Middlesbrough Asylum Seekers and Refugees ... - Teesside University

SOCIAL

FUTURES INSTITUTE

www.tees.ac.uk/socialfutures [email protected] 01642 342321

Middlesbrough Asylum Seekers and Refugees Skills Audit Tony Chapman and Barbara Neil

A research report commissioned by Middlesbrough Council Asylum Seekers Team September 2004

Middlesbrough Asylum Seekers and Refugees Skills Audit

SOCIAL FUTURES INSTITUTE

Contents Ii iii

List of Figures List of Tables

2 3

iii

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY OF FINDINGS

4

1.

INTRODUCTION

9

1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 2.

3.

4.

5.

The Policy Context Definitions of Asylum Seekers and Refugees Asylum Seekers and Refugees in Tees Valley and Middlesbrough Economic and Demographic Portrait of Middlesbrough

10 13 14 17

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY AND CHARACTERISTICS OF RESEARCH SAMPLE

19

2.1 2.2 2.3

19 19 20

Sample Research Instrument Characteristics of the Sample

WORK EXPERIENCE, SKILLS AND QUALIFICATIONS OF ASYLUM SEEKERS AND REFUGEES

28

3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6 3.7

28 31 33 36 39 42 44

Educational Achievement Competence in English Language Courses Undertaken in Britain Previous Work Experience Working in Middlesbrough Voluntary Work Personal Interests and Hobbies

LIVING IN MIDDLESBROUGH

46

4.1 4.2

46 48

Settling in Middlesbrough Experience of Living in Middlesbrough

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

54

5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4

54 56 57 59

Skills and Knowledge Transitions into Work Remaining in Middlesbrough Recommendations

6

REFERENCES

61

7.

APPENDIX

63

1

Tony Chapman and Barbara Neil

LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1.1 Figure 1.2 Figure 1.3

Asylum Seekers in Tees Valley, March 2004 Asylum Seekers as a Percentage of Total Population Number of Asylum Seekers from the Top Ten Countries August 2003-December 2003.

15 16

Figure 2.1 Figure 2.2

Period of Residence in UK and Middlesbrough Refugee Status and Period of Stay in UK

27 27

Figure 3.1

Competence in Understanding Spoken English, Reading and Writing in English Competence in English Language by Area of Origin Benefits Gained from Following Courses in Employment and Community Context (percentages) Age Profile of Respondents involved in Voluntary Work

Figure 3.2 Figure 3.3 Figure 3.4

Figure 4.1 Figure 4.2

2

Contacts with People from Own Country Attitudes about Living in Middlesbrough by Area of Origin

16

32 33 35 42 47 51



LIST OF TABLES Table 1.1 Table 2.1 Table 2.2 Table 2.3 Table 2.4 Table 2.5. Table 2.6 Table 2.8 Table 2.9 Table 2.10

Table 3.1 Table 3.2 Table 3.3 Table 3.4 Table 3.5

Accommodation of Asylum Seekers in Middlesbrough Age and Gender Profile of Sample Marital Status and Number of Children Living with Respondents Principal Countries of Origin of Respondents Reclassified Countries of Origin into Area of Origin Religion of Respondents Ethnicity, Religion and Area of Origin Demographic Details of Respondents with Permission to Remain in UK by Area of Origin Demographic Details of Respondents with Permission to Remain in UK by area of origin Demographic Details of Respondents Awaiting Decision on Refugee Status by Area of Origin

17 21 21 22 22 22 24 25 25 26 28 29 30 32

Table 3.13 Table 3.14

Age Leaving Full-Time Education Highest Level of Educational Achievement Vocational Qualifications Held Competence in English Language (Combined Variable) English Language Competence and Participation in Courses Location of Local Courses Value of ICT and English Language Courses Employment Experience in Home Country Previous Occupational Status and Responsibility at Work Analysis of Previous Employment Type and Biographical Details Preferred Employment in Middlesbrough Expectations of Achieving Employment Aspirations in Middlesbrough. Types of Voluntary Work Undertaken Range of Leisure Activities and Hobbies

Table 4.1 Table 4.2 Table 4.3

Contacts with People from own Country by Gender Attitudes about living in Middlesbrough Attitudes about Living in Middlesbrough by Area of Origin

48 50 52

Table 3.6 Table 3.7 Table 3.8 Table 3.9 Table 3.10 Table 3.11 Table 3.12

34 35 36 36 38 39 41 42 43 45

3


EXECUTIVE SUMMARY OF FINDINGS 1.

Educational Qualifications and Vocational Skills Over two thirds of the sample had remained in education beyond the age of 16, with more than half of the sample remaining in education beyond the age of 20. Over 18 per cent of the sample have degree level qualifications or higher, nearly 20 per cent have vocational, professional or sub-degree level qualifications, and over 46 per cent have achieved GCSE (or equivalent) or higher. Less than 30 per cent of asylum seekers and refugees have achieved no qualifications. More than one third of the respondents (38.5 per cent) reported that they had attained vocational qualifications. •

Over one third of whom had worked in the business sector including secretarial and clerical work, management and business services such as translation.

•

Over 19 per cent of the vocationally qualified respondents had worked in the professions including teaching, medicine and nursing.

•

Over 40 per cent vocationally qualified asylum seekers and refugees have qualifications in particular jobs such as computer technician, fashion design, maritime work; hairdressing, driving, vehicle maintenance and catering.

Most respondents with vocational qualifications (84 per cent) had practiced them in an employment context 2.

