageortribecanonefindallieswho wouldprovidesupportifnecessary.Livingoutside ofthetribalstructureisalmostunimaginable becauseapersonwithoutagenealogicaltreeisa personwithoutadescentgroup,andaperson withoutadescentgroupisapersonwithoutallies orsupporters.Hence,nangaisthedemandfor personaldignityandselfͲconfidencebecauseonly apersonwithdignityandtrustinoneselfcan upholdthehonourofone'slineageortribe.A personwholivesuptothisstandardisheldinhigh esteemandwillbecallednangyĈlai('honourable'). ThedemandfornĈmushasasimilarrationale behindit,butwithafocusonthosemembersof thesocietyforwhomaPashtunmanfeels responsibleinaveryspecialway.Theseare,firstof all,hiswifeorwives,daughters,andhisunmarried orwidowedsisters.ThewordnĈmuscanbe translatedas'honour','reputation','esteem', 'conscience',and'chasteness',anditcandenoteall femalemembersofahouseholdaswell.Inthe worldviewofPashtunwali,thehonourofa Pashtunmanandthehonourofallfemalesfor whomheisresponsibleareinterdependent. Defendingtheirhonourmeanstoprovideshelter andtotakecareofthemandthisisthebestwayto defendone'sownhonourandreputation.Pashtun authorspropagatethisideabyreferringtoa popularversewhichisattributedtothepoet HamidBaba(1660Ͳ1732).Hesays:chidഋbഋlnang

SeeBakhtĈni,Pa‫ܤ‬htanikhuyuna,p.2.

35

SeeQuyamuddinKhĈdim,'Pa‫ܙ‬htuncokd೅y?',KĈbul (1333/1954),p.1.

36

InBalochi,thisdichotomyisexpressedbythewords nangͲumayĈr('honourandshame')whicharealsoused

asanestablishedexpressiontodenotetheBalochcode ofhonouringeneral. 37

ॖAtĈyi,Dഋpa‫ܤ‬htaniqabiloisƟlĈhiqĈmƻs,p.277.

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10


aunĈmussĈtഋlainaͲshi/wuͲbഋnaͲsĈticokkhpഋl nangaunĈmus('Hewhocannotdefendthe honourandreputationofanotherpersondoesn't defendhisownhonourandreputation.') 38 Seclusionisseenasthebestwaytodefenda female'sreputationandconsequently,one'sown honourbecausethemainruleofconductisthe questionabouthowone'sbehaviourisevaluated intheeyesofotherpeople.Afemalewhoisalmost invisibletotheeyesofotherpeoplecannot disgraceherselfintheeyesofotherpeople.Ifa woman,nevertheless,hasbeenunfaithful,her husbandfeelsobligedtokillhertogetherwithher loverrightaway.Intheeyesofamanwhois trustedandexpectedtoacthonourably,thisisthe 39 onlywaytodefendhishonourandreputation. However,inreality,hecanlethimselfbeguidedby theprinciplethat'ashameisnotashameaslong asnobodyisawareofit'.Thusadultery(likeother missteps)canbecovereduptoavoidblood feuds. 40 IntheconceptofPashtunwali,thepositionof womenismainlydefinedbytheideaofpatrilineal descentandbythecleardistinctionwhichismade betweenrelationshipbydescent(khpഋlwali)and relationshipbymarriage(khe‫ܤ‬hi).Thisexplainswhy thebirthofasonandthebirthofadaughtercause differentfeelings,whywomenareexcludedfrom thedivisionoftheestate,whymanyPashtuns prefermarriagesinsidethepatrilineage,whythe transferofmoneyandgoodsiscompulsoryfor marriages,andwhymarriagesareoftenarranged aspatrilinealcrossͲcousinmarriages.Theideaof patrilinealdescentcanalsoexplainlevirateͲ marriagesaccordingtowhichthebrotherofa deceasedmanisobligatedtomarryhisbrother's widow,andthewidowisobligatedtomarryher deceasedhusband'sbrother.LevirateͲmarriages arealsoaquestionofnĈmus.Theyserveas protectionforthewidowandherchildren, ensuringnotonlythattheyhaveamaleprovider responsibleforthem,butthatthechildrenremain intheresponsibilityoftheirfather'spatrilineage. Theseclusionoffemalesblocksourviewofsome spheresofsociallifewhicharelesspublic,but wherewomenhavemuchauthority.Womenare oftenthetreasurersofahouseholdandplayan importantroleinmatchmakingbecauseatthe 38

KhĈdim,Pa‫ܤ‬htunwali,p.127.

39

Cf.AlfredJanataandReihanodinHassas,'Ghairatman –DergutePaschtune',p.86.

40

It'sinthenatureofthingsthateveninconfidential conversationsonehearsonlyverysubtlehintsatsuch cases.Allattemptstoquantifythemwouldbeidle speculation.


beginning,theyareusuallyresponsiblefor identifyingasuitablewifeandasuitablemember tojointheirhousehold.Olderwomenareheldin suchhighesteemthattheycanhelptoresolvea bloodͲfeudconflictpeacefully. 41

5.2

Fightingspiritandbravery

Thedemandforturaisaimedatraisingthefighting spiritofthePashtuns.InPashtofolklore,onecan findinnumerableproverbs,sayingsandverses praisingbravery.Pashtunauthorsoftenquote fromthatfolklorewhentheyexplaintheconcept oftura.Onepopularverseisattributedto KhushhalKhanKhattak(1613Ͳ1689)whois regardedasthenationalpoetofthePashtuns.He says:chiminpഋwaslanaͲwഋymarddenaͲwaye khpഋldzĈnͲta('Ifyoudon'tlikeweaponsyou 42 shouldnotcallyourselfaman'.) Theoriginal meaningofturais'sword'andasaruleofconduct, turaisthedemandforphysicalbravery.Aperson whofightsfearlesslyandbravelyishonourably calledturyĈlai('brave').Thistitlecanalsobe attributedtoalineage,clanortribe. ThefightingspiritofthePashtunshasbeensubject toproofmanytimesoverthecourseofhistory.It extendsbacktothenomadicpastandwasraised againandagainduringthelongstruggleagainst SafavidandMughalrulersandduringthe campaignsofPashtuntribesagainstotherpeoples aswell.InthethreeBritishwarsinAfghanistan, thePashtunslearnedtocombinetheirfighting spiritwiththeirfaith.Untilthattime,Islamic reservationsaboutthesoͲcalledunbelievershad beenquiteunclearformanyPashtuns,butduring theBritishwars,thePashtuns–likeother inhabitantsofAfghanistan–physicallyexperienced theburdenofthecolonialaggressorsandgaineda veryrealisticpictureofthedreadedunbelievers. AsprophesisedintheQuran,theyfound themselvesindangerofbeingtriumphedoverby 43 theseunbelievers,dressedinBritishuniforms. Thus,theirstruggleforindependenceturnedintoa strugglefortheirfaith. 44 Today,thefightingspirit 41

Formoredetailsonthepositionofwomeninthe patrilinealPashtunsocietyseetheexcellentstudyby NancyTapper,BarteredBrides:Politics,Genderand MarriageinanAfghanTribalSociety(Cambridge, CambridgeUniversityPress1991).

42

ForthisandotherversesseeKhĈdim,Pa‫ܤ‬htunwali,pp. 15Ͳ20.

43

'Norwilltheyceasefightingyouuntiltheyturnyou backfromyourfaithiftheycan'(Quran,2/218).

44

AlreadyduringthefirstAngloͲAfghanwar,Afghan theologianswrotenumeroustractatesinwhichthe struggleforfreedomwasdeclaredaholywar.Oneofthe


ofthePashtunshasbecomeintertwinedwiththe sacredtraditionsoftheirstruggleforfreedom, independence,andfortheirfaith.Thecallfortura isalwaysthedemandforphysicalbraveryinajust cause. Itisalsoajustcausetodefendone'shonourand rights.Bothindividualrightsandhonourandthe rightsandhonourofalineage,clanortribeneed tobedefendedbravely.Propertyoffencesaswell aslibelandslandercancausebloodyquarrels therefore.Butbraveryrequiresreasonedactions basedonconsideratenessandprudence.Inevery conflict,preferenceshouldbegiventononͲviolent andamicablemethodsofresolution.Heroic courageandbraveryareindemandonlywhen 45 thereisnolongeranyalternative. Thisideais fixedinaproverbwhichsays:turadഋtekemaͲbĈsa kadewuͲistഋlabiyĈͲyenosrawuͲtekeͲtaachawa ('Don'tunsheathethesword,butwhenyouhave unsheathedtheswordsheatheitred[fromblood] afterwards'). 46 Describingbraveryasoneoftheidealsandvalues ofPashtunwali,Pashtunauthorsemphasisethat thePashtunsfollowspecialrulesandcustomsof warfare.Wheneverfightingbecomesinevitable, themembersofalineageortribefeelcalledupon toforgetinternalquarrelsinordertopresenta unitedfrontandleadofftothefight.Solidarity groupsappearascombatunits.Intheconceptof tura,itisaholydutytoopposeanenemyfaceͲtoͲ faceandtofightuntilthelastbreath.Escaping fromthebattleisseenasanactofcowardiceanda Pashtunmustnoteventurnhisbacktohisenemy. Otherwisehewillbecalleddawus('cuckold'),i.e. heiscomparedwithamanwhosewifehasbeen unfaithful.Theidealofafearlesswarrioris preachedinvariousgenresofthePashtunfolklore. Thereareshortverses(landഋi)whicharesungby mostfamoustractatesofthatkindwaswrittenunder thetitleRauzatͲulͲmujĈhidin('TheGardenofthe Mujahidin')byMullĈFayzMuhammad khundzĈda.He wrotethistractatebyorderofEmirSherAliandfinished itin1876.Itiswritteninverses,consistsof1500lines andpresentsamilitarycodexforthemujahidin.SeeG.F. Girs,Istoricheskiepesnipushtunov['Historicalsongsof thePashtuns'](Moscow:Nauka1984),47. ContemporaryPashtunfolkloreprovidesevidencefor thefactthatintheAngloͲAfghanwarsthestrugglefor independencewasseenasastruggleforfaith.For examplesseeibid.pp.79Ͳ111,JamesDarmesteter, ChantspopulairesdesAfghans(Paris,Imprimerie Nationale,1888Ͳ1889). 45

womentocheertheirsonsandhusbands.Oneof theseversessays:ghഋܹhshupഋka‫Ͳܩ‬yejĈnĈnrĈͲ wuͲwഋ‫ܠ‬/z‫ܠ‬ഋͲmipഋpurshuchiͲyepഋshĈnaͲwi zakhmuna('Therewasabattlecry,mybeloved madeitinthebed/myheartisfull[ofconcern] thathewouldn'tbewoundedattheback').47 ExplainingtheartofwarofthePashtuns, QiyĈmuddinKhĈdimmentionsastoryabouta battleoftheAfriditribein1897/98.ABritish officerwatchedAfridiwomencollectingbodies fromthebattlefield.Hesawanoldwomanwho liftedtheheadofeverydeadmaninordertofind hersons.Thenshekissedsixmenandslappedthe faceoftheseventh.TheBritishofficersentascout tofindoutwhathadhappened.Later,thescout explainedtohimthatallsevenmenweretheold woman'ssons.Sixofthemwerewoundedonthe frontsideandshekissedthemfortheirbravery. Theseventhwaswoundedontheback,andthe womanhadsaidthatacuckolddeservesnothing 48 butaslapintheface. Accordingtothetraditionalrulesofwarfare, womenareexpectedtosupporttheirfightingsons, brothersandhusbandsnotonlymorallybut physicallyaswell.InhisbookonPashtunwali, QiyĈmuddinKhĈdimdevotedaspecialchapterto theroleofwomenatwar.Itissaidthatbothmen andwomentakepartinfightingandthatwomen supporttheirfightingmenbybringingfood,water andothernecessariestothetrenches.According 49 tothesamerules,womenmustnotbeattacked. Thisispartiallyduetothefactthatthekinship systemofthePashtunsclearlydistinguishes relationshipbydescentfromrelationshipby marriage.Awomanremainsamemberofher father'sdescentgroupafterbecomingmarried. Whenawomangetshurtinaction,bothher husbandandherbloodrelativescantake vengeance.Besidesthat,intheconceptoftura braveryrequirescoequalopponents.Attackinga womanisregardedasanactofarrogant cowardice.Forsimilarreasons,itisforbiddento attackchildrenaswellasmembersofcasteswitha sociallyinferiorstatus,likebarbersormusicians. MullahsaswellasSayyids,i.e.maleswhoare acceptedasdescendantsoftheIslamicprophet Muhammad,Hajjis,i.e.personswhohave successfullycompletedthepilgrimagetoMecca, spiritualleadersofSufibrotherhoodsandother dignitariesshouldbeexcludedfrommilitary actionsduetotheirholiness.Likeotherideals,this wasnotalwaysfollowedduringthecivilwar.

Seethediscussiononturaandaql('swordand reason')inBerntGlatzer,'ZumPashtunwalials ethnischemSelbstportrait',pp.94ff.

47


48

SeeKhĈdim,Pa‫ܤ‬htunwali,pp.31Ͳ34.

46

49

SeeKhĈdim,Pa‫ܤ‬htunwali,pp.41Ͳ42.

SeeॖAtĈyi,Dഋpa‫ܤ‬htaniqabiloisƟlĈhiqĈmƻs,p.59.

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5.3

Equalityandrespectforseniors

TheconceptofmusĈwatexpressestheideaof equality.Thisideaiscloselyrelatedtothe genealogicaltraditionofcommonpatrilineal descent.Pashtunauthorsproudlyclaimthattheir languagedoesnothavegenuinePashtowordswith meaningslike'slave','servant'or'Lord'. 50 Withthis statement,theywanttodemonstratethe importanceoftheconceptofmusĈwat.Equalityas conveyedintheconceptofmusĈwatisthe equalityofbrothersbutitdoesnotcontradict socialinequality,differenceinageordifferencesby otherhierarchicalprinciples.Furthermore,equality asconveyedintheconceptofmusĈwatisdeeplyͲ rootedintheconceptofpersonaldignityand honour.InthePashtofolklore,thisideais expressedinapopularproverbwhichsays: pa‫ܤ‬htĈnഋharyaumandഋinimmanpഋkinഋshta 51 ('EveryPashtunweighsoneman ;thereareno 52 halfͲmanamongthem.') Thismeansthat Pashtunsarenotsimplyequal,buttheyareequal intheirprideanddignity.Apersonwhoexpects otherstorespecthisorherdignityandhonour mustrespectthedignityandhonourofothersin anequalway.Consequently,theconceptof equalityrequiresrespectfulandmodestbehaviour ineveryway.Takingturnstolettheothergofirst doesbynomeansinflictdamageonsomebody's dignity.Incontrast,onlydignifiedpersonsareable topaytributetosomebody'shonourinthatway. ThetraditionholdsthattheformerkingZaherShah broughthiscartoastopbecauseanagedPashtun manwascrossingovertheroad.Needlessto mentionthatostentationrepresentsacrude breachoftherulesofconduct;andoneshouldnot eventalkaboutoneselfwithoutbeingaskedtodo so.Agoodillustrationofthisruleofbehaviouris thegreetingceremony.Wheninquiringafter somebody'shealthonewillhardlygetananswer rightaway.Insteadofanswering,theotherperson willinquireafterthehealthoftheconversational partner.SuchquestionsandcounterͲquestionscan lastforseveralminutesinmanycases.Answering toosoonwouldshowthatonewantstobeinthe focusofattention,butonemustdemonstrateto theconversationalpartnerthathisorherstateof healthisthefocusofattentioninstead.When finallyanswering,onewillcontentoneselfwith sayingthateverythingisfineandthankingGodfor that.Atthisstageofconversation,moredetailed 50

SeeKhĈdim,'Pa‫ܙ‬htunwali–tarbiyawiusul',p.30.

51

Manisameasureofweight.Dependingontheregion onemanisabout4kg(Kandahar),32kg(Peshawar)or 565kg(Kabul).