Competence in English Language 31 per cent of this sample stated that they could understand spoken English very well while 47 per cent could understand English quite well. Only 1 per cent of the sample could not understand spoken English at all 41 per cent of the sample reported that they could read English very well and a further 37 per cent stated that they could read quite well. Only 5 per cent could not read English at all. Written English was reported to be a serious problem for 21 per cent of the sample, with a further 3 per cent were unable to write English at all. The score for writing very well was 33 per cent, and quite well, 42 per cent.

4


3.


Courses Undertaken in Britain The range of courses studied in Britain by the asylum seekers and refugees in our sample is diverse. These courses include degrees and higher degrees in education, history, the natural sciences. In further education colleges, courses were followed in English language, computing, mathematics and access courses to provide a route into higher education. Many asylum seekers and refugees studied vocational courses in further education colleges in subjects including air cabin crew training, travel and tourism training, cookery, social care, interpreting, teaching assistant training. Asylum seekers and refugees also followed a range of leisure based courses, including, cake decoration, sporting activities and dressmaking. 45 per cent of all respondents felt that courses were very useful for community engagement and involvement which also suggests that such courses assist asylum seekers and refugees in developing their confidence. 50 per cent of the sample claiming that the courses have been of value (or may be of value in gaining work once they gain permission to seek paid employment). The most commonly studies courses were in English language training and in information and communication technology.

4.

Work Experience 29 per cent of asylum seekers and refugees with employment experience were professionals/semi professionals, 48 per cent had intermediate status occupations, and 23 per cent were semi-skilled or unskilled manual workers. Of the seventy respondents who had previous work experience, 49 per cent reported that they had managerial or supervisory responsibility over other staff. Amongst these respondents 74 per cent had been in charge of less than ten people, 20 per cent had been in charge of between eleven and one hundred people and 6 per cent had been in charge of over one hundred people. 11 per cent of respondents stated that they would accept any form of work at the present time.

5


5.

Voluntary Work A quarter of respondents had become involved in voluntary work, 65 per cent of whom were men and 35 per cent women. Amongst the 23 respondents who had been involved in voluntary work, 56 per cent had a 'very good' level of competence in English language while 44 per cent had 'quite good' competence. 80 per cent volunteers had undertaken educational courses whilst in Britain. Amongst voluntary workers, 10 had professional or managerial occupations prior to migration, 9 had intermediate status posts. Only three of the volunteers had previously not worked. Of the 73 respondents who had not become involved in voluntary work, 14 per cent stated that there had been no specific barriers to stop them, they had simply not wanted to engage in this activity. 16 per cent stated that there was either a lack of opportunities open to them for voluntary work or that they did not know how to go about finding such work.

6.

Personal Interests and Hobbies Only 42 per cent of respondents stated that they had been able to enjoy their hobby or interest since arriving in this country. Of those respondents who could not participate in their preferred activities, 61 per cent stated that this was due to financial restrictions and 30 per cent because they did not know where to go to enjoy their leisure. A small number of respondents could not become involved because they had problems arranging childcare. Lack of equipment and distance from centres where they could enjoy leisure were also given as reasons for not following hobbies.

7.

Living in Middlesbrough 75 per cent of the sample stated a preference to remain in Middlesbrough; 23 per cent wished to leave, and one respondent was uncertain about where they would like to settle. Of the 74 respondents who would like to remain in Middlesbrough, five had a very positive attitude about the town, 51 were generally positive attitude about living in the town, only one respondent had a very negative attitude about living in Middlesbrough. Of those who wished to stay in Middlesbrough and had a generally positive attitude about the town, 25 were of African origin, 11 were of South Asian origin, five were of European origin, and 12 were of Middle eastern origin. Of the 23 asylum seekers and refugees who did not wish to remain in Middlesbrough, ten stated a preference for living in London, and five in

6



Manchester. Five other cities were also named as preferred locations by individual asylum seekers and refugees. The reasons why asylum seekers and refugees expressed a preference for living elsewhere were varied: 57 per cent stated that they had family or friends in this other place, while 13 per cent wanted to move to improve their chances of gaining employment. A further 13 per cent chose to move to gain a stronger sense of personal security. 8.

Future Aspirations In general terms, the key aspiration for most asylum seekers and refugees was to gain work and to settle down into a more normal and stable family life. In total, 73 per cent of respondents stated that work was a key aspiration. When participants were asked if they thought that they could achieve their aspirations in Middlesbrough, 76 per cent said that they thought they could; 12 per cent doubted this, and 12 per cent remained uncertain if they could or not.

9.

Recommendations Monitoring the Skills and Knowledge Portfolio of Asylum Seekers To collect more detailed and standardised information on asylum seekers skills, education and knowledge, and work experience when they arrive in Middlesbrough to allow Middlesbrough Council Asylum Seekers Team to monitor changes in the skills portfolio of asylum seekers and refugees over time and communicate these data to agencies and employers offering voluntary work or paid employment opportunities. Access to Services and Participation in the Community To explore new ways of collecting and communicating information to employers on asylum seekers and refugees previous work experience, their educational qualifications and vocational qualifications. There may be some scope to explore the possibility of conversion courses or topup programmes to validate and update vocational training and educational achievements. Increasing Participation in Voluntary Work Consideration should be given to developing mechanisms to improve the take up of voluntary work by asylum seekers and refugees. This may involve some further exploration of actual or perceived barriers to volunteering, and to examine patterns of cultural resistance to particular types of voluntary work. It would be an advantage if the outcomes of voluntary work experience (in terms of making transitions to paid work) could be monitored over time to help assess the benefits of particular opportunities for individuals.