52



answersorinformationastopersonalproblems wouldagainshowthatonewantstobethefocus ofattention. Theideaofequalityasexpressedintheconceptof musĈwatgoeshandͲinͲhandwiththedemandfor respectfulandhonourablebehaviourtowards seniors(dഋmഋshഋrĈnomanഋ‫ܤ‬ht).Thisdemand definesthepositionoftriballeadersaswellasthe relationbetweenfathersandtheirsons,between brothers,cousins,etc.LiketheEnglishwords 'elder'and'senior,'thePashtowordmഋshഋrcan denotebothapersonwhoisolderinageanda personwhoseprestigeisbasedonsocial categorieslikeleadership,experienceoflife, knowledge,etc.SeveralageͲgroupswhichare generallygenderͲseparatedcanbedistinguishedin thesocietyofthePashtuns.Inthishierarchy,the positionofamandependsnotonlyonone'sage butalsoonthecriteriawhetheroneisunmarried ormarried,whetheronekeepsahouseholdof one’sown,whetheronehaschildren,whetherone ownsaplotofland,etc.Besidesbydifferencein age,thepositionofwomenisalsodefinedby criteriawhetheroneisunmarriedormarried, whetheronehaschildrenorgrandchildren,etc.All personscanpassthroughtheseageͲgroupsover thecourseoftheirliveswhereasonlyselected personsareregardedasseniorsduetocriterialike leadership,knowledgeoftribalcustoms,or experienceoflife. Traditionally,inthesocietyofthePashtuns,two groupsofeldersortriballeaderscanbe distinguishedduetotheirsocialfunctionsand competencies.Thefirstgroupconsistsofpersons 53 whoarecalledkhĈnormalikinPashto. Theseare eldersoravillageheadmanofhighprestigewho havemuchinfluenceandpowerandwhoactas representativesfortheirtribalgrouporvillagein negotiationswithgovernmentagenciesandother tribalgroups.Inmostregions,thepositionofa khĈnormalikishereditaryanddependsmuchon landownershipandeconomicstrengthalthough 53

TheusageofkhĈnormalikasanhonorarytitlefor theseleadersdependsonthedialect.SeeM.IbrĈhim ॖAtĈyi,'P೅qabilawi‫ܞ‬ol೅nakid೅m೅sh೅r೅yp೅rfaktoyawa itnolojikice‫ܕ‬೅na'['Astudyonthefactorsofleadershipin atribalsociety'],AryĈnĈ(1360/1981)3:65,75.In regionswherebothtitlesareinuse,preferenceisgiven tooneofthemduetothecriterionoflandownership.In someregionssuchasKhost,apersonwhoseleadership ismainlybasedonlandholding,iscalledkhĈnwhereasa malikisapersonwhoseeconomicinfluenceisless importantforleadership.SeeSteul,Paschtunwali,p.70. AmongtheNurziandGhelziofSouthͲWestern AfghanistanthepositionofakhĈndependsmainlyon leadershipabilitiesandeconomicpowerisless importanttoday(ownobservations).


leadershipabilityisalsonecessary.Twoormore leadersofthattypecancoexistinonevillageand sometimestheyrivalforfollowersandloyalty.A khĈnormalikdoesnotexercisedirectpowerover hisfollowers;decisionsareinsteadusuallybased onconsultationswithfollowers.Evidently,akhĈn ormalikmustholdallattributesofa'good Pashtun'asprescribedbythenormsandrulesof Pashtunwali.Inaddition,atriballeaderofthatkind needstohaveconsiderableeconomicresources. Followersmustbefeastedfortheirloyaltyfrom timetotime.Afollower,whohasplacedhistrust inaleaderforalongperiodoftime,expects financialormaterialaidintheeventofan emergency.Generallyspeaking,thepositionofa khĈnormalikismorethatofapatronthanofa landlord,buteconomicdependencyhasgained importanceintherelationshipbetweensuch 54 eldersandtheirfollowers. Duringthecivilwar, thepositionoftraditionaltriballeaderssuchas khĈnormalikwasseriouslyweakenedbythe militaryandpoliticalstrengthofmilitary commanders.Intimesofpeace,akhĈnormalik organisedaccesstopastures,tookcareofthe irrigationsystemordealtwithstateauthorities, butduringthewarotherleadershipabilitieswere indemand.Aleaderhadtoorganiseweapons, moneyandfoodwhichwereoftensuppliedvia PakistanorIran.Hence,aleaderneededaccessto militarygroupsandforeignorganisations.Manyof theelderlytraditionalleaderswerephysically unabletocopewiththesetasksandlefttheir 55 positiontomilitarycommanders. Thesecondgroupoftraditionaleldersconsistsof personswhoseprestigeandinfluencearebased exclusivelyonpersonalattributesandonthe knowledgeandexperiencetheyhavegained duringtheirlonglives.Sucheldersareregardedas wisemenandarerespectfullycalledspinܹhiri ('whiteͲbeardedmen',singular:spinܹhirai).They haveagoodknowledgeofthetraditionsand valuesofPashtunwali.Theyareexperienced rhetoriciansandcanbeaskedforadviceinalmost allsituations.Generally,everyagedmancanbe calledspinܹhirai,butonemustpossessall aforementionedpersonalattributesandhavethe knowledgeandexperienceofanagedwisemanto 54

SeeJ.W.Anderson,'Therearenokhananymore: economicdevelopmentandsocialchangeintribal Afghanistan',MiddleEastJournal(1978)2,pp.167Ͳ183.

55

Fordetailsconcerningthesituationoftraditional eldersduringthecivilwarofthe1990iesseeBernt Glatzer,'BeingPashtun–beingMuslim:Conceptsof personandwarinAfghanistan',inBerntGlatzer(ed.), EssaysonSouthAsianSociety:CultureandPoliticsII (Berlin,DasArabischeBuch1998),p.83f.

berespectedasaleaderofthattype.Economic powerislessimportant,butoneshouldownat leastaplotoflandtodemonstratethatoneis economicallyindependent.Agedmenwhohavean expertknowledgeofthecustomarylegalsystem arecallednarkhi(singular:narkhai)respectfully.A narkhaiisnotajudge,butapersonwhois experiencedinjudicialmatters,whoisableto quoteprecedentsandwhoisthereforeaskedfor adviceonvariousissues.Eldersofthistype(both spinܹhiriandnarkhi)aregrantednumerous privilegesthatenablethemtoactas intermediariesincasesofconflict.Sayyids,Hajjis, somespiritualleadersofSufibrotherhoodsand otherdignitariesareprivilegedinasimilarway.

5.4

Consultationanddecisionmaking

Asmentionedabove,individualhonourandshame arecloselylinkedtothehonourandshameofthe tribalgrouptowhichonebelongs.Allquestions requirethoroughconsultationswithother tribesmenwhomaybeaffectedbythem.Inmany cases,itissufficienttoasktheeldersforadvice;in othercases,allconcernedpersonsarecalled togetherforconsultations.Inthetribalstructureof thePashtuns,thedemandforconsultationhas beeninstitutionalisedintheJirgatradition. Generallyspeaking,everygatheringofPashtun menwhichisheldinordertosolveaquestionof commoninterestcanbecalledJirga.Inmostcases, aJirgaisconvenedspontaneouslywhenevera problemofcommoninterestneedstobesolved. TherearenosuperiororinferiorJirgas.Thegroup ofparticipantsisdefinedbythecircleofpersons whoareaffectedbyaparticularproblem.Whena Jirgaisheldonthevillagelevel,alladultmenwho havefoundedahouseholdandownatleasta patchoflandhavetheformalrighttojoinit.In othercases,onlytheeldersofatribalgroupor villagemaycometogether.Supportersofa particularpositioncanforminformalpartiesin advanceandauthoriseelderstodefinetheir positionattheJirgagathering.Experiencedelders emphasisetheirideasimpressivelyusingproverbs, quotingprecedentsortellingmoralisingnarratives. InsomeregionssuchasPaktia,theJirgahas transformedintoatribalassemblyofelderswhich isnotopentoeveryonethoughthisassemblyis alsocalledJirga.WhenaJirgaofthiskindcomes togethertheeldersaresurroundedbyakindof tribalpolicewhichiscalledarbaki(singular: 56 arbakai)andrecruitedfrombravetribesmen. Thearbakidenyaccesstounauthorisedpersons 56

SeeAliMohammadSobman,'ArbakaiinPaktia',Pa‫ܤ‬to Quarterly(1359/1980)3:81.

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andareresponsiblefortheenforcementofthe Jirgadecision. Dependingontheproblemtobesolved,aJirgacan takeonaconsultinganddesigningrole,itcanbe partofthedisputeresolutionmechanismina disputebetweentwogroups,anditcanbeusedas acourtincasesofcriminalconduct.Inallcases, decisionsaremadebyconsensus. 57 Thediscussion lastsaslongasthereisnolongeranyoppositionto aparticularposition.Allparticipantsmustagreeto aproposal.Itcanhappen,therefore,thataJirga lastsaverylongtimeorthatitbreaksupwithout takingadecision.Insuchcases,anewJirgacanbe calledorintermediariesareinvitedtocometoa decision. ThedecisiontakenbyaJirgaisbindingforall membersofatribalgroup.ContraventionofaJirga decisioncancauseatribalpenalty(nĈgha).Itis reportedthatwithseriousviolations,thehouseof theoffenderwasburnedorheorshewasexpelled 58 fromthevillageortribalgroup.

5.5

Willpowerandsincerity

Theconceptofme‫ܠ‬Ĉnഋexpressesthedemandfor willpowerandtenacity.DoingPashtomeansto overcomeanydifficultieswithconsiderableeffort andagreatdealoftimeifnecessary.Theword me‫ܠ‬ĈnഋwasderivedfromthePashtowordfor '[married]man'(me‫ܠ‬ഋ),butthedemandfor willpowerandtenacitymustbemetbywomen andchildrenaswell.Pashtunauthorsclaimthat thesearenationalattributesofthePashtunswhich werebroughtforthbythedifficultgeographical 59 conditionsoftheirhomeland. Faithfulness, reliabilityandsincerityarespecialfeaturesofthe conceptofme‫ܠ‬Ĉnഋ.Agivenwordmustnotbe broken.Promisesareweighedthoroughlybecause doingPashtorequireskeepingpromiseswithout exception.InPashtunwali,thesevaluesare expressedbytheconceptofজahdauwafĈ ('promiseandfidelity').Itissaidthatin Pashtunwali'speakingPashto'and'keepingone's 60 promises'aresynonyms. Furthermore,doing Pashtorequirestellingthetruth.Inhisarticle abouttheeducationalprinciplesofthePashtuns, QiyĈmuddinKhĈdimhasanextrachapternamed ri‫ܤ‬hƟyĈ'truth'andheemphasisesthatthewords whichareusedinPashtofor'lie'(durogh),'flattery' 57

OnlyattheLoyaJirgaasenshrinedintheConstitution ofAfghanistandecisionsaretakenbyvoting.

(mudĈhina)and'blarney'(chĈplusഋy)arenotof Pashtoorigin.Withthisstatementhewantsto showthatPashtunsdisdainfalsenessand insincerity.Hearguesthatsincerityisnotamatter ofwealth.Onthecontrary,willpowerwillhelpa poorpersontocopewithhissituation.Asinother cases,QiyĈmuddinKhĈdimdoesnotrefrainfrom usingbigwords,sayingthatgenerallyforaPashtun itisbettertodiethantolie.AndwhenaPashtun dies,hedoesnotevenwanttobeburiednexttoa liar.61

5.6

Compensationandretaliation

Freedom,strongͲmindednessandsincerityare basicfeaturesofone'sdignityandhonour.These feelingsareincompatiblewiththeideaofowing anybodyanything.Theconceptofbadalconveys thedemandforcompensationwithoutcondition. Theoriginalmeaningofthewordbadalis 'exchange'.Inthecourseoftime,itacquiredthe meaningofcompensationandretaliation.In Westernpublications,badalisoftenunderstood 62 exclusivelyasrevengeandbloodfeud. Pashtun authors,however,unmistakablypointoutthat bothgooddeeds(nekഋi)andbaddeeds(badഋi) requirecorrespondingactionsinreturn. 63 Hence, theconceptofbadalexpressesnotmerelythecall forrevenge,butalsotheobligationtothankfor theprovisionofhelpandtoprovidecompensation assoonaspossible.InPashtunwali,itissinfultobe givensomethinggoodwithoutreciprocation.The feelingofindebtednesstosomeonewhohasdone youafavourisconsideredunmanlyandcowardly althoughreciprocationdoesnotneedtobe grantedrightaway.Compensationcanbeprovided ataconvenienttimebecausedoingPashtomeans tosettleone'sdebtwhentheopportunityarises. Onthesegrounds,numerousnetsofmutual obligationsarewoven.Onesimpleexamplecan illustratehowsuchnetswork.In2006inNimroz province,alocalkhĈnoftheNurzitoldmethathe hadboughtwithhisownmoneymorethan100 prayermatsforafriendinFarĈhprovincewhohad completedthehajjtoMeccaandneededthese prayermatstobepresentedassouvenirsto relativesandfriends.WhenIaskedhimifthe friendhadalreadygivenbackthemoneyforthe carpetmats,hesaidno.Heexplainedthathe wouldn’ttakethemoney,butwheneverhewould haveaprobleminFarĈhprovince,thisfriendwho 61

SeeKhĈdim,'Pa‫ܙ‬htunwali–tarbiyawiusul',p.30.

62

58


59


60



SeeLindholm,GenerosityandJealousy,p.210,Steul, Paschtunwali,p.153,Strickland,'Thewayofthe Pashtun',pp.4Ͳ5.

63



hadahighpositioninthelocaladministration wouldbeobligedtohelphim.Thiscouldbe tomorroworinsomeyears.Numerousobligations ofthisandsimilarkindsarewovenintonumerous netsofmutualobligationswhichmakesany discussionaboutcorruptionmuchmoredifficult thanitwouldseematafirstglance. Likegooddeeds,baddeedsalsocallfor reciprocation.Ifabaddeedconsistsinanattackon aperson'shonourorphysicalintegrity, reciprocationmeanstotakerevenge.Revengeis aimedatrestoringtheprimarybalancebetween individualsandgroupsandatretrievingone's honour.Thisequivalenceisalsocalledbadal.A cycleofretaliatoryviolencecanturnintoablood feud.Suchfeudsarenamedbloodfeudnot becausebloodshedmustbenecessarilyinvolved, butbecausetheyarecarriedoutbykingroups whicharerelatedbyblood,i.e.bydescentgroups ofdifferentgenealogicaldepth.Revengecanbe takenbythepatrilinealrelativesofsomeonewho hasbeenwounded,killedorotherwisewrongedor dishonoured,anditcanbedirectedagainstthe offenderoragainstoneofhispatrilinealrelatives. Sincebloodfeudsareaimedatrestoringthe primarybalancebetweenindividualsandgroups, revengemustbereciprocal.Theprincipletobe appliedisaneyeforaneyeandatoothforatooth. Forexample,killingapersonrequireskillingthe killeroroneofhisrelatives.Onlyinthiscasethe primarybalanceandequivalencebetweenthetwo groupswouldberestoredandpeacenegotiations wouldbepromising.Revengedoesnotneedtobe takenrightaway.Vengeancecanbedelayedand theobligationtotakerevenge(por,literary'debt') canevenbelefttothenextgeneration.Apopular proverbsays:pa‫ܤ‬htunsഋlkĈlapaskhpഋlporwuͲ asikht/hamwayഋlͲyechighalơͲmiwuͲk‫ܠ‬a('A Pashtuntookhisrevengeafteronehundredyears 64 andhesaidthathewasinahurry.') Moralharmcausedbykillingandinjurymustalso betakenintoconsiderationwhentheprimary balancebetweenindividualsandgroupsistobe restoredinthecourseofvengeance.Accordingto custom,somemoneyneedstobepaidbythe offenderorhisrelativestocompensatemoral damage.InPashto,thismoneyiscalledsharm. Originally,thiswordmeans'shame'andthusit showsthatrevengeisalsoaquestionofhonour andshame.Moneycanbepaidascompensation forphysicalharmaswelltoavoidpointless bloodshed.ThismoneyiscalledkhunbahĈ('blood money').Suchpaymentsareveryimportantforthe peacefulsolutionofdisputes.

64


5.7

Generosityandhospitality

TheconceptofsakhĈwatexpressesthehabitof givingfreelywithoutexpectinganythinginreturn. Agenerouspersoniscalledsakhirespectfully. 65 It issaidthataPashtunwillneversacrificehis honour,butgivingawayone'sbelongingsis nothingexceptionalforPashtuns. 66 Hospitality (melmastiyĈ)isaspecialformofdemonstrating generosity.Everypersonwhoentersthehouseis providedwithatleastsometeaandfoodand,if necessary,aplacetostay.Evenpoorpeopleare hospitabletosuchanextentthataguestwill probablygetawrongpictureoftheirreal economicsituation.Aguestisseenasagiftsentby Godanddemonstratinghospitalitythereforeisa piousdeed.67 Accordingtocustom,aguestis treatedwithspecialhonourforthreedays. Afterwards,aguestisservedlikeothermembers ofthehousehold.Hospitalityincludesnotonly rulesofbehaviourtobeobservedbythehost,but rulesfortheguestaswell. 68 Everyoneisfreeto becomesomebody'sguest,butoncethishas happened,theguestmustgivethehostthe opportunitytoshowgenerosity.Hence,aguest canleavethehost'shouseonlywiththehost's permission.Itgoeswithoutsaying,thatitisnot respectabletorefuseofferedfood.Furthermore,a guestshouldfranklytalktohishostsalthoughthe hostmaynotevenaskwhotheguestis,wherehe comesfromandwhereheisgoing.APashtundoes notneedtoknowaguest'spersonaldetailsto 69 honourhimgenerously. Thehostandhisfamily willentertainaguest,havingconversationwith himorherinorderthataguestshallnotbebored. Onthesegrounds,aguestisneverleftalone.Ifthe hostneedstobeabsentforawhile,hewill commissionhisbrothersorsonstokeepcompany withtheguest.Atypicalquestionaddressedtoa guestissĈজatͲditerdഋi?('Aren'tyoubored?'). Often,guestsareofferedapresentwhentheyare leaving.