7


Information and Advice: Embedding Good Practice Providing asylum seekers and refugees with information on services and opportunities is an essential part of the process of developing community involvement. It is therefore important to explore ways of further embedding good practice across the Council and between health, police, faith, community and voluntary organisations to ensure that asylum seekers and refugees know about (and are encouraged to gain the maximum benefit from) available services and opportunities. Strengthening linkages with current Community Cohesion interventions may be a valuable starting point for such development.

8


1.


INTRODUCTION Over recent months the level of media attention which has been directed towards the issue of immigration in general and the situation of asylum seekers and refugees in particular has been intense. The tabloid press has featured the issue many times in its banner frontpage headlines to whip up public opposition to Government policy on asylum. Most of the popular newspaper press coverage of the situation of asylum seekers and refugees has been extremely negative, thus forcing more liberal debate on the issue into a defensive posture which has led, ultimately, to a hardening of Government policy on asylum to meet the presumed public demand to tighten restrictions to stop the system being abused. One consequence of this for asylum seekers and refugees who are already in Britain may have been to compound their anxieties about their security and even their personal safety. Only rarely in the press and the media more widely is any attempt made to empathise with the situation of asylum seekers themselves and to understand how they experience this barrage of negative attention while they are attempting to settle here and rebuild their lives. Neither is any significant attention paid to the actual contribution or potential contribution that refugees and asylum seekers actually make to our society in social, cultural and economic terms. This small study attempts to explore the situation of asylum seekers and refugees in Middlesbrough, a large town in the conurbation of Tees Valley, in the North East of England. The aim of the project was to find out what skills, education and knowledge asylum seekers have gained before coming to the Britain and to explore what their aspirations are for the future. The report considers these aspirations and their chances of realising them in the context of their experiences of living in Middlesbrough. In so doing, we assess a range of factors which may help asylum seekers and refugees to settle in the town, play a part in its development and make a contribution to its economic, cultural and social well-being. Asylum seekers and refugees have the potential to make a significant contribution to British society in economic terms particularly in areas where there are significant labour shortages, most particularly in the London and the South East. It is less well recognised that in those areas which are experiencing population decline, asylum seekers and refugees may also play an important role in the renaissance of an area. Allowing and encouraging asylum seekers to work once they have gained refugee status is not just beneficial to the economy, but also helps to integrate refugees into British Society and enrich its culture (Aldridge 2002, Bloch 2002, Shiferaw and Hagos 2002). Previous research suggests that many asylum seekers and refugees are highly motivated to work (Aldridge and Waddington, 2002; Bloch, 1999). Furthermore, many asylum seekers and refugees have

9


qualifications, experience and skills which can be employed in a variety of employment contexts. It is important, at the outset, to note that while asylum seekers and refugees do tend to be better qualified than the indigenous UK population (as we will demonstrate below), the aspirations and enthusiasm to work among the less well qualified should not be discounted. Indeed, there exists a shortage of unskilled workers in various sectors of the economy that cannot easily be filled by UK nationals. 1.1

The Policy Context In its recent White Paper, Secure Borders, Safe Haven: Integration with Diversity in Modern Britain (2002), the Government proposed that a policy framework be established to ensure that asylum seekers and refugees, play “…a full and productive role in the UK labour market” (2002: 37). While broad support was given to the White Paper by a number of organisations that support the interests of asylum seekers and refugees, this support was qualified. The Commission for Racial Equality (CRE), in particular, noted its worry that the Government's position particularly benefited asylum seekers and refugees who had higher levels of qualifications and had been established professionals in their home countries. This led the CRE to propose that there should be an expansion of programmes for lower skilled workers too, in order to avoid a bias against such workers, especially from poorer countries (CRE 2002: 7). Similarly the National Institute for Adult Continuing Education (NIACE) stressed the importance of recognising overseas qualifications. As they noted: 'There are examples of those with medical degrees working as porters, and of graduates being required to begin their HE and professional training all over again, while struggling to support themselves and pay fees. This is a waste of talent (often in areas of shortage in the UK) and a long-term cause of frustration' (2002: 6).

As NIACE pointed out, there was no reference to this issue in the White Paper and neither was there a proposal to research the skills and knowledge of asylum seekers and refugees in Britain. As a consequence, NIACE recommended that 'local Learning and Skills Councils should be encouraged to secure the provision of annual (voluntary) skills and qualifications audits of asylum seekers and refugees who are unemployed or underemployed' (2002:6). NIACE proposed that there should be education and training provision for asylum seekers in accommodation centres from local colleges and local authority adult learning services on an outreach basis. They also recommended that provision be made for asylum seekers to study in local colleges once they have been dispersed but are awaiting a decision on their refugee status. The rationale behind this recommendation was not just to raise the training levels and qualifications of asylum seekers, but also to aide their integration into

10



communities and to relieve the pressure of waiting for a decision to be made about their status. As they note: 'Learning opportunities provided during the waiting period, if they are stimulating and good quality and relevant could make a significant contribution to making this waiting period useful and socially beneficial' (NIACE, 2002: 4). In 2002 The Department for Work and Pensions produced a preliminary report Working to Rebuild Lives to outline its refugee employment strategy. The document highlights that 36 per cent of refugees are unemployed: this is six times the national average. While the report recognises that finding meaningful work is an important part of the integration process, a strong emphasis was placed on the situation of highly qualified refugees requiring extra initial support in order to enter the job market. This, as in the case of the White Paper suggests that the initial policy framework was not geared up particularly well to refugees with low skill levels. It is essential to recognise that asylum seekers differ significantly in their situation from economic migrants in the sense that they have not come to Britain to find work, but to escape from significant danger to themselves. Consequently, it is inequitable actively to sponsor only those refugees who have established skills and qualifications at the expense of those who do not. The Department of Work and Pensions 'Working to Rebuild Lives' report identifies its ambitions as follows: • • • •

• •

'Develop routes into Jobcentre plus provision to encourage refugees into employment through support with settlement, language, advice about the UK labour market and employment opportunities. Ensure that appropriate work focused English language tuition is available. Improve the ability of Jobcentre Plus to provide the right level of interpreter help for those who need it improve the flow of information between the statutory and community sectors to help with planning provision; raising refugees' awareness of issues and improving the delivery of local services. Develop the role of Jobcentre Plus in promoting refugees to employers in order to increase the numbers into jobs Ensure the community and voluntary sectors have an appropriate role in shaping the developments for this group.'

The decision to disallow asylum seekers from seeking paid employment in the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act (2002) was justified by Government on the basis that new claims would be processed within six months and that it would provide a disincentive to economic migrants. The Refugee council strongly oppose the new legislation they claim that: •

•

There is no evidence that giving asylum seekers who are awaiting a decision permission to work encourages more asylum applications. In fact, research commissioned by the Home Office (Home Office Research Study 243: Understanding the decision-making of asylum seekers, July 2002) demonstrates that this is not a reason why people apply for asylum in the UK. There is clearly public support for the idea that where possible asylum seekers should work to pay their way.

11

Tony Chapman and Barbara Neil • • •

• •

There will be significant extra costs in supporting asylum seekers who are no longer allowed to work. The work concession is only meaningful if the Government is unable to meet its targets for decision times; if the targets are met there is no need to remove the concession. Changing the policy has a major impact on the future integration of those who will subsequently be allowed to stay and who have had to wait more than six months for an initial decision. It will particularly affect those with specialist occupations, such as health professionals, who need to keep their skills up to date. Removing the work concession from asylum applicants effectively denies UK employers access to a pool of untapped skills and resources that are needed to tackle current skills shortages in the country. Employers will inevitably be more reluctant to employ asylum applicants – even if they have permission to work – and even people with refugee status or ELR if they are not clear about their documentation and eligibility to work.

A growing body of evidence suggests that a major factor in the integration process for asylum seekers and refugees is the ability to engage in paid employment (for example see Bloch 1998, 2002, Shiferaw and Hagos 2002, Aldridge 2002). However, it is also recognised that there are many barriers to employment that affect refugees (and asylum seekers who gained permission to work prior to July 23rd 2003). For example, the recruitment processes generally adopted by employers in this country demand the provision of references from former employers, but refugees may not be able to access these from Britain, references may not be available if they were in their own business, or employers may doubt the credibility of references. Similarly, employers may not accept overseas qualifications as valid or credible, or are insufficiently well informed to recognise their value (see: African Education Trust, 1998; Bloch. 2002; Pile, 1997; Barer, 1999). Discrimination may occur at a deeper level if employers hold negative cultural or political attitudes or stereotypes about refugees. This can be compounded by language problems if refugees reach the point of being interviewed, or if refugees do not fully understand the underlying cultural practices that surround and underpin the recruitment process in Britain (see: Industrial Society, 1999; Philimore and Goodson, 2002; Shiferaw and Hagos, 2001; Pile, 1997; Barer, 1999). It is clear that making information on routes into employment available to refugees is important, but it is equally vital to recognise that the depth of information required is substantial. Detailing the processes of recruitment, in itself, may not be sufficient if refugees do not fully understand the cultural context within which these processes operate. It has been recognised that paid employment makes a significant contribution towards the integration of refugees into British society by providing “…collective, social, motivational, and psychological support” (Stopforth 2000: 7). But clearly if the barriers to gaining access to employment are insurmountable, other routes to gain the requisite experience and understanding need to be identified. Voluntary work

12



may provide one such activity that can increase awareness of the structural, procedural and cultural context of employment in Britain. Perhaps as importantly, voluntary work can help refugees and asylum seekers structure their time by providing regular activity, and facilitates opportunities to mix with other people and build confidence in social interaction. Taken together, these factors also help to maintain a sense of social and psychological well being.

1.2

Definitions of Asylum Seekers and Refugees The term 'refugee' has been defined under the United Nations Convention of 1951, as a person who "…owing to a well-founded fear of being persecuted for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion is outside the country of his nationality and is unable, or owing to such fear is unwilling to avail himself [sic] of the protection of that country" (Charlaff et al. 2004).

A recent study of asylum seekers and refugees skills and knowledge, (produced by the Scottish Executive in partnership with the Scottish Refugee Council) has provided a useful set of concise definitions of the current legal terminology. We have adopted their definitions here. Asylum Seekers Asylum seekers are so defined when their applications for refugee status have yet to be processed and their status defined. Asylum seekers were allowed to seek permission to gain paid employment in Britain if they had been waiting for their claim to be considered for more than 6 months. Since 23rd July 2002, this right was withdrawn. Asylum seekers who were given permission to work prior to this date retain the right to work. Asylum seekers are supported by the National Asylum Support Service and are not eligible for mainstream benefits, student support or hardship funds. They are, however, eligible for a fee waiver relating to Further Education, part-time and full-time ESOL courses, and may be eligible for help with travel costs and books (Scottish Refugee Council 2003). Refugee status with Indefinite Leave to Remain (ILR) Refugees granted indefinite leave to remain have been recognised as meeting the definition of a refugee under the UN Convention by the government and have been granted permission to stay in the UK permanently. They have equal rights to work and study as other UK citizens and are subject to course fees at the same rates as home students. Those with ILR are eligible for student support and hardship funds. Exceptional Leave to Remain (ELR) ELR was a discretionary status granted by the Home Office up until 1st April 2003 when it was replaced by "Humanitarian Protection" or "Discretionary Leave." It was granted to those applicants who fell outside the strict definition of a refugee under the UN Convention but still faced danger if they were to