65

Thewordsakhicanbeusedasapropernameaswell. Furthermore,inAfghanistanitisawellknownepithetof Ali,thecousinandsonͲinͲlawoftheIslamicprophet Muhammad.

66


67

Ofcourse,beinggenerousisalsoawaytoexpress one’swealthandtogainpublicreputationbutasa primarymotiveofaction,suchbehaviourdoesnot correspondtotheidealsof'doingPashto'.

68

SeeMuhammadKĈka‫ܕ‬,'D೅AfghĈnistĈnd೅xatidzo',p. 55.

69


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Hospitalityalsofindsitsexpressionintheway buildingsaredesignedanderected.Almostevery househasaguestroomwhichisstrictlyseparated fromthehouse'sfamilypart.Manyvillageshavea separatehutwhichiscalledhujraandservesasa restingplaceforguestsandtravellers.The householdsofavillagewillsupplyfoodand companyinturn. InPashtunwali,aguestisnotonlyprovidedwith foodandaplacetostay,butwithprotectionas well.Apersonisunderthehost'sprotectionas longasheisthehost'sguest.Theguestonhispart mustnotraisehishandagainstanyoneaslongas heisinthehouseofhishost.Thiselementof hospitalityincludestheobligationtograntasylum (panĈkawഋl)toapersonwhoispersecutedby anyone.Ahostcantrytoactasamiddlemanfor theguestandhispersecutors,butwhentheguest isattackedthehostwilldohisutmosttoprotect him.Defendingone'sguestmeanstodefendone's honourandthehonourofone'stribalgroup. Asylummustnotevenberefusedtoone'senemy. Specialmechanismsofpeacefulconflictresolution havedevelopedonthesegrounds.Followingthe samerationaleofhospitality,awomancanpresent herselfasaguestinthehouseofthemanwhom shewishestomarrywhensheisgoingtobe marriedtoanothermanagainstherwishes.Inthis case,thechosenhostmustsettlethematterwith herfather.Inreality,however,thisdoesnot happenveryoftenbecauseawomanwhoresorts tothistacticlosesfaceandrunstheriskofstarting 70 arevengecycle. Escorting(badraga)isanotherfeatureof hospitalityinthemeaningofdoingPashto.A personwhoistravellinginaregionwhereother tribesresidecanaskforanescort.Localtribesmen willescorthimandprovideprotectionifnecessary. Anintelligenttravellerwillnevercrossforeign regionswithoutseekinganescortbylocalpeople.

5.8

Prideandzeal

almostallvaluesandrulesofbehaviourofthe codeofhonourofthePashtuns.Apersontowhom ghairatisattributedisrespectfullycalled ghairatman.Suchapersonisnotsimplydoing Pashtobutheisanxioustodosoandleavesno doubtthathedoeshisutmost.Suchapersonis heldinhighesteembecauseaghairatmanPashtun personifiesthe'idealPashtun'.72

6 THECUSTOMARYLEGAL SYSTEM 6.1

Legalnormsandthecodeofhonour

Legalnormsdifferfromothersocialnorms becausecomplianceissupervisedbyinstitutions whicharesociallyrecognisedforthisfunction.Ina societywherehonourcoverseverythingandwhere thehonourofanindividualandthehonourofthe grouptowhichonebelongsareinterdependent, mattersofdisputecanhardlybedelegatedtoany personsotherthanthosewhosehonourisin question.AmongthePashtuntribes,whenevera commonlyrecognisednormisbroken,the threatenedgroupfeelsresponsibletotake measuresagainstthenormͲbreakerinordertoreͲ establishthepreviousbalanceandtoretrievetheir honour.Imposedsanctionsneedtobeacceptedby othertribesmenand,ifnecessary,supportedby themtobecomelegalsanctions.Thisphilosophy constitutesthebasisforacomplexofnormsand mechanismswhichareknownunderthename narkh(literally'price')inPashtoandwhichcanbe interpretedasthecustomarylegalsystemofthe 73 Pashtuns. Thecustomarylegalsystemandthe codeofhonourarecloselyrelatedtoeachother. Onecannotunderstandthephilosophyand mechanismsofthecustomarylegalsystemwithout takingintoconsiderationtheideologyofpatrilineal descent,thetribalspiritaswellasthevaluesand rulesofbehaviourasexpressedinPashtunwali.

Theconceptofghairatisprobablythemost complextenetofPashtunwali.Thewordghairat means1.dignity,selfͲesteem,pride, ambitiousness;2.zeal,eagerness,passion;3. bravery,courage,audacity;4.indignation,anger; 5.modesty. 71 Thustheconceptofghairatpools

Besidescustomarylegalnorms,Pashtunsaccept theSharia,i.e.thesacredlawofIslam,andfollow theHanafiSchoolinjurisprudence.Traditionally, Shariaaddressedseveralaspectsoffamilylaw primarilywhereascasesofcrimeandinheritance disputesweresettledaccordingtocustomarylegal norms.Nooppositionexistedbetweentheselegal

70

72

SeeErikaKnabe,'AfghanWomen:DoesTheirRole Change?,inLouisDupreeandLinetteAlberts(eds.), Afghanistaninthe1970s(NewYork,Prager1974),pp. 146,147.

71

SeeM.G.Aslanov,PushtuͲrusskijslovar'['PashtoͲ Russiandictionary'](Moskva,Russkijjazyk1985),pp. 621Ͳ622.


SeeAlfredJanataandReihanodinHassas,'Ghairatman –DergutePaschtune',M.IbrĈhimॖAtĈyi,Dഋpa‫ܤ‬htani qabiloistilĈhiqĈmƻs,p.199.

73

Thefactthatawordwiththeoriginalmeaning'price' isusedtodenotethecustomarylegalsystemisrelated tothecustomofpayingbloodmoneyintheprocessof conflictsolution(fordetailsseebelow).


systemsuntilthemidͲ1990swhentheTaleban introducedafundamentalistinterpretationof Islamanddeclaredsometraditionalcustomsand normsofthePashtunstobeopposingIslamiclaw. In1998,theTalebanissuedadecreewhichbanned thecustomthatindisputeresolutiontheclanof theoffenderwouldpresentawomanorseveral womentotheclanofthevictimascompensation. Anotherdecreeforbadeleviratemarriages declaringthatwidowshadtherighttochoosetheir ownhusbandsregardlessofwhetherthey belongedtothehusband'sfamilyortribeornot.74 Today,however,theTalebanrecommendcaution inapplyingIslamiclaw.Inastatuteforthe membersoftheTalebanmovement(Dഋ mujĈhidinoaskarilĈyha'Militaryrulesforthe mujahedin')whichwasissuedinAugust2010,itis saidthatjudicialdisputeswhicharetakentothe Talebanbythelocalpopulationwiththerequest forresolutionshouldbeaddressedfirstlyvia mediationbylegalpeacemakingJirgas.Onlyifa JirgacannotcometoasolutionorifaJirgacannot beheld,disputesshallbetakentoanIslamic 75 court. Thisrecommendedpreferencefortribal methodsofconflictresolutionstrengthens Pashtunwalieventhoughitmightbeatemporary approachintheeyesoftheTaleban. 76 Furthermore,thecustomarylegalnormsofthe Pashtunsdealwithmanytopicsaddressedby secularlaw.However,selfͲgovernancewasoneof theprivilegeswhichPashtuntribestraditionally weregrantedinthestatesystemofAfghanistan. 74

FordetailsseeJuanR.I.Cole,'TheTaleban,Women, andtheHegelianPrivateSphere',inRobertD.Crewsand AminTarzi,TheTalebanandtheCrisisofAfghanistan (Cambridge,London,HarvardUniversityPress2008),pp. 118,143Ͳ144.