13


return home. ELR was granted for 12 months initially and was usually, but not always, extended to 4 years in total. Those granted ELR could apply for ILR after 4 years in the country. Refugees granted ELR before April 2003 have the right to work in the UK and are eligible to attend higher education, subject to course fees at the same rates as UK students. They are also eligible for student support and hardship funds after 3 years residency in the UK. Humanitarian Protection Since April 2003 people who fail to qualify for ILR, but who can demonstrate that they need protection, are granted Humanitarian Protection. They will normally be given leave to remain in the UK for 3 years, during which time they are entitled to mainstream welfare benefits and are allowed to work. The same rules apply to people granted ELR with regards to studying. Discretionary Leave Since April 2003 Discretionary Leave is granted where applicants do not qualify for refugee status or Humanitarian Protection, but whom the government would not seek to remove due to legal or medical reasons. Those granted Discretionary Leave also have full access to mainstream welfare, employment and study during the period of discretion (normally 3 years) (Charlaff et al. 2004).

The terms asylum seeker and refugee are often used interchangeably in the popular press, in particular, but the media more widely. In legal terms, as the above definitions show, however, the meaning of these terms are distinct. For the purposes of this study however, we generally adopt the term 'asylum seekers and refugees' to include all of the above legal definitions of refugee status. We do so because our sample is too small to disaggregate these categories and produce meaningful results. Where it is not appropriate to discuss asylum seekers and refugees collectively, as is the case when exploring patterns of work, the sample is divided. Full background details of the demographic make up of the sample, together with categorisation of legal status is included in the methodology section to inform the analysis which follows in Sections Three and Four which detail substantive research findings.

1.3

Asylum Seekers and Refugees in Tees Valley and Middlesbrough The total population of the Tees Valley was recorded in the 2001 Census as 639,200 (http://www.n-region.com). The total number of Asylum Seekers receiving NASS support in the Tees Valley is currently 1,849; this is approximately 0.9 percent of the total Tees Valley population (NASS March 2003).1 Figures 1.1 and 1.2 illustrate the number of Asylum Seekers in the Tees Valley by area.

1

Defining the precise number of asylum seekers and refugees in any study tends to be a problem due to the transient nature of this group of people. The best estimates are collected

14



Figure 1.1

Asylum Seekers in Tees Valley, March 2004 900

800

762

700

639

600

500 Number of Asyl umSeeker s i n the Tees Val l ey 367

400

300

200

100

46

35

0 Mi ddl esbr ough

Redcar

Stockton

Har tl epool

Dar l i ngton

The asylum population in Middlesbrough is culturally diverse. Approximately 58 different countries of origin have been recorded by NASS. Of the total 762 individual asylum seekers, 24 per cent are from Iraq, 9 per cent are from Afghanistan and around 5 per cent are from each of the following: Pakistan, Zimbabwe, Congo and Iran. Figure 1.3 illustrates the number of asylum seekers from the top ten countries of origin and shows how the proportions of the asylum population has changed from August 2003 to December 2003. NASS statistics (5.5.03) and Neighbourhood Statistics web page 10.8.03) show that asylum seekers and refugees in Middlesbrough make up less than 1 percent of the total population. In December 2003, when this study was initiated, there were 674 individual Asylum seekers in Middlesbrough supported by NASS, forming 266 households. There were a further 43 interim cases recorded at this time and another 47 asylum seekers who were not provided with housing. The total estimate for Middlesbrough in December 2003 was, therefore, 762 asylum seekers. According to these estimates, asylum seekers in Middlesbrough represent approximately 0.6 per cent of the total population and represent approximately 0.5 per cent of the 53,234 households in the town. There are three housing providers that cater for the 762 asylum seekers in Middlesbrough. Table 1.1 records the number of asylum seekers in this accommodation in December 2003.

from a number of data sources include the number of asylum seekers in council housing, and the number in move-on accommodation. There are some problems of reliability in these data. In some cases, asylum seekers are provided with accommodation, but choose to live elsewhere. Prior to the introduction of a national data base of asylum seekers, the quality of data was less reliable than at present because of the transient nature of the population (Philimore 2002).

15


Figure 1.2

Asylum Seekers as a Percentage of Total Population

0.6 0.56

0.5

0.4 0.36

Asylum seekers as a percentage of each areas total population

0.3 0.26

0.2

0.1 0.05

0.04

0 Middlesbrough

Figure 1.3

Redcar

Stockton

Hartlepool

Darlington

Number of Asylum Seekers form the Top Ten Countries August 2003-December 2003.