Asmentionedearlier,ithasalwaysbeenafactthat inthetribalregionsthestatewouldrarely interfereintoaffairswhichwereregulatedby officialinstitutionsinmostotherpartsofthe country.Whenaconflictarose,manyPashtuns usedtosaypa‫ܤ‬htokawu'wewilldoPashto',i.e. theyresolvedtheconflictbyapplyingcustomary legalnorms.Correspondingly,aJirgawhichisheld toresolvealegalconflictaccordingtothetribal customsofthePashtunsiscalledpa‫ܤ‬htojirga.77 Especiallyinremoteareasandinareaswith compactPashtunsettlements,government agenciesacceptedthissituationuntiltherecent pastbycondoningthecustomarylegalsystemor evenbyapplyingcustomarylegalnormsintheir ownjudgements.Intheearly1980s,Afghan scholarscarriedoutananthropologicalsurveyin Pashtuntribalareasanddocumented104criminal cases.84ofthemwereresolvedbythetribes withoutinforminggovernmentagenciesandonly in20caseswerethepoliceorothergovernment agenciesengagedtoresolvetheconflict.Inalmost allcases,however,theirjudgmentsconformedto 78 thecustomarylegalnormsofthePashtuns. SinceinmanypartsofAfghanistannofunctioning governmentinstitutionsexistedduringthecivil war,customarylawcontinuedtobeimportantand inremoteareasitisstillbeingappliedtoday.In 2005,IhadthechancetojoinaJirgaoftribal eldersoftheNurziwhohadcomefromFarĈhand NimrozprovincestoZaranjinordertodiscussa deaththreatagainstayoungmanfromtheirtribe whohadbeenengagedincrossͲborderdrug trafficking.Althoughaleadingsecurityofficerof FarĈhprovincewhoalsobelongedtotheNurziwas presentatthisJirga,itwasclearfromthevery beginningthattheproblemwouldbesolvedby 'doingPashto',i.e.thetribalwayandwithout addressingofficialinstitutions.

75

Thethirdeditionoftheseruleswaspublishedinthe Interneton8August2010bythesecretariatofthe IslamicEmirateofAfghanistan(DഋafghĈnistĈnislĈmi imĈratdĈrͲulͲinšĈজ).Itconsistsoffourteenchaptersand 85sections.Thereferredstatementisgiveninsection62 ofchapter14titledolഋsimauzuজĈt('Publicquestions').I downloadedthetexton2November2010underthe address http://shahamat.info/index.php?option=com_content&v iew=category&id=9&Itemid=24buttodaythissiteisnot workinganymore.

76

TheybelievethattheconditionsforIslamicjurisdiction areunfavourabletoday.Insection63ofthesame documentitissaid,therefore,thatevensolutionswhich weretakenbyIslamiccourtsunderthesovereigntyof theIslamicEmirateofAfghanistan,i.e.between1995 and2001,andrequirerenegotiationshouldnotbe renegotiatedtoday'becauseunliketodaybetter conditionsforjustifiedsolutionsexistedatthattime' (ibid).

ThecustomarylegalnormsofthePashtunshave neverbeencodifiedinwrittenform.Theywere transmittedorallyandconsequentlyparticular normsandcustomsmayvaryinsomedetailsfrom tribetotribeandfromregiontoregion.Variation mainlyconcernsthecomputationoftheamountof bloodmoneytobepaidbutnotthemechanismof 79 conflictresolution. Herethemaintypesof 77

MuhammadGulMuhmand,Dഋmusawadepഋ۷aul lum‫ܠ‬aipa‫ܤ‬htosind['AdraftofthefirstPashto dictionary'],(KĈbul,MatbaॖaͲyiumumiyaͲiKabul 1316/1937),pp.210Ͳ211.

78

SeeHikmati(ed.),Dഋpa‫ܤ‬htano‫ܩ‬olഋnizͲiqƟsĈdiju‫ܠ‬ഋ‫ܤ‬ht, pp.235Ͳ284.

79

SomeexamplesforvariationamongtheTa‫܋‬iand Ahmadzaitribesaregivenbelow.Formoredetailssee Steul,Paschtunwali,185ff.andHikmati(ed.),Dഋ

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conflictsandprinciplesofdisputeresolutionwillbe described.

6.2

Typologyofconflicts

Crimeswhichoffendthewholecommunityare differentiatedfromcrimeswhichoffendonlya particulargroupofpersonssuchas,forexample, themembersofalineageorclan.Eachtypeof crimesgivesrisetoothersanctionsanddifferent groupsareauthorisedtoimposeandexercisethe sanctions. 80 Actionswhichthreatenthewholecommunityare subjecttosanctionstobeimposedbythe community,i.e.byaJirga.Forexample,incases whensomebodyhasrefusedtoparticipateintasks whicharetobeperformedasreliefbycommunity members(ashar),whensomebodyhascleared tribalwoodlandswithoutpermission,orwhen somebodyhasexceededthemaximumofthebride pricewhichhadbeenestablishedforaregion,a Jirgaisconvenedandtheoffenderisforcedtogive offsomeanimalsorsomemoneyaspunishment forhisbehaviour.Inthecaseofgrossviolations, thehouseoftheoffendercanbeburneddownor hislandconfiscatedanddistributedamongother 81 tribesmen. Thismeansthatthispersonisde factoexpelledfromthecommunity. Attemptsonsomebody'slifeorphysicalintegrity, assaultsonaperson,adulteryorotherattemptson afemale'ssexualintegrityaswellasproperty offencesandattemptstoexploitapersonorgroup areactionswhicharedirectedagainstaparticular personoragainstaparticulargroupofpersons. Consequently,inthefirstinstance,theoffended personorgroupofpersonsisresponsiblefor imposingandexercisingsanctions.Takingrevenge istheusualresponseinthesecasesandinthe customarylegalsystem,revengeisregardeda legitimatesanctionforsuchactions.

pa‫ܤ‬htano‫ܩ‬olഋnizͲiqƟsĈdiju‫ܠ‬ഋ‫ܤ‬ht,pp.176ī.(bothforthe tribesofKhost),Haqmal,'IjƟmĈॖimasĈyil'(fortheTa‫܋‬i tribe),Waziri,'D೅waziristĈnd೅barmalid೅xalkoul೅s narkhuna'(fortheWaziritribe),KhĈdim,Pa‫ܤ‬htunwali, pp.50ff.(fortheAfriditribe). 80

Inthatrespectcustomarylegalnormsinvariousparts oftheworldaremoreorlessidentical.Cf.Heiderich Barnim,GeneseundFunktionderRache(Gleichzeitigein BeitragzumProblemderUniversalrechtsinstitute),(Köln, UniversitätzuKöln1972),pp.12ff.

81

SeeHikmati(ed.),Dഋpa‫ܤ‬htano‫ܩ‬olഋnizͲiqƟsĈdiju‫ܠ‬ഋ‫ܤ‬ht, pp.235ff.


6.3

Disputesettlement

Revengedoesnotnecessarilyinvolvebloodshed. Varioushabitsandcustomsenableabloodfeud cycletobeavoidedandaconflicttobepeacefully resolved.Themostfamouscustomisaritualof forgivenesscallednഋnawĈtainPashtowhich literallymeans'entering[thehouseofthe offendedparty]'.Thisritualisperformedincases ofattacksonaperson'sphysicalintegrity(both killingandinjury)whenoneofthefeudingparties istooweaktotakerevengeorwhenbloodshed shouldbeavoidedforotherreasons.The nഋnawĈtaritualisbasedontheconceptsof hospitality(melmastiyĈ)andasylum(panĈkawഋl) accordingtowhichasylummustnotevenbe refusedtoone'senemy.NഋnawĈtameansthatthe offendercomestothehouseoftheopposingparty toadmitguilt.Sometimesamullahissentfirstto announceanഋnawĈtaritual,atothertimesthe offenderappearsinpersonwithoutanyadvance announcement,thenusuallyaccompaniedbya mullah,tribalelders,anelderwomanorseveral women.Inthepast,apersonwhoperformedthe nഋnawĈtaritualboundacordaroundhisneckand boreatuftofgrassinhismouthtoshowthathe 82 admitshisguilt. APashtunisobligedtoaccept thenഋnawĈtaritualbecauseapersonwho performsitrepentsanddemonstratesdevotion. WhenthenഋnawĈtaritualisbeingperformedthe offendergivesthesoͲcalledbloodmoney (khunbahĈ)tothefamilyofthevictim.Theblood moneyisacompensationfortheinflicteddamage anditispaidouttoavoidfurtherrevenge.The amountofthebloodmoneyvariesdependingon thedamage.Thebasicunitisestablishedaccording totheaveragebrideprice(walwar)whichis currentlypaidinaparticularregion.Ifamalehas beenkilledthebloodmoneytobepaidconsistsof twobrideprices.Thisunitiscalledonekhun (literally'blood')oronenek(literally'good','good man')insomeregions.Therationalebehinditis thatthebloodmoneyenablesthefamilyofthe victimtomarryagirlwhocangivebirthtoason. Duetotheideologyofpatrilinealdescent,thisson wouldbeamemberofthevictim'spatrilineal 82

Thisusedtobethemosthumiliatingformof nഋnawĈtabecauseapersondemonstratesthatevenin hisowneyesheisnotaturyĈlai.Nodetailedinformation isavailableaboutwhenthistypeofnഋnawĈnawas performed.KhĈdimdescribesitasacontemporary customandhisdatabelongtothe1950s(seeKhĈdim, Pa‫ܤ‬htunwali,p.40).WillySteul,whogatheredhis materialinthelate1970sinKhostprovince,reportsthat someinformantsrememberthistypeofnഋnawĈta'but theywereunabletostateparticulars'(WillySteul, Paschtunwali,p.163).


descentgroupandareplacementforthekilled person.Forthatreason,thebloodmoneyalways dependsontheaveragebrideprice. Ifawomanhasbeenkilled,thebloodmoneyishalf ofthatamount,i.e.½khunwhichisequaltoone averagebrideprice.Inthecaseofinjury,different amountsofbloodmoneyareestablishedforevery bodypart.Forexample,ifsomebodyhaslost eyesightinbotheyesthebloodmoneyis1khun,if oneeyehasbeenblindeditis½khun.Ifsomebody haslostalegthebloodmoneyis½khun.Thesame mustbepaidwhensomebodylosthislegorcannot useitanymoreafterbeingwounded.If somebody'sleghasbeenwoundedbutstillcanbe 83 usedthebloodmoneyis¼khun. Theamountof bloodmoneywhichwastobepaidforkillingand injuriesamongtheAhmadzaitribeaccordingto datapresentedbyQiyĈmuddinKhĈdim,isgivenin Figure1.Furthermore,acertainamountofmoney needstobepaidbytheoffenderorhisrelativesto compensateformoraldamage(sharm). Theamountofthebloodmoneyisraisedincases wherethevictimwasanhonouredelderlikea spinܹhiraiorbelongedtothedignitaries.The amountofthebloodmoneyisalsoraisedinthe casethatthevictimwasunarmedanddefenceless whenhewaskilledorinjured,inthecasewhere thevictimwasmutilatedafterbeingkilledorinthe casethatthekillertookpossessionofthevictim's weapon. Sincetheamountofbloodmoneytobepaidis alwaysestablishedinproportiontotheaverage brideprice,theoffender'sfamilycanalsogiveone orseveralmarriageablegirlstothevictim'sfamily insteadofpayingmoney.Forexample,if somebodyhasbeenmurderedandtheoffender's familygivesonegirltothevictim'sfamily,the amountofmoneywhichremainstobepaidis reducedto½khun.Revengeandbloodfeudsare disputeswhicharecarriedoutbetweenpatrilineal descentgroups.Hence,disputesettlementis aimedatreͲestablishingtheprimarybalance betweenthesepatrilinealdescentgroups. AfterthenഋnawĈtaritualhasbeenacceptedby thevictim'sfamilyandthebloodmoneyhasbeen paidtothem,thebloodfeudmustbestopped.No furtherrevengecanbetakenbecausetheprevious balancebetweenthedisputingfamiliesorclans hasbeenreͲestablished.Anyotherbehaviour wouldbedishonouring.

Figure1:ThebloodmoneyoftheAhmadzai tribe 84 Killing Premeditatedmurder Manslaughter Injuries

2khun 1khun

Spin–'white[visible]bodyparts' Eye 1eye ½khun Botheyes 1khun Nose ½khun Ears 1ear ½khun Bothears 1khun Tongue 1khun Teeth Everyvisible onetenthofa tooth khun EverynonͲ Specialblood visibletooth money Legs Oneleg ½khun Bothlegs 1khun Thebloodmoneycandifferin thecasethatonlythepartbelow thekneewaslost. Armsand Onearm/ ½khun hands hand Botharms/ 1khun hands Thebloodmoneycandifferin thecasewhenonlythepart belowtheelbowwaslost. Furthermorethebloodmoney candifferdependingonwhether therightarmorhandortheleft onewaslost. Fingers Thumborall 1khun fourbearing fingersonone hand Thumbsorall 2khun fourbearing fingersonboth hands Tor–'black[invisible]bodyparts' Genitals Injuryor cuttingoff beforethe death Desecrationor cuttingoff afterthedeath

2khun

1khunin additiontothe bloodmoney tobepaidfor killing

83

ThesedatarefertotheTa‫܋‬itribeofPakƟainthe 1970ies.SeeHaqmal,'IjtimĈॖimasĈyil',pp.62ff.

84

SeeKhĈdim,Pa‫ܤ‬htunwali,pp.183ff.

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19

20


6.4

Mediation

Seriousdisputescangiverisetoabloodfeudcycle withnumerousvictimsthatwouldthreatenthe wholecommunity.Insuchcases,acommunity mightbewelladvisedtobringthedisputetoan end.Forthispurpose,theeldersofalineage,clan ortribewouldpersuadethefeudingpartiestolay downtheirarmsandagreetopeacetalks.Tomake sucheffortsasuccess,theywouldappealtothe conceptofnang,i.e.totheindividualhonourof thepersonsinvolvedandtothehonouroftheir lineage,clanortribe.Forpeacenegotiations, mediators(dreyഋmgഋ‫ܠ‬ai,miyandzgഋ‫ܠ‬ai)canbe invited.Mediatorsmustberespectableeldersand theymustbeneutral.Forthatreason,itisusually tribaleldersofotherlineagesorclanswhoare calleduptoarbitratebetweentheconflicting parties.Furthermore,theweaponsofboth conflictingpartiescanbeconfiscatedbythe communitytopreventanewflareͲupofhostilities forthetimeofthepeacetalks.Thiscustomis 85 calledbaramtainPashto. Aceasefireisan essentialpreconditionforpeacetalks. PeacenegotiationsareconductedataJirgato whichthemediatorsandrepresentativesofboth conflictingpartiesareinvited.Inasocietywhichis organisedinpatrilinealdescentgroups,peace cannotbemadebetweenindividualsonly,but mustberealisedbetweenpatrilinealdescent groups.Forthatreason,bothconflictingparties mustsenddignifiedrepresentatives,usuallytheir elders,totheJirga.SuchaJirgaisbynomeansa judicialhearingoratrialcourt,butapeacemaking institution.Hence,thequestionofguiltwouldnot bediscussedatall.TheJirgawouldfindouthow manymembersoftheconflictingpartieswere killed.Ifthenumberofkilledpersonsisequalin everyparty,peacecanbeconcluded.Ifoneparty hasmorevictimsthantheother,theotherparty mustpaythecorrespondingamountofblood money.Insomecases,theritualofforgiveness (nഋnawĈta)couldalsobepartofthepeacemaking process.Inanycase,theprincipalobjectof peacemakingistoreͲestablishthebalanceand equivalencebetweenthedisputinggroupsasit hadexistedbeforetheoutbreakofthedispute. Onlyinthissituationcanpeacebeconcluded.The decisionofapeacemakingJirgaisbindingforall participantsbecauseapeacemakingJirgacanbe heldonlyifbothconflictingpartieshaveagreedto

mediationandpeacenegotiations.Acceptanceofa Jirgadecisionisaquestionofhonour. 86 SometimesaJirgaisusedasatrialcourt.This wouldhappenwhenarightofownershiporusage rightsuchasofpasturesisindispute.Inthiscase, everyconflictingpartymusttestifyunderoaththat accordingtopatrilinealsuccessionitisthelegal heiroftheobjectofdispute.Itisbelievedthata falseoathwouldevokeGod'spenalty.If, nevertheless,bothpartiessweartobethelegal heir,theobjectofdisputewillbedividedbetween 87 them. AlldecisionsofaJirgathathasbeenheldfor conflictmanagementaremadebyconsensusand theyarethereforecompromises.Thequotationof precedentsoriftheeventisquiteunprecedented, referencestosimilareventsareveryimportantfor decisionͲmaking.TheauthorityofaJirgadecisionis basedupontheappealtonanga,i.e.acceptanceis amatterofhonour.