200 185 180 180

160

140

120

aug 100

dec

86 80

68

60 40 40

35

39

39

37

36

36

28

27

14

20

10

7

26 11

25 7

0

iraq

16

afganistan

pakistan

zimbabwe

congo

iran

kosovo

algeria

sri lanka

turkey


Table 1.1


Accommodation of Asylum Seekers in Middlesbrough (December 2003)

_________________________________________________________________________ Percentage Share of Asylum population _________________________________________________________________________ Leena housing 44 (n=337) Roselodge accommodates 17 (n=129) Middlesbrough Council houses approximately 28 (n=208) Own accommodation 6 (n=47) Interim clients 5 (n=43) _________________________________________________________________________

The North East Consortium for Asylum Support Services facilitates the provision of accommodation and support to asylum seekers housed in the region through the Home Office dispersal programme. Asylum seekers and refugees are legally distinct groups, but integration should start from the time an asylum seeker is housed. Middlesbrough is a member of the consortium of ten North East local authorities contracted to the Home Office for the dispersal of people seeking asylum. Dedicated services have been established, including accommodation and a one-stop shop ‘drop in’ centre. A ‘move on’ policy allows asylum seekers living in social housing to stay as ordinary tenants if they are granted refugee status, with the explicit aim of integrating them into the local community. 1.4

Economic and Demographic Portrait of Middlesbrough2 Middlesbrough lies to the south of the River Tees and has a population of approximately 134,855 people living in 53,234 households (Census 2001). This represents a population decline of 5 percent compared with the 1991 census. Middlesbrough Council estimates that this decline has been exaggerated by under-enumeration, and that the actual population is around 5,000 higher than the 2001 census figure. Despite a declining population, Middlesbrough is densely populated, with seven times England’s average population density. The sub-region of the Tees Valley has experienced significant social, economic and cultural change over the last few decades as there has been a significant shift from former dependence in economic and employment terms on heavy industry (particularly steel-making and chemicals) to a predominance of service based employment. Middlesbrough currently has an unemployment rate of almost double the national average (6.2 per cent against 3.4 per cent). Middlesbrough’s economy is dominated by the service sector, about

2

The authors would like to acknowledge Webster, Neil and Sapsford (2003) study of community cohesion in Middlesbrough from which much of this analysis was derived.

17


half of which is public services. Unlike many other areas, this sector has not been a source of job growth and actually contracted during the 1990s. Its dominance largely explains the relatively high proportion of women who work full-time, against a background of declining male fulltime employment. The impact of job loss, social deprivation, poor health, low educational achievement has hit hard in a number of wards. Middlesbrough's 25 wards include some of the most deprived in the country. According to the Government’s Index of Multiple Deprivation, Middlesbrough is the ninth poorest local authority district in the country (DETR, 2000). The town has the highest concentration of multiply deprived wards of all English districts, measured in terms of wards ranked in the worst 10 per cent nationally, with 16 out of its 25 wards in this category. Three wards – Pallister, St Hilda’s and Thorntree - are ranked among the worst ten wards in the country. Overall, Middlesbrough is very dependent on benefit income, with 40 per cent of households claiming some kind of benefit. There is a strong relationship between the distribution of social rented housing and deprivation; there is also a higher proportion of private rented housing in deprived wards, associated with higher levels of overcrowding and no central heating. The reasons for these social conditions are not difficult to discern. Johnston et al. (2000) describe a situation in which: ‘As recently as the mid-1960s, near full male employment in relatively wellpaid, long-term and skilled jobs in Teesside’s chemical, steel and heavy engineering industries provided the economic security which underpinned social cohesion and stability. The restructuring and mass redundancies which affected this regional economy in the 1970s and 80s were severe. Between 1975 and 1986 one-quarter of all jobs and one-half of all manufacturing jobs were lost in Teesside and the area still suffers from high rates of unemployment and joblessness (cited in Webster, et al. 2003).’

Middlesbrough Black and minority ethnic (BME) community represents a growing proportion of the town’s population. These are relatively young communities. The Council’s 2001 neighbourhood survey recorded 27 per cent of minority ethnic household members as aged 16-24 (compared with 15 per cent of the white population), 55 per cent aged 25-44 (compared with 40 per cent), and 12 per cent aged 45 plus (compared with 24 per cent). For a detailed account of the changing demographics of the BME population in Middlesbrough see Webster, Neil and Sapsford (2003).

18


2.


RESEARCH METHODOLOGY AND CHARACTERISTICS OF RESEARCH SAMPLE This section of the report details the research methodology employed in this research and provides an outline of the principal characteristics of the research sample which provides a basis for analysis and interpretation in the remainder of this report.

2.1

Sample The current population of asylum seeks in Middlesbrough, discussed above, is estimated at 762. It was recognised at the outset that gaining a simple random sample of asylum seekers and refugees would not be possible. Consequently, it was decided that the best approach to gaining a large enough sample was by drawing together a group of interviewers, all of whom were asylum seekers and refugees, who had a range of contacts in Middlesbrough. Ten interviewers were invited to a training day which was organised by the Middlesbrough Council Asylum Seekers Team and facilitated by the researchers. Interviewers worked with each other using the questionnaire. This exercise also functioned as a pilot for the questionnaire and gave the research team the opportunity to discuss any relevant changes to its format in order to ensure that it was clearly understandable to interviewers. It was not feasible for economic reasons in this study to translate the questionnaire into other languages. The interviewers were chosen so that they could act as translators if necessary. The ten interviewers were sent into the field one week after the training day with amended questionnaires. In total, 99 interviews were undertaken with asylum seekers and refugees over the fieldwork period between January and mid March 2004.