7 CONCLUDINGREMARKS Insummary,itmustbereiteratedthatPashtunwali describesanideal,namelytheidealofthePashtun wayoflife,andthatidealsnevercomeupto reality.Actualbehaviourcanbeguidedbyother valuesaswell.Inrecentdecades,Afghansociety hasbeensubjecttofundamentalchangeinalmost everyrespect.ThesocietyofthePashtuntribesis nolongerthesocietythatexistedwhenmostof thenativeaccountsdrawnonforthispaperwere written.Atthattime,manyofthevaluesof Pashtunwaliwerealreadylesspredominantinthe milieuofurbanPashtunsincitieslikeKabulthanin mostruralareas.Later,foreignaggressionsandthe civilwarcreatedawartimeexperiencewhichis almostwithoutprecedentinthehistoryof Afghanistan.Whilethewarwaswagedin Afghanistan,itwasinfactaninternationalconflict betweensuperpowerswhichendedwiththe collapseoftheSovietUnionandtheEasternbloc. Afghanmujahidinfeltlikeglobalplayersinthenew internationalorderandtheconceptoftura seemedtopromiseawaytosolveglobalconflicts. Butthemilitarypowerofthecommanders underminedthetraditionalhierarchyofPashtun societyaswellastheconceptofequality.Atthe sametime,numerousmigrationsbroughtmillions ofPashtunsintoasocioͲeconomicenvironment whichwasorganisedinafundamentallydifferent wayfromtheirformervillagecommunities.Several

85

Generallybaramtadescribesallkindsofconfiscation madetoforcesomebodytoclearhisdebt.SeeKhĈdim, Pa‫ܤ‬htunwali,p.39,ॖAtĈyi,Dഋpa‫ܤ‬htaniqabiloisƟlĈhi qĈmƻs,p.21.


86

FordetailsseeSteul,Paschtunwali,pp.229ff.

87

FordetailsseeSteul,Paschtunwali,pp.226ff.


traditionalvaluesandrulesofbehaviourwereput intoquestionbytheTaleban,theirfundamentalist interpretationofIslamiclawandanewartof warfare.Moreover,thecivilwaralsochangedthe natureofrelationshipsbetweentheethnicgroups ofAfghanistan.Othergroupsgainedinmilitaryand politicalpowerduringthewarandintheireyes, thePashtuntribeslosttheirtraditionalexceptional positionwithinAfghansociety.After2001,anew politicalorderandanewconstitutionwere establishedwithenormousforeignsupport.This neworder,selfͲevidently,wascraftedtorespond tointernationalexpectationsratherthan traditionalvaluesasexpressed,forexample,inthe conceptofPashtunwali.Andbesidesallthat,the risinglevelofeducationamongtheyounger generationisbringingnewvaluesintoawareness, whilemodernmeansofcommunicationare enablingthepeopleofAfghanistantobecomepart oftheglobalisedworldwithitsglobalised discussionofvalues. ThequestionabouttheimportanceofPashtunwali inmodernAfghanistancannotbeansweredinany 88 generalway. Thetransformationoftheformal andorganisationalaspectsoftriballifeismore obviousthanchangeswithinthesystemofvalues. Recently,afundamentaldiscussionofsomeofthe changeswithinPashtuntribalsociety,whichhad beencausedbythirtyyearsofconflictandthe gradualcollapseofthestate,waspresentedby ThomasRuttiginhispaper'Howtribalarethe 89 Taleban?' Hearguesquiterightlythatmight oftentrumpsPashtunwaliandhecitesmany examplesshowingthattheJirgahaslostmuchof itsauthorityandthatithasbeenreplacedbythe lessegalitarianshurĈ,thatintraͲtribalcohesionhas declinedinstrength,andthatseveralfactorsstand inthewayofacoherentandcontinuoustribal leadership.ThomasRuttigdoesnotconfinehimself totheformalaspectsofpoliticalandsocial organisation.ConcerningthePashtunwaliasthe codeofconductofthePashtuns,hearguesthat muchofithadbeenmystified,bothbyAfghans

andforeignobservers,andthatmuchofwhatis toldaboutitareidealisedversionsofagolden past. 90 ThisistruebecausePashtunwali,bynature, isanidealisedpictureofthePashtunwayoflife. Theideathatinformertimesallbehaviourfulfilled thedemandsofPashtunwaliiswithoutadoubtan idealisation,butthereisalsonodoubtthat Pashtunwaliitselfpresentsidealsandthatthese idealsserveasvaluestobepursuedasgoals. TheidealofthePashtunwayoflifeaspresented byPashtunwaliincludesvalues,norms,customs andhabitswhichforafairlylongtimehavebeen heldsacredbyvirtueoftraditionandwhichby virtueoftheirimperativecharacterareintendedto determinethebehaviouroftheindividualandof socialgroupsineverydaylifeandinexceptional situationsaswell.Today,thevaluesystemof Pashtunwalicompeteswithothersystemsof valueswhichhavegainedinfluenceinAfghanistan overthelastfewdecades.Indeed,thevalues guidingthebehaviourofindividualsorgroupsare largelydependentonthedemandsofaparticular situation.Attemptstofulfiltherequirementsof Pashtunwalimayremainacompromisefromcase tocase,yetamongcurrentcompetingvalue systems,theidealsofPashtunwalistillpresentan attractiveandsometimesabindingoptiontoday.

88

Foradiscussionoftheeffectsofthecivilwaronsome aspectsofPashtunwaliseeGlatzer,'ZumPashtunwali'. Genderissueswerediscussedfromalegalpointofview byPalwashaKakar,'TribalLawofPashtunwaliand Women'sLegislativeAuthority',publishedbythe HarvardLawSchoolintheInterneton http://www.law.harvard.edu/programs/ilsp/research/ka kar.pdf(referredtoon8December2010).

89

SeeThomasRuttig,'HowtribalaretheTaleban? Afghanistan'slargestinsurgentmovementbetweenits tribalrootsandIslamistideology',AfghanistanAnalyst Network,http://www.aanͲ afghanistan.org/uploads/20100624TRͲ HowTribalAretheTalebanͲFINAL.pdf.

90

Ibid,pp.4,7.

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21

ABOUTTHEAFGHANISTANANALYSTSNETWORK(AAN) TheAfghanistanAnalystsNetwork(AAN)isanonͲprofit,independentpolicyresearchorganisation.Itaimsto bringtogethertheknowledgeandexperienceofalargenumberofexpertstoinformpolicyandincreasethe understandingofAfghanrealities. TheinstitutionalstructureofAANincludesacoreteam(currentlyconsistingofthreesenioranalysts)anda networkofregularcontributorswithexpertiseinthefieldsofAfghanpolitics,governance,ruleoflawand security.AANwillpublishregularinͲdepththematicreports,policybriefingsandcomments. ThemainchannelfordisseminationofthereportsistheAANwebsite.Forfurtherinformation,pleasevisit www.aanͲafghanistan.org.

AUTHORBIO:LUTZRZEHAK LutzRzehakisaseniorresearcherandassistantprofessorattheDepartmentforCentralAsianStudiesofBerlin HumboldtUniversity.HegraduatedfromStPetersburgUniversity,thenLeningrad,USSR,in1985andearned hisPhDatBerlinHumboldtUniversityin1991.Currently,heteacheslanguagesandculturalhistoryof AfghanistanandCentralAsia.Hepublishedextensivelyaboutlanguagedevelopment,socialandculturalhistory andfolkloreofAfghanistanandneighbouringregions.Inoneofhismajorprojects,hecollaboratedinthe editionofaBalochiͲPashtoͲDariͲEnglishdictionarythatwaspublishedinKabulin2007asacontributiontothe developmentprogramforethnicandlinguisticminoritiesofAfghanistan.

©AfghanistanAnalystsNetwork2011. Allrightsreserved.Nopartofthispublicationcanmaybereproduced,storedinaretrievalsystemortransmittedinanyformorbyany means,electronic,mechanical,photocopying,recordingorotherwisewithoutfullattribution.

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