2.2

Research Instrument Prior to constructing a questionnaire for the Middlesbrough Asylum Seekers Skills Audit, the research team consulted a number of similar recent studies. A literature search revealed that several skills audits had been carried out previously, the majority of which focused on London and the Midlands. One of the most detailed studies was undertaken by Aldridge and Waddington (2002) for NIACE. This study focused on the East Midlands city of Leicester. The research team drew upon the NIACE research questionnaire to inform the construction of the research instrument which was adopted in this study (see Appendix 1). While the NIACE questionnaire was limited in scope, it became clear from the results of that study that a more detailed appraisal of skills and qualifications was necessary. We also drew upon a small study of skills and qualifications by Refugee Resource, a small voluntary organisation in Oxford. Finally, a skills audit carried out as part of the Newcastle West Gate New Deal for Communities was

19


consulted. This study did not focus exclusively on refugees and asylum seekers, but its methods helped to inform the present study (All of the above reports were located from a study by Philimore and Goodson 2001). Since the present study was undertaken, a similar project, sponsored by the Scottish Executive (2004) has reported its results. The questionnaire adopted by this study was broadly similar in scope to the present study, although its funding level allowed for more detailed exploration of qualification and skill backgrounds than the present study. Similarities in the construction of these questionnaires does allow for some comparison between the studies however and will provide some opportunities for testing the accuracy of data in this study. The questionnaire used in this study did not just seek to explore skills and qualifications of asylum seekers and refugees. Additionally, the research instrument was constructed to gain insights into the experiences of asylum seekers and refugees in Middlesbrough and gain a clearer understanding of their attitudes about the town. This section of the questionnaire was informed by earlier research undertaken by the Social Futures Institute (Webster, Neil and Sapsford 2003) on community cohesion in Middlesbrough. In this report, qualitative evidence from this earlier study will be reported to enrich further the questionnaire results. 2.3

Characteristics of the Sample Analysis was undertaken using the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS). Initial analysis of the questionnaires revealed that the sample did not match the data presented above on Middlesbrough's asylum population precisely. However, responses were gained from the top ten countries of origin as recorded by Middlesbrough Borough Council. It should be noted that when asylum seekers arrive in Middlesbrough, demographic information is only collected from the main applicant, consequently it is not possible to determine if the sample used in this report is fully representative of that in Middlesbrough as a whole. A total of 99 questionnaires were completed and returned. The characteristics of the sample are as follows. Interviews were undertaken with 58 men and 41 women. The age profile indicates that nearly half of the respondents were aged between twenty-six and thirty five years, about one fifth were aged between eighteen and twenty five years, about one fifth were aged between 36 and 45. Only 12 per cent of the sample were aged over 46 years. These figures are disaggregated by gender and are recorded Table 2.1 As Table 2.2 shows, over half of the respondents were married; amongst this group, however, only 42 per cent were currently living with their partners. One person reported that their partner lived elsewhere in the United Kingdom, while the remaining eleven reported

20



that their partners still lived in their home country. Twelve members of the sample were divorced, separated or widowed. Almost 60 per cent of the respondents had at least one child living with them in Middlesbrough, over 90 per cent of these respondents reported that they had at least one child living with them under the age of sixteen, a further 20 per cent of the sample had children aged over sixteen living with them. In total, our respondents had 102 children living with them in Middlesbrough at the time of study. Table 2.1 Age and Gender Profile of Sample (frequencies) ______________________________________________________________ Age cohort

Men

Women

All

______________________________________________________________ 18-25 26-35 36-45 46-55 56-65

10 31 11 6 0

10 15 10 4 2

20 46 21 10 2

Total

58

41

99

______________________________________________________________

Table 2.2

Marital Status and Number of Children Living with Respondents (frequencies)

__________________________________________________________________________ Marital status

Men

Women

Number of children living with respondents None

1 or 2

3 or more

__________________________________________________________________________ Single (never married)

24

8

8

6

0

Married and living with Partner

23

20

1

20

4

Partner lives Elsewhere

7

5

7

2

3

Divorced/ separated/ Widowed

3

7

4

5

1

Totals 57 42 20 33 8 __________________________________________________________________________

Respondents were drawn from diverse backgrounds. The five most represented countries can be seen in Table 2.3. A total of 28 countries of origin were recorded. Four respondents did not respond to this

21


question. For analytical purposes these 28 countries of origin were reclassified into six categories. These are listed in Table 2.4. Table 2.3

Principal Countries of Origin of Respondents (frequencies)

__________________________________________________________________________ Country of Origin Number of respondents __________________________________________________________________________ Zimbabwe Sri Lanka Iran Iraq Pakistan

9 9 15 7 6

______________________________________________________________

Table 2.4

Reclassified Countries of Origin into Area of Origin (frequencies)

_________________________________________________________________________ Area of Origin Number of respondents __________________________________________________________________________ Africa South Asia Europe Middle East Other No information

39 16 9 30 1 4

Total 99 __________________________________________________________________________

Table 2.5. Religion of Respondents (frequencies) _____________________________________________________________ Religion

Number of respondents

_____________________________________________________________ Christian Muslim Hindu Buddhist None No Information

37 48 5 3 5 1

Total

99

_____________________________________________________________

22



To gain a clearer indication of the ethnic background of respondents we invited them to state their religion. As Table 2.5 shows, only one respondent refused to provide this information and a further five respondents stated that they had no religion. These statistics can be usefully contextualised with reference to 2001 Census data for Middlesbrough. Approximately 79 per cent of the population of Middlesbrough are Christian, this is slightly higher than the national average of 76 per cent. The Muslim population is also slightly higher than the national average at four percent, compared with three per cent nationally. However the percentage of people in Middlesbrough who report having no religion is lower than the national average (10 per cent as opposed to 15 per cent). For all the other religions that are listed the percentage in Middlesbrough is lower than the national average (National Statistics on Line). The ethnic composition of the sample is reported in Table 1.6. Those respondents who recorded their ethnicity as 'other' were reclassified where enough data were available reliably to do so into these categories. The diversity of ethnicity, religion and area of origin of the respondents suggests that considerable caution should be used in the analysis of these data. Muslim respondents, for example, have arrived in Britain from Africa (11), South Asia (6), Europe (7) and the Middle East (21). Furthermore, Muslims recorded their race/ethnicity as follows: White (4), South Asian (18), Arab (6), Persian (3), Kurdish (5) and Black African (5). The diversity of the sample suggests that it is not possible to draw broad conclusions about the impact of nationality, ethnicity or religion in this research. It is also evident, therefore, that in order to draw generalisable conclusions about such factors would require the collection of a very large data set, possibly at a national level, if cell sizes could be maintained when variables were crosstabulated. While it is common practice to adopt statistical tests to measure the reliability of small data sets such as this, such an approach cannot be adopted here given the underlying diversity of the data. That said, background analysis of each table in the more substantive finding sections of this report have been undertaken, and where it is appropriate to make broad comments about race/ethnicity, area of origin and religion, we shall do so in order to enrich the complexity of the analysis, but not to form generalisations. Finally, respondents were asked to report upon the status of their claim to asylum. Two respondents did not provide an answer. Of the remainder, 19 had been granted Indefinite Leave to Remain (ILR) or Exceptional Leave to Remain (ELR), three had been granted Humanitarian Protection and two had been granted Discretionary Leave to Remain. A total of 70 respondents were still awaiting a decision, two were at the second appeal stage and one had been refused asylum. Background analysis reveals that the 24 respondents

23


who had been given permission to stay in this country were from fifteen different countries.

Table 2.6 Ethnicity, Religion and Area of Origin (frequencies) _____________________________________________________________ Race

Religion

Area of Origin Africa

N=

South Europe Middle Asia East

____________________________________________________________ White

Christian Muslim

Mixed race

Christian

South Asian

Buddhist Christian Hindu Muslim

1

Arab

Muslim

2

Persian

Buddhist Christian Muslim None

2

Kurdish

Black African Total

1 4 1

Muslim None Christian Muslim

1 4 1

1 3 4 6

9

1 4 4 18

4

6

7 3 1

2 7 3 1

1 2

5 1 21 10 37

5 1 21 10

15

7

30

89

______________________________________________________________ As Table 2.8 demonstrates, of 24 respondents (14 men and 10 women) with ILR or ELR, 76 per cent wish to remain in Middlesbrough, four do not wish to remain in Middlesbrough and one person did not know where they wished to stay. Amongst these 24 refugees, 15 were Christian, 6 Muslim, 2 Buddhist and 1 Hindu. Five of this group are currently in employment and a further seven are looking for employment, the remainder did not give information regarding their employment status.

24



Table 2.8

Demographic Details of Respondents with Permission to Remain in UK (frequencies)

Country of origin

N=

Number of children

In Work

Sex

Looking for work Male

Algeria Bangladesh Colombia Congo Ethiopia Iran Iraq Ivory Coast

1 1 1 1 1 4 1 1

Liberia Pakistan Sri lanka Sudan Togo Uganda Zimbabwe

2 1 2 1 2 1 4

TOTAL

24

Table 2.9

1 2 2

1

1 1 2 1 1

3

1

1

Female

Yes

1 1 1

1

3

Stay in Middlesbrough

1

2 1 2

No

1 1 1 1 1 4

2

1 1

1

1 1

1 1 1 1 2

1

2 1 2

1 2

2

2

2

1 2

2

1 2

17

5

7

14

10

19

5

1

1 2

Demographic Details of Respondents with Permission to Remain in UK by area of origin

Country of origin

Number

No. of children


Employment status In work

Looking for work

Disallowed

Yes

No

9 5

5 1

4 0

6 1

10 4

4 0

2

3

0

3

2

5

1

10

17

6

7

9

19

5

Male

Female

African South Asian Middle East

9 1

6 2

4

Total

14

The remaining 73 respondents in this study were still awaiting a decision regarding their refugee status at the time of interview. Of these 57 per cent are male and 43 per cent are female, in total they had 73 children living with them in Middlesbrough. Four of the asylum seekers reported that they are currently employed, having gained permission to

25


work prior to 23rd July 2002. Amongst the remaining asylum seekers with permission to work, seven were currently looking for work. Amongst the remaining members of the sample, 50 reported that they did not have permission to work, and nine did not provide any other information.

Table 2.10

Demographic Details of Respondents Awaiting Decision on Refugee Status by Area of Origin

Country of origin

Number

Looking for work

Disallowed

Yes

No

21

-

2

21

20

4

7

14

-

2

10

11

2

14

8

34

1

1

13

10

10

5

4

12

1

1

6

7

2

40

29

81

2

6

50

48

18

Female

African

15

9

South Asian

6

Middle East

Total


Employment status In work

Male

European

No. of children

Turning, finally, to the period of residence in Britain, 19 per cent of the whole sample of asylum seekers and refugees had been in Britain for less than one year, 37 per cent between one and three years, 32 per cent between three and five years. These figures are summarised in Figure 2.1.

26



Figure 2.1

Period of Residence in UK and Middlesbrough

40

38 37

35 32

30

25 21

21

UK

Number 20

MBRO

14

15

12

10

8 7 4

5

